• #Liban, un pays dans la tourmente

    Comment le Liban, « la Suisse de l’Orient », a-t-il sombré dans le chaos ? Alors que la double explosion du 4 août dernier dans le port de Beyrouth a remis au jour la gabegie et la corruption de la classe politique qui gangrènent cet Etat d’Asie occidentale, ce documentaire remonte le cours tourmenté de l’histoire de cette jeune nation à l’identité forgée par 18 communautés religieuses. En donnant la parole à des membres des services de renseignement, à des journalistes et à des artistes, il montre comment ce pays, au cœur des enjeux géopolitiques depuis sa création, s’est retrouvé piégé dans la poudrière du Moyen-Orient.

    –-> documentaire que j’ai regardé sur arte, mais qui n’est plus disponible sur leur site web (et pas trouvé sur youtube non plus).
    Une présentation du documentaire ici :

    https://www.moustique.be/27227/liban-un-pays-dans-la-tourmente

    #documentaire #film_documentaire
    #guerre_civile #camps_de_réfugiés #réfugiés_palestiniens #Arafat #histoire #Empire_ottoman #OLP #Israël #détournement_d'avions #guerre_des_six_jours #Moyen-Orient #Union_soviétique #Syrie #religion #massacres #nettoyages_ethniques #nettoyage_ethnique #Beyrouth #Hafez_al-Assad #Falanges #Bachir_Gemayel #Menahem_Begin #fragmentation #milices #Armée_du_Liban_Sud (#ALS) #Ariel_Sharon #Galilée #Paix_en_Galilée #invasion_israélienne #Philip_Habib #Sabra_et_Chatila #massacre_de_Sabra_et_Chatila #armes #USA #Etats-Unis #attentats-suicides #Hezbollah #Iran #enlèvements #violence #Ronald_Reagan #accord_de_Taëf #Rafik_Hariri #Hassan_Nasrallah #Bachar_al-Assad #révolution_du_Cèdre #guerre_du_Liban

    • Τσιμεντένιο τείχος και στο καμπ της Νέας Καβάλας

      Τι γυρεύει ένα τσιμεντένιο τείχος γύρω από τα καμπ των προσφύγων ; Είναι ένα ερώτημα που έρχεται αυθόρμητα στο νου με αφορμή την ανέγερση τειχών στα Διαβατά και στη Νέα Καβάλα.

      Μετά το δημοσίευμα του alterthess για την ανέγερση ψηλού φράχτη στα Διαβατά, την μελέτη, τον διαγωνισμό και την κατασκευή της οποίας έχει αναλάβει ο ΔΟΜ, οι πληροφορίες για αντίστοιχους φράχτες στη Νέα Καβάλα επιβεβαιώνονται και μάλιστα με τον χειρότερο δυνατό ενδεχόμενο.

      Ενώ αρχικά οι πληροφορίες έκαναν λόγο για συρμάτινους φράχτες, στη Νέα Καβάλα, όπως δείχνουν και οι φωτογραφίες που δημοσιεύουμε σήμερα, ανεγείρεται τσιμεντένιο τείχος το οποίο θα περιβληθεί με σύρμα, καθιστώντας το « σπίτι » των 1.400 περίπου προσφύγων μια πραγματική φυλακή.

      Σαν να μην έφτανε ο αποκλεισμός τους από τον αστικό ιστό, από την εκπαίδευση και από βασικά δικαιώματα, τώρα θα πρέπει να ζουν σε τοπίο τραμπικής έμπνευσης που θα τους κρύβει και την οπτική επαφή με τον « έξω » κόσμο.

      Μάλιστα, σύμφωνα με πληροφορίες, οι πρόσφυγες δεν έχουν ενημερωθεί από τους αρμόδιους διοικητές των καμπ για την εξέλιξη αυτή, απλά συνειδητοποιούν καθημερινά -ακόμη και τις μέρες του Πάσχα- ότι υψώνονται νέα τείχη διαχωρισμού τους από την υπόλοιπη κοινωνία.

      Σύμφωνα με ρεπορτάζ του Δημήτρη Αγγελίδη από την Εφημερίδα των Συντακτών, εργασίες περίφραξης με τσιμεντένιο τείχος έχουν ξεκινήσει και στην Ριτσώνα ενώ στην προκήρυξη του ΔΟΜ αναφέρεται ότι αντίστοιχο τείχος θα φτιαχτεί και στο καμπ της Μαλακάσας.

      Βασικό μέλημα της κυβέρνησης είναι, όπως φαίνεται, αφενός να μετατρέψει τα προσφυγικά καμπ από ανοιχτού σε ουσιαστικά κλειστού τύπου, μετατρέποντας την έξοδο και την είσοδο των προσφύγων από τους καταυλισμούς σε μία πλήρως ελεγχόμενη διαδικασία. Αφετέρου, επιδιώκει να αποκλείσει τις αφίξεις οικογενειών προσφύγων που ολοένα και περισσότερες μένουν άστεγες λόγω της πολιτικής των εξώσεων που ακολουθεί η κυβέρνηση τους τελευταίους μήνες.

      Είναι, επίσης, αδιανόητο να ξοδεύονται εκατομμύρια ευρώ τα οποία θα μπορούσαν να δοθούν στη βελτίωση της στέγασης και φροντίδας των ανθρώπων αυτών σε σύρματα και τσιμέντα για καμπ που θα μοιάζουν με κέντρα κράτησης.

      Σταυρούλα Πουλημένη


      https://alterthess.gr/tsimentenio-teichos-kai-sto-kamp-tis-neas-kavalas

  • Scandée et destructrice : dans les camps nazis, la musique comme châtiment
    https://www.francemusique.fr/culture-musicale/scandee-imposee-destructrice-dans-les-camps-nazis-la-musique-comme-ins

    Un article passionnant.

    « On se dit toujours que la musique permettait de résister : il y a un peu une fantasmagorie construite autour de ça. » C’est ce qu’explique Élise Petit, docteure et musicologue, qui enseigne l’Histoire de la musique au département de musicologie de l’université de Grenoble. Grâce à ses recherches et à un travail de documentation minutieux, l’historienne s’est rendue compte que les usages de la musique étaient plus souvent contraints et militaires que clandestins et résistants. Marches forcées, diffusion par haut-parleurs lors d’exécutions... La musique a été utilisée massivement par les dirigeants des camps, et servait avant tout à faire « fonctionner au mieux la machine concentrationnaire et la machine de mort. »

    #Camps_concentration #Musique #Torture

  • Greece, #Chios island : Fire destroys 15 tents in the #RIC of #VIAL

    Today, April 5 2021, 15 tents were completely destroyed after a fire broke out in the Reception and Identification Centre of Vial, on the Greek Island of Chios. The fire caused serious damage to 4 others.
    The fire service of Chios, which intervened to extinguish the fire is investigating the causes of the fire. Fortunately, there were no injuries to either refugees or firefighters.
    Such incidents are all too common and destroy scarce possessions, threaten lives and re-traumatize vulnerable populations. The frequent outbreak of fires is undeniably a consequence of a border policy which traps people in such inhumane, overcrowded living conditions.
    The new camps under construction are the not the ’answer’ and will not ensure safe and dignified living conditions where people can flourish and thrive.

    https://www.facebook.com/watch/?v=746121826047999

    –—

    Κάηκαν ολοσχερώς 15 σκηνές στην ΒΙΑΛ, ζημιές σε άλλες τέσσερις

    ΕΝΗΜΕΡΩΣΗ 13:23 Δεκαπέντε σκηνές ολοσχερώς κατεστραμμένες είναι ο τελικός απολογισμός της πυρκαγιάς που ξέσπασε στο κέντρο υποδοχής και ταυτοποίησης της ΒΙΑΛ, την Δευτέρα 5 Απριλίου 2021. Από την φωτιά προκλήθηκαν σοβαρές ζημιές σε άλλες τέσσερις σκηνές.

    Από τη πυροσβεστική υπηρεσία Χίου, που επενέβη για την κατάσβεση της φωτιάς με 15 άνδρες και πέντε οχήματα, διερευνώνται τα αίτια της φωτιάς, ενώ επισημαίνεται ότι εκείνη την ώρα επικρατούσε ηρεμία στον χώρο του ΚΥΤ.

    Από την πυρκαγιά δεν υπήρξαν τραυματισμοί μεταξύ προσφύγων και μεταναστών ή των πυροσβεστών.

    ΕΝΗΜΕΡΩΣΗ 12:53

    Φωτιά ξέσπασε μετά τις 12 το μεσημέρι της Δευτέρας, 5 Απριλίου 2021, σε σκηνές στο κέντρο υποδοχής και ταυτοποίησης της ΒΙΑΛ, χωρίς να έχει γίνει μέχρι στιγμής η αιτία από την οποία ξεκίνησε η φωτιά.

    Για την κατάσβεση της φωτιάς επενέβησαν ισχυρές δυνάμεις της πυροσβεστικής υπηρεσίας Χίου.

    Σύμφωνα με τα πρώτα στοιχεία κάηκαν έξι σκηνές, ενώ έγινε γνωστό ότι στο ΚΥΤ επικρατούσε ηρεμία εκείνη την ώρα μεταξύ των προσφύγων και μεταναστών που διαμένουν στο ΚΥΤ.

    https://astraparis.gr/kaikan-apo-fotia-exi-skines-stin-vial

    #asile #migrations #réfugiés #camps_de_réfugiés #feu #incendie #vidéo

    –—

    ajouté à la métaliste des incendies dans les camps de réfugiés, notamment en Grèce :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/851143

  • L’UE alloue 276 millions d’euros à la Grèce et appelle la Turquie à reprendre les migrants déboutés

    La commissaire européenne Ylva Johansson a appelé lundi, de l’île grecque de #Lesbos, la « Turquie à réadmettre d’urgence les migrants » renvoyés de Grèce, assurant par ailleurs que l’Union européenne allait allouer 276 millions d’euros à la construction de nouveaux camps d’accueil en #mer_Egée.

    La commissaire européenne aux Affaires intérieures chargée des migrations s’est rendue sur place pour pousser le gouvernement grec à agir plus rapidement en vue de l’ouverture avant l’hiver prochain de tels camps sur cette île, ainsi que sur celles de #Samos, #Chios, #Leros et #Kos, et à améliorer les #conditions_d'hébergement des quelque 14.000 demandeurs d’asile qui s’y trouvent.

    Ylva Johansson a par ailleurs exhorté la Turquie « à réadmettre d’urgence les migrants » renvoyés de Grèce, tandis que les présidents de la Commission européenne, Ursula von der Leyen, et du Conseil européen Charles Michel se rendront à Ankara le 6 avril pour rencontrer le président Recep Tayyip Erdogan.

    Le ministre grec des Migrations Notis Mitarachi a rappelé lundi que la Grèce avait demandé à la Turquie de reprendre sur son territoire 1.450 personnes qui avaient été déboutées du droit d’asile sur les #îles grecques.

    La commissaire européenne a en outre souligné que « la question migratoire devait être européanisée » et qu’il ne fallait pas laisser les Etats membres aux #frontières_extérieures de l’UE seuls face à la gestion de cette crise. Elle a jugé « impératif » de trouver « de nouvelles #solutions_politiques » pour partager le #fardeau entre les pays européens, estimant que « depuis trois ans, il n’y a pas eu de progrès » en ce sens. Elle a dit « comprendre » que « la patience a ses limites » et qu’à Lesbos, notamment, "la limite était « proche ».

    Illustration de la #colère des insulaires, Ylva Johansson a été confrontée à la fronde de 300 habitants de Lesbos qui ont manifesté devant le bâtiment où se déroulait sa conférence de presse pour s’opposer à la mise en place d’un nouveau camp.

    « Non aux structures sur l’île », pouvait-on lire sur une banderole déployée avant l’arrivée de la commissaire européenne et du ministre grec des Migrations. Lors de la même conférence de presse, Notis Mitarachi a annoncé que les camps de Samos, Kos et Leros ouvriraient d’ici trois mois. Les autres avant décembre 2021, a-t-il dit à l’AFP.

    Le gouvernement avait promis il y a longtemps un nouveau camp pour remplacer celui de #Moria, détruit en septembre dans un incendie, mais sa construction s’était heurtée à l’opposition de la population et des autorités locales, lassées par la présence des demandeurs d’asile sur leur île depuis la crise migratoire de 2015. Le nouveau camp de Lesbos doit voir le jour dans la localité de #Pali, à une demi-heure de route de la capitale de cette île, Mytilène. Depuis l’incendie de Moria, quelque 8.000 migrants sont toujours regroupés dans des installations provisoires où leurs #conditions_de_vie ont été extrêmement difficiles cet hiver.

    La Grèce doit enquêter

    Interrogée sur les accusations de refoulements de migrants par les garde-côtes grecs en mer Egée, Ylva Johansson a estimé que « la Grèce peut faire plus en matière d’investigations ».

    « Il y a des cas particuliers qui, je le pense vraiment, doivent être examinés de près », a-t-elle exhorté, se disant « très préoccupée » par les rapports établis par le Haut-Commissariat aux Réfugiés de l’ONU.
    « Nous devons protéger nos frontières extérieures et nous devons protéger les droits fondamentaux, cela va de pair, ce n’est pas une contradiction », a-t-elle poursuivi.

    Les autorités grecques ont été accusées ces derniers mois par des ONG et dans des enquêtes parues dans de nombreux médias d’avoir forcé des migrants présents en mer Egée à retourner dans les eaux territoriales turques sans déposer de demandes d’asile en Grèce, en violation du droit international. « Nous n’avons pas renvoyé de bateaux. Nous avons empêché des bateaux d’entrer sur le territoire grec et européen, ce qui est permis », avait récemment assuré dans un entretien avec l’AFP Notis Mitarachi.

    Lundi, il a de nouveau apporté un démenti à ce sujet, insistant sur le fait que des enquêtes menées par l’Union européenne et l’agence Frontex n’avaient conclu à « aucune infraction à des droits fondamentaux dans les cas qui ont été examinés ».

    https://www.lorientlejour.com/article/1256960/lue-va-allouer-276-millions-deuros-pour-la-construction-de-camps-de-m

    #asile #migrations #réfugiés #Grèce #UE #EU #aide_financière #déboutés #Turquie #réadmission #camps_de_réfugiés #nouveaux_camps #encampement #européanisation

    ping @isskein @karine4

  • États d’Urgence, Une histoire spatiale du continuum colonial français - Léopold Lambert | Premiers Matins de Novembre Éditions
    https://www.pmneditions.com/product/etats-d-urgence-une-histoire-spatiale-du-continuum-colonial-francais-le

    Une histoire spatiale du continuum colonial français - Léopold Lambert
    €18.00

    États d’Urgence, Une histoire spatiale du continuum colonial français - Léopold Lambert

    Préfaces de Nacira Guénif-Souilamas et de Anthony Tutugoro

    Loi contre-révolutionnaire par excellence, l’état d’urgence lie les trois espaces-temps de la Révolution algérienne de 1954-1962, l’insurrection kanak de 1984-1988 et le soulèvement des quartiers populaires en France de 2005.
    Cet ouvrage revient en détails sur chacune de ces trois applications ainsi que celle, plus récente de 2015 à nos jours, en tentant de construire des ponts entre chacune. Dans cette étude, l’auteur utilise le concept de continuum colonial tant dans sa dimension temporelle que géographique. En son sein circulent notamment un certain nombre d’officiers militaires et hauts fonctionnaires coloniaux, mais aussi des populations immigrées et des révolutionnaires.

    Architecte de formation, l’auteur ancre sa lecture dans la dimension spatiale de l’état d’urgence en liant aussi bien les camps de regroupement en Algérie, la ville blanche de Nouméa, les commissariats de banlieues françaises, que la Casbah d’Alger, les tribus kanak ou encore les bidonvilles de Nanterre.

    336 pages
    Sortie nationale 30 avril 2021
    Précommandes ouvertes !

    #colonialisme #Algérie #Kanaky #histoire_coloniale

  • Ανθρωποι και ποντίκια στη ΒΙΑΛ

    Το στρατόπεδο συγκέντρωσης της ΒΙΑΛ στη Χίο αποτελεί ντροπή όχι μόνο για την Ευρώπη, αλλά για την ίδια την ανθρωπότητα ● 1.800 πρόσφυγες, από μωρά μέχρι ηλικιωμένους ανθρώπους, ζουν σε διαλυμένες σκηνές ανάμεσα σε ποτάμια από ακαθαρσίες, βουνά από σκουπίδια, ποντίκια και κουφάρια ζώων ● Το « σταδιακό κλείσιμο » της δομής που είχε υποσχεθεί η κυβέρνηση έχει ξεχαστεί και οι άνθρωποι έχουν καταδικαστεί στην εξαθλίωση και στον εξευτελισμό.

    Ο προσφυγικός καταυλισμός ή αλλιώς το Κέντρο Υποδοχής και Ταυτοποίησης, όπως κατ’ ευφημισμόν έχει ονομαστεί, είναι ουσιαστικά ένας βούρκος. Ενας βούρκος όπου, λόγω και των σκληρών καιρικών συνθηκών, μεθοδικά η κυβέρνηση μετατρέπει σε αντικείμενα τους πρόσφυγες στερώντας τους κάθε έννοια αξιοπρέπειας και ανθρώπινης υπόστασης.

    Εχοντας εξασφαλίσει την πλήρη ανοχή -αν όχι και συνενοχή- της Ευρωπαϊκής Ενωσης και των δύο μεγάλων διεθνών οργανισμών, της Υπατης Αρμοστείας του ΟΗΕ (UNHCR) και του Διεθνούς Οργανισμού Μετανάστευσης (ΔΟΜ), με συνοπτικές διαδικασίες τούς καταδίκασε να ζουν σε συνθήκες αβίωτες ακόμα και για τα κατοικίδιά μας. Εκατοντάδες πρόσφυγες αυτή τη στιγμή στη ΒΙΑΛ προσπαθούν να επιβιώσουν σε αυτοσχέδιες σκηνές, φτιαγμένες με ό,τι διαθέσιμο υλικό βρεθεί πρόχειρο.

    Κατεστραμμένες σκηνές της Υπατης Αρμοστείας, χοντρό πλαστικό από συσκευασίες υλικών, σακούλες σκουπιδιών, απορρίμματα οικοδομών έχουν δεθεί και καρφωθεί πρόχειρα πάνω σε κλαδιά δέντρων ή ξύλα πολυκαιρισμένα και στεγάζουν την πλειονότητα των 1.800 ανθρώπων που ζουν εδώ και μήνες εγκλωβισμένοι στη ΒΙΑΛ και συγκεκριμένα στα χωράφια γύρω από το κεντρικό κτίριο.

    Ελάχιστοι είναι αυτοί που ζουν σε κοντέινερ, τα οποία πλέον στεγάζουν κυρίως υπηρεσίες και τις ελάχιστες ΜΚΟ που συνεχίζουν να δίνουν το « παρών » στην κόλαση της ΒΙΑΛ. Πού και πού μέσα στη ζούγκλα από αυτοσχέδιες σκηνές μπορεί να δεις κάποιο κοντέινερ μέσα στο οποίο συνήθως στοιβάζονται παραπάνω από δύο οικογένειες. Πρόκειται για τους τυχερούς/ές του στρατοπέδου.

    Η κυβέρνηση, θέλοντας να κατευνάσει τους κατοίκους του γειτονικού χωριού Χαλκειούς, ξήλωσε πάρα πολλά κοντέινερ υποσχόμενη το « σταδιακό κλείσιμο της ΒΙΑΛ » και τα μοίρασε δεξιά και αριστερά. Δύο από αυτά κατέληξαν στο Νοσοκομείο Χίου προκειμένου να μετατραπούν σε θαλάμους ασθενών Covid και τοποθετήθηκαν στο προαύλιο του ιδρύματος.

    Οι ελάχιστες χημικές τουαλέτες βρίσκονται στα όρια του καμπ σε ένα ανηφορικό σημείο. Πολύ συχνά υπερχειλίζουν καθώς είναι αδύνατον να εξυπηρετήσουν αυτόν τον πληθυσμό. Η πλαγιά κάτω από τις τουαλέτες είναι γεμάτη σκηνές, μέσα στις οποίες καταλήγουν τα κόπρανα και τα ούρα. Μερικές από τις τουαλέτες στερούνται πόρτας. Η μία πόρτα ξηλώθηκε και μετατράπηκε σε δομικό στοιχείο μιας καλύβας, ενώ άλλη μία χημική τουαλέτα « ιδιωτικοποιήθηκε » αφού, με τον νόμο της ζούγκλας να κυριαρχεί, μεταφέρθηκε στον αύλειο χώρο μιας σκηνής και πλέον εξυπηρετεί τις ανάγκες των ενοίκων της συγκεκριμένης φαμίλιας.

    Πρόσφατα, μέλη του Δικτύου Αλληλεγγύης Κοινωνικών Ιατρείων επισκέφτηκαν τον καταυλισμό, καταφέρνοντας να ξεπεράσουν τις αυστηρές εντολές απομόνωσης οι οποίες εκδόθηκαν δήθεν για προστασία από την εξάπλωση του κορονοϊού, αλλά με αντικειμενικό στόχο να κρατήσουν μακριά τις ανεπιθύμητες παρουσίες και κυρίως τον φωτογραφικό φακό.

    « Προχωρώντας μέσα στη ζούγκλα παρατηρούμε μπουκάλια νερού τα οποία μέσα έχουν ένα κίτρινο υγρό. Το κίτρινο αυτό υγρό είναι ούρα. Οι άνθρωποι αποφεύγουν να επισκεφτούν τις τουαλέτες και επιλέγουν να ουρούν μέσα σε μπουκάλια, τα οποία τοποθετούν έξω από τις άθλιες σκηνές τους προκειμένου να τα πετάξουν την επόμενη μέρα. Συνεχίζουμε τη δυστοπική μας περιήγηση, αλλά το βάδισμα γίνεται όλο και πιο δύσκολο. Η βροχή έχει επιδεινώσει την κατάσταση. Ισορροπούμε με δυσκολία επάνω σε σπασμένες παλέτες και οι διάδρομοι ανάμεσα στις σκηνές είναι στενοί, ίσα που χωρούν τα σώματά μας. Κάτω από τις μισοβυθισμένες στη λάσπη παλέτες περνούν ποντίκια.

    Κάποια στιγμή βγαίνουμε σε ένα σημείο πιο ανοιχτό. Εκεί ένας πρόσφυγας σκυμμένος στο χώμα προσπαθεί να καθαρίσει τα παπούτσια του από τις λάσπες, ενώ δίπλα του συνεχίζουν να περνούν ποντίκια. Ανθρωποι και ποντίκια συνυπάρχουν αρμονικά. Κανείς πια δεν διαμαρτύρεται. Οι άνθρωποι έπαψαν να τα σιχαίνονται και τα ποντίκια έπαψαν να τους φοβούνται. Παιδιά ξεπροβάλλουν μέσα από τις σκηνές σκυθρωπά. Είναι η μόνη φορά που βλέπουμε παιδιά να μην παίζουν. Τα παιδιά συνήθως παντού και πάντα, ακόμα και κάτω από τις πλέον άθλιες συνθήκες, βρίσκουν τρόπους να επιβιώνουν. Είναι ευρηματικά, μπορούν να παίζουν ώρες ολόκληρες με ένα κουτάκι από αναψυκτικό » αναφέρουν.

    Η απελπισία όμως στη ΒΙΑΛ έχει όνομα. Και πρόσωπο. Είναι του εφτάχρονου παιδιού το οποίο το μεσημέρι στις 11/2 ανέβηκε στην ταράτσα του κεντρικού κτιρίου της ΒΙΑΛ και απειλούσε να αυτοκτονήσει πέφτοντας από έξι-εφτά μέτρα ύψος. Ενα μέτρο για κάθε χρόνο ζωής που μετράει. Με την παρέμβαση κοινωνικών λειτουργών, ψυχολόγων και αστυνομικών πείστηκε να κατέβει.

    « Οι εικόνες φρίκης διαδέχονται η μία την άλλη » σημειώνουν τα μέλη του Δικτύου Κοινωνικών Ιατρείων, που κατάφεραν να βγάλουν μερικές φωτογραφίες στα κλεφτά. « Σωροί σκουπιδιών, κόπρανα, ούρα, ψόφια ζώα και παρ’ όλο που φοράμε μάσκες η δυσοσμία τις διαπερνά. “Βλέπεις τις γάτες ;” ψελλίζει ένας πρόσφυγας. “Είναι χορτάτες από τα σκουπίδια, γι’ αυτό και δεν κυνηγούν τα ποντίκια”. Στα χωράφια που βρίσκονται έξω από το κτίριο του ΚΥΤ μέσα στις λάσπες βρίσκονται κάποιες σκηνές. Από εκεί ξεπροβάλλει ένα κοριτσάκι, αναμαλλιασμένο και βρόμικο. Φοράει ένα ζευγάρι αντρικές σαγιονάρες, μεγαλύτερες από το μπόι του. Ψαχνόμαστε να του δώσουμε κάτι, αν και το ίδιο δεν μας ζητά τίποτα, απλώς μας κοιτάζει. Προσφέρουμε κάτι, περισσότερο από αμηχανία, εκείνο δεν μιλά και απομακρύνεται, μπαίνει σε μια σκηνή. Ο πατέρας κλείνει την πόρτα πίσω και αυτή είναι η μοναδική φωτογραφία πρόσφυγα που καταφέρνουμε να κλέψουμε, την πλάτη αυτού του πατέρα. Σε μια στιγμή που εκείνος δεν μας κοιτά. Τα υπόλοιπα τα ξέρουμε, δεν χρειάζονται, είναι περιττά. Οτιδήποτε επιπλέον θα ήταν φλυαρία, πλεονασμός και κίνδυνος για αυτούς τους ανθρώπους να χάσουν την αξιοπρέπειά τους. Αν ψάξετε φωτογραφία του μικρού κοριτσιού, δεν θα βρείτε. Η εξαθλίωση δεν μπορεί απλά και μόνο να απαθανατίζεται, οι άνθρωποι δεν είναι θέαμα ».
    Δεν διεκδικούν πια

    Και συνεχίζουν την περιγραφή της φρίκης : « Ολα αυτά είναι η “κανονικότητα” των στρατοπέδων συγκέντρωσης. Οι άνθρωποι που έχουν καταδικαστεί να διαμένουν σε αυτά φαίνεται πως έχουν πάψει να διεκδικούν και υπομένουν καρτερικά το τέλος. Είτε αυτό είναι η έγκριση του ασύλου, είτε η απέλασή τους, είτε ο ίδιος ο θάνατος. Οτιδήποτε από αυτά τα τρία φαντάζει καλύτερο από αυτό που βιώνουν τώρα. Και τίποτα από τα τρία δεν είναι σε θέση να το διεκδικήσουν. Εξαρτάται από τη βούληση και το “έλεος” των θυτών. Οι θύτες αστυνομικοί και εκπρόσωποι των πολυεθνικών οργανισμών και του υπουργείου, που διοικούν την κόλαση αυτή, είναι εξίσου απαθείς, μηχανικοί στις κινήσεις τους. Αυτό που κυριαρχεί ως γενική αίσθηση είναι ότι έχει δολοφονηθεί το ανθρώπινο στοιχείο και έχει απανθρωποποιηθεί η κοινωνική σύμβαση μεταξύ θυτών και θυμάτων ».
    Ο πληθυσμός

    Αυτή τη στιγμή ο πληθυσμός που στοιβάζεται στο ΚΥΤ ανέρχεται στους 1.800. Μόλις πριν από λίγες ημέρες ξεπερνούσε τις 3.000. Μέσα σε σύντομο χρονικό διάστημα δόθηκε το πράσινο φως από τον υπουργό Μετανάστευσης και Ασύλου να μετακινηθεί ένα σημαντικό μέρος προς την ηπειρωτική Ελλάδα.

    « Οι άνθρωποι αυτοί κρατούνταν εντελώς εκδικητικά στο νησί, αν και είχαν περάσει από τη διαδικασία της συνέντευξης και είχαν επίσημα αποκτήσει προσφυγικό στάτους. Ανθρωποι εγκλωβισμένοι από τις αρχές τους 2019 εντελώς αναίτια. Η εντολή αυτή της fast track μετακίνησης δεν δόθηκε επειδή ξαφνικά ο Νότης Μηταράκης απέκτησε ευαισθησίες » υποστηρίζουν τα μέλη του Δικτύου και εξηγούν :

    « Το τελευταίο διάστημα τόσο στη Χίο όσο και στα υπόλοιπα νησιά γίνεται μια προσπάθεια να πειστούν οι κάτοικοι των νησιών για την αναγκαιότητα δημιουργίας κλειστών στρατοπέδων. Κάθε φορά υποδεικνύεται και ένα διαφορετικό μέρος από τους τοπικούς άρχοντες, σε συνεννόηση με τον υπουργό, αλλά κάθε φορά οι κάτοικοι αντιδρούν. Οι αντιδράσεις αυτές προέρχονται από ανθρώπους με διαφορετικές πολιτικές και ιδεολογικές αφετηρίες. Ολες και όλοι θυμόμαστε τη μετάβαση των ΜΑΤ του Χρυσοχοΐδη πριν από περίπου έναν χρόνο και τις σκηνές πρωτόγνωρου τραμπουκισμού που έζησαν οι κάτοικοι των νησιών. Είδαμε τους άντρες των ΜΑΤ μέχρι και την τελευταία στιγμή, λίγο πριν αποβιβαστούν στο καράβι της επιστροφής, να σπάνε και να καταστρέφουν αυτοκίνητα κατοίκων του νησιού ».

    Οπως λένε οι αυτόπτες μάρτυρες, οι φωνές για κατειλημμένα χωράφια είναι προσχηματικές. Στόχο έχουν να αποπροσανατολίσουν τη συζήτηση, βάζοντας στην εξίσωση και το κόστος που πληρώνει η τοπική κοινωνία. « Αλλά κάτι τέτοιο δεν ισχύει. Οι ιδιοκτήτες αποζημιώνονται, ενώ δημιουργήθηκαν και 500 θέσεις εργασίας για ντόπιους » υποστηρίζουν. « Σε μια εποχή κατά την οποία προσπαθούν να αναθεωρήσουν την ιστορία των ναζιστικών εγκλημάτων, επιχειρούν παράλληλα να αποσιωπήσουν το αίσχος των σύγχρονων εγκλημάτων των στρατοπέδων που λειτουργούν υπό την αιγίδα της Ε.Ε. και της ελληνικής κυβέρνησης. Στο πλαίσιο αυτής της πολιτικής επιχειρούν να φιμώσουν εκείνους/ες που καταγγέλλουν, να ποινικοποιήσουν τη δημοσιοποίηση πληροφοριών και φωτογραφιών » καταλήγουν.

    Αλλωστε πρόσφατες και σε εξέλιξη είναι και οι απόπειρες ποινικοποίησης της αλληλεγγύης στη Μυτιλήνη με τη δικογραφία της αστυνομίας εναντίον 35 μελών ΜΚΟ, που ακόμα εκκρεμεί στα εισαγγελικά γραφεία ελλείψει προφανώς ισχυρών ενδείξεων που θα οδηγούσαν σε απαγγελίες κατηγοριών από τις δικαστικές αρχές.

    https://www.efsyn.gr/ellada/koinonia/286381_anthropoi-kai-pontikia-sti-bial

    –------

    Note de Vicky Skoumbi, qui a envoyé ce message via la mailing-list Migreurop :

    J’ai essayé tant bien que mal de rectifier et de compléter la traduction automatique de ce témoignage terrifiant du centre de réception et d’identification de Chios, un camp mérite pleinement sa qualification de ’#camp_de_concentration'. Où on apprend que les résidents du camp n’attendant plus rien que le pire ont renoncé à toute réclamation et revendication, tandis qu’un petit garçon de sept ans finit par tenter de se suicider pour retrouver quelque chose de la valeur et de la dignité de la vie. La #déshumanisation systématique de réfugiés aurait même atteint même ceux qui gèrent le camp qui se comportent comme des automates. Ce témoignage est unique, car toute entrée dans le camp est interdite, et à plus forte raison toute prise de photo. Je vous prie donc de le diffuser le plus largement possible

    –—

    The VIAL (RIC of Chios) concentration camp in Chios is a disgrace not only to Europe but to humanity itself ● 1,800 refugees, from babies to the elderly, live in dilapidated tents between rivers of dirt, mountains of rubbish, mice and animal carcasses ● The “gradual closure” of the structure promised by the government has been forgotten and people have been doomed to misery and humiliation.

    The refugee camp, or Reception and Identification Center, as it is aptly named, is essentially a swampland full of mud. A swamp where, due to the harsh weather conditions, the government methodically turns the refugees into objects, depriving them of any notion of dignity and human condition.

    Having secured the full tolerance - if not complicity - of the European Union and the two major international organizations, the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) and the International Organization for Migration (IOM), by summary proceedings sentenced them to live in conditions that would be still lifeless for our pets. Hundreds of refugees at the moment in VIAL are trying to survive in makeshift tents, made with whatever available material is found.

    Damaged UNHCR tents, thick plastic from packaging materials, rubbish bags, construction waste have been tied up and nailed to old tree branches or wood and house the majority of the 1,800 people who have been living in the north for months and trapped in the north. the main building.

    Few are those who live in containers, which now house mainly services and the few NGOs that continue to operate in the hell of the VIAL RIC. Every now and then in the jungle of makeshift tents you can see a container in which more than two families are usually stacked. These are the lucky ones of the camp.

    The government, wanting to appease the residents of the neighboring village of Chalkios, took away many containers promising the “gradual closure of VIAL” and distributed them here and there. Two of the containers ended up in Chios Hospital in order to be transformed into Covid patient’s wards and placed in the courtyard of the institution.

    The less than few chemical toilets are located on the edge of the camp on an uphill point. They often overflow as it is impossible for such a few number of toilets to serve this population. The slope below the toilets is full of tents, in which feces and urine end up. Some of the toilets do not have a door. One door was demolished and turned into a building block of a hut, while another chemical toilet was “privatized” after, with the law of the jungle prevailing, it was moved to the courtyard of a tent and now serves the needs of the occupants of this tent.

    Recently, members of the Solidarity Network of Social Clinics visited the camp, overcoming the strict isolation orders issued ostensibly to protect against the spread of the coronavirus, but whose the real objective is to keep away the unwanted presence and especially the unwanted faces [ all those who could testify and denounce publicly this horrible situation].

    "Going into the Jungle [the makeshift part of the camp] we notice bottles of water which have a yellow liquid inside. This yellow liquid is urine. People avoid going to the toilets and choose to urinate in bottles, which they place outside their miserable tents in order to throw them away the next day. We continue our dystopian tour, but walking becomes more and more difficult. The rain has worsened the situation. We have difficulty balancing on broken pallets and the corridors between the tents are narrow, just enough to fit our bodies. Mice pass under the half-submerged pallets.

    At some point we go to a more open point. There, a refugee crouching on the ground tries to clean his shoes from the mud, while mice continue to pass by. Humans and mice coexist harmoniously. No one is complaining anymore. People stopped hating them and mice stopped being afraid of them. Children emerge through the scenes sullenly. It is the only time we see children not playing. Children usually everywhere and anytime, even under the most miserable conditions, find ways to survive. They are ingenious, they can play for hours with a can of soft drink "they say.

    But despair in VIAL has a name. And a face. It belongs to a seven-year-old boy who at noon on 11/2 climbed on the roof of the main building of VIAL and threatened to commit suicide by falling from a height of six to seven meters. A meter high for every year of his life. With the intervention of social workers, psychologists and police officers, the child was persuaded to come down.

    “The images of horror follow one another,” note the members of the Network of Social Clinics, who managed to take some photos without being seen. "Piles of rubbish, feces, urine, dead animals and even though we wear masks, the stench pervades them. “Do you see cats?” cries a refugee. “They are full of garbage, that’s why they do not hunt mice.” In the fields outside the RIC building there are some tents in the mud. From there emerges a little girl, disheveled and dirty. She is wearing a pair of men’s flip flops, bigger than herself. We are looking for something to give her, even though she does not ask us for anything, she just looks at us. We offer something, more out of embarrassment, she does not speak and leaves, enters a scene. The father closes the back door and this is the only refugee photo we manage to steal, this father’s back. At a time when he is not looking at us. We know the rest, they are not needed, they are unnecessary. Anything more would be gossip, redundancy and risk for these people to lose their dignity. If you search for a photo of the little girl, you will not find it. “Poverty cannot simply be immortalized, people are not a spectacle.”

    They do not claim anymore

    And they continue to describe the horror: "All this is the ’normality’ of the concentration camps. The people who have been condemned to live in them seem to have stopped claiming and are patiently enduring the end. This could be either the approval of the asylum demand, or their deportation, or even death itself. Any of these three possibilities seems better than what they are experiencing now. And the people that are trapped at the Vial camp are not able to claim any of the three already mentioned. Their future depends on the will and the “mercy” of the perpetrators. The perpetrators, the police and the representatives of the multinational organizations and the ministry, who are responsible for the administration of this hell, are equally apathetic, moving around like automates. “What prevails as a general feeling is that the human element has been assassinated here: the social contract between perpetrators and victims has been completely dehumanized.”

    The population

    Currently the population stacked in the RIC amounts to 1,800. Just a few days ago it exceeded 3,000. A short time before, the Minister of Immigration and Asylum gave the green light to move an important part to mainland Greece.

    “These people were kept completely revengeful on the island, even though they had gone through the interview process and had officially acquired refugee status. People trapped since the beginning of 2019 completely unnecessarily. The recent order of fast track movement was not given because Notis Mitarakis suddenly became sensitive”, the members of the Network support and explain:

    “Recently, both in Chios and on the other islands, an attempt is being made to convince the inhabitants of the islands of the necessity of creating closed camps. Each time a different place is indicated by the local authorities, in consultation with the minister, but each time the residents react. These reactions come from people with different political and ideological backgrounds. We all remember the transition of Chrysochoidis [ The minister of the Police]’ riot police about a year ago and the scenes of unprecedented bullying experienced by the inhabitants of the islands. We saw the special unit’s men until the last moment, just before they disembarked on the return ship, to break and destroy cars of the island’s inhabitants”.

    According to eyewitnesses, the rumors about occupied fields are pretentious. They aim to disorient the discussion, putting in balance also the cost paid by the local community. “It is simply not true. The owners are being compensated, while 500 jobs have been created for locals”, they claim. "At a time when attempts are made to review the history of Nazi crimes, the authorities are also trying to silence the disgrace of the modern crimes of the EU-sponsored camps and the Greek government. “As part of this policy, they are trying to silence those who denounce, they try to criminalize the publication of information and photos,” they conclude.

    Attempts to criminalize solidarity in Mytilene are recent and ongoing with the brief filed by the police against 35 NGO members, which is still pending in the prosecutor’s office, apparently in the absence of strong evidence that would lead to indictments by the judicial authorities.

    #Vial #Chios #grèce #réfugiés #asile #migrations #îles #camps_de_réfugiés

    ping @isskein @karine4

  • #Refugia : a Utopian solution to the crisis of mass displacement

    And still they come. An apparently endless flotilla of rubber dinghies filled with migrants and refugees making their way across the Mediterranean to Europe. As the numbers and visibility of this migration have gathered pace, even mainstream politicians have expressed their alarm. Antonio Tajani, president of the European Parliament, has talked of an exodus of biblical proportions. Solutions designed for a few thousand people will not work as a strategy for millions, he warned.

    In responsible political circles, let alone in the more feverish popular media, there is an increasing recognition that the three conventional “durable solutions” to displacement – local integration, resettlement and return – cannot meet the scale and speed of the movement of people. The international institutional architecture seems unequal to the task. In 2016, there were no fewer than seven international summits to address the refugee and migrant “crisis”. What is talked about is often a reboot of what has demonstrably failed before.

    Emerging, sometimes from unexpected places, have come a number of imaginative solutions. For example, the proposal to create a separate “refugee nation” was first promoted by a Californian businessman, Jason Buzi. Egyptian telecoms billionaire Naguib Sawiris has also sought to buy an island from Greece or Italy to house those crossing the Mediterranean. The most elaborately worked-out island solution is to create a “Europe-in-Africa” city-state on the Tunisian Plateau – a thin strip of seabed that sits between Tunisia and Italy within the Mediterranean. The concept has been modelled in detail by Theo Deutinger, a respected Dutch architect.

    Other proposals have centred on the creation of “refugee cities” or zones. Drawing from the example of a special economic zone in Jordan near the Za’atari refugee camp, where refugees have been allowed to work rather than languish, migration expert Alex Betts and economist Paul Collier have made the simple but daring point that many refugees can be turned into assets rather than liabilities if the legalities forbidding asylum-seekers seeking paid jobs are set aside.
    Refugia and the Sesame Pass

    My colleague Nicholas Van Hear and I have reviewed most of these proposals and advanced an even more radical plan. Our vision is to create a set of loosely-connected self-governing units we call “Refugia”, brought into being mainly by refugees and displaced people themselves, with some support from sympathisers. Though scattered like an archipelago, Refugia will nonetheless link together many refugee communities – in conflict areas, in neighbouring or transit countries, and in more distant countries of settlement. We are happy to accept the label “utopian” for our scheme, but ours is a more pragmatic idea, a “realistic utopianism” to use a term developed by the philosopher John Rawls.

    We see Refugia as the outcome of a tacit grand bargain – among richer states and emerging countries, nearby countries affected by conflict and, crucially, refugees themselves. After discussions with representatives of Refugia, new constituent zones will be licensed by the nation states within whose territories they lie.

    Refugee camps, hostels, farming communities, self-built housing estates or suburbs of a town might all join Refugia. Though subject to the host states’ laws, zones are created from below. They are self-governing and eventually self-supporting. The upshot is that Refugians hold dual affinities: as well as an affiliation to Refugia they can be long-term residents of the states that license their territories. They can move among different parts of Refugia, and, where negotiated, between sovereign nations.

    Refugians will be issued with a “Sesame Pass”, a super-smart, biometric card that opens up and connects all the nodes and zones of Refugia. This will provide those who have it with a collective identity, the right to vote for a transnational parliament, legal status, entitlements and the facilitation of work, financial transfers and enhanced mobility. The Sesame Pass could also be developed as a machine-readable currency, which will allow tax collection or the administration of a basic income grant for all Refugians.

    There is some sense in which an embryonic form of Refugia already exists. As the length of time in refugee camps has lengthened and more refugees have been accommodated in or near cities, organic urban settlements have developed. A good example is Camp Domiz, a Syrian refugee camp in northern Iraq that has been badged a “Refugee republic”, as its inhabitants have set up community centres, shops and mosques.

    The displaced in control of their future

    In our vision, Refugia is essentially self-organised and self-managed. It does not require political or cultural conformity, rather it subscribes to the principles and deeds of solidarity and mutual aid. But it is absolutely possible that desperation might drive the European Union to come up with a radical blueprint for a dystopian form of Refugia, which does not fit these principles.

    In September 2016, Hungary’s right-wing prime minister Victor Orban suggested that the EU should build a “refugee city” in North Africa. Not only was this explicitly about repression enforced by military might, Orban also declared that “those who came [to Europe] illegally must be rounded up and shipped out”.

    While we must be on the guard for forms of Refugia that are nakedly about subjugation, new territorial units initiated from above should not be discarded in principle. There is no reason why, where these proposals comply with Refugia’s democratic and tolerant values, they should not be incorporated as nodes within the wider idea.

    Precisely because they have been disempowered by their traumatic experiences, those who have been displaced do not need things done to them and may even resist things being done for them. Ideally, Refugians will be in charge of as much of Refugia as is practically possible. This is the promise of the many small initiatives and inventive new solutions in this utopian vision of what could be possible.

    https://theconversation.com/refugia-a-utopian-solution-to-the-crisis-of-mass-displacement-81136
    Je mets ici pour archivage... mais ce projet imaginé par des profs émerites est très douteux !

    #utopie ou, plutôt... #distopie ?!?

    #solution (sic) #alternative (sic) #Jason_Buzi #nation_réfugiée #nation_de_réfugiés #refugee_nation #Naguib_Sawiris #île #Europe-in-Africa #Theo_Deutinger #auto-gouvernance #utopie_réaliste #revenu_de_base #camps_de_réfugiés #Domiz #solidarité #entraide #réseau

    #Sesame_Pass #Nicholas_Van_Hear

    –—
    Le site web de #Refugee_Republic :


    https://refugeerepublic.submarinechannel.com

    Une vidéo introductive :
    https://vimeo.com/113100941

    déjà signalé en 2015 par @fil :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/427762

    ping @isskein @karine4

  • 6-year-old refugee boy dies in blaze in #Thiva accommodation camp

    A 6-year-old boy died on Tuesday night when a fire broke out in a refugee camp on the town on Thiva, some 60 km north of Athens.

    The boy was reportedly leaving with his parents and 4 siblings in a container. Local media reported that the mother reportedly managed to bring another boy and three girls outside but not the boy. The father was not there at the time of the blaze. The family are asylum-seekers from Iran.

    The fire broke out around 9 o’ clock under unknown circumstances. Footage taken at the time of the fire shows a lot of residents to have gathered outside the building on fire.

    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=mD28yBy7k8Q&feature=emb_logo

    According to local media radiothiva, and the Fire Service, it was the camp residents who pulled the dead body of the boy from the spot.

    The Fire Service said firefighters had to be accompanied by police to get into the camp after residents initially prevented them from entering.

    The refugees claimed that firefighters arrived with delay, reportedly threw stones and other items at the trucks, smashing the front window in one of them.

    Eight firemen with four fire engines were finally able to extinguish the blaze in a building in the camp.

    The Fire Service was reportedly not able to conduct inspection due to the angry crowd, a small police unit remains in the area.

    https://www.keeptalkinggreece.com/2021/02/24/refugee-boy-dies-fire-camp-thiva

    #incendie #feu #réfugiés #camps_de_réfugiés #décès #mort #Grèce

    –-

    ajouté à la métaliste des incendies dans les camps de réfugiés, notamment en Grèce :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/851143

    • Grèce : incendie dans un camp au nord d’Athènes, un enfant de 6 ans décède

      Un enfant kurde de 6 ans est mort mardi soir dans l’incendie d’un camp de migrants situé à Thèbes, au nord d’Athènes. Les exilés accusent les autorités d’avoir trop tardé à intervenir, mettant plus d’une heure à rejoindre les lieux.

      Un incendie s’est déclaré dans la soirée de mardi 23 février dans un camp de migrants de Thèbes, au nord d’Athènes, provoquant la mort d’un enfant kurde de 6 ans, ont annoncé les pompiers grecs dans un communiqué. Lorsque ces derniers sont arrivés sur les lieux, l’enfant ne respirait déjà plus. Les causes de l’incendie sont pour l’heure inconnues.

      https://twitter.com/AntonisRepanas/status/1364324710901813251

      Selon des témoins cités par le site d’information kurde Pishti News, l’enfant se trouvait à l’intérieur du camp avec sa mère, son frère et ses trois sœurs quand le feu s’est déclenché. La mère aurait réussi à faire sortir quatre de ses enfants mais n’a pas pu sauver son autre fils. Toujours d’après le même média, le corps de l’enfant a été enlevé du bâtiment par les migrants eux-mêmes une heure après le drame.

      Les exilés accusent les pompiers d’avoir tardé à réagir, mettant plus d’une heure à rejoindre les lieux. Les autorités, elles, donnent une autre version. Elles racontent que la police a dû également intervenir car les migrants bloquaient l’accès à la structure qui avait pris feu, empêchant les pompiers de se rendre sur place.

      Les camps de migrants sont régulièrement touchés par des incendies, la plupart accidentels. Il y a trois jours, deux incendies ont détruit deux tentes sans faire de victime dans deux camps de migrants sur l’île de Lesbos.

      L’hiver, quand il fait froid sous les tentes des camps, de nombreux exilés font des feux de bois pour se réchauffer ou utilisent des poêles à l’intérieur de leur habitation précaire, ce qui provoque souvent des accidents.

      Des ONG de défense des droits de l’Homme ont tiré la sonnette d’alarme ces derniers jours sur la détérioration des conditions avec le froid dans les camps de migrants à travers le pays.

      https://www.infomigrants.net/fr/post/30459/grece-incendie-dans-un-camp-au-nord-d-athenes-un-enfant-de-6-ans-deced

  • KACHACH, AU-DESSUS DE #ZAATARI

    Dans le camp de réfugiés de Zaatari, l’exil n’en finit plus de durer. Parmi les réfugiés, une communauté s’est reformée : les #Kachach, les éleveurs d’#oiseaux culturellement méprisés, font revivre une tradition millénaire délaissée , dans ce camp planté au milieu du désert et que nul n’est censé quitter. Et leurs oiseaux ramènent une part de #rêve qui éclaire cette longue #attente.

    https://vimeo.com/297919049


    #film #film_documentaire #camps_de_réfugiés #réfugiés #asile #migrations

  • Mental health ’emergency’ among child refugees in Greece
    Katy Fallon

    Concerns mount for children who have witnessed violence, a devastating camp fire, and other horrors in Greece.

    Names marked with an asterisk* have been changed to protect identities.

    Lesbos, Greece – Laleh*, an eight-year-old Afghan girl, is one of the thousands of children who live in the new, temporary camp on Lesbos, which was established in the wake of a devastating fire that destroyed the notorious Moria camp last September.

    She is among several children who are currently being treated at a mental health clinic on Lesbos, which is run by Doctors Without Borders (Medecins Sans Frontieres, or MSF), an organisation which has warned of a mental health “emergency” in the Greek island camps.

    Last year in Moria, a camp known for its poor living conditions, Laleh witnessed a violent fight as she was waiting in a queue for food with her father.

    Her mother Hawa*, 29, said that afterwards, Laleh started having panic attacks and became increasingly withdrawn and uncommunicative.

    The child was since hospitalised because she stopped eating. These days, she finds most activities challenging.

    The family now resides in the new camp in Mavrovouni, a dusty patch of earth where everyone lives in tents. The site is strictly monitored and most residents are only allowed to leave once a week.

    “During the day, she just lies down and closes her eyes,” said Hawa.

    A drawing by a child in Lesbos of the perilous sea journey to Europe undertaken by many migrants and refugees [Courtesy: MSF]

    At night, Laleh wears a nappy because she does not always say if she needs to go to the toilet.

    Something as simple as climbing steps can be difficult and feel overwhelming for her.

    “Before she was always drawing and painting,” Hawa said. “She was very hopeful, she wanted to be a doctor in the future.

    “It’s really hard for me as a mother. Laleh never had this problem before. When it started I was so worried and sad, I didn’t know how to manage,” she said. “She doesn’t really speak, she’s very quiet.”

    The fire which reduced Moria to ashes traumatised the family further.

    “Laleh had a psychogenic [non-epileptic] seizure and she fell down, everyone was shouting and running, it was a very difficult time.”

    A drawing by a child in Lesbos depicting the fire which raced through the Moira refugee camp in September [Courtesy: MSF]

    Laleh has had trouble sleeping and so Hawa lies with her and tells her stories, massaging her head in the hope it will soothe her.

    The family has seen some improvement in Laleh’s condition since she started attending MSF’s clinic, but she is still very withdrawn.

    Hawa said the securitised nature of the camp also has an effect on the children who live there.

    It is yet unclear whether the camp is being policed because of the pandemic and fears that the refugees may contract or spread the coronavirus, or as part of an increasingly securitised approach towards camps on the Greek islands.

    “Most of the children are afraid of the police because there are so many police around, it’s very difficult to go out of the camp and the children believe it’s a prison and that they can’t get out,” she said.

    Hawa herself said she views the camp as a “prison”, adding: “I hope that we leave this camp, this is my only hope for now.”

    Refugees and migrants wait to be transferred to camps on the mainland after their arrival on a passenger ferry from the island of Lesbos at the port of Lavrio, Greece, in September 2020 [File: Costas Baltas/Reuters]

    In 2020, child psychologists at MSF noted 50 cases of children with suicidal ideation and suicide attempts.

    “I never imagined it would be this bad,” said Katrin Glatz-Brubakk, a mental health supervisor for MSF on Lesbos.

    She told Al Jazeera they have seen children with severe depression, suicidal thoughts and that many have stopped playing.

    “As a child psychologist, I get very worried when children don’t play at all and we see a lot of that in the camp,” Glatz-Brubakk said.

    “Many of the children have experienced trauma but if they were moved to a [place with] safe and good [conditions] they would start healing from it. Now they get sicker and sicker because of the conditions they live in.

    “We are basically giving them skills to deal with a situation they should never be living in in the first place, it’s not treatment: it’s survival.”

    #Greece #mental_health #trauma #suicide #children #camps #Lesbos #MSF

    https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2021/2/11/children-dont-play-at-all-mental-health-crisis-stalks-lesbos

  • Office of Displaced Designers

    Office of Displaced Designers (ODD) is a design focused creative integration organisation. We use design to bring diverse people together from the displaced and host community to share skills, undertake research and co-create a more equitable and inclusive society. Our activities focus on the built environment, protection issues and cultural understanding.

    http://www.displaceddesigners.org
    #Lesbos #camps_de_réfugiés #solidarité #humanitarian_design #réfugiés #Grèce #asile #migrations #inclusion #architecture

    ping @isskein @karine4

  • Ethiopia announces the shut down of UNHCR run #Hitsats & #Shimelba refugee camps. It cites as pretext, the camps’ proximity to Eritrea causing a safety risk. Satellite imagery revealed the camps, which sheltered ~25k Eritreans, were razed to the ground throughout January.

    https://twitter.com/ZekuZelalem/status/1359117586978508802

    #Ethiopie #réfugiés_érythréens #fermeture #camps #camps_de_réfugiés #réfugiés #asile #migrations #destruction

    ping @karine4 @isskein

    –—

    Sur le destruction des camps de réfugiés de Hitsas et Shimelba (nouvelle d’il y a 1 mois) :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/893937

    Et sur les annonces de fermeture des camps en avril 2020 par cause de covid :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/847443

  • Le #nouveau_camp de #Lesbos, #Grèce, #Kara_Tepe, et la présumée #contamination au #plomb du terrain où il est construit (construction : #septembre_2020)

    #déchets #toxicité #pollution #armée #zone_militaire #plomb #santé #migrations #asile #réfugiés #camps_de_réfugiés #Lesbos #Grèce #îles_grecques #Moria_2.0

    –---

    voir le fil de discussion sur Kara Tepe ici, auquel j’ai ajouté la question du plomb :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/875903

    ping @isskein @karine4

    • Refugee camp on toxic land, potentially life threatening for small children!

      The new “temporary” camp in Kara Tepe, Lesvos, is as we all know built partially on an old military firing range. For the government this already restricted area was perfect, it was already fenced in. As all military areas there is a lot of restrictions, the most important ones are the restrictions of movement and the restrictions on taking pictures.
      The camp area has been criticized by many, because it’s just not suited to house people, in flimsy tents when the winter is approaching. It’s at the sea, without any protection from heavy winds that usually pounds this area. The area also floods frequently, the tents are built straight on the ground, there is no drainage system. When it’s really starts to rain, and it will, there will be mud everywhere, outside and inside the tents. And if that wasn’t enough, it’s a high possibility, that the very land the camp is built on is toxic.
      As previously mentioned, it’s an old military firing range, that has been used by the military for decades. We can assume that the military has used a variety of weapons, that over the years, have packed the ground with hazardous materials. The main concern is the possibility of lead contamination. The presence of lead and lead dust is well documented on such sites as are the extreme danger to health if lead is absorbed by children. Children younger than 6 years are especially vulnerable to lead poisoning, which can severely affect mental and physical development. At very high levels, lead poisoning can be fatal.
      As we all know, UNHCR are assisting the Greek authorities in resettling displaced families, many of them children, on this new site. They have a special responsibility, due to their involvement, to assure that the area used is suitable and safe to live on. UNHCR have rehoused displaced families on highly toxic land in the past, and should have learned by their previous mistakes.
      Following the war in Kosovo in 1999, UNHCR rehoused displaced families on highly toxic land. This is also well documented, particularly so on a website that followed the situation over a number of years. www.toxicwastekills.com
      It resulted in childrens’ blood lead levels higher than instruments could measure. There is no level of lead so low that children’s health will not be damaged. Very young children often absorb it through licking lead paint etc as they find it pleasant. This is also well documented. Pregnant women can transfer absorbed lead to foetuses through the placenta. It attacks all organs of the body but also causes irreversible brain damage. Now UNHCR is helping to place men, women and children on an old military firing range near Kara Tepe on Lesvos. This could be yet another deadly mistake in the making.
      Due to the fact that it took only 5 days to put up this camp, after the fire in Moria, it’s highly unlikely that any proper survey has been taken. This new site requires urgent toxicity checking by independent experts to reveal whether lead is present on the new site, which could indicate an evacuation might be necessary to protect the lives of vulnerable children. The concern has already been addressed by email to Astrid Castelein, head of the UNHCR sub office on Lesvos, and the main UNHCR office in Greece, so far without any reply.
      Some areas in the camp has been leveled out by bulldozers, in other areas soil from the leveled areas has been reused as landfill. By doing so, things that has been buried in the ground for decades has resurfaced, possibly making the situation even worse. Residents in the camp have found remains of ammunition casings and grenades around the tents, and military personnel have been observed using metal detectors in the outskirts of the camp. To see small children who have fled war, play with used ammunition in a European refugee camp, should raise some questions.
      If this isn’t enough, a proposal to create a new “reception and identification centre” structure with a capacity of 2,500 people, and a planned 500 employees overall, in the area of the former shooting range of Kamenos Dasos (Camlik) in central Lesvos seems to have been passed, as the majority of Mytilene municipal authority confirmed. These areas would never have been approved to build houses, schools or kindergartens, but seems to be more than good enough for these children..
      https://www.mayoclinic.org/diseases-conditions/lead-poisoning/symptoms-causes/syc-20354717

      https://www.facebook.com/AegeanBoatReport

    • Greece : Migrant Camp Lead Contamination

      Inadequate Government Response; Lack of Transparency Put Health at Risk

      The Greek government should release test results and other vital information about lead contamination in a migrant camp on Lesbos island to protect the health of residents and workers, Human Rights Watch said today.

      After testing soil samples in November, the government confirmed publicly on January 23, 2021 the presence of dangerous levels of lead in the soil in the administrative area of the Lesbos camp. It says that samples from residential areas showed lead levels below relevant standards but did not release the locations where samples were collected or the actual test results. The government has yet to indicate that it will take the necessary steps to adequately assess and mitigate the risk, including comprehensive testing and measures to remove people from areas that could be contaminated.

      “The Greek government knowingly built a migrant camp on a firing range and then turned a blind eye to the potential health risks for residents and workers there,” said Belkis Wille, senior crisis and conflict researcher at Human Rights Watch. “After weeks of prodding, it took soil samples to test for lead contamination while denying that a risk of lead exposure existed. It did not make the results public for over seven weeks, and has yet to allow independent experts to analyze them or vow to take the necessary steps to protect residents and workers and inform them about the potential health risks.”

      Human Rights Watch published a report in December documenting that thousands of asylum seekers, aid workers, and United Nations, Greek, and European Union employees may be at risk of lead poisoning in the Lesbos camp. Greek authorities built the new camp, Mavrovouni (also known as new Kara Tepe), on a repurposed military firing range. It now houses 6,500 people. According to a government announcement on January 23, one out of 12 soil samples taken in November came back on December 8 with lead levels that “exceeded the acceptable limit.” The announcement also mentions some steps to mitigate the risk.

      Human Rights Watch has requested the Greek government and the European Commission, which financially supports the camp and with which the government shared the results, to release the testing plan and the test results, which should include such information as the levels of lead for each sample, the sample depths and exact locations, a complete history of the site with location specifity, the expertise of those conducting the testing, the sampling methodology, and information on chain of custody. To date, neither the Greek government nor the European Commission has made this information available.

      This lack of transparency means that it is impossible to assess the adequacy of the testing, evaluate what the results represent, or recommend specific strategies to address the identified risks. As a result, it is impossible to determine whether the measures laid out in the January 23 statement, such as adding new soil, gravel, and a cement base in some areas, are adequate to protect people who live and work in the camp.

      In early September, large fires broke out inside the Moria camp, the Reception and Identification Center on Lesbos, which was housing 12,767 migrants, mostly women and children. Within days, the authorities constructed Mavrovouni and said they would construct a new permanent camp. Young children and women of reproductive age are most at risk for negative effects from lead exposure.

      In a meeting with Human Rights Watch on January 20, Minister for Migration and Asylum Notis Mitarachi said that he hoped that the residents of Mavrovouni would not spend another winter there, but did not specify when the new camp would be ready. Construction has yet to begin.

      Mavrovouni functioned as a military firing range from 1926 to mid-2020. Firing ranges are well recognized as sites with lead contamination because of bullets, shot, and casings that contain lead and end up in the ground. Lead in the soil from bullet residue can readily become airborne, especially under dry and windy conditions, which are often present on Lesbos. Lead is highly toxic when ingested or inhaled, particularly to children and anyone who is pregnant or lactating. The World Health Organization (WHO) maintains that there is no known safe level of blood lead concentration. Lead degrades very slowly, so sites can remain dangerous for decades.

      After multiple representations by Human Rights Watch to various Greek authorities, the European Commission, the UN refugee agency, UNHCR, and the WHO, the Greek government and the EU Commission commissioned the Hellenic Authority of Geology and Mineral Exploration to take 12 soil samples on November 24. According to the government, 11 soil samples showed lead levels “below the acceptable limits for lead in soil,” based on Dutch standards.

      The 12th sample, taken from what authorities described as an “administrative area” on the Mavrovouni hill, “at the end of the firing range,” showed elevated levels of lead above acceptable limits, but authorities did not reveal the concentration of lead in the soil. Mitarachi told Human Rights Watch that the area that showed lead levels above acceptable limits was fenced off, but residents and two aid workers said there were no fences inside the camp in that area or signs warning of a contaminated area. At least five aid organizations have offices in that area. An aid worker said residents, sometimes as many as 200 and including children, line up there for support and information. Younger children risk ingesting lead as they play or sit on contaminated ground.

      Human Rights Watch was unable to determine whether the government shared any information with humanitarian agencies about the testing results, but calls with agencies including UNHCR and the WHO indicated that they were not aware of them prior to the January 23 release. A staff member from one aid organization there said that at least one aid worker in the camp is currently pregnant, and 118 camp residents are pregnant, based on November government data.

      An environmental expert whom Human Rights Watch consulted said that, given the potential size of the affected area and the likelihood that elevated levels are the result of historic activity, the fact that one out of 12 samples in an area came back positive should trigger further testing.

      International law obligates countries to respect, protect, and fulfill the right to the highest attainable standard of health. The UN special rapporteur on human rights and the environment’s Framework Principles on Human Rights and the Environment, which interpret the right to a healthy environment, emphasize the need for “public access to environmental information by collecting and disseminating information and by providing affordable, effective and timely access to information to any person upon request.” The Aarhus Convention, to which Greece is a party, provides a right to receive environmental information held by public authorities.

      Greek authorities should immediately release the results and testing plan to the public, and take measures to mitigate the risk to the health of camp residents and workers, Human Rights Watch said. The authorities should ensure that residents and workers are informed about the results and measures to protect their health in languages they can understand. The authorities should also urgently undertake further testing and allow independent experts to comment on investigative work plans, audit the soil testing process, and collect split samples (a sample that is separated into at least two parts so that testing can be carried out at two or more seperate laboraties in order to confirm results) or carry out independent testing.

      The European Commission, which financially supports Greece to manage the camp and has staff stationed there, EU agencies, Frontex, and the European Asylum Support office, as well as United Nations agencies, UNHCR, UNICEF, the IOM and the WHO, should urge Greek authorities to make the detailed results and testing plan public, and push authorities to find alternative and safe housing solutions for those affected, including the option of moving them to the mainland. The European Commission, which was given the results and testing plan by the Greek government, should also make public the detailed information it received on the results and the methodology of the testing, to allow independent experts to comment on the risk to residents and workers in the camps.

      “Greece and its EU partners have a duty to make sure that people who live and work in the Mavrovouni camp are safe,” Wille said. “That requires transparency about the risks as well as urgent steps to mitigate them.”

      Additional Information

      In its January 23 statement and in its meeting with Human Rights Watch on January 20, the Greek government made several inaccurate claims regarding remediation and protection of residents. In its statement, the government claimed that after soil samples were taken on November 24, “while awaiting the results” it removed the tents directly on the firing range strip. But satellite imagery and residents’ and workers’ statements indicate that no tents were removed until between December 11 and 16, after the test results were received.

      Satellite imagery and aid organization mapping of the camp shows that by January 10, 79 tents remained on the firing range, with 58 more at the base of the hill. The residents in those tents may be at increased risk of coming into contact with contaminated soil, particularly when it rains. In addition, after some tents were removed, three migrants and two aid workers told Human Rights Watch that residents have been using the area for football and other recreation. Authorities have not fenced off the area or notified residents of the health risks.

      Since the site was tested, major construction work and heavy rains in the area mean that potentially contaminated soil from the hill and firing range area may have moved to other parts of the camp, which warrants further testing.

      Human Rights Watch received information from multiple sources that on January 18, the International Organization for Migration (IOM), which runs two assistance programs in the camp, suspended its operations at its tent on the hill. In response to a Human Rights Watch query, IOM’s Chief of Mission in Greece confirmed that, “Following the announcements regarding lead detection outside the accommodation areas and while waiting for more information from the authorities, IOM staff has been advised to remain inside the residential area.”

      In an aid briefing on January 19, the sources said it was revealed that the decision was made because of elevated levels of lead found in the “blue zone” of the camp, an area that includes the firing range and the base of the hill where the IOM Helios tent is located, as well as other aid tents including that of Médecins du Monde (MdM), and the International Rescue Committee (IRC). IOM staff have yet to return to the camp, but aid workers still in the camp said there is still no fencing or signage around that area. According to the camp residents and two aid workers, and 24 photos and videos taken from inside Mavrovouni by the DunyaCollective, a media collective, since December, authorities have been moving large quantities of soil, including removing some from the hill behind the IOM Helios tent.

      On January 23, Medecins Sans Frontieres (Doctors without Borders or MSF) issued a statement raising its concerns at the lack of appropriate government and EU action in the face of the testing results. On January 26, a group of 20 nongovernmental groups issued a joint statement calling on the Greek authorities to immediately evacuate camp residents and transfer them to appropriate structures on the mainland and elsewhere, such as hotel units.

      Aerial footage from January 14 shows tents still present in the part of the camp built on the former firing range at that date starting at around 02:00.

      https://www.hrw.org/news/2021/01/27/greece-migrant-camp-lead-contamination

    • Greece: Lead Poisoning Concerns in New Migrant Camp

      Thousands of asylum seekers, aid workers, United Nations, and Greek and European Union employees may be at risk of lead poisoning in a new migrant camp that Greek authorities have built on a repurposed military firing range on the island of Lesbos, Human Rights Watch said today.

      Firing ranges are commonly contaminated with lead from munitions, nevertheless the authorities did not conduct comprehensive lead testing or soil remediation before moving migrants to the site in September 2020. Evidence collected by migrants moved to the site also indicated that authorities have also failed to clear all unexploded mortar projectiles and live small arms ammunition, which could injure or kill if disturbed or handled.

      “Putting thousands of migrant adults and children, along with aid workers, on top of a former firing range without taking the necessary steps to guarantee they would not be exposed to toxic lead is unconscionable,” said Belkis Wille, senior crisis and conflict researcher at Human Rights Watch. “The Greek authorities should promptly conduct a comprehensive site assessment of soil lead levels and release the results.”

      In November and early December, Human Rights Watch interviewed four people living in the camp, two aid workers, one Greek migration ministry employee working in the camp, and four medical and environmental experts, and reviewed academic research on the risk of soil lead contamination at shooting ranges and medical research on the health risks of lead poisoning. Human Rights Watch did not have access to conduct on-site research, but analyzed photos and videos of the site and satellite imagery to confirm the firing range location.

      The Asylum and Migration Ministry began major construction work at the end of November at the site, called Mavrovouni camp, that could disturb any lead contaminated soil, further exposing residents and workers. The work to improve access to electricity and water and reduce the risk of flooding began despite warnings from Human Rights Watch of the potential of increased risk of lead poisoning.

      In early September, large fires broke out inside the Moria camp, the Reception and Identification Center on Lesbos that was housing 12,767 migrants, mostly women and child migrants. Within days, authorities constructed Mavrovouni (also known as new Kara Tepe) as a temporary camp and told people that they would begin construction of a new permanent camp for use by June 2021. According to the media, Migration and Asylum Minister Notis Mitarachi, has recently indicated the new camp will only be ready by Autumn 2021. Currently 7,517 people, mostly from Afghanistan and Syria, are staying at Mavrovouni, which started functioning as a military firing range in 1926 and was in use until the camp was constructed in September 2020, Mitarachi said.

      In response to letters from Human Rights Watch, Migration and Asylum Minister Notis Mitarachi stated in a November 19 letter that the camp had “no lead contamination,” but provided no evidence for the basis of that assertion. He said the government has agreed to conduct soil testing with the European Commission within one month, but has not revealed the nature of the testing, the areas to be tested, or the methodology. A Hellenic army representative called Human Rights Watch on December 1, stating his intention to respond to a letter received on November 4 from Human Rights Watch, raising urgent concerns. But no response has been received. On December 6, General Secretary for Asylum Seekers’ Reception Manos Logothetis, called Human Rights Watch to dispute the risk of lead contamination at the camp. He confirmed that no soil testing for lead had taken place prior to moving people to the camp, but said that authorities are awaiting the results of soil testing conducted recently in collaboration with the Institute of Geology and Mineral Exploration (IGME).

      “No one just shows up without a plan,” Dr. Gordon Binkhorst, vice president of global programs at Pure Earth, told Human Rights Watch. “Sharing of a well-founded work plan beforehand is key to transparency and ensuring confidence in the findings.” Greek authorities should allow independent experts to comment on investigative work plans, audit the soil testing process and collect split samples for independent testing.

      “The authorities should share documentation of work completed and a comprehensive site investigation work plan based on a review of the site history, contaminants of concern, a conceptual site model of how such contaminants are released to and migrated in the environment, and a comprehensive testing plan that evaluates the degree and extent of contamination in the environment, and potential exposure routes,” Dr. Binkhorst said.

      Firing ranges are well-recognized as sites with lead contamination because of bullets, shot, and casings that contain lead and end up in the ground. Lead in the soil from bullet residue can readily become airborne, especially under dry and windy conditions, which often exist on Lesbos. Lead is a heavy metal that is highly toxic to humans when ingested or inhaled, particularly by children and during pregnancy. It degrades very slowly, so sites can remain dangerous for decades.

      The World Health Organization maintains that there is no known safe level of lead exposure. Elevated levels can impair the body’s neurological, biological, and cognitive functions, leading to learning barriers or disabilities; behavioral problems; impaired growth; anemia; brain, liver, kidney, nerve, and stomach damage; coma and convulsions; and even death. Lead also increases the risk of miscarriage and can be transmitted through both the placenta and breast milk.

      Small children and women of reproductive age are at particular risk. According to Greek authorities, on November 19, 2,552 out of 7,517 people in the camp were children, 997 of them under age 5, and 1,668 were women – 118 of whom have said they are five or more months pregnant.Camp residents shared 17 photographs of items they said they had found in the ground around their tents, including an intact 60mm mortar projectile and a tail fin assembly for another 60mm mortar projectile, cartridge casings for rifle bullets, fired 12-gauge shotgun cartridges, and live pistol, rifle, machine gun, and shotgun ammunition. Intact munitions, such as 60mm mortar projectiles and small arms ammunition, pose an immediate explosive hazard and should be removed urgently from the area.

      “We try to stop our children from going to play up the hill because we know there might be bullets and other things the army didn’t clear that could be dangerous,” one camp resident said. Munitions containing lead can be extremely dangerous when swallowed by children or contaminate the soil, a medical expert told Human Rights Watch.

      The authorities should conduct a thorough and transparent assessment of lead levels in the soil and dust, as well as other possible pathways to exposure, and make the results publicly available. Any work that might increase exposure should be paused until after the soil has been tested or until people have been removed from the camp and housed in adequate facilities, Human Rights Watch said. If lead is present in the soil, authorities should provide free blood testing and treatment for camp residents, aid workers, police, and others who might have been exposed, prioritizing young children and women of reproductive age, and immediately move exposed residents to a safe location and remediate the contaminated areas.

      “The Greek government could be putting at risk families with young children, aid workers, and its own employees because it’s determined to hold asylum seekers on the island,” Wille said. “If this is where the government is trying to force asylum seekers to live on Lesbos, then all the more reason to transfer people to the mainland.”

      Tents on a Firing Range

      The Mavrovouni site sits on a large plot of military-owned land, some of which was used as a military firing range since 1926. The Asylum and Migration Ministry said that it covered the site with “new levels of soil” before the camp was opened.

      Human Rights Watch reviewed satellite imagery from before and after construction began on the camp on September 11, 2020. Imagery from before shows a firing range on part of the site next to Mavrovouni Hill. By September 28, more than 200 tents had been set up directly on the former firing range itself, with more tents on adjacent areas.

      Satellite imagery from June, before Moria camp was destroyed by fire, shows some basic clearance of vegetation cover within a rectangular strip that included the firing range, as well as a small section at the base of Mavrovouni Hill. From the imagery, it is impossible to determine the depth of the soil removal and whether the remediation of lead impacted soil was completed in accordance with prevailing standards and guidelines, or if it was just a superficial scraping of topsoil.

      Human Rights Watch was unable to determine what soil removal activities took place between June and September, when the camp opened, or of other activities to decontaminate the ground or where soil removed was disposed of. Given the speed of camp construction, it is very unlikely that authorities could have carried out remediation of lead-impacted soil before setting up the tents. Greek authorities have indicated that new soil was placed prior to construction of the camp, with no location indicated.

      Satellite imagery analysis, combined with a review of photos and videos of the firing range that were posted online in the spring, shows that the military was shooting from the southwest toward targets in the northeast, at the foot of Mavrovouni Hill. This suggests that soil on the hillside might also be contaminated by lead.

      Imagery recorded between September 14 and 16, shows at least 300 tents just south of the hill without any prior signs of soil clearance, with another at least 170 added in the following days. Imagery from late November shows further ground preparation southeast of the hill, and the construction of four large structures.

      Medical and environmental experts interviewed said it was risky to conduct further work in the camp without first conducting soil samples. “Disturbing this area will mobilize the lead in the soil and make it more vulnerable to dispersion from periodic rainfall, flooding, and wind erosion,” said Jack Caravanos, professor of global environmental health at New York University. Dr. Caravanos has visited and assessed dozens of lead-contaminated sites throughout the world and expressed dismay over how this site was chosen without proper environmental investigation.

      A European Commission official who is involved in migration policy with Greece said that the Greek Defense Ministry claimed that “no pieces of lead were observed on the ground” during construction or other work. Because lead dust is usually not visible, this claim raises concerns about the seriousness of the Greek government’s assessment.

      A source close to the police said that the government had considered turning the firing range into a camp site as early as 2015. At the time, authorities rejected the proposal for several reasons, the source said, including because it had been a firing range. It is unclear why the government ignored these concerns in 2020. A migration ministry employee working on the camp who spoke on the condition of anonymity said that in September, before Mavrovouni was selected, the government met with a few larger nongovernmental organizations, and discussed at least two or three alternative locations.

      Lead Contamination

      In his letter to Human Rights Watch, Minister Mitarachi said that the range had only been used for “small arms (straight trajectory), commonly only bullets, and not for other types of ammunition.” This ammunition, he said, “according to the Greek Army, contains no lead.” He added that the army had searched the camp for munitions prior to opening, and again 20 days later, and “reported no findings.”In contrast to these claims, bullets used for rifles, pistols, and machine guns as well as shot used by shotguns usually contain lead, which is used in bullets for its density and penetrating ability. Research at firing ranges has found that the discharge of lead dust from shooting results in soil contamination. Research has shown that elevated blood lead levels are commonly found in users of these sites, even among those who use them for limited amounts of time for recreational purposes.

      The large amount of fired small arms casings and cartridges found at the camp indicates an equally large number of bullets and shot might be buried beneath the ground where they landed. Other areas near the firing range may have been affected, including from relocation of soil associated with the construction of the camp or historic clearing of soils and munitions from the firing range. Thus, it is likely that any soil contamination extends beyond the firing range. Greek authorities provided no documentation for their claim that all the munitions used at the firing range were lead-free. This claim is highly questionable, given that lead-free bullets are expensive and very rare, particularly prior to the 1980s. Some bullets have an external metal-alloy coating that may make them appear to be lead-free, but the coating disintegrates relatively quickly when the bullet enters the soil, and the lead core becomes exposed. In addition, the photographic evidence from camp residents does not appear to support this contention.

      Camp residents shared with Human Rights Watch five photographs, one dated September 20, and two videos of the Hellenic Army’s Land Mine Clearance Squad carrying out clearance activities without any protective equipment and disregarding distancing between them and camp residents needed for safe ammunition clearance activities.

      The migration ministry employee working in the camp who spoke on the condition of anonymity said she remembered clearance operations taking place around that date: “There were soldiers who had this machine to detect metal walking amongst us. They were so close that we had to pick up our feet from the ground so they could check right under us.” A government employee’s union made a formal complaint about general working conditions at the camp, including their concerns around these clearance activities.

      In addition to camp residents, anyone working inside the camp could also face potential lead exposure from spending time in the camp if the soil is contaminated. Residents, aid workers, and the migration ministry employee said that these include staff from the Hellenic police, Hellenic army, municipality, First Reception Service, Asylum Service, National Public Health Organization (EODY), European Commission, European Asylum Support Office (EASO), European Border and Coast Guard Agency (Frontex), Europol, IOM, UNHCR, UNICEF, World Health Organization, Red Cross, and at least eight other medical and aid groups.

      Risks of Lead Poisoning for At-risk Groups

      Symptoms of lead poisoning are often not diagnosed as such but its adverse health effects can be irreversible. The severity of symptoms increases with prolonged exposure. Globally, lead exposure is estimated to account for up to one million deaths annually, with the highest burden in low- and middle-income countries. Poor and disadvantaged populations are more vulnerable because undernourishment increases the amount of ingested lead the body absorbs.

      Children are especially at risk because they absorb four to five times as much lead as adults, and their brains and bodies are still developing. In addition, small children often put their hands in their mouths or play on the ground, which increases their likelihood of ingesting or inhaling lead in dust and dirt. Exposure during pregnancy can result in stillbirth, miscarriage, and low birth weight, and can negatively affect fetal brain development. At least 118 pregnant women and 2,552 children are at the site, according to government data.

      Mohammed Hafida, a camp resident with three young children whose wife is pregnant, said that when they first moved to the camp it was particularly dusty. “When cars drove past the tents there was dust everywhere,” he said. “That only went away once the rain set in two weeks later. But the camp is on a hill, and so when it rained for several hours, many of the tents collapsed. This isn’t a camp, it’s a hell.”

      People living in the camp said that for the first few weeks, they had been sleeping on blankets and mattresses on the dusty ground, but more recently aid workers had added flooring to the tents. Even as rainfall increased, residents reported that dust would still enter the tents including in the cooking areas. Camp residents said they have to clean dust out of their tents multiple times a day because cars are driving on adjacent gravel roads. Children often play in the dusty area by the roads. A medical expert said that small children at the camp are at very serious risk for as long as they are exposed to dust that could be contaminated.

      Camp authorities did not inform residents that there could be a risk of lead exposure at the site. Medical and environmental experts said that given the known risks of lead exposure at firing ranges, comprehensive soil testing should have been carried out before even considering it as a possible location for the camp. They warned of specific risks of lead poisoning for small children who are most at risk. “Remediation can be very difficult,” said Caravanos, the NYU professor of global environmental health. “I can’t imagine that you could make it safe without removing everyone if lead was found in the soil.”

      On November 17, Human Rights Watch was notified about significant planned construction work, which the Asylum and Migration Ministry confirmed in a letter dated November 19. On November 26, Human Rights Watch sent a letter with detailed findings to the Greek Ministries of Asylum and Migration and Defense, which it also shared with EU officials and representatives from UNHCR, the United Nations refugee agency, and the World Health Organization, saying that these actions risk further exposing residents and construction workers to any potentially lead-contaminated dust and soil. Despite these warnings, on November 30, residents of the camp informed researchers that large construction was underway, including on top of Mavrovouni hill.

      The authorities should have been aware of the amount of dust construction causes at the site. During the construction of the camp in September, the migration ministry employee said, workers had been moving around lots of soil to make room for the camp structure and “There was a lot of dust everywhere for days. I kept finding dust and even little pebbles in my ears at that time.”

      Unsatisfactory Clearance Operation

      Three people interviewed in November said that the authorities forced them to move to the camp after the fires in Moria camp by threatening that the government would stop their asylum claims if they refused. All three have found and provided Human Rights Watch with photographs of munition remnants since moving to Mavrovouni in September. They all said that after moving to the site, they saw the Greek military conduct clearance operations without protective gear, and they shared videos of those operations with Human Rights Watch.

      In the videos and photographs, the camp tents and migrants are clearly visible, confirming that some clearance activities took place after people were already living there. A Syrian man whose wife is nine-months pregnant with their first child said that, after they had moved into the camp, he saw the military find and remove at least one cartridge casing. Another camp resident said that since arriving, he has found many bullets on the ground but the “authorities haven’t told us what to do if we find them, or other kinds of munitions.”

      Access to Health Care

      Two medical staff from a team providing health care in Mavrovouni camp said on November 10 that, since arriving at the camp in October, they had not heard anything about possible lead exposure. Both said that the camp had “decent” health care services considering that it was a temporary camp, but that the laboratory inside the camp does not have the capacity to perform blood tests for lead levels. Both said that because of the nature of the symptoms of lead poisoning, which are also symptoms of other illnesses, it would be extremely difficult to diagnose potential cases without blood tests.

      Both medical staff and a doctor who had worked previously at the camp said it was very difficult for camp residents to visit the hospital due to movement restrictions related to Covid-19.

      Parallels to Kosovo Incident

      This is not the first time that people living in a camp are put at risk of lead poisoning. For more than a decade following the end of the war in Kosovo in 1999, about 600 Roma, Ashkali, and Balkan Egyptian minority members lived in camps for displaced people operated by the UN. The camps sat on land contaminated by lead from a nearby industrial mine. In 2016, a United Nations human rights advisory panel found that the UN mission in Kosovo (the United Nations Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo, UNMIK) had violated the affected people’s rights to life and health. Human Rights Watch documented that camp residents experienced lasting health impacts and are still awaiting compensation and health and educational support for themselves and their families, seven years after the last camp was closed in 2013.

      International Legal Obligations

      International law obligates states to respect, protect, and fulfill the right to the highest attainable standard of health. The United Nations Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, which monitors governments’ compliance with the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, in its General Comment 14 on the right to health, has interpreted the covenant to include:

      [T]he requirement to […] the prevention and reduction of the population’s exposure to harmful substances such as radiation and harmful chemicals or other detrimental environmental conditions that directly or indirectly impact upon human health.

      The right to health encompasses the right to healthy natural environments. The right to a healthy environment, which is also enshrined in the Greek constitution, involves the obligation to “prevent threats to health from unsafe and toxic water conditions.”

      The United Nations special rapporteur on human rights and the environment’s Framework Principles on Human Rights and the Environment, which interpret the right to a healthy environment, emphasize the need for “public access to environmental information by collecting and disseminating information and by providing affordable, effective and timely access to information to any person upon request.” The Committee on the Rights of the Child, the treaty body that monitors compliance with the Convention on the Rights of the Child to which Greece is a party, when describing the right of the child to the enjoyment of the highest attainable standard of health, calls on states to take appropriate measures “to combat disease and malnutrition … taking into consideration the dangers and risks of environmental pollution.”

      Responsibilities of the Greek Parliament and European Union

      Members of the Greek parliament should pay attention to the concerns that there may be lead contamination at Mavrovouni camp and assess the Greek government’s compliance with its obligations under national, European, and international law to realize the rights to health and healthy environment. They could hold a hearing or establish an inquiry to establish which government employees were involved in approving the site, the extent to which they knew or should have known about the risk of lead contamination, why they decided to move people to the site without first conducting comprehensive soil testing, and why, despite multiple concerns about lead contamination raised after the camp was opened, the authorities greenlighted construction work without first conducting comprehensive soil testing. They should take appropriate action to ensure accountability if merited.

      The European Commission, which financially supports Greece to manage the camp and has staff stationed there, as well as EU agencies, Frontex, and EASO, should urge Greek authorities to comprehensively test for lead and make the testing plan and results public.

      Human Rights Watch and other nongovernmental groups have long warned European leaders about the dire conditions in island camps, also known as hotspots. These have been exacerbated by Greek authorities’ containment policy, which has blocked transfers to the mainland. For years, residents were crammed into overcrowded, inadequate tents, with limited access to food, water, sanitation, and health care, including during the pandemic and despite the risk of Covid-19. The EU and Greece should fundamentally reconsider their hotspot approach on the Greek Islands and end policies that lead to the containment of thousands of migrants and asylum seekers in unsuitable, and in this case potentially hazardous, facilities.

      https://www.hrw.org/news/2020/12/08/greece-lead-poisoning-concerns-new-migrant-camp

      #pollution #contamination #plomb #Saturnisme #HRW #rapport

    • HRW calls for transparency over lead contamination at Lesvos migrant camp

      Greek authorities should release test results and other vital information about lead contamination at the Kara Tepe migrant camp on the eastern Aegean island of Lesvos to protect the health of residents and workers, Human Rights Watch (HRW) said on Wednesday.

      After testing soil samples in November, authorities earlier this month confirmed dangerous levels of lead in the soil in the administrative area of the facility, also known as Mavrovouni, which was built on a repurposed military firing range. They said that samples from residential areas showed lead levels below relevant standards but did not release the locations where samples were collected or the actual test results, the New York-based organization said.

      HRW said that officials have yet to indicate that they will take the necessary steps to adequately assess and mitigate the risk, including comprehensive testing and measures to remove people from areas that could be contaminated.

      “The Greek government knowingly built a migrant camp on a firing range and then turned a blind eye to the potential health risks for residents and workers there,” said Belkis Wille, senior crisis and conflict researcher at HRW.

      “After weeks of prodding, it took soil samples to test for lead contamination while denying that a risk of lead exposure existed. It did not make the results public for over seven weeks, and has yet to allow independent experts to analyze them or vow to take the necessary steps to protect residents and workers and inform them about the potential health risks,” she said.

      According to a report published by HRW in December, thousands of asylum seekers, aid workers, and United Nations, Greek, and European Union employees may be at risk of lead poisoning.

      The Kara Tepe facility currently houses 6,500 people.

      “Greece and its EU partners have a duty to make sure that people who live and work in the Mavrovouni camp are safe,” Wille said.

      “That requires transparency about the risks as well as urgent steps to mitigate them,” she said.

      https://www.ekathimerini.com/261695/article/ekathimerini/news/hrw-calls-for-transparency-over-lead-contamination-at-lesvos-migrant-c

  • L’ASGI demande à la #Cour_des_comptes italienne l’ouverture d’une #enquête sur l’utilisation des #fonds_publics dans les #centres_de_détention en Libye

    L’ASGI a déposé une #plainte auprès de la Cour des comptes à Rome, soulignant plusieurs profils critiques liés aux activités menées par certaines ONG italiennes en Libye avec des fonds de l’#Agence_italienne_pour_la_coopération_au_développement (AICS).

    La plainte est basée sur le rapport « Profils critiques des activités des ONG italiennes dans les centres de détention en Libye avec des fonds de l’AICS » (https://sciabacaoruka.asgi.it/en/italian-ngos-activities-in-libyan-detention-centres), publié le 15 juillet 2020, dans lequel l’ASGI analyse une série de documents obtenus du ministère des affaires étrangères et de l’AICS suite à des demandes d’accès civique. La plainte porte à l’attention de la Cour des comptes de nombreux profils critiques dans la conception et la mise en œuvre des actions au sein des centres de détention en Libye, en partie déjà mis en évidence dans le rapport.

    La plainte affirme que dans certains centres, les ONG italiennes semblent avoir effectué des activités au profit de l’entretien des locaux de détention plutôt que des détenus, avec des activités visant à préserver leur solidité et leur efficacité. Par conséquent, ces interventions pourraient avoir contribué à renforcer la capacité du centre à accueillir, même à l’avenir, de nouveaux prisonniers dans des conditions désespérément inhumaines. En outre, bien que les centres libyens soient universellement reconnus comme des lieux de torture et de mortification de la dignité humaine, le gouvernement italien n’a pas conditionné la mise en œuvre de ces interventions à un engagement quelconque envers les autorités de Tripoli pour apporter une amélioration durable des conditions des étrangers y détenus.

    Dans la plainte l’ASGI souligne que la mise en œuvre d’interventions d’urgence en faveur de personnes détenues dans des conditions inhumaines sur ordre d’un gouvernement étranger ne semble pas relever de la promotion de la « coopération et du #développement » prévue par le statut de l’AICS.

    La plainte attire également l’attention de la Cour des comptes sur les doutes de l’ASGI quant à la destination réelle des biens et services fournis, compte tenue aussi de la décision du ministère des affaires étrangères d’interdire au personnel italien de se rendre en Libye. Le fait que la gestion de la plupart des centres de détention officiels soit menée par les milices, et l’approximation de la déclaration des dépenses encourues par certaines ONG dans leurs activités, ne semblent pas avoir conduit l’AICS à exercer un contrôle strict sur la dépense de fonds publics et sur ce qui est effectivement mis en œuvre par les partenaires libyens sur le terrain.

    Par cette plainte, l’ASGI demande donc à la Cour des comptes d’examiner si le comportement de l’AICS est conforme à ses objectifs statutaires et à ses obligations de veiller à la bonne utilisation des fonds publics, en déterminant les responsabilités éventuelles de l’Agence tant du point de vue d’un éventuel #préjudice_budgétaire que d’un éventuel préjudice à l’image du gouvernement italien.

    https://sciabacaoruka.asgi.it/fr/lasgi-demande-a-la-cour-des-comptes-italienne-louverture-dune-enq
    #justice #Italie #centres #camps #externalisation #asile #migrations #réfugiés

  • #Damien_Carême dans « à l’air libre » sur la #politique_migratoire européenne et française
    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=KU1TpPLjRzI&feature=youtu.be

    –—

    Quelques citations :

    Damien Carême :

    « On est reparti [au parlement européen] sur les discussion sur le #pacte asile migration pour voir dans quelles conditions celui qui nous est proposé maintenant est pire que le précédent, parce qu’on nivelle par le bas les exigences. On l’appelait la directive #Dublin il y encore quelque temps, aujourd’hui moi je dis que c’est la #Directive_Budapest parce qu’on s’est aligné sur les désirs de #Orban vis-à-vis de la politique de migration, et c’est pas possible qu’on laisse faire cette politique-là. [Aujourd’hui] C’est laisser les camps en #Grèce, laisser les gens s’accumuler, laisser les pays de première entrée en Europe s’occuper de la demande d’asile et permettre maintenant aux Etats qui sont à l’extérieur (la Suède, la France, l’Allemagne ou ailleurs) organiser le retour, depuis la Grèce, depuis l’Italie, depuis l’Espagne en se lavant les mains. »

    –—

    Sur le manque chronique de #logement pour les exilés en France... et la demande de #réquisition de #logements_vacants de la part des associations...
    Question du journaliste : pourquoi les mairies, et notamment les mairies de gauche et écologistes ne le font pas ?

    Damien Carême :

    « C’est à eux qu’il faut poser la question, moi je ne le comprends pas, moi, je l’ai fait chez moi. Je ne souhaite pas faire des camps, c’est pas l’idée de faire des #camps partout, mais parce que j’avais pas d’école vide, j’avais pas d’ancien hôpital, d’ancienne caserne, de vieux bâtiments pour héberger ces personnes. Donc on peut accueillir ces personnes-là, je ne comprends pas pourquoi ils ne le font pas. Je milite en tant que président de l’association #ANVITA pour l’#accueil_inconditionnel »

    Journaliste : Qu’est-ce que vous diriez à #Anne_Hidalgo ?

    « On travaille ensemble... on ne peut pas laisser ces personnes là... il faut les rendre visibles. Il a raison #Yann_Manzi d’#Utopia_56 dans le reportage. Il ne faut surtout pas jouer la politique du gouvernement qui joue l’#invisibilité. Et le ras-le-bol des #bénévoles... moi je connais des bénévoles à Grande-Synthe, ça fait 20 ans qu’ils sont là pour aider des exilés qui arrivent sur le territoire... ils sont épuisés, et c’est l’#épuisement que joue le gouvernement. Il ne faut pas céder à cela et il faut en arriver de temps en temps à un #rapport_de_force pour faire en sorte qu’on ouvre [des bâtiments vides] pour que ces gens ne soient pas à la rue. »

    Journaliste : un mot pour qualifier la politique migratoire du gouvernement

    « C’est la #politique_du_refus. C’est une politique d’#extrême_droite. D’ailleurs l’extrême droite applaudit des 4 mains ce que fait aujourd’hui le gouvernement. »

    Sur la situation à #Briançon :
    Damien Carême :

    « C’est du #harcèlement organisé par l’Etat pour jouer l’épuisement sur les bénévoles mais aussi chez les exilés qui arrivent. Et on voit bien que ça ne sert à rien. Macron, à grand renfort de pub a annoncé qu’il doublait les forces de l’ordre à la frontière italienne pour éviter les entrées, y a jamais eu autant d’entrée à la #frontière franco-italienne... »

    Journaliste : "Il y a quasiment autant d’exilés que de policiers qui dorment dans les hôtels de la ville..."
    Damien Carême :

    « Mais bien sûr ! Le budget de #Frontex est passé de 50 millions à l’origine à 476 millions aujourd’hui, ça ne change rien. La seule chose que ça change, c’est qu’aujourd’hui, à Calais, pour passer de l’autre côté en Angleterre, il y a des gens qui prennent des #small_boats et il y a des gens qui meurent en traversant le détroit de la Manche. Et c’est ça qui est grave. Et c’est ça que font ces politiques ! Que le #trafic_d'êtres_humains est le troisième trafic international après les armes et la drogue, parce que le coût du passage a énormément augmenté. A Grande-Synthe en 2015, on me disait que c’était 800 euros le passage garanti, aujourd’hui c’est entre 10 et 14’000 euros. C’est toute l’#efficacité de cette politique-là. Donc changeons de politique : dépensons beaucoup moins d’argent à faire de la #répression [utilisons-le] en organisant l’accueil »

    Commentaire à partir de cette photo, prise à Grande-Synthe :


    Journaliste : Pourquoi ça se passe comment ça, sachant que c’est votre ancien adjoint, un socialiste, #Martial_Beyaert, qui est maire maintenant ?
    Damien Carême :

    "Il avait toujours été d’accord avec notre politique d’accueil. A partir du moment dans lequel il a assumé la responsabilité, il s’est réfugié derrière la volonté du préfet. Et aujourd’hui il dit qu’il est prêt à ouvrir le gymnase, « mais il faut que l’Etat soit d’accord pour le faire, et l’Etat n’est pas d’accord ». Mais l’Etat ne sera jamais d’accord, donc c’est du #cynisme de tenir ces propos aujourd’hui".

    Sur l’ANVITA :
    Damien Carême :

    « C’est un réseau de soutien, c’est un réseau de pression, il y a 44 communes, 3 régions et 2 départements. »

    Journaliste : c’est facile d’être solidaire en ce moment ?

    Damien Carême : « Oui c’est facile. En fait, tout repose sur l’#imaginaire, sur les #récits qu’on peut faire. Nous, ce qu’on a fait quand on était à Grande-Synthe, et c’est ce qui se passe dans plein de villes... quand on accueille réellement, quand on met en relation les populations accueillies et les populations accueillantes, tout se passe merveilleusement bien. »

    Carême parle de #Lyon comme prochaine ville qui intégrera le réseau... et il rapporte les mots de #Gérard_Collomb :
    Damien Carême :

    "Lyon c’est quand même symbolique, parce que Gérard Collomb... qui avait été, pour moi, le ministre de l’intérieur le plus cynique, lui aussi, puisqu’il m’avait dit quand je l’avais vu en entretien en septembre 2017, ouvert les guillemets : « On va leur faire passer l’envie de venir chez nous », fermées les guillemets. C’était les propos d’un ministre de l’intérieur sur la politique migratoire qui allait été mise en ville"

    L’ANVITA....

    « c’est mettre en réseau ces collectivités, c’est montrer qu’on peut faire, qu’on peut faire de l’accueil sans soulèvement de population... Et c’est bientôt créer un réseau européen, car il y a des réseaux comme ça en Allemagne, en Belgique, en Italie, et fédérer ces réseaux »

    Damien Carême :

    « Dans la #crise_écologique, dans la #crise_climatique qu’on vit, il y a la crise migratoire, enfin... c’est pas une #crise_migratoire, c’est structurel, c’est pas conjoncturel la migration : c’est depuis toujours et ça durera toujours. C’est quelque chose à intégrer. Et donc intégrons-le dans nos politiques publiques. C’est pas une calamité, c’est une #chance parfois d’avoir cet apport extérieur. Et toute l’histoire de l’humanité nous le raconte parfaitement »

    #asile #migrations #réfugiés #interview #Calais #France #Grande-Synthe #camp_humanitaire #camps_de_réfugiés #accueil #rhétorique #appel_d'air #solidarité #mouvements_citoyens #associations #sauvetage #mer #secours_en_mer #Frontex #Fabrice_Leggeri #refus #harcèlement_policier #passeurs #militarisation_des_frontières #efficacité

    signalé par @olaf : https://seenthis.net/messages/898383

    ping @isskein @karine4

  • Greece’s new confidentiality law aims to conceal grave violations against asylum seekers

    We strongly condemn Greece’s new law prohibiting NGOs’ first-hand account of abuses inside refugee camps, said the Euro-Mediterranean Human Rights Monitor in a statement today. The new confidentiality law is in essence an alarming measure to muzzle NGO workers and undermine their crucial role in highlighting the unbearable suffering asylum seekers are subjected to in infamous migrant camps.

    Earlier this week, the Greek government has enacted a law that prevents all workers, including volunteers and government civil servants, from publicly sharing any information related to the operations or residents of refugee camps in the country, also after they have stopped working there. This means that NGO workers won’t be allowed to publicly raise any concerns about potential violations against asylum seekers in those camps or the inhumane conditions they are forced to live through, such as overcrowding, inadequate infrastructure, scarce food and water supply, and appalling sanitary conditions.

    This is not the first attempt of the Greek government to restrict and criminalize solidarity and aid towards migrants. Since its victory at the elections in mid-2019, the right-wing New Democracy party has started pursuing a campaign against NGOs and civil society actors supporting refugees and asylum seekers, with some members also accusing NGOs of smuggling and trafficking people.

    In July 2020, the government declared (https://www.infomigrants.net/en/post/25447/ngos-in-greece-told-to-register-or-cease-operations) that all NGOs working in refugee camps would have to register in order to continue to work and many had to cease their operations. On that occasion, 73 organizations released a statement (https://helprefugees.org/news/statement-greek-ngo-registration) to condemn the unnecessary and disproportional barriers imposed on their work, essential to cover the gaps in the provision of basic services, including legal and medical assistance, housing, informal education and human rights’ monitoring.

    It’s still uncertain how the new law will be implemented, but the mere fact of enacting it is already a clear sign of power and repressive control over asylum issues from the conservative government. The New Democracy party aims at showcasing its ability to curb migration flows within the country better than the previous left-wing Syriza government. Yet this control is done at the expense of refugees and asylum seekers’ human rights.

    Both in the Greek islands and on the mainland, the poor and unsanitary conditions in refugee camps have been extensively documented. Euro-Med Monitor has recently collected first-hand material and information from Greek camps, showing the appalling and inhumane conditions that migrants are forced to endure in such sites.

    “NGOs’ reporting from refugee camps offers timely eyewitness accounts of abuses, provides visibility to the struggles asylum seekers and refugees live daily and reminds political leaders both locally and globally that human rights’ violations will not go unnoticed” said Michela Pugliese, legal researcher at Euro-Med Monitor.

    Euro-Med Monitor calls on Greece to urgently retract this new law; to engage in constructive dialogue with humanitarian workers and volunteers operating in refugee camps; and to concretely support, rather than hinder, their essential work to protect and fulfil migrants and asylum seekers’ fundamental rights.

    https://euromedmonitor.org/en/article/4057/Greece%E2%80%99s-new-confidentiality-law-aims-to-conceal-grave-viola
    #censure #camps_de_réfugiés #asile #migrations #réfugiés #loi #Grèce #confidentialité #solidarité #associations #liberté_d'expression

  • IOM run camps in Bosnia: Structural violence is not an incident

    We demand transparency in the work of international organizations and an immediate switch to the practices of care and justice!

    Since 2018, when the first “temporary reception center” run by the IOM and financed by large from the EU, was established in Bosnia and Herzegovina, people placed in camps have been trying to draw the attention of the public. They have been united in saying that living conditions have been below any standards. At the same time, IOM representatives, as well as the EU, have been repeating that the centers have been built in accordance with the “European standards”. However, they have never told us what these standards are.

    At the moment, camp Blažuj near Sarajevo is the biggest concentration camp in BiH with over 3.200 people ‘housed’ inside. The conditions are precarious. No hot water, food is only basic, it is overcrowded, no heating, many people have scabies, every illness is treated with paracetamol and brufen (DRC responsibility). A similar precarious situation is in another camp near Sarajevo, Ušivak.

    People in Sarajevo are receiving everyday pleas for help from the people in the camps. They ask for food, clothes, hygiene supplies, even baby diapers. Tensions are high and occur in daily conflicts. Additionally, the part of the staff in centers is rude, unprofessional, abusive, and often disrespectful towards the people. Local police enter the camps, and the surrounding area, often using methods that should be scrutinized.

    Therefore, we must ask: Do mass, overcrowded camps represent the “European standard” of living? Is the absence of basic living conditions like hot water and heating, the absence of medical care and treatment, the absence of regular diet and widespread hunger, the absence of human care and compassion the “European standard”? Are mass camps soon becoming new mass graves, as a result of the European living standard in question?

    The atmosphere of tension culminated in Blažuj on the evening of January 20th, when a huge fight broke inside the camp. Another one. Each time it is bigger and bigger. IOM cannot negate this as we all saw the fire a few nights ago, which was the result of one such fight. Those who are running camp do not have the knowledge, or willingness, to deal with tensions, meaning to provide more psychological support than security, better conditions, and activities that would make people at least feel human. Instead of that, the IOM and others have decided to limit media access, and to monitor contacts ‘residents’ have with people outside of the camp and the media, often punishing those who are found to communicate with people outside and accused of sending true information about the conditions in the camp (that should be public anyway). Those who do that are often punished with retaliation, expulsion, or even detention inside the special area in the camps, but also in official detention centers in Bosnia, where with no trials or delivered sentences people are kept sometimes for months.

    In the end, the media, IOM, and authorities put the perpetual blame on people on the move, demonizing and criminalizing them in order to justify their own (wrong) doings and (mis)handlings.

    We ask for transparency in the work of international organizations, and an immediate switch to the practices of care and justice. People in Bosnia, but also many other countries in a similar situation, have been asking for this for decades, with little success, while witnessing what could be described as very problematic behaviour of the personnel and leaders of the international organizations (e.g. during the war, especially in so called “safe zones”, or after the war when the UN personnel was involved in human trafficking).

    - unlimited media access to the camps

    – freedom of speech for people inside the camps

    - utter protection from all kinds of violence

    – access to nutritive food, hot and drinking water, hygienic care, medical treatments, mental health support

    – end to the police, military, and security guards’ violence.

    No more structural violence.

    No more mass camps.

    No more (mass) graves.

    Transbalkan Solidarity

    https://transbalkanskasolidarnost.home.blog/iom-run-camps-in-bosnia-structural-violence-is-not-

    #violence_structurelle #asile #migrations #réfugiés #Bosnie #OIM #IOM #camps_de_réfugiés #Blažuj #Blazuj #Balkans #route_des_Balkans

    ping @isskein @karine4

    • Bosnia: Fight in migrant camp leaves three officials injured

      Two police officers and an IOM employee suffered minor injuries in clashes at the Blazuj migrant reception center near Sarajevo on Wednesday, police said. More than 3,000 migrants are currently housed at the former military barracks.

      Police were called late Wednesday night to intervene in a fight that had broken out between migrants at the center outside Bosnian capital Sarajevo.

      “During the intervention, migrants attacked police officers and damaged several police and International Organization for Migration (IOM) cars, as well as IOM offices,” police spokesperson Mirza Hadziabdic told the news agency AFP.

      Hadziabdic confirmed that two police officers and an IOM employee were slightly injured, and that the property damaged in the clash included computers and other equipment.

      According to a statement by the IOM, “a skirmish between two migrants … quickly escalated into a bigger fight.” It was not immediately clear if anyone was arrested, AP reports.

      In Bosnian media, the incident was described as a major clash. The news platform Klix.ba published images of smashed cars and reported that police brought in members of special units with dogs. According to Klix.ba, around 2,000 migrants clashed with police and threw stones.

      Klix.ba reported on Friday that six persons involved in the scuffles had received deportation orders from the foreigners’ office and local authorities in the Sarajevo Canton. One Iranian national reportedly also received an an entry ban of three years and is due to be deported.
      Tense situation for migrants in Bosnia

      Bosnia is a transit country for migrants, mainly from Asia, Africa and the Middle East, who travel along the Balkan route in hopes of reaching Western Europe. Many however remain stranded in Bosnia and fail to cross into EU member state Croatia — their attempts are thwarted by Croatian border police who are regularly accused of applying force to push migrants back into Bosnia.

      Bosnia has struggled to manage a growing number of migrant arrivals since 2018 and most recently, the EU called upon Bosnia to provide adequate housing for migrants who are stranded in the country and face harsh winter conditions.

      According to estimates from EU and IOM officials, there are currently between 8,000 and 9,000 migrants in Bosnia.

      Around 6,000 migrants are living in five centers run by the IOM.

      Roughly 900 migrants are living in heated tents at Lipa camp, which the Bosnian army set up after weeks of criticism from the international community over the conditions at the camp.

      Roughly 2,000 migrants are camping out in the woods and in abandoned buildings in northwestern Bosnia, and their situation is becoming increasingly dangerous.

      https://www.infomigrants.net/en/post/29826/bosnia-fight-in-migrant-camp-leaves-three-officials-injured

    • Twenty Police Cars damaged by Migrants in Blazuj

      In last night’s riots in the migrant center in Blazuj near Sarajevo, 20 vehicles of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Sarajevo Canton and several IOM vehicles were damaged. This information was confirmed for Klix.ba by the Minister of the Interior of Canton Sarajevo, Admir Katica.

      Two injured police officers and one International Organization for Migrations employee is the epilogue of the chaos that happened last night in the migrant camp in Blazuj. This information was confirmed for “Avaz” by Mirza Hadziabdic, spokesman for the Ministry of the Interior of the Sarajevo Canton, and added that 2,000 migrants took part in the riots.

      The situation calmed down last night at 10:50 p.m. The police are still on the spot, an investigation is being carried out, and no one has been detained so far – Hadziabdic added.

      Recall, the workers of the International Organization for Migration (IOM) tried to move to another camp a migrant who disturbed the order and who is the leader of one of the groups in this camp. Migrants tried to release him by force, after which there was a conflict.

      https://www.sarajevotimes.com/around-2000-migrants-participated-in-riots-in-blazuj

  • How the Pandemic Turned Refugees Into ‘Guinea Pigs’ for Surveillance Tech

    An interview with Dr. Petra Molnar, who spent 2020 investigating the use of drones, facial recognition, and lidar on refugees

    The coronavirus pandemic unleashed a new era in surveillance technology, and arguably no group has felt this more acutely than refugees. Even before the pandemic, refugees were subjected to contact tracing, drone and LIDAR tracking, and facial recognition en masse. Since the pandemic, it’s only gotten worse. For a microcosm of how bad the pandemic has been for refugees — both in terms of civil liberties and suffering under the virus — look no further than Greece.

    Greek refugee camps are among the largest in Europe, and they are overpopulated, with scarce access to water, food, and basic necessities, and under constant surveillance. Researchers say that many of the surveillance techniques and technologies — especially experimental, rudimentary, and low-cost ones — used to corral refugees around the world were often tested in these camps first.

    “Certain communities already marginalized, disenfranchised are being used as guinea pigs, but the concern is that all of these technologies will be rolled out against the broader population and normalized,” says Petra Molnar, Associate Director of the Refugee Law Lab, York University.

    Molnar traveled to the Greek refugee camps on Lesbos in 2020 as part of a fact-finding project with the advocacy group European Digital Rights (EDRi). She arrived right after the Moria camp — the largest in Europe at the time — burned down and forced the relocation of thousands of refugees. Since her visit, she has been concerned about the rise of authoritarian technology and how it might be used against the powerless.

    With the pandemic still raging and states more desperate than ever to contain it, it seemed a good time to discuss the uses and implications of surveillance in the refugee camps. Molnar, who is still in Greece and plans to continue visiting the camps once the nation’s second lockdown lifts, spoke to OneZero about the kinds of surveillance technology she saw deployed there, and what the future holds — particularly with the European Border and Coast Guard Agency, Molnar says, adding “that they’ve been using Greece as a testing ground for all sorts of aerial surveillance technology.”

    This interview has been edited and condensed for clarity.

    OneZero: What kinds of surveillance practices and technologies did you see in the camps?

    Petra Molnar: I went to Lesbos in September, right after the Moria camp burned down and thousands of people were displaced and sent to a new camp. We were essentially witnessing the birth of the Kara Tepes camp, a new containment center, and talked to the people about surveillance, and also how this particular tragedy was being used as a new excuse to bring more technology, more surveillance. The [Greek] government is… basically weaponizing Covid to use it as an excuse to lock the camps down and make it impossible to do any research.

    When you are in Lesbos, it is very clear that it is a testing ground, in the sense that the use of tech is quite rudimentary — we are not talking about thermal cameras, iris scans, anything like that, but there’s an increase in the appetite of the Greek government to explore the use of it, particularly when they try to control large groups of people and also large groups coming from the Aegean. It’s very early days for a lot of these technologies, but everything points to the fact that Greece is Europe’s testing ground.

    They are talking about bringing biometric control to the camps, but we know for example that the Hellenic Coast Guard has a drone that they have been using for self-promotion, propaganda, and they’ve now been using it to follow specific people as they are leaving and entering the camp. I’m not sure if the use of drones was restricted to following refugees once they left the camps, but with the lockdown, it was impossible to verify. [OneZero had access to a local source who confirmed that drones are also being used inside the camps to monitor refugees during lockdown.]

    Also, people can come and go to buy things at stores, but they have to sign in and out at the gate, and we don’t know how they are going to use such data and for what purposes.

    Surveillance has been used on refugees long before the pandemic — in what ways have refugees been treated as guinea pigs for the policies and technologies we’re seeing deployed more widely now? And what are some of the worst examples of authoritarian technologies being deployed against refugees in Europe?

    The most egregious examples that we’ve been seeing are that ill-fated pilot projects — A.I. lie detectors and risk scorings which were essentially trying to use facial recognition and facial expressions’ micro-targeting to determine whether a person was more likely than others to lie at the border. Luckily, that technology was debunked and also generated a lot of debate around the ethics and human rights implications of using something like that.

    Technologies such as voice printing have been used in Germany to try to track a person’s country of origin or their ethnicity, facial recognition made its way into the new Migration’s Pact, and Greece is thinking about automating the triage of refugees, so there’s an appetite at the EU level and globally to use this tech. I think 2021 will be very interesting as more resources are being diverted to these types of tech.

    We saw, right when the pandemic started, that migration data used for population modeling became kind of co-opted and used to try and model flows of Covid. And this is very problematic because they are assuming that the mobile population, people on the move, and refugees are more likely to be bringing in Covid and diseases — but the numbers don’t bear out. We are also seeing the gathering of vast amounts of data for all these databases that Europe is using or will be using for a variety of border enforcement and policing in general.

    The concern is that fear’s being weaponized around the pandemic and technologies such as mobile tracking and data collection are being used as ways to control people. It is also broader, it deals with a kind of discourse around migration, on limiting people’s rights to move. Our concern is that it’ll open the door to further, broader rollout of this kind of tech against the general population.

    What are some of the most invasive technologies you’ve seen? And are you worried these authoritarian technologies will continue to expand, and not just in refugee camps?

    In Greece, the most invasive technologies being used now would probably be drones and unpiloted surveillance technologies, because it’s a really easy way to dehumanize that kind of area where people are crossing, coming from Turkey, trying to claim asylum. There’s also the appetite to try facial recognition technology.

    It shows just how dangerous these technologies can be both because they facilitate pushbacks, border enforcement, and throwing people away, and it really plays into this kind of idea of instead of humane responses you’d hope to happen when you see a boat in distress in the Aegean or the Mediterranean, now entities are turning towards drones and the whole kind of surveillance apparatus. It highlights how the humanity in this process has been lost.

    And the normalization of it all. Now it is so normal to use drones — everything is about policing Europe’s shore, Greece being a shield, to normalize the use of invasive surveillance tech. A lot of us are worried with talks of expanding the scope of action, mandate, and powers of Frontex [the European Border and Coast Guard Agency] and its utter lack of accountability — it is crystal clear that entities like Frontex are going to do Europe’s dirty work.

    There’s a particular framing applied when governments and companies talk about migrants and refugees, often linking them to ISIS and using careless terms and phrases to discuss serious issues. Our concern is that this kind of use of technology is going to become more advanced and more efficient.

    What is happening with regard to contact tracing apps — have there been cases where the technology was forced on refugees?

    I’ve heard about the possibility of refugees being tracked through their phones, but I couldn’t confirm. I prefer not to interact with the state through my phone, but that’s a privilege I have, a choice I can make. If you’re living in a refugee camp your options are much more constrained. Often people in the camps feel they are compelled to give access to their phones, to give their phone numbers, etc. And then there are concerns that tracking is being done. It’s really hard to track the tracking; it is not clear what’s being done.

    Aside from contact tracing, there’s the concern with the Wi-Fi connection provided in the camps. There’s often just one connection or one specific place where Wi-Fi works and people need to be connected to their families, spouses, friends, or get access to information through their phones, sometimes their only lifeline. It’s a difficult situation because, on the one hand, people are worried about privacy and surveillance, but on the other, you want to call your family, your spouse, and you can only do that through Wi-Fi and people feel they need to be connected. They have to rely on what’s available, but there’s a concern that because it’s provided by the authorities, no one knows exactly what’s being collected and how they are being watched and surveilled.

    How do we fight this surveillance creep?

    That’s the hard question. I think one of the ways that we can fight some of this is knowledge. Knowing what is happening, sharing resources among different communities, having a broader understanding of the systemic way this is playing out, and using such knowledge generated by the community itself to push for regulation and governance when it comes to these particular uses of technologies.

    We call for a moratorium or abolition of all high-risk technology in and around the border because right now we don’t have a governance mechanism in place or integrated regional or international way to regulate these uses of tech.

    Meanwhile, we have in the EU a General Data Protection Law, a very strong tool to protect data and data sharing, but it doesn’t really touch on surveillance, automation, A.I., so the law is really far behind.

    One of the ways to fight A.I. is to make policymakers understand the real harm that these technologies have. We are talking about ways that discrimination and inequality are reinforced by this kind of tech, and how damaging they are to people.

    We are trying to highlight this systemic approach to see it as an interconnected system in which all of these technologies play a part in this increasingly draconian way that migration management is being done.

    https://onezero.medium.com/how-the-pandemic-turned-refugees-into-guinea-pigs-for-surveillance-t

    #réfugiés #cobaye #surveillance #technologie #pandémie #covid-19 #coroanvirus #LIDAR #drones #reconnaissance_faciale #Grèce #camps_de_réfugiés #Lesbos #Moria #European_Digital_Rights (#EDRi) #surveillance_aérienne #complexe_militaro-industriel #Kara_Tepes #weaponization #biométrie #IA #intelligence_artificielle #détecteurs_de_mensonges #empreinte_vocale #tri #catégorisation #donneés #base_de_données #contrôle #technologies_autoritaires #déshumanisation #normalisation #Frontex #wifi #internet #smartphone #frontières

    ping @isskein @karine4

    ping @etraces

  • Le «#navi_bianche», quando i profughi dall’Africa erano italiani

    «Donne smunte, lacerate accaldate, affrante dalle fatiche, scosse dalle emozioni… Bimbi sparuti che le lunghe privazioni e l’ardore del clima hanno immiserito e stremato fino al limite». Si presentavano così i coloni dell’ormai “ex Impero” agli occhi di #Zeno_Garroni, regio commissario della missione speciale che avrebbe rimpatriato 28mila tra donne, anziani, bambini e ragazzi sotto 15 anni dall’Etiopia, dall’Eritrea e dalla Somalia, paesi di quell’Africa orientale italiana facilmente conquistata all’inizio del 1941 dalle truppe britanniche. Un’ondata di profughi “bianchi” che ricevette un’accoglienza diversa da quella destinata oggi ai naufraghi ma che, come loro, si lasciavano alle spalle la esperienza drammatica della prigionia nei campi alleati.

    Alla missione umanitaria si arrivò dopo una lunga trattativa tra il governo britannico e quello italiano. Furono allestite quattro navi (“Saturnia”, “Vulcania”, “Caio Duilio” e “Giulio Cesare”), dipinte di bianco con grandi croci rosse, alle quali fu imposto il periplo dell’Africa, dal momento che non fu permesso loro di passare attraverso il canale di Suez. Il viaggio, così, diventava molto lungo: circa cinquanta giorni. E pericoloso: la prima spedizione salpò nell’aprile del 1942 da Genova e Trieste, la terza e ultima attraccò a Taranto nell’agosto del 1943. Tutto in piena guerra, quella che si combatteva anche lungo le rotte e i porti del Mediterraneo.

    «Costretti ad abbandonare case e averi, concentrati dai britannici in campi provvisori e da lì inviati a Berbera direttamente per l’imbarco - scrive lo storico Emanuele Ertola che alla vicenda delle “navi bianche” ha dedicato un saggio - affaticati e storditi dopo un lungo viaggio attraverso l’Etiopia in treno e camionetta, i rimpatrianti dovevano quindi sopportare la lunga attesa per salire a bordo». Qui venivano subito assistiti dal personale sanitario (c’erano medici e infermieri) ma affrontavano da subito il problema del sovraffollamento. Durante l’imbarco e il viaggio - soprattutto della prima spedizione - molti bambini, già provati e sofferenti per vita nei campi di concentramento britannici e sfiancati dalle condizioni climatiche, morirono. «Ricordo benissimo, giorno per giorno, la vita a bordo, che è durata circa un mese e mezzo - racconta una testimone, Maria Gabriella Ripa di Meana, citata nel libro di Massimo Zamorani Dalle navi bianche alla linea gotica (Mursia), inviato del Giornale di Indro Montanelli che era uno dei tanti bambini italiani d’Africa -. Ricordo i bambini più piccoli che morivano per infezione diarroica; ricordo l’epidemia di tosse convulsa che imperversava tra i bambini più grandi. Ricordo la madre disperata che aveva assistito alla fine del suo piccolo; ricordo che le donne in stato di gravidanza erano terrorizzate e ricordo che non c’erano più letti disponibili nell’infermeria strapiena».

    Ma oltre che umanitaria, nelle intenzioni del governo fascista, quella delle “navi bianche” doveva essere anche una missione politica. Aveva lo scopo di preparare i profughi che avevano vissuto nelle colonie al reinserimento nella vita della madrepatria e a “rieducarli” ai principi «della gerarchia e dei valori sociali » soprattutto dopo il periodo di prigionia nei campi britannici. Tra i “ragazzi d’Africa” c’era anche il futuro fumettista Hugo Pratt, all’epoca del rientro appena quindicenne. Come altri suoi coetanei si arruolò volontario appena compiuti diciotto anni, convinto che quella della fedeltà al regime fosse l’unica scelta possibile. Tra i bambini sopravvissuti c’era anche Luciano Violante (è nato a Dire Daua nel 1941) che, magistrato e politico ex comunista, molti anni dopo nel suo discorso di insediamento da presidente della Camera invitò a riflettere sui «vinti di ieri» per capire «senza revisionismi falsificanti» anche chi si schierò «dalla parte di Salò».

    https://www.ilsole24ore.com/art/le-navi-bianche-quando-profughi-dall-africa-erano-italiani-AE3GxU5E
    #réfugiés #réfugiés_italiens #décolonisation #Afrique #Corne_d'Afrique #Ethiopie #Erythrée #Somalie #navires #Saturnia #Vulcania #Caio_Duilio #Giulio_Cesare #Berbera #colonialisme #camps_de_concentration #réinsertion #rééducation #Hugo_Pratt

    • The World Refugees Made. Decolonization and the Foundation of Postwar Italy

      In The World Refugees Made, #Pamela_Ballinger explores Italy’s remaking in light of the loss of a wide range of territorial possessions—colonies, protectorates, and provinces—in Africa and the Balkans, the repatriation of Italian nationals from those territories, and the integration of these “national refugees” into a country devastated by war and overwhelmed by foreign displaced persons from Eastern Europe. Post-World War II Italy served as an important laboratory, in which categories differentiating foreign refugees (who had crossed national boundaries) from national refugees (those who presumably did not) were debated, refined, and consolidated. Such distinctions resonated far beyond that particular historical moment, informing legal frameworks that remain in place today. Offering an alternative genealogy of the postwar international refugee regime, Ballinger focuses on the consequences of one of its key omissions: the ineligibility from international refugee status of those migrants who became classified as national refugees.

      The presence of displaced persons also posed the complex question of who belonged, culturally and legally, in an Italy that was territorially and politically reconfigured by decolonization. The process of demarcating types of refugees thus represented a critical moment for Italy, one that endorsed an ethnic conception of identity that citizenship laws made explicit. Such an understanding of identity remains salient, as Italians still invoke language and race as bases of belonging in the face of mass immigration and ongoing refugee emergencies. Ballinger’s analysis of the postwar international refugee regime and Italian decolonization illuminates the study of human rights history, humanitarianism, postwar reconstruction, fascism and its aftermaths, and modern Italian history.

      https://www.cornellpress.cornell.edu/book/9781501747588/the-world-refugees-made/#bookTabs=1
      #livre #rapatriement #nationalisme #identité #citoyenneté

      –---

      Et un autre mot...

      Post-World War II Italy served as an important laboratory, in which categories differentiating #foreign_refugees (who had crossed national boundaries) from #national_refugees (those who presumably did not) were debated, refined, and consolidated.

      #terminologie #vocabulaire #mots
      –-> ajouté à la métaliste: https://seenthis.net/messages/414225
      ping @sinehebdo

    • Dalle navi bianche alla Linea Gotica

      Tra il 1941 e il 1943 quattro transatlantici della Marina mercantile italiana – Saturnia, Vulcania, Giulio Cesare e Caio Duilio – furono appositamente trasformati nelle cosiddette Navi Bianche per riportare in patria dall’Africa Orientale Italiana 30.000 civili prelevati dalle loro case dopo l’occupazione del 1941 e rinchiusi nei campi di concentramento britannici: donne, anziani, invalidi e tantissimi bambini.

      Tra questi c’era anche #Massimo_Zamorani, che racconta il viaggio epico vissuto in prima persona, a quindici anni, attraverso mari invasi dai sommergibili in guerra. Dopo mesi nei campi di prigionia trascorsi in proibitive condizioni climatiche, igieniche, alimentari e sanitarie, i rimpatriandi si trovarono ad affrontare un percorso lunghissimo e difficile di circumnavigazione dell’Africa, poiché il governo britannico non aveva concesso il passaggio dal Canale di Suez.

      Come altri giovani rimpatriati – fra questi anche l’allora sconosciuto Hugo Pratt, futuro creatore di Corto Maltese – appena compiuti gli anni minimi Zamorani si arruolò volontario nell’esercito della Repubblica Sociale e combatté sulla Linea Gotica dove, dato disperso in combattimento, finì ancora una volta prigioniero in Algeria e poi a Taranto.

      Un episodio poco noto della Seconda guerra mondiale nella straordinaria testimonianza di un piccolo sopravvissuto che tornerà da grande in Africa orientale, come inviato speciale.

      https://www.mursia.com/products/14128?_pos=1&_sid=96d96b040&_ss=r

    • Navi bianche. Missione di pace in tempo di guerra

      Erano le unità ospedaliere della nostra flotta. Navigavano protette dalle convenzioni internazionali, ma alcune ugualmente colarono a picco per siluramento, mine, mitragliatrici. Il racconto di questa grandiosa impresa poco conosciuta nei suoi moventi e nella sua esecuzione ma pervasa da un alto senso di umanità, densa di drammaticità e contessuta di episodi molto interessanti, anche dal punto di vista storico, si presenta molto complesso. Le missioni furono tre: dal marzo al giugno 1942; dal settembre 1942 al gennaio 1943; dal maggio all’agosto del 1943; compiute con 4 grandi piroscafi: Vulcania, Saturnia, Duilio e Giulio Cesare.

      https://www.anobii.com/books/Navi_bianche/01966660c104330368

  • Janvier 2021 : Incendie dans le camp de réfugiés à Blazuj (Bosnie-Herzégovine)


    https://twitter.com/SeebrueckeFfm/status/1347627466026790912
    #Bosnie-Herzégovine #Herzégovine #Balkans #route_des_Balkans #feu #asile #migrations #réfugiés #camps_de_réfugiés #Blažuj #Blazuj

    –—

    Ajouté à la métaliste sur les incendies dans des camps de réfugiés (principalement en Grèce, mais du coup, élargissement à la route des Balkans) :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/851143#message892911

  • Enquête vidéo : ce que les réseaux sociaux chinois révèlent des camps d’internement et du travail forcé des Ouïgours
    https://www.lemonde.fr/international/video/2021/01/06/enquete-video-ce-que-les-reseaux-sociaux-chinois-revelent-des-camps-d-intern

    Malgré la censure et les dénégations de Pékin, l’analyse des réseaux sociaux chinois par « Le Monde » expose la politique de répression menée contre les musulmans ouïgours, au Xinjiang. Près de 400 camps d’internement, plus d’un million de détenus et des centaines de milliers de travailleurs forcés… Depuis 2018, l’ampleur de la persécution des Ouïgours en Chine émerge progressivement. Mais selon le gouvernement chinois, ces camps d’internement seraient des « centres de formation professionnelle » et les (...)

    #Nike #Amazon #domination #religion #Islam #prison #SocialNetwork #surveillance #travail (...)

    ##Zara

  • Refugees Come Under Fire as Old Foes Fight in Concert in Ethiopia

    Forces from neighboring Eritrea have joined the war in northern Ethiopia, and have rampaged through refugee camps committing human rights violations, officials and witnesses say.

    As fighting raged across the Tigray region of northern Ethiopia last month, a group of soldiers arrived one day at #Hitsats, a small hamlet ringed by scrubby hills that was home to a sprawling refugee camp of 25,000 people.

    The refugees had come from Eritrea, whose border lies 30 miles away, part of a vast exodus in recent years led by desperate youth fleeing the tyrannical rule of their leader, one of Africa’s longest-ruling autocrats. In Ethiopia, Eritrea’s longtime adversary, they believed they were safe.

    But the soldiers who burst into the camp on Nov. 19 were also Eritrean, witnesses said. Mayhem quickly followed — days of plunder, punishment and bloodshed that ended with dozens of refugees being singled out and forced back across the border into Eritrea.

    For weeks, Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed of Ethiopia has denied that soldiers from Eritrea — a country that Ethiopia once fought in an exceptionally brutal war — had entered Tigray, where Mr. Abiy has been fighting since early November to oust rebellious local leaders.

    In fact, according to interviews with two dozen aid workers, refugees, United Nations officials and diplomats — including a senior American official — Eritrean soldiers are fighting in Tigray, apparently in coordination with Mr. Abiy’s forces, and face credible accusations of atrocities against civilians. Among their targets were refugees who had fled Eritrea and its harsh leader, President Isaias Afwerki.

    The deployment of Eritreans to Tigray is the newest element in a melee that has greatly tarnished Mr. Abiy’s once-glowing reputation. Only last year he was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize for making peace with Mr. Isaias. Now it looks like the much-lauded peace deal between the former enemies in fact laid the groundwork for them to make war against Tigray, their mutual adversary.

    “Abiy has invited a foreign country to fight against his own people,” said Awol Allo, a former Abiy supporter turned outspoken critic who lectures in law at Keele University in Britain. “The implications are huge.”

    Mr. Abiy insists he was forced to move his army quickly in Tigray after the region’s leaders, who had dominated Ethiopia for 27 years until Mr. Abiy took over in 2018, mutinied against his government. But in the early weeks of the fight, Ethiopian forces were aided by artillery fired by Eritrean forces from their side of the border, an American official said.

    Since then, Mr. Abiy’s campaign has been led by a hodgepodge of forces, including federal troops, ethnic militias and, evidently, soldiers from Eritrea.

    At Hitsats, Eritrean soldiers initially clashed with local Tigrayan militiamen in battles that rolled across the camp. Scores of people were killed, including four Ethiopians employed by the International Rescue Committee and the Danish Refugee Council, aid workers said.

    The chaos deepened in the days that followed, when Eritrean soldiers looted aid supplies, stole vehicles and set fire to fields filled with crops and a nearby forested area used by refugees to collect wood, aid workers said. The camp’s main water tank was riddled with gunfire and emptied.

    Their accounts are supported by satellite images, obtained and analyzed by The New York Times, that show large patches of newly scorched earth in and around the Hitsats camp after the Eritrean forces swept through.

    Later, soldiers singled out several refugees — camp leaders, by some accounts — bundled them into vehicles and sent them back across the border to Eritrea.

    “She’s crying, crying,” said Berhan Okbasenbet, an Eritrean now in Sweden whose sister was driven from Hitsats to Keren, the second-largest city in Eritrea, alongside a son who was shot in the fighting. “It’s not safe for them in Eritrea. It’s not a free country.”

    Ms. Berhan asked not to publish their names, fearing reprisals, but provided identifying details that The New York Times verified with an Ethiopian government database of refugees.

    Mr. Abiy’s spokeswoman did not respond to questions for this article. However, a few weeks ago the United Nations secretary general, António Guterres, bluntly asked Mr. Abiy if Eritrean troops were fighting in his war. “He guaranteed to me that they have not entered Tigrayan territory,” Mr. Guterres told reporters on Dec. 9.

    Those denials have been met with incredulity from Western and United Nations officials.

    The Trump administration has demanded that all Eritrean troops immediately leave Tigray, a United States official said, citing reports of widespread looting, killings and other potential war crimes.

    It remains unclear how many Eritreans are in Tigray, or precisely where, said the official, who spoke on the condition of anonymity to discuss delicate diplomacy. A communications blackout over Tigray since Nov. 4 has effectively shielded the war from outside view.

    But that veil has slowly lifted in recent weeks, as witnesses fleeing Tigray or reaching telephones have begun to give accounts of the fighting, the toll on civilians and pervasive presence of Eritrean soldiers.

    In interviews, some described fighters with Eritrean accents and wearing Ethiopian uniforms. Others said they witnessed televisions and refrigerators being looted from homes and businesses. A European official, speaking on the condition of anonymity to discuss confidential findings, said some of those stolen goods were being openly sold in the Eritrean capital, Asmara.
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    Three sources, including a different Western official, said they had received reports of an Eritrean attack on a church in Dinglet, in eastern Tigray, on Nov. 30. By one account, 35 people whose names were provided were killed.

    The reports of Eritrean soldiers sweeping through Tigray are especially jarring to many Ethiopians.

    Ethiopia and Eritrea were once the best of enemies, fighting a devastating border war in the late 1990s that cost 100,000 lives. Although the two countries are now officially at peace, many Ethiopians are shocked that the old enemy is roaming freely inside their borders.

    “How did we let a state that is hostile to our country come in, cross the border and brutalize our own people?” said Tsedale Lemma, editor in chief of the Addis Standard newspaper. “This is an epic humiliation for Ethiopia’s pride as a sovereign state.”

    Mr. Abiy has already declared victory in Tigray and claimed, implausibly, that no civilians have died. But last week his government offered a $260,000 reward for help in capturing fugitive leaders from the regional governing party, the Tigray Peoples Liberation Front — a tacit admission that Mr. Abiy has failed to achieve a major stated goal of his campaign.

    In fact, the biggest winner so far may be his Eritrean ally, Mr. Isaias.

    Since coming to power in 1993, Mr. Isaias has won a reputation as a ruthless and dictatorial figure who rules with steely determination at home and who meddles abroad to exert his influence.

    For a time he supported the Islamist extremists of the Shabab in Somalia, drawing U.N. sanctions on Eritrea, before switching his loyalties to the oil-rich — and Islamist-hating — United Arab Emirates.

    Inside Eritrea, Mr. Isaias enforced a harsh system of endless military service that fueled a tidal wave of migration that has driven over 500,000 Eritreans — perhaps one-tenth of the population — into exile.

    The peace pact signed by the two leaders initially raised hopes for a new era of stability in the region. Ultimately, it amounted to little. By this summer, borders that opened briefly had closed again.

    But Mr. Abiy and Mr. Isaias remained close, bonded by their shared hostility toward the rulers of Tigray.

    They had different reasons to distrust the Tigrayans. For Mr. Abiy the Tigray People’s Liberation Front was a dangerous political rival — a party that had once led Ethiopia and, once he became prime minister, began to flout his authority openly.

    For Mr. Isaias, though, it was a deeply personal feud — a story of grievances, bad blood and ideological disputes that stretched back to the 1970s, when Eritrea was fighting for independence from Ethiopia, and Mr. Isaias joined with the Tigray People’s Liberation Front to fight an Ethiopian Marxist dictator.

    Those differences widened after 1991, when Eritrea became independent and the Tigrayans had come to power in Ethiopia, culminating in a devastating border war.

    As tensions rose between Mr. Abiy and the T.P.L.F., Mr. Isaias saw an opportunity to settle old scores and to reassert himself in the region, said Martin Plaut, author of “Understanding Eritrea” and a senior research fellow at the University of London.

    “It’s typical Isaias,” said Mr. Plaut. “He seeks to project power in ways that are completely unimaginable for the leader of such a small country.”

    Aid groups warn that, without immediate access, Tigray will soon face a humanitarian disaster. The war erupted just as villagers were preparing to harvest their crops, in a region already grappling with swarms of locusts and recurring drought.

    Refugees are especially vulnerable. According to the United Nations, 96,000 Eritrean refugees were in Tigray at the start of the fight, although some camps have since emptied. An internal U.N. report from Dec. 12, seen by The Times, described the situation at Hitsats as “extremely dire,” with no food or water.

    Farther north at Shimelba camp, Eritrean soldiers beat refugees, tied their hands and left them under the sun all day, said Efrem, a resident who later fled to Addis Ababa, the Ethiopian capital.

    “They poured milk on their bodies so they would be swarmed with flies,” he said.

    Later, Efrem said, the soldiers rounded up 40 refugees and forced them to travel back across the border, to Eritrea.

    https://www.nytimes.com/2020/12/28/world/africa/Ethiopia-Eritrea-Tigray.html
    #réfugiés #Tigré #Ethiopie #Erythrée #réfugiés #camps_de_réfugiés #réfugiés_érythréens #Hamdayet

    ping @reka @fil

    • Refugee Camps in Ethiopia Appear to Have Been Systematically Destroyed

      Satellite photos show military actors at the camps right after they were razed; the damage is far more extensive than previously reported.

      Two refugee camps in Ethiopia’s Tigray region were deliberately razed to the ground in attacks carried out between November and January, according to researchers who have been analyzing satellite images that highlight extensive destruction caused by the breakout of civil war in Ethiopia last year.

      Previous reports of satellite images obtained by the DX Open Network, a UK-based research and analysis organization, appeared to depict scorched earth attacks at the Hitsats and Shimelba refugee camps, which hosted over 25,000 refugees from neighboring Eritrea prior to the war. But recent analysis of the images indicates that the destruction was systemic, and residential areas, clinics, and schools were targeted in what appears to have been an attempt at preventing future use of the facilities. Further, a significant number of military vehicles and soldiers are visible in and around the camps soon after the time of the destruction, which appears to point to their complicity in the razing. While it is unconfirmed which military was present, signs also indicate it was the Ethiopian military, as the government continues to deny access to the camps. The damage also appears to now be much more extensive than originally reported, with over a thousand structures destroyed.

      “These cumulative damage assessments show a campaign to degrade, destroy both the Hitsats and Shimelba refugee camps from November 24 to January 27,” the DX Open Network said in a statement yesterday. “There are clear and consistent patterns across both camps over a two month period demonstrating that these refugee camps were systematically targeted, despite their protected humanitarian status.”

      The breakout of war between the former Tigray regional government and Ethiopian and Eritrean soldiers has left thousands dead and internally displaced over 2.3 million people. Widespread destruction, the result of attacks targeting urban city centers, heritage sites, and refugee camps, has also been documented.

      The Hitsats and Shimelba camps had come under attack soon after the breakout of war, and fighting at the Hitsats camp between allied Ethiopian and Eritrean troops and forces loyal to the Tigrayan People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) was reported in November. Refugees have been reportedly targeted and killed by both Tigrayan and Eritrean forces, while others were abducted and taken back to Eritrea. At least four humanitarian aid workers have been killed at the camps.

      The UNHCR, the UN refugee agency, operated a total of four refugee camps hosting almost 100,000 Eritrean refugees in Tigray. Despite this, representatives have been denied access to the two camps despite appealing repeatedly. The camps remain under heavy military guard, with satellite images taken on January 25 appearing to show a heavy concentration of soldiers at a school compound at the Shimelba site.

      “I am very worried for the safety and well-being of Eritrean refugees in those camps,” UNHCR head Filippo Grandi said in a January 14th statement. “The [Ethiopian] government has provided assurances that measures are being taken to minimize the impact of the conflict on civilians.”

      But the recent findings indicate that despite Ethiopia’s reassurances to the UNHCR, the destruction continued even in the days following Grandi’s statement.

      By January 27, the Shimelba camp had a total of 721 structures destroyed, according to satellite imagery obtained on that date, over 300 more than previously thought. As has been reported, fires were set simultaneously across the camp’s residential areas, with clear visible darkening indicating the burning of hundreds of homes between January 13 and January 16. Visible destruction of a compound run by the World Food Program (WFP) and a clinic operated by the Ethiopian government run Administration for Refugee & Returnee Affairs (ARRA), took place in early January.

      Two additional WFP structures were completely obliterated by January 5 as well. The landscape outside of an Ethiopian Orthodox Church Development and Inter-Church Aid Commission-run high school was set ablaze, and the aftermath is clearly visible from space.

      “99 percent of [Shimelba’s damaged structures] were assessed as catastrophically or extensively damaged,” the organization said in a statement sent to VICE World News.

      Prior to the war, the Hitsats camp had schools, colleges, youth recreational centers, and even a beauty salon, funded by a consortium of local and international aid organizations. The DX Open Network told VICE World News that a total of 531 destroyed structures were tallied for Hitsats. Previous reporting put the figure around 400. Extensive damage to facilities run by the International Rescue Committee (IRC) and Norwegian Refugee Council (NRC), have also been recorded. The surrounding area was set alight, as was the case at similar structures across both camps. Images of smoke billowing into the air over residential dorms appear to indicate arson attacks on those structures too.

      Another compound also had the earth around it scorched, with at least eight identified cratering sites, consistent with damage caused by direct artillery rounds dating back to late November. The researchers indicated to VICE World News that this was evidence that the camp was shelled.

      “Also present in satellite imagery are groups of military-use vehicles, including a mechanised formation bivouacking in an elementary and secondary school compound within Shimelba Refugee Camp,” the DX Open Network told VICE World News. “The presence of military actors soon after the widespread razing of both camps raises questions as to whether these military actors are the same as the perpetrators of the fire-based attacks and other violence at and around the camps.”

      With the camp cut off from the outside world and out of food, survivors reportedly fled into the wilderness. At least 20,000 Eritrean refugees who had been at the two camps remain unaccounted for.

      Last week, Grandi himself traveled to Ethiopia. During his four day visit, he met with President Sahlework Zewde and got the chance to tour two of the UNHCR’s camps in Tigray. But he was denied the chance to visit Shimelba and Hitsats.

      Perhaps even more worrying, an Ethiopian government representative spoke to state media last week, and seemed to rule out the possibility of the two camps being reopened. According to the unnamed official, the two camps were “substandard,” and “inhospitable,” and had been turned into militia training sites for members of the Eritrean political opposition. No evidence for the claim was included in the report.

      “These events progressed in manner, timing, and consistency so similar to one another that it suggests that the same actor conducted the attacks on both camps with the same intent: to degrade both refugee camps’ ability to function, discourage any refugees from remaining, and ultimately prevent their use as refugee camps,” the DX Open Network told VICE World News. “In totality, these acts may constitute violations of international humanitarian and human rights law.”

      Last year, the Ethiopian government announced that it intended to close the Hitsats refugee camp citing costs, much to the chagrin of the UNHCR, which has argued the refugees, mostly escapees from unending military conscription in Eritrea, would have nowhere else to go. Eritrea’s President Isaias Afewerki has long criticized the existence of the camps, claiming that western states were using them to lure away potential recruits for his army. With the camps now rendered inhospitable, he appears to have had the last laugh.
      Tagged:

      https://www.vice.com/en/article/93wmbz/refugee-camps-in-ethiopia-appear-to-have-been-systematically-destroyed

  • Le droit d’asile à l’épreuve de l’externalisation des politiques migratoires

    Le traitement des #demandes_d’asile s’opère de plus en plus en #périphérie et même en dehors des territoires européens. #Hotspots, missions de l’#Ofpra en #Afrique, #accord_UE-Turquie : telles sont quelques-unes des formes que prend la volonté de mise à distance des demandeurs d’asile et réfugiés qui caractérise la politique de l’Union européenne depuis deux décennies.

    Pour rendre compte de ce processus d’#externalisation, les auteur·es de ce nouvel opus de la collection « Penser l’immigration autrement » sont partis d’exemples concrets pour proposer une analyse critique de ces nouvelles pratiques ainsi que de leurs conséquences sur les migrants et le droit d’asile. Ce volume prolonge la journée d’étude organisée par le #Gisti et l’Institut de recherche en droit international et européen (Iredies) de la Sorbonne, le 18 janvier 2019, sur ce thème.

    Sommaire :

    Introduction
    I. Les logiques de l’externalisation

    – Externalisation de l’asile : concept, évolution, mécanismes, Claire Rodier

    - La #réinstallation des réfugiés, aspects historiques et contemporains, Marion Tissier-Raffin

    – Accueil des Syriens : une « stratification de procédures résultant de décisions chaotiques », entretien avec Jean-Jacques Brot

    - #Dublin, un mécanisme d’externalisation intra-européenne, Ségolène Barbou des Places

    II. Les lieux de l’externalisation

    - L’accord Union européenne - Turquie, un modèle ? Claudia Charles

    – La #Libye, arrière-cour de l’Europe, entretien avec Jérôme Tubiana

    - L’#Italie aux avant-postes, entretien avec Sara Prestianni

    - Le cas archétypique du #Niger, Pascaline Chappart

    #Etats-Unis- #Mexique : même obsession, mêmes conséquences, María Dolores París Pombo

    III. Les effets induits de l’externalisation

    – Une externalisation invisible : les #camps, Laurence Dubin

    - #Relocalisation depuis la #Grèce : l’illusion de la solidarité, Estelle d’Halluin et Émilie Lenain

    - Table ronde : l’asile hors les murs ? L’Ofpra au service de l’externalisation

    https://www.gisti.org/publication_pres.php?id_article=5383
    #procédures_d'asile #asile #migrations #réfugiés #rapport #USA

    ping @karine4 @isskein @rhoumour @_kg_

  • Le camp de migrants de #Lipa, en #Bosnie, ravagé par un #incendie

    Le camp de Lipa, dans le nord-ouest de la Bosnie, ravagé par les flammes. Un violent incendie s’est déclaré ce mercredi dans ce camp de migrants situé dans la région de #Bihac, près de la frontière avec la Croatie. 1 200 personnes y étaient hébergées. Aucune victime n’est à déplorer. Selon des témoins, le sinistre a démarré dans une installation de stockage de combustibles. Il s’est rapidement propagé.

    Selon la directrice du camp, Natasa Omerovic, ce sont d’anciens résidents qui l’ont déclenché à un moment où le camp était fermé pour être déplacé.

    Selon Peter Van der Auweraert, coordinateur de la mission de l’Organisation internationale pour les Migration (OIM) en Bosnie-Herzégovine, la plupart des infrastructures ont été détruites. L’#OIM, qui gérait ce centre d’accueil, a récemment annoncé son retrait en raison de mauvaises conditions.


    https://twitter.com/PeterAuweraert/status/1341721207939448833

    Début décembre, ce camp de #tentes avait fait l’objet de vives critiques. Etabli comme une réponse #provisoire pour faire face à la #pandémie de #coronavirus, il n’était pas équipé pour des conditions hivernales. Le camps incendié n’était pas équipé de chauffage et n’avait jamais été branché sur le réseau électrique.

    L’Organisation internationale pour les migrations et la Commission européenne exhortaient les autorités locales à trouver une solution pour héberger ailleurs les résidents du camp de Lipa, ainsi que quelque 2 000 autres migrants dépourvus de logement dans la région de Bihac, près de la frontière de l’Union européenne.

    Les autorités municipales et cantonales de Bihac refusent de permettre à l’OIM de rouvrir l’ancien centre d’accueil à Bihac, dans les halles d’une ancienne usine, malgré une instruction du gouvernement fédéral en ce sens. Il a été fermé peu avant les élections municipales de novembre, pour répondre à une pression croissante des habitants.

    « Les autorités compétentes doivent coopérer et agir dans la plus grande urgence pour répondre aux besoins des réfugiés et des migrants sans abris et sauver les vies », a insisté lundi la Commission européenne dans un communiqué.

    https://fr.euronews.com/2020/12/23/le-camp-de-migrants-de-lipa-en-bosnie-ravage-par-un-incendie

    #Bosnie-Herzégovine #Balkans #route_des_Balkans #feu #asile #migrations #réfugiés #camps_de_réfugiés

    –—

    Ajouté à la métaliste sur les incendies dans des camps de réfugiés (principalement en Grèce, mais du coup, élargissement à la route des Balkans) :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/851143#message892911

    • Bosnie : le camp de Lipa ravagé par un incendie, 1 300 migrants à la rue

      Le camp de Lipa, dans le nord-ouest de la Bosnie, a été complètement détruit mercredi par un incendie probablement « criminel », ont indiqué les autorités. Environ 1 300 migrants, qui y étaient hébergés, se retrouvent désormais à la rue en pleine hiver avec des températures glaciales.

      « Jour terrible » pour le camp de Lipa. Dans un tweet, Peter Van der Auweraert, le représentant de l’Organisation internationale pour les migrations (OIM) en Bosnie-Herzégovine, ne cache pas son désespoir.

      Le camp de migrants, situé dans le nord-ouest du pays, vient de partir en fumée, ce mercredi 23 décembre. Environ 1 300 migrants y étaient hébergés dans des conditions dramatiques.


      https://twitter.com/PeterAuweraert/status/1341704305125027840

      « L’incendie s’est déclaré à 11h. Les pompiers ont réussi à l’éteindre, mais les quatre grandes tentes dans lesquelles les migrants dormaient ont brulé », a déclaré à l’AFP un porte-parole de la police, Ale Siljdedic, précisant qu’il n’y avait pas eu de blessés.
      « Un acte criminel »

      « Nous supposons qu’il s’agit d’un acte criminel et que des résidents du camp en sont à l’origine », a-t-il poursuivi. Peter Van der Auweraert évoque lui d’"anciens résidents [qui] ont mis le feu à trois tentes et aux conteneurs après que la plupart des migrants ont quitté le camp".

      https://twitter.com/PeterAuweraert/status/1341721207939448833

      Les exilés auraient agi en signe de protestation : mis en place en avril dans ce village près de Bihac, le site avait été installé comme une solution temporaire, rien n’étaient prévu pour que ses résidents y passent l’hiver. Le camp incendié n’était pas équipé d’électricité et de chauffage, alors que le pays connaît actuellement une vague de froid.

      « Désastre après désastre », a encore déploré Peter Van der Auweraert de l’OIM.
      Des milliers de personnes à la rue

      L’agence onusienne, qui gérait ce centre d’accueil, avait récemment annoncé son retrait de la structure en raison des mauvaises conditions de vie des exilés. L’OIM et la Commission européenne exhortaient depuis début décembre les autorités locales à trouver une solution pour héberger ailleurs ces 1 300 personnes, ainsi que quelque 2 000 autres migrants dépourvus de logement dans la région de Bihac, près de la frontière de l’Union européenne.

      Avec cet incendie, les résidents se retrouvent à la rue, en plein hiver et alors qu’est prévue une forte baisse de température dans les prochains jours. « Ils vont probablement se diriger vers Bihac (à 30 km au nord-ouest de Lipa, ndlr) et vont occuper des bâtiments abandonnés », a déclaré Ale Siljdedic.

      Les autorités municipales et cantonales de Bihac refusent que l’OIM rouvre l’ancien centre d’accueil à Bihac, dans les halles d’une ancienne usine, malgré une instruction du gouvernement fédéral en ce sens. Il a été fermé peu avant les élections municipales de novembre, pour répondre à une pression croissante des habitants.

      « Les autorités compétentes doivent coopérer et agir dans la plus grande urgence pour répondre aux besoins des réfugiés et des migrants sans abris et sauver des vies », a insisté lundi la Commission européenne dans un communiqué.

      https://www.infomigrants.net/fr/post/29292/bosnie-le-camp-de-lipa-ravage-par-un-incendie-1-300-migrants-a-la-rue

      #SDF

    • Thousands of refugees without shelter after Bosnia camp burns

      Dozens spend the night at a damaged metal container near the site of the fire, where only a ghostly steel construction remained.

      More than a thousand refugees and migrants from Asia, the Middle East and North Africa were left to sleep in the cold after their camp in northwestern Bosnia burned down amid a dispute among Bosnian politicians over where to house them.

      On Wednesday, a fire destroyed the camp in Lipa housing about 1,200 people. Police and United Nations officials have said the blaze was probably started by people unhappy at the temporary closure of the camp, scheduled for the same day, and uncertainty about where they would be relocated in Bosnia.

      Dozens of men spent the night at a damaged metal container near the site of the fire, where only a ghostly steel construction remained. Smoke was still rising from some burned patches of ground on Thursday morning.

      Others tried to erect nylon tents and slept fully dressed on the frozen ground. Most of them walked through the woods towards the town of Bihac, near the Croatian border, avoiding areas marked with warnings about landmines remaining from the Bosnian war in the 1990s.

      About 10,000 refugees and migrants from Asia, the Middle East and North Africa are stuck in Bosnia, hoping to reach wealthier countries in the European Union.

      “I couldn’t sleep last night, I sat all night,” said Bylal from Pakistan, adding that he would wait to see if the government would provide them with a new shelter.

      The Lipa camp, which was opened last spring as a temporary shelter for the summer months 25 km away from Bihac, was set to be shut on Wednesday for winter refurbishing. But Bosnia’s authorities failed to find alternative accommodation for residents.

      The central government wanted the refugees and migrants to temporarily return to the Bira camp in Bihac, which was shut down in October, but local authorities disagreed, saying that other parts of Bosnia should also share the burden of the migrant crisis.

      “Please open the Bira camp so everybody goes there, it’s very good there,” said Yasin, also from Pakistan. “Here it’s cold, we can’t stay here, we don’t have food, we are hungry.”

      The European Union, which had supported Bosnia with 60 million euros to manage the refugee crisis and pledged 25 million euros more, has repeatedly asked the authorities to find an alternative to the unsuitable Lipa camp, warning of an unfolding humanitarian crisis.

      “We urge … the authorities to rise above political considerations and temporarily reopen the centre Bira in Bihac,” the EU said in a statement on Wednesday

      https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2020/12/24/thousands-of-refugees-without-shelter-after-bosnia-camp-burns

    • Bosnie : après l’incendie du camp de Lipa, des centaines de migrants prisonniers du #froid et de la #neige

      Dans le nord de la Bosnie-Herzégovine, des centaines de migrants sont toujours sans solution d’hébergement depuis l’incendie du camp de Lipa le 23 décembre. La situation est extrêmement inquiétante alors que des chutes de neige et des températures glaciales se sont abattues sur la région ce week-end.

      La situation était déjà compliquée dans le camp de Lipa, elle est devenue catastrophique. Dans le nord-ouest de la Bosnie, plusieurs centaines de migrants sont contraints de vivre dans le froid et la neige après l’incendie de ce camp le 23 décembre.

      Ces hommes – originaires d’Afghanistan et du Bangladesh pour la plupart – tentaient samedi de se protéger du froid et du vent en s’enveloppant dans des couvertures et des sacs de couchage, ont observé des journaliste des l’agence Associated Press (AP).

      La Croix-Rouge de Bosnie a distribué des repas aux exilés qui ne survivent que grâce à ces colis alimentaires. La police ne les autorise pas à quitter le site, les empêchant de se rendre dans la ville voisine de Bihac pour acheter quelques denrées alimentaires.

      « Lipa est devenue une prison hivernale », a dénoncé sur Twitter Peter Van der Auweraert, représentant de l’Organisation internationale pour les migrations en Bosnie-Herzégovine. « Les migrants ne sont pas autorisés à quitter le site de Lipa et doivent maintenant faire du feu dans les tentes restantes pour se tenir chaud […] C’est une tragédie totalement inutile », ajoute-t-il.


      https://twitter.com/PeterAuweraert/status/1343267176321585154

      Dans la grande tente qui a survécu à l’incendie et où dorment désormais les migrants, le toit commence à ployer sous le poids de la neige, met par ailleurs en garde Peter Van der Auweraert, pointant un « terrible accident qui n’attend que de se produire ».
      « Nous vivons comme des animaux »

      L’association No Name Kitchen a indiqué, de son côté, « faire de son mieux pour procurer des vêtements chauds et de la nourriture aux personnes ». « La police a bloqué la route et plus de 1000 personnes se trouvent dans la forêt autour du camp de Lipa », précise l’organisation.


      https://twitter.com/NoNameKitchen1/status/1342890272221523969

      « Nous vivons comme des animaux. Même les animaux vivent mieux que nous ! » a déclaré un Pakistanais à AP qui ne s’est identifié que par son prénom, Kasim. « S’ils ne nous aident pas, nous mourrons, alors aidez-nous s’il vous plaît. »


      https://twitter.com/PeterAuweraert/status/1342775470899781638

      « Ce n’est pas ainsi que quiconque devrait vivre », a également pointé Peter Van der Auweraert, appelant la classe politique bosnienne au « courage » et à l’"action" pour débloquer la situation et autoriser l’ouverture d’un nouveau centre d’hébergement.

      La capitaine de navire allemande Carola Rackete a également alerté sur les réseaux sociaux sur l’urgence de la situation dans le nord de la Bosnie et appelé à soutenir les associations qui viennent en aide aux exilés.

      https://twitter.com/CaroRackete/status/1343181760167866368

      https://www.infomigrants.net/fr/post/29320/bosnie-apres-l-incendie-du-camp-de-lipa-des-centaines-de-migrants-pris