• First Person: Returning to #Dadaab

    “Refugees here need freedom and dignity to earn a decent living, but most feel abandoned and forgotten”.
    Three main camps – #Ifo, #Dagahaley, and #Hagadera – make up the Dadaab refugee complex; the #no_man’s_land lost in between Kenya and Somalia where I spent most of my childhood.

    #Kenya #camps_de_réfugiés #témoignage

  • Zaatari’s children: poverty, conflict and displacement in refugee camp

    According to UNHCR around 80,000 people live in Zaatari and more than half of them are children.

    Aysar Waseem Ryabi spent most of his nearly 6 years on this side of the border.

    “I wake up in the morning, have breakfast, go to the playground then go back home. I sit for a bit then go out again and play football. And then I take my brother and play more football," he said.

    Syria’s children are either growing up amid conflict, or living in poverty and displacement.

    Inside Zaatari, UNICEF partnered with NGOs and Syrians to create “safe spaces” for children to be children.

    Volunteers focus on extracurricular activities – like painting or playing – to help children with the tools they need to build up resilience.

    “This is so they can reach a level where they can get their needs and adapt to any condition,” Hussein Al-Qassem, UNICEF Volunteer told Euronews’ Anelise Borges.

    “No matter what might happen in the long run, they will have the solutions. It can be difficult, but I hope that the things they are witnessing will help them become more lenient.”

    #camps_de_réfugiés #Zaatari #Jordanie #pauvreté #réfugiés #asile #migrations

  • Carte interactive : où sont les plus grands camps de réfugiés en #Afrique ?

    Ils font la taille d’une grande ville et restent pourtant bien souvent introuvables sur une carte : les camps de réfugiés en Afrique abritent des centaines de milliers de migrants ayant fui leur pays pour diverses raisons. Loin de penser à venir en Europe, ils s’installent dans ces camps, pour quelques mois ou parfois pour la vie.

    L’#Ouganda demeure à ce jour le pays accueillant le plus de réfugiés en Afrique avec 1,15 million de personnes. Pour autant, “la population recensée dans chaque camp individuellement ne coïncide pas réellement avec la hiérarchie des pays accueillant le plus de réfugiés”, précise le Haut-Commissariat des Nations unies pour les réfugiés (HCR) à InfoMigrants. En clair, certains pays comptent de gigantesques camps de réfugiés, mais pas le plus grand nombre de réfugiés sur leur sol. À l’inverse, d’autres pays recensent un nombre très important de réfugiés mais ces derniers sont répartis dans une multitude de camps de moindre taille.

    Ainsi, bien que l’#Éthiopie compte plus de 900 000 réfugiés, ses camps ne sont pas les plus grands. "Par exemple, la région de #Malkadida dénombre 218 000 réfugiés somaliens, mais ils sont répartis sur 5 camps”, explique le HCR.

    Au #Tchad, le camp le plus important accueille 141 000 réfugiés soudanais, principalement du #Darfour. Mais trois autres camps dans la même région font grimper à 330 000 le nombre de réfugiés.


    #camps_de_réfugiés #cartographie #visualisation #carte_interactive #réfugiés #asile #migrations
    ping @reka

  • Un autre hiver... un de plus...
    Winter conditions add to migrant hardship in northern Greece

    Freezing weather is exacerbating difficult conditions for migrants in overcrowded refugee camps in northern Greece. Last week the cold spell led to a protest by dozens of migrants at a camp near Thessaloniki. Greek officials have blamed the number of people flooding into the camp from the islands and across the Turkish border. But could the situation have been prevented?

    Harsh winter conditions hit northern Greece a few days into the new year, bringing sub-zero temperatures, strong winds, snow and ice. In the Diavata refugee camp near the port city of Thessaloniki, several hundred people are struggling with basic survival. Yet every week, despite the weather conditions, more continue to arrive.

    “They don’t think about this kind of thing, they just want to move on,” said one man at Diavata after another Afghan family arrived in the snow. “They just think that in the next stage from Turkey, when they go to Greece, everything will be fine.”

    Camp protests

    When they reach Diavata, the migrants find the reality is different. The camp is full to capacity, with around 800 registered asylum seekers. On top of these, there are between 500 and 650 people living at the site without having been registered by migration authorities.

    “Most of them have built their own makeshift shelters and tents, which are not providing them with the protection needed,” says Mike Bonke, the Greece country director of the Arbeiter Samariter Bund (ASB), an NGO providing support services to Diavata. “They have no (safe) heating, washing and sanitation and cooking facilities.”

    Last week, the difficult conditions prompted around 40 migrants to hold a protest outside the camp, burning tires and blockading the road. A truck driver tried to get through the barricade resulting in a fight which left one man in hospital.

    The driver lost his patience and started swearing at the migrants, who threw rocks and broke his windscreen, reports said. The driver and four migrants were charged with causing grievous bodily harm, according to the Greek daily, Katherimini.

    Conditions create health concerns

    Diavata is just one of a number of migrant facilities in northern Greece to have been affected by the cold snap. An NGO contacted by InfoMigrants said that Orestiada, near the Evros river to the east, was covered in snow. Migrants in the critically overcrowded camps on the islands too are contending with snow, frozen water pipes and icy roads.

    According to the ASB, the refugee reception camps lack resources to cope with the current conditions. “Healthcare services at all (refugee reception) sites are not adequate,” Bonke says.

    Agis Terzidis, an advisor to the Greek Minister of Health and Vice-President of the Center for Disease Control (CDC) which coordinates healthcare provision to migrants and refugees, admits that the cold weather, in addition to the poor conditions and overcrowding in the camps, is exacerbating migrants’ health problems. “We have people living in conditions that are not acceptable for anyone,” he says.

    National health system must step up

    In response to the worsening situation, there are plans to boost EU-funded medical teams operating in camps throughout the country, including the islands, Agis Terzidis says. But he told InfoMigrants that from now on, more pressure would be put on the Greek national health system and local hospitals to tackle the problem, rather than medical staff in the camps themselves.

    Terzidis also insisted that fixing the situation in the camps was “not in the mandate” of the CDC, as it was chiefly a result of greater numbers of people arriving and consequent overcrowding.

    Instead, the CDC’s main priority remains vaccinating migrants to prevent outbreaks of hepatitis, measles and other infectious diseases. It also focuses on treating those suffering from chronic diseases, some of whom will likely succumb to the harsh winter conditions.

    Too many people

    With more bleak weather predicted, a vegetable garden is being planned in the Diavata camp, giving the residents something to look forward to. That will have to be abandoned if more people start to arrive when the weather improves.

    The camps continue to be under pressure from the large and unpredictable numbers of arrivals. Currently there are around 20 arrivals per week at Diavata, but that could quickly escalate to hundreds. So far, Greek authorities do not seem to have taken steps to limit how many end up at the camps seeking protection.

    I think we can all agree that this situation should have been solved by registering these refugees in the Greek Migration system and providing them with dignified and safe shelters.
    _ Mike Bonke, Greece country director, Arbeiter Samariter Bund

    As both government and army staff and their NGO colleagues in the camps remain powerless to solve the problem of overcrowding, their main task will be to protect migrants from harm and exposure as the winter enters its coldest months.

    #Grèce #asile #migrations #réfugiés #camps_de_réfugiés #neige #froid #Salonique #Softex #Diavata #résistance #protestation

  • Rare Photos: European Refugee Camps in Syria — At The Height of World War II

    The whole world is aware that Europe is buckled under the biggest refugee crisis since World War II, with millions of people fleeing civil war and oppression in the Middle East, North Africa, and Western Asia, and landing on the continent’s shores by land and by sea. The UN estimates that more people have been displaced than at any time since the Second World War — there are close to 60 million war refugees, according to the UN High Commissioner for Refugees.

    While there is no denying the fact that the current humanitarian crisis is the worst refugee crisis of our generation; with continuous comparison to World War II, it is imperative that we share a small yet important fact with you: at the height of World War II, the Middle East Relief and Refugee Administration (MERRA) operated camps in Syria, Egypt and Palestine, where tens of thousands of people from across Europe sought refuge.

    Yes, you read it right. Refugees crossed the same passageways [which the Syrians, the Africans, and the Asians are taking to reach Europe TODAY] 70 years ago — BUT they were the Europeans (largely from Bulgaria, Croatia, Greece, Turkey and Yugoslavia) trying to find solace in the Middle East.

    How The Refugees Entered The Camps:

    According to the International Social Service records, refugees from Europe had to register at one of several camps in Egypt, Palestine and Syria and obtain camp-issued identification cards, which contained their full name, gender, marital status, passport number, and their educational and work history.

    After registration, they had to undergo a refugee medical examination at makeshift hospital facilities — where they took off their clothes, their shoes and were washed until officials believed they were sufficiently disinfected. When they were declared fit enough to join the refugee camp, they were divided into living quarters for families, unaccompanied children, single men and single women.

    How They Survived:

    Refugees in MERRA camps received a half portion of Army rations each day; sometimes supplemented with foods that reflected refugees’ national customs and religious practices. ‘Rich’ refugees could buy beans, olives, oil, fruit, tea, coffee and other staples from camp canteens. On the rare occasion, during supervised visits to local shops, they could buy soap, razor blades, pencils, paper, stamps and other items. Some camps provided space for refugees to prepare meals; one camp in Aleppo reserved a room for women so they could make macaroni with flour, which they received from camp officials.

    How They Found Work & Developed Skills:

    Some, but not all, camps required refugees to work — though they were not forced to earn to make ends meet. GlobalPost reports:

    In Aleppo, refugees were encouraged, but not required, to work as cooks, cleaners and cobblers. Labor wasn’t mandatory in Nuseirat, either, but camp officials did try to create opportunities for refugees to use their skills in carpentry, painting, shoe making and wool spinning so that they could stay occupied and earn a little income from other refugees who could afford their services. At Moses Wells, all able-bodied, physically fit refugees worked as shopkeepers, cleaners, seamstresses, apprentices, masons, carpenters or plumbers, while “exceptionally qualified persons” served as school masters or labor foremen. Women performed additional domestic work like sewing, laundry, and preparing food on top of any other work they had.

    How They Acquired Knowledge:

    Margaret G. Arnstein, a prominent nurse practitioner notes that students in a few camps at El Shatt and Moses Wells were taught practical nursing, anatomy, physiology, first aid, obstetrics, pediatrics, as well as the military rules and regulations that governed wartime refugee camps.

    How They Entertained Themselves:

    In their free time, the men played handball, football and socialized over cigarettes, beer and wine in camp canteens. In their free time, children played with swings, slides and seesaws.

    How They Prepared For A Brighter Future:

    Education was a crucial part of camp routines. GlobalPost writes:

    Classrooms in Middle Eastern refugee camps had too few teachers and too many students, inadequate supplies and suffered from overcrowding. Yet not all the camps were so hard pressed. In Nuseirat, for example, a refugee who was an artist completed many paintings and posted them all over the walls of a kindergarten inside the camp, making the classrooms “bright and cheerful.” Well-to-do people in the area donated toys, games, and dolls to the kindergarten, causing a camp official to remark that it “compared favorably with many in the United States.”


    #quand_eux_c'était_nous #réfugiés_européens #histoire #syrie #camps_de_réfugiés #WWII #seconde_guerre_mondiale #photographie #deuxième_guerre_moniale
    ping @albertocampiphoto @philippe_de_jonckheere

  • L’assistenza in denaro offre ai rifugiati la possibilità di scegliere

    L’UNHCR sta ampliando il programma di assistenza in denaro in modo che milioni di persone assistite dall’organizzazione possano ricevere protezione, soddisfare i propri bisogni con dignità e diventare più resilienti.

    #aid_in_cash #aide_en_cash #asile #migrations #réfugiés #choix #cartes_prépayées #cartes_de_débit #Liban #HCR #Mobile_Money #camps #camps_de_réfugiés #Niger #Amal_Bank #micro-finance #Somalie

    Je me rappelle d’une scène dans l’excellent film #Bienvenue_au_Réfugistan (https://info.arte.tv/fr/bienvenue-au-refugistan) où des réfugiés dans un camp, probablement en Jordanie ou Liban, je ne me rappelle plus, avaient reçu de l’argent pour s’acheter ce qu’ils/elles voulaient, sauf que... c’était possible de le faire dans un seul supermarché où tout était tellement cher que le choix se limitaient à une gamme très très petite de produits qui étaient présents dans les étalages du supermarché...

  • Reportage. Gli eritrei bloccati nei campi etiopi «Siamo già morti»

    Incubo rimpatrio in Eritrea: «In mare si affoga e l’Europa non ci vuole».
    Non è vita quella che si consuma nell’arcipelago di campi profughi del #Tigrai, nel nord dell’Etiopia, dove decine di migliaia di eritrei passano le giornate, circondati da altopiani silenziosi e profili montuosi a perdita d’occhio, in un isolamento senza scampo. «Tutti sanno quanto sia pericoloso scappare, che nel deserto si muore e in mare si affoga, che in Italia non ci vogliono. Sappiamo dei porti chiusi. Ma chi ha qualche risorsa, fugge. Meglio la morte che impazzire», racconta un giovane eritreo poco più che trentenne sulla strada che attraversa la tendopoli di #Mai_Aini, un informe conglomerato di lamiere e case di fango dove vivono circa dodicimila persone, alcune da dieci anni. Il ragazzo si raccomanda totale anonimato: il regolamento dell’Arra, l’agenzia governativa etiope che organizza il campo, è rigido. «Possiamo parlare coi “ferengi” (gli stranieri di pelle bianca, ndr) autorizzati che visitano il campo in veste ufficiale. Non abbiamo libertà di movimento, non possiamo lavorare. C’è molto controllo, molta pressione attorno a noi.

    E chi si comporta male – continua a ripetere con l’angoscia di chi si sente fragile e ricattabile – è tenuto lontano dai programmi di ricollocamento verso l’Europa, la nostra unica speranza per uscire da qui in modo sicuro. L’altra via è quella della fuga, come ha fatto un ragazzo proprio ieri notte, scomparso. Affronterà il viaggio coi soldi che un parente gli ha mandato dall’Europa. Anche il mio migliore amico ora vive in Germania, ci ha messo tre anni ad arrivare, ha attraversato il Sudan e la Libia », e mostra dal suo cellulare, con speranza, la foto del permesso di soggiorno tedesco che il compagno d’infanzia gli ha inviato. Non è l’unica persona incontrata sulla strada che attraversa il campo a spalancare la porta sulla sua inquietudine.

    Un uomo di 36 anni, scappato in Etiopia nel 2008 e padre di due figli nati a Mai Aini, parla delle difficoltà materiali che deprimono l’esistenza di tutti. L’acqua è poca, la razione giornaliera è di 20 litri, ma spesso si resta senza per giorni e allora bisogna comprarla. «Si litiga spesso per l’acqua, è un’ossessione». I rifugiati ricevono una quota di 60 birr mensili (meno di due euro) e 10 chili di viveri per cucinarsi nelle proprie baracche.

    Lungo il reticolo di strade polverose ogni tanto si vedono qua e là microscopiche caffetterie o negozi di suppellettili che qualche rifugiato ormai stanziale è riuscito ad aprire. Dopo dieci anni di esistenza il campo ha assunto una gracile morfologia urbana, le vie di raccordo tra le cinque zone fungono da arterie del passeggio, ci sono chiese e moschee, cartelloni delle Nazioni Unite appesi nei luoghi più in vista che incitano a combattere la piaga della violenza sessuale sulle donne.

    Il presidente eritreo Isaia Afewerki accoglie il premier etiope Abiy Ahmed ad Asmara

    Al di là d’un po’ di sport, altri momenti di socializzazione non sono contemplati. «C’era un centro giovanile dove ci s’incontrava ma è stato chiuso per tagli di budget. I nostri figli vanno a scuola nella totale demotivazione. Vivere sotto il sole cocente e il nulla attorno li deprime». Tutti i campi distano fra loro a qualche ora di macchina. Oltre ai pastori a seguito di mandrie di vacche e greggi di agnelli, qualche cammello o branchi di babbuini che saltano fra le rocce, lungo le strade s’incontrano solo una sequela martellante di check-point. Ne contiamo sette.

    I controlli si sono enormemente intensificati dallo scorso aprile, quando l’ex primo ministro Hailemariam Desalegn e il suo governo espressione della minoranza tigrina hanno fatto spazio al nuovo premier Abiy Ahmed, di etnia oromo. Un cambio arrivato dopo 18 mesi di proteste in tutto il Paese che hanno causato 700 morti. E che a sono tornate a divampare a metà settembre quando secon- do Amnesty International ci sono stati 58 morti, 23 per la autorità, a seguito della violenta repressione poliziesca scattata per sedare sconti interetnici a Buraya, sobborgo di Addis Abeba da cui sono sfollate 9.844 persone. E ora in Tigrai l’atmosfera è tesa, come se la regione si sentisse circondata dall’ostilità degli altri gruppi etnici. Il campo di Hitsats dista circa un paio d’ore da Mai Aini. Qui le testimonianze raccolte sono sempre più angoscianti.

    «Le violenza sessuali sono molto frequenti, soprattutto su minorenni. Qui è durissima, negli ultimi tempi ho contato quattro suicidi. Io mi alzo la mattina alle sei è poi non so letteralmente cosa fare. Mi siedo e inizio a pensare che devo andare via, che devo scappare. È un pensiero che s’insinua nella mente di tutti. Per tantissimi diventa un’ossessione», spiega con un filo di voce un ventottenne.

    «La paura fra la gente è cresciuta dopo il patto di pace fra Etiopia ed Eritrea siglato lo scorso luglio. C’è ansia che ora l’emergenza nel nostro Stato sia da considerarsi conclusa, e che inizino i rimpatri. Ma tornare a casa per noi significherebbe solo morire, l’orribile regime al potere considera noi espatriati come dei traditori, dei criminali da torturare». Il controllo feroce del dittatore Isaias Afewerki perseguita i rifugiati anche fuori dall’Eritrea con spie e informatori mandati da Asmara ad infiltrarsi nei campi, tra i veri profughi. I collaboratori raccolgono informazioni sui fuoriusciti e le comunicano in patria, dove poi scatta la punizione per parenti e amici. «Le spie si annidano fra le baracche, a causa loro c’è un clima di diffidenza reciproca fra noi», riferiscono i testimoni incontrati e intervistati. Non c’è speranza sul futuro del proprio Paese, in nessuno. Tutti con sguardi pesanti di sgomento ripetono che almeno fin quando questo regime resterà al potere le cose non potranno migliorare.

    «La pace fra Eritrea ed Etiopia non cambierà nulla. Nella nostra patria ci sono più carceri che scuole, gli arresti arbitrari sono all’ordine del giorno», scandiscono, ognuno portando una propria testimonianza, un episodio traumatico vissuto sulla propria pelle. Nessuno è padrone di sé, è il regime sanguinario a determinare la vita dei propri cittadini, che scuola fare, che lavoro intraprendere. La miseria economica non dà scampo. «Le nostre infrastrutture sono ferme al 1991, quando il Fpdg (il partito unico eritreo, ndr) si è insediato al potere. E poi c’è il servizio militare obbligatorio. E non esiste congedo». Tale sistema va avanti perché Isaias si garantisce la collaborazione di una parte della popolazione. «Non resta che scappare, attraverso il confine minato con l’Etiopia, verso i campi, poi l’Europa dove, se non possiamo arrivare con mezzi legali, dobbiamo sbarcare sfidando i trafficanti, l’inferno libico e la morte».

    #Erythrée #asile #migrations #réfugiés #réfugiés_érythréens #camps_de_réfugiés

  • 2.3 million Venezuelans now live abroad

    More than 7% of Venezuela’s population has fled the country since 2014, according to the UN. That is the equivalent of the US losing the whole population of Florida in four years (plus another 100,000 people, give or take).

    The departing 2.3 million Venezuelans have mainly gone to neighboring Colombia, Ecuador, Brazil, and Peru, putting tremendous pressure on those countries. “This is building to a crisis moment that we’ve seen in other parts of the world, particularly in the Mediterranean,” a spokesman for the UN’s International Organization for Migration said recently.

    This week, Peru made it a bit harder for Venezuelans to get in. The small town of Aguas Verdes has seen as many as 3,000 people a day cross the border; most of the 400,000 Venezuelans in Peru arrived in the last year. So Peru now requires a valid passport. Until now, ID cards were all that was needed.

    Ecuador tried to do the same thing but a judge said that such a move violated freedom-of-movement rules agreed to when Ecuador joined the Andean Community. Ecuador says 4,000 people a day have been crossing the border, a total of 500,000 so far. It has now created what it calls a “humanitarian corridor” by laying on buses to take Venezuelans across Ecuador, from the Colombian border to the Peruvian border.

    Brazil’s Amazon border crossing in the state of Roraima with Venezuela gets 500 people a day. It was briefly shut down earlier this month—but that, too, was overturned by a court order.

    Venezuela is suffering from severe food shortages—the UN said more than 1 million of those who had fled since 2014 are malnourished—and hyperinflation. Things could still get worse, which is really saying something for a place where prices are doubling every 26 days. The UN estimated earlier this year that 5,000 were leaving Venezuela every day; at that rate, a further 800,000 people could leave before the end of the year (paywall).

    A Gallup survey from March showed that 53% of young Venezuelans want to move abroad permanently. And all this was before an alleged drone attack on president Nicolas Maduro earlier this month made the political situation even more tense, the country’s opposition-led National Assembly said that the annual inflation rate reached 83,000% in July, and the chaotic introduction of a new currency.

    #Venezuela #asile #migrations #réfugiés #cartographie #visualisation #réfugiés_vénézuéliens

    Sur ce sujet, voir aussi cette longue compilation initiée en juin 2017 :

    • Venezuela. L’Amérique latine cherche une solution à sa plus grande #crise_migratoire

      Les réunions de crise sur l’immigration ne sont pas l’apanage de l’Europe : treize pays latino-américains sont réunis depuis lundi à Quito pour tenter de trouver des solutions communes au casse-tête migratoire provoqué par l’#exode_massif des Vénézuéliens.


    • Bataille de #chiffres et guerre d’images autour de la « #crise migratoire » vénézuélienne

      L’émigration massive qui touche actuellement le Venezuela est une réalité. Mais il ne faut pas confondre cette réalité et les défis humanitaires qu’elle pose avec son instrumentalisation, tant par le pouvoir vénézuélien pour se faire passer pour la victime d’un machination que par ses « ennemis » qui entendent se débarrasser d’un gouvernement qu’ils considèrent comme autoritaire et source d’instabilité dans la région. Etat des lieux d’une crise très polarisée.

      C’est un véritable scoop que nous a offert le président vénézuélien le 3 septembre dernier. Alors que son gouvernement est avare en données sur les sujets sensibles, Nicolas Maduro a chiffré pour la première fois le nombre de Vénézuéliens ayant émigré depuis deux ans à 600 000. Un chiffre vérifiable, a-t-il assuré, sans toutefois donner plus de détails.

      Ce chiffre, le premier plus ou moins officiel dans un pays où il n’y a plus de statistiques migratoires, contraste avec celui délivré par l’Organisation internationale pour les migrations (OIM) et le Haut-Commissariat aux Réfugiés (HCR). Selon ces deux organisations, 2,3 millions de Vénézuéliens vivraient à l’étranger, soit 7,2% des habitants sur un total de 31,8 millions. Pas de quoi tomber de sa chaise ! D’autres diasporas sont relativement bien plus nombreuses. Ce qui impressionne, c’est la croissance exponentielle de cette émigration sur un très court laps de temps : 1,6 million auraient quitté le pays depuis 2015 seulement. Une vague de départs qui s’est accélérée ces derniers mois et affectent inégalement de nombreux pays de la région.
      Le pouvoir vénézuélien, par la voix de sa vice-présidente, a accusé des fonctionnaires de l’ONU de gonfler les chiffres d’un « flux migratoire normal » (sic) pour justifier une « intervention humanitaire », synonyme de déstabilisation. D’autres sources estiment quant à elles qu’ils pourraient être près de quatre millions à avoir fui le pays.

      #statistiques #guerre_des_chiffres

    • La formulation est tout de même étrange pour une ONG… : pas de quoi tomber de sa chaise, de même l’utilisation du mot ennemis avec guillemets. Au passage, le même pourcentage – pas si énorme …– appliqué à la population française donnerait 4,5 millions de personnes quittant la France, dont les deux tiers, soit 3 millions de personnes, au cours des deux dernières années.

      Ceci dit, pour ne pas qu’ils tombent… d’inanition, le Programme alimentaire mondial (agence de l’ONU) a besoin de sous pour nourrir les vénézuéliens qui entrent en Colombie.

      ONU necesita fondos para seguir atendiendo a emigrantes venezolanos

      El Programa Mundial de Alimentos (PMA), el principal brazo humanitario de Naciones Unidas, informó que necesita 22 millones de dólares suplementarios para atender a los venezolanos que entran a Colombia.

      «Cuando las familias inmigrantes llegan a los centros de recepción reciben alimentos calientes y pueden quedarse de tres a cinco días, pero luego tienen que irse para que otros recién llegados puedan ser atendidos», dijo el portavoz del PMA, Herve Verhoosel.
      La falta de alimentos se convierte en el principal problema para quienes atraviesan a diario la frontera entre Venezuela y Colombia, que cuenta con siete puntos de pasaje oficiales y más de un centenar informales, con más de 50% de inmigrantes que entran a Colombia por estos últimos.

      El PMA ha proporcionado ayuda alimentaria de emergencia a más de 60.000 venezolanos en los departamentos fronterizos de Arauca, La Guajira y el Norte de Santander, en Colombia, y más recientemente ha empezado también a operar en el departamento de Nariño, que tiene frontera con Ecuador.
      De acuerdo con evaluaciones recientes efectuadas por el PMA entre inmigrantes en Colombia, 80% de ellos sufren de inseguridad alimentaria.

    • Migrants du Venezuela vers la Colombie : « ni xénophobie, ni fermeture des frontières », assure le nouveau président colombien

      Le nouveau président colombien, entré en fonction depuis hier (lundi 8 octobre 2018), ne veut pas céder à la tentation d’une fermeture de la frontière avec le Venezuela.

      #fermeture_des_frontières #ouverture_des_frontières

    • Fleeing hardship at home, Venezuelan migrants struggle abroad, too

      Every few minutes, the reeds along the #Tachira_River rustle.

      Smugglers, in ever growing numbers, emerge with a ragtag group of Venezuelan migrants – men struggling under tattered suitcases, women hugging bundles in blankets and schoolchildren carrying backpacks. They step across rocks, wade into the muddy stream and cross illegally into Colombia.

      This is the new migration from Venezuela.

      For years, as conditions worsened in the Andean nation’s ongoing economic meltdown, hundreds of thousands of Venezuelans – those who could afford to – fled by airplane and bus to other countries far and near, remaking their lives as legal immigrants.

      Now, hyperinflation, daily power cuts and worsening food shortages are prompting those with far fewer resources to flee, braving harsh geography, criminal handlers and increasingly restrictive immigration laws to try their luck just about anywhere.

      In recent weeks, Reuters spoke with dozens of Venezuelan migrants traversing their country’s Western border to seek a better life in Colombia and beyond. Few had more than the equivalent of a handful of dollars with them.

      “It was terrible, but I needed to cross,” said Dario Leal, 30, recounting his journey from the coastal state of Sucre, where he worked in a bakery that paid about $2 per month.

      At the border, he paid smugglers nearly three times that to get across and then prepared, with about $3 left, to walk the 500 km (311 miles) to Bogota, Colombia’s capital. The smugglers, in turn, paid a fee to Colombian crime gangs who allow them to operate, according to police, locals and smugglers themselves.

      As many as 1.9 million Venezuelans have emigrated since 2015, according to the United Nations. Combined with those who preceded them, a total of 2.6 million are believed to have left the oil-rich country. Ninety percent of recent departures, the U.N. says, remain in South America.

      The exodus, one of the biggest mass migrations ever on the continent, is weighing on neighbors. Colombia, Ecuador and Peru, which once welcomed Venezuelan migrants, recently tightened entry requirements. Police now conduct raids to detain the undocumented.

      In early October, Carlos Holmes Trujillo, Colombia’s foreign minister, said as many as four million Venezuelans could be in the country by 2021, costing national coffers as much as $9 billion. “The magnitude of this challenge,” he said, “our country has never seen.”

      In Brazil, which also borders Venezuela, the government deployed troops and financing to manage the crush and treat sick, hungry and pregnant migrants. In Ecuador and Peru, workers say that Venezuelan labor lowers wages and that criminals are hiding among honest migrants.

      “There are too many of them,” said Antonio Mamani, a clothing vendor in Peru, who recently watched police fill a bus with undocumented Venezuelans near Lima.
      “WE NEED TO GO”

      By migrating illegally, migrants expose themselves to criminal networks who control prostitution, drug trafficking and other rackets. In August, Colombian investigators discovered 23 undocumented Venezuelans forced into prostitution and living in basements in the colonial city of Cartagena.

      While most migrants are avoiding such straits, no shortage of other hardship awaits – from homelessness, to unemployment, to the cold reception many get as they sleep in public squares, peddle sweets and throng already overburdened hospitals.

      Still, most press on, many on foot.

      Some join compatriots in Brazil and Colombia. Others, having spent what money they had, are walking vast regions, like Colombia’s cold Andean passes and sweltering tropical lowlands, in treks toward distant capitals, like Quito or Lima.

      Johana Narvaez, a 36-year-old mother of four, told Reuters her family left after business stalled at their small car repair shop in the rural state of Trujillo. Extra income she made selling food on the street withered because cash is scarce in a country where annual inflation, according to the opposition-led Congress, recently reached nearly 500,000 percent.

      “We can’t stay here,” she told her husband, Jairo Sulbaran, in August, after they ran out of food and survived on corn patties provided by friends. “Even on foot, we must go.” Sulbaran begged and sold old tires until they could afford bus tickets to the border.

      Venezuelan President Nicolas Maduro has chided migrants, warning of the hazards of migration and that emigres will end up “cleaning toilets.” He has even offered free flights back to some in a program called “Return to the Homeland,” which state television covers daily.

      Most migration, however, remains in the other direction.

      Until recently, Venezuelans could enter many South American countries with just their national identity cards. But some are toughening rules, requiring a passport or additional documentation.

      Even a passport is elusive in Venezuela.

      Paper shortages and a dysfunctional bureaucracy make the document nearly impossible to obtain, many migrants argue. Several told Reuters they waited two years in vain after applying, while a half-dozen others said they were asked for as much as $2000 in bribes by corrupt clerks to secure one.

      Maduro’s government in July said it would restructure Venezuela’s passport agency to root out “bureaucracy and corruption.” The Information Ministry didn’t respond to a request for comment.

      Many of those crossing into Colombia pay “arrastradores,” or “draggers,” to smuggle them along hundreds of trails. Five of the smugglers, all young men, told Reuters business is booming.

      “Venezuela will end up empty,” said Maikel, a 17-year-old Venezuelan smuggler, scratches across his face from traversing the bushy trails. Maikel, who declined to give his surname, said he lost count of how many migrants he has helped cross.

      Colombia, too, struggles to count illegal entries. Before the government tightened restrictions earlier this year, Colombia issued “border cards” that let holders crisscross at will. Now, Colombia says it detects about 3,000 false border cards at entry points daily.

      Despite tougher patrols along the porous, 2,200-km border, officials say it is impossible to secure outright. “It’s like trying to empty the ocean with a bucket,” said Mauricio Franco, a municipal official in charge of security in Cucuta, a nearby city.

      And it’s not just a matter of rounding up undocumented travelers.

      Powerful criminal groups, long in control of contraband commerce across the border, are now getting their cut of human traffic. Javier Barrera, a colonel in charge of police in Cucuta, said the Gulf Clan and Los Rastrojos, notorious syndicates that operate nationwide, are both involved.

      During a recent Reuters visit to several illegal crossings, Venezuelans carried cardboard, limes and car batteries as barter instead of using the bolivar, their near-worthless currency.

      Migrants pay as much as about $16 for the passage. Maikel, the arrastrador, said smugglers then pay gang operatives about $3 per migrant.

      For his crossing, Leal, the baker, carried a torn backpack and small duffel bag. His 2015 Venezuelan ID shows a healthier and happier man – before Leal began skimping on breakfast and dinner because he couldn’t afford them.

      He rested under a tree, but fretted about Colombian police. “I’m scared because the “migra” comes around,” he said, using the same term Mexican and Central American migrants use for border police in the United States.

      It doesn’t get easier as migrants move on.

      Even if relatives wired money, transfer agencies require a legally stamped passport to collect it. Bus companies are rejecting undocumented passengers to avoid fines for carrying them. A few companies risk it, but charge a premium of as much as 20 percent, according to several bus clerks near the border.

      The Sulbaran family walked and hitched some 1200 km to the Andean town of Santiago, where they have relatives. The father toured garages, but found no work.

      “People said no, others were scared,” said Narvaez, the mother. “Some Venezuelans come to Colombia to do bad things. They think we’re all like that.”


      Avec ce commentaire de #Reece_Jones:

      People continue to flee Venezuela, now often resorting to #smugglers as immigration restrictions have increased

      #passeurs #fermeture_des_frontières

    • ’No more camps,’ Colombia tells Venezuelans not to settle in tent city

      Francis Montano sits on a cold pavement with her three children, all their worldly possessions stuffed into plastic bags, as she pleads to be let into a new camp for Venezuelan migrants in the Colombian capital, Bogota.

      Behind Montano, smoke snakes from woodfires set amid the bright yellow tents which are now home to hundreds of Venezuelans, erected on a former soccer pitch in a middle-class residential area in the west of the city.

      The penniless migrants, some of the millions who have fled Venezuela’s economic and social crisis, have been here more than a week, forced by city authorities to vacate a makeshift slum of plastic tarps a few miles away.

      The tent city is the first of its kind in Bogota. While authorities have established camps at the Venezuelan border, they have resisted doing so in Colombia’s interior, wary of encouraging migrants to settle instead of moving to neighboring countries or returning home.

      Its gates are guarded by police and officials from the mayor’s office and only those registered from the old slum are allowed access.

      “We’ll have to sleep on the street again, under a bridge,” said Montano, 22, whose children are all under seven years old. “I just want a roof for my kids at night.”

      According to the United Nations, an estimated 3 million Venezuelans have fled as their oil-rich country has sunk into crisis under President Nicolas Maduro. Critics accuse the Socialist leader of ravaging the economy through state interventions while clamping down on political opponents.

      The exodus - driven by violence, hyperinflation and shortages of food and medicines - amounts to one in 12 of the population, placing strain on neighboring countries, already struggling with poverty.

      Colombia, which has borne the brunt of the migration crisis, estimates it is sheltering 1 million Venezuelans, with some 3,000 arriving daily. The government says their total numbers could swell to 4 million by 2021, costing it nearly $9 billion a year.

      Municipal authorities in Bogota say the camp will provide shelter for 422 migrants through Christmas. Then in mid January, it will be dismantled in the hope jobs and new lodgings have been found.


      #camps #camps_de_réfugiés #tentes #Bogotá #Bogotà

    • Creativity amid Crisis: Legal Pathways for Venezuelan Migrants in Latin America

      As more than 3 million Venezuelans have fled a rapidly collapsing economy, severe food and medical shortages, and political strife, neighboring countries—the primary recipients of these migrants—have responded with creativity and pragmatism. This policy brief explores how governments in South America, Central America, and Mexico have navigated decisions about whether and how to facilitate their entry and residence. It also examines challenges on the horizon as few Venezuelans will be able to return home any time soon.

      Across Latin America, national legal frameworks are generally open to migration, but few immigration systems have been built to manage movement on this scale and at this pace. For example, while many countries in the region have a broad definition of who is a refugee—criteria many Venezuelans fit—only Mexico has applied it in considering Venezuelans’ asylum cases. Most other Latin American countries have instead opted to use existing visa categories or migration agreements to ensure that many Venezuelans are able to enter legally, and some have run temporary programs to regularize the status of those already in the country.

      Looking to the long term, there is a need to decide what will happen when temporary statuses begin to expire. And with the crisis in Venezuela and the emigration it has spurred ongoing, there are projections that as many as 5.4 million Venezuelans may be abroad by the end of 2019. Some governments have taken steps to limit future Venezuelan arrivals, and some receiving communities have expressed frustration at the strain put on local service providers and resources. To avoid widespread backlash and to facilitate the smooth integration of Venezuelans into local communities, policymakers must tackle questions ranging from the provision of permanent status to access to public services and labor markets. Done well, this could be an opportunity to update government processes and strengthen public services in ways that benefit both newcomers and long-term residents.


  • Libia. La rivolta dei migranti nel lager: temono di essere venduti ai trafficanti

    All’improvviso a decine spariscono. Finiscono nelle mani di persone che chiedono un riscatto alla famiglia o li vendono come schiavi. Onu e diplomatici faticano ad avere accesso ai campi di detenzione

    La tensione accumulata da mesi è esplosa domenica nel sovraffollato centro di detenzione libica di #Sharie (o #Tarek) #al_Matar, nei sobborghi di Tripoli, con scontri con le guardie e tre feriti. Le drammatiche testimonianze di alcuni detenuti raccolte da noi in diretta telefonica, le foto dei feriti, gli audio e il video su Facebook postato da Abrham, (ora anche sul nostro canale Youtube, linkato a questo articolo) giovane rifugiato eritreo di Bologna, domenica pomeriggio documentano l’esasperazione e la protesta dei prigionieri per le condizioni da tutti gli osservatori considerate inumane di prigionia e contro trasferimenti in altri centri per paura di essere venduti ai trafficanti di esseri umani.

    Paura giustificata dalla sparizione di 20 detenuti nei giorni scorsi e di 65 donne con bambini che i libici giustificano come alleggerimento dell’affollatissima struttura e sulla quale sta compiendo verifiche l’Alto commissariato Onu per i rifugiati. Per protesta i prigionieri eritrei, molti in carcere da mesi, parecchi intercettati e sbarcati dalla guardia costiera libica dopo la chiusura delle coste di questi mesi, hanno incendiato due materassi provocando la repressione durissima della polizia libica, la quale ha ferito tre richiedenti asilo, due dei quali hanno dovuto essere ricoverati in ospedale. Negli stanzoni roventi, lerci e stipati come pollai sono stati sparati lacrimogeni e le guardie hanno picchiato i detenuti con i fucili per riportare la calma.

    «Sono stati momenti di battaglia tra eritrei e libici – spiega il nostro contatto Solomon, pseudonimo di un prigioniero fuggito dal regime dell’Asmara, nel campo da maggio scorso dopo aver trascorso i precedenti sei mesi nell’altro lager di Gharyan – loro ci ripetono che siamo troppi e che vogliono venderci. Siamo disperati, molti parlano di suicidio. Non vediamo vie di uscita. Non possiamo tornare in Eritrea e l’Europa non ci vuole». La tensione insomma potrebbe portare ad altre rivolte.

    I libici sono accusati di rallentare il processo di registrazione dei detenuti dell’Alto commissariato delle Nazioni Unite chiudendo le porte per ragioni di sicurezza e spostando senza preavviso le persone non ancora iscritte nelle liste Onu dei richiedenti asilo per venderli ai trafficanti.

    Ieri funzionari del Palazzo di Vetro sono riusciti a entrare di mattina presto a #Tarek_al_Matar e a proseguire nella difficile registrazione di 200 eritrei. L’intento, spiegano fonti Acnur a Tripoli, è duplice: registrare tutti e offrire ai soggetti più vulnerabili - donne, minori, ammalati che non possono venire rimpatriati per timore di persecuzioni - una evacuazione umanitaria nel centro Onu in Niger per alleggerire il campo e favorire il reinsediamento in Paesi terzi. Ma i posti a disposizione non bastano per i 1.800 dannati di Tarek Al Matar, dove il precedente governo aveva avviato progetti per due milioni per l’emergenza ormai conclusi, come anche nei centri di Tarek Al Sika a Tagiura. Anche l’Onu ammette che le condizioni del campo sono peggiorate.

    E il sovraffollamento deriva dal fatto che la Guardia costiera libica ha intercettato finora 13 mila persone. In tutto il 2017 ne aveva intercettati oltre 15mila.

    Secondo una fonte libica, sempre ieri a una diplomatica dell’Unione europea sarebbe stato impedito l’accesso al centro di detenzione. La motivazione ufficiale è che non avrebbe presentato richiesta in tempo. Ma si sospetta che in realtà le autorità tripoline vogliano nascondere all’Ue i danni dell’incendio e le violenze sui detenuti.

    Secondo dati dell’Acnur, al 31 luglio nel Paese erano stati registrati 54.416 richiedenti asilo e rifugiati, 9.838 solo nel 2018. Ma se le proporzioni sono quelle del campo di Tarek al Matar, solo un terzo è stato identificato, gli altri galleggiano tra violenze, condizioni igienico sanitarie inumane e il rischio di sequestri nel limbo dei centri di detenzione, sia ufficiali che quelli nelle mani delle milizie. Ieri con un tweet eloquente la sezione italiana dell’Oim, organizzazione internazionale delle migrazioni, ha puntualizzato che il suo personale è presente agli sbarchi nei porti libici, ma la gestione dei campi è in carico alle autorità locali.

    Le tensioni a Tarek Al Matar sono esplose principalmente per il terrore di venire venduti ai trafficanti, i quali gestiscono sì le partenze sui barconi, ma solo dopo aver torturato i prigionieri per estorcere riscatti alle famiglie, oppure rivenderli come schiavi.

    Dal campo abbiamo scritto sabato su Avvenire che erano sparite 20 persone, uno solo dei quali è riuscito a tornare.
    «Chiamiamolo Fish, mi ha contattato – racconta Abrham, rifugiato eritreo in Italia che raccoglie le grida di aiuto della sua generazione rinchiusa – perché è riuscito a tornare a Tarek al Matar. Sono stati trasferiti in uno stanzone in un luogo sconosciuto senza cibo e senza acqua. Hanno sentito due libici che dicevano che la notizia della loro sparizione era girata in rete e quindi la vendita doveva essere interrotta. Lo hanno riportato indietro, adesso aspetta i suoi compagni».

    La circolazione delle notizie via social avrebbe salvato anche gli oltre 200 prigionieri «trasferiti» due settimane fa dal centro di Tarek Al Siqa senza preavviso in un luogo sconosciuto e pressoché privo di sorveglianza dove un trafficante eritreo che collabora con i libici spacciandosi per mediatore culturale li ha contattati invitandoli a seguirlo. Il gruppo, che teme di essere già stato venduto e dove ci sono persone non registrate nelle liste umanitarie, prosegue il braccio di ferro a colpi di messaggi via social urlando nel silenzio della rete il proprio diritto ad essere accolto.

    Perché il paradosso, scorrendo le nazionalità censite dall’Onu in Libia, è che molti detenuti sono rifugiati e richiedenti asilo che dovrebbero trovarsi legalmente in Paesi sicuri a chiedere asilo oppure essere liberi di circolare in Libia. Come gli oltre 9mila sudanesi, e i 6mila eritrei e i 3mila somali e gli oltre mille etiopi cui persino Tripoli, che pure non ha firmato la Convenzione di Ginevra, riconosce lo status. Senza contare che un terzo ha meno di 18 anni e dovrebbe essere protetto dai civilissimi Stati europei. Ma nel caos libico si trovano ingabbiati sotto la sorveglianza di miliziani rivestiti con una divisa da poliziotto senza uno straccio di formazione e che considerano i prigioneri migranti illegali e merce da rivendere.

    #Libye #camps #lager #résistance #révolte #asile #migrations #réfugiés #camps_de_réfugiés #détention #violence #torture


  • Bâtir de meilleures habitations pour les réfugiés sahraouis avec des bouteilles de sable

    Dans le sud ouest de l’#Algérie, au fin fond du #désert, un jeune réfugié sahraoui remplit de vieilles bouteilles avec du sable pour construire des habitations qui résistent mieux au rude climat.

    #recyclage #réfugiés #asile #migrations #logement #hébergement #architecture #PET #bouteilles_en_plastique #camp #camps_de_réfugiés #Awserd

  • Ethiopian Oromo refugees face bribes, harassment in Kenya

    Ethiopian Oromo refugees fleeing to Kenya to escape persecution say they are finding life on the streets of #Nairobi no better than the insecurity they left behind, as they are targeted by bribes and harassment and forced into vast camps with few prospects or protections.

    #réfugiés_oromo #réfugiés_éthiopiens #asile #migrations #réfugiés #Kenya #harcèlement #camps_de_réfugiés #urban_refugees #réfugiés_urbains

  • Recognizing the Economic Winners and Losers of Hosting Refugees

    In response to a recent study on the positive economic impact of Kenya’s #Kakuma camp, Cory Rodgers argues that the term ‘host population’ obscures divergent and conflicting economic interests among locals and may mask trends of marginalization and growing inequality.

    #réfugiés #asile #migrations #économie #impact_économique #économie_locale #camps_De_réfugiés #Kenya #inégalités #marginalisation

    Une réponse à cet article, qui parle des effets positifs de l’installation des réfugiés sur l’économie locale :

    Article scientifique :
    Do refugee camps help or hurt hosts ? The case of Kakuma, Kenya

    We combine nighttime lights data, official statistics, and new household survey data from northern Kenya in order to assess the impact of long-term refugee camps on host populations. The nighttime lights estimates show that refugee inflows increase economic activity in areas very close to Kakuma refugee camp: the elasticity of the luminosity index to refugee population is 0.36 within a 10 km distance from the camp center. In addition, household consumption within the same proximity to the camp is 25% higher than in areas farther away. Price, household survey, and official statistics suggest that the mechanisms driving this positive effect are increased availability of new employment and price changes in agricultural and livestock markets that are favorable to local producers.


  • Nighttime Lights Illuminate Positive Impacts of Refugee Camps

    Satellite data from Kenya’s remote northeast shows increased economic activity around Kakuma camp. New research suggests a connection between refugees and growing agricultural production.

    To help answer some of these questions we examined the impact of long-run refugee inflows on the host population in Kakuma, northwestern Kenya. Previous studies of refugee-host interactions, which have largely been qualitative, have established continuous and important relationships without being able to directly estimate net benefits to locals of refugee and aid presence. One exception to this is recent work showing positive net impacts of cash aid to refugees on the local economy in a calibrated simulation of Congolese refugee camps in Rwanda. The long-run impacts of refugee presence, however, remain unclear.

    To tease out these different effects, we combined data from a recent household survey with price data, refugee population and food aid deliveries to examine changes in labor, livestock and agricultural markets. The data showed that proximity to the refugee camp is associated with more low skill jobs and wage labor, particularly for households with secondary education.

    In a traditionally pastoralist region like Turkana, these findings are meaningful. If there is labor market competition from refugees, its overall impacts are swamped by the job opportunities provided by the camp and the increased demand generated by refugees.

    With regard to agricultural markets, in a context where food aid is externally provided, as it is in Kakuma, food prices may decrease for products in the aid package as a result of increases in supply. However, they may also increase across a variety of products due to the increase in the number of people purchasing goods, and from the sale of aid packages for income. Information from our household surveys showed that agriculture in the Turkana region occurs almost exclusively close to the refugee camp, suggesting that the camp presence incentivizes increases in, rather than depression of, agricultural production.

    We also find that livestock prices are positively correlated with high refugee and aid presence, and although absolute numbers of livestock are not higher closer to the camp, larger amounts of livestock sold in the immediate vicinity of the camp suggests that herding households benefit from the presence of the refugee market.

    Overall, the positive effect of refugees on the local economy seemed to come through the availability of employment opportunities and price changes in agricultural and livestock markets that encourage new production.

    Nonetheless, it is important to recognize that refugee camps can provide important economic opportunities to local populations, and that policies could be designed to amplify these positive effects. For example, interventions supporting locals’ ability to exploit the increased demand from the refugees could result in even more beneficial outcomes. These interventions might include equipping locals with the skills necessary to take advantage of new wage work, and providing technical support to improve agricultural and livestock production could help spread the benefits more widely.

    #Kenya #camps_de_réfugiés #Kakuma #aide_en_cash #Turkana #agriculture #nourriture #travail #économie #économie_locale #aide_in_cash

    Au-delà l’étude sur le camp, voici un extrait qui met en lien #lumière et #consommation :

    Using a census of household data collected in 2012, we estimate the correlation between lights and consumption. Back of the envelope calculations suggest that a 10 percent increase in the refugee population raises consumption by approximately 5.5 percent within the same proximity of the camp.

  • Gisti : « Droit d’asile : ça se durcit d’année en année »

    S’il est évident qu’un campement reste déplorable, cela reste aussi un moyen de regroupement et d’actions : des solidarités s’y créent, des gens de l’extérieur viennent, en dehors de tout engagement associatif ou militant ; il s’en dégage une dynamique vraiment intéressante. La force d’action devient conséquente dès qu’elle ne se cantonne pas uniquement à du juridique.

    L’évacuation a beau être annoncée comme humanitaire — comme si tout d’un coup on avait bon cœur et qu’on ne voulait plus laisser les gens dans cette situation —, le but caché est avant tout de disperser les gens et de les rendre invisibles. Si les« dublinés » sont éparpillés dans les quatre coins de la France, il leur est beaucoup plus difficile de comprendre la situation dans laquelle ils se trouvent, de trouver des associations et des avocats pour les accompagner dans leur défense, de s’organiser. Les Centres d’accueil et d’orientation qui ont été ouverts dans l’urgence, ou encore les CHU de migrants3, se trouvent parfois dans des zones très isolées. Il s’agit véritablement d’une dispersion organisée ; cela a été le cas pour les gens de Calais et ceux des campements parisiens. Ce n’étaient pas des évacuations humanitaires, mais bel et bien une manière de stopper ces regroupements, toutes ces solidarités, et de dire aux exilés « Non, vous ne pouvez pas décider ».

    Parlons aussi du #camp_humanitaire de la porte de #la_Chapelle : il ne peut pas accueillir tout le monde, et c’est un vrai piège pour les « #dublinés ». Pour entrer dans ce camp-là, il faut donner ses empreintes, ce qui n’est pas le cas dans le système normal de l’asile. Cela leur permet de repérer ceux dont les empreintes ont déjà été prises dans un autre pays européen ; ils seront alors renvoyés avant même d’avoir pu déposer une demande d’asile. Nous faisons face à un système complètement dérogatoire, ad hoc. À l’intérieur de ce camp, on trouve aussi une sorte de « sous-préfecture », ou plutôt de centre d’évaluation de la situation administrative. Comme cela n’existe pas dans la loi, ils ont dû prendre un texte pour le créer, auquel nous n’avons pas encore eu accès.


    #in/visibilité #asile #migrations #réfugiés #visibilité #invisibilité #destruction #Calais #campement #Dublin #empreintes_digitales #renvois #expulsions #camps_humanitaires #camps_de_réfugiés #solidarité #procédure_accélérée #procédure_d'asile #accès_à_la_procédure

    cc @isskein

  • Life in the camps


    The #Rohingya crisis
    Life in the camps

    Makeshift huts crammed onto muddy hillsides. Water wells fouled by nearby latrines. Rapidly-spreading diseases. Health experts say overcrowding, poor sanitation and limited health care in the Rohingya refugee areas of Bangladesh is a “recipe for disaster”. This is a closer look at life in the camps.

    December 4, 2017


  • Ethiopia Plans to Close 27 Refugee Camps

    The government of Ethiopia says it will close all 27 refugee camps in its territory over the next 10 years and integrate residents into local communities.

    #camps_de_réfugiés #fermeture #Ethiopie #réfugiés #asile #migrations #intégration #urban_refugees #réfugiés_urbains

  • The power of #art and music in Ethiopia’s refugee camps

    In Ethiopia a sense of hopelessness hangs over refugee camps where hundreds of thousands of people are left waiting to build new lives. Lacuna’s writer-in-residence, Rebecca Omonira-Oyekanmi, meets those who have fled home but are yet to find sanctuary, and sees how art and performance are helping them heal.


    #Ethiopie #camps_de_réfugiés #réfugiés #asile #migrations #musique #Adi_Harush

  • Inside #Rukban Camp, One of Syria’s Most Desperate Settlements

    The situation in the Rukban camp for internally displaced persons near the border with Jordan is rapidly deteriorating. International humanitarian groups are close to being overwhelmed, despite local NGOs and rebel groups trying to help out as well.

    #camps_de_réfugiés #IDPs #déplacés_internes #asile #migrations #réfugiés #Syrie #réfugiés_syriens

    • Situation humanitaire « catastrophique » pour 50 000 déplacés syriens, cantonnés en plein #désert

      Malgré l’arrivée récente d’un convoi humanitaire plusieurs fois retardé, la situation reste critique dans le camp de déplacés d’al-Rukban, enclavé aux confins du désert syrien et presque totalement dénué d’infrastructures. Pris au piège entre la frontière fermée par la Jordanie et un blocus imposé par le régime de Damas, ses habitants manquent de tout : nourriture, eau, vêtements et médicaments. Alors que des négociations diplomatiques sont toujours en cours, le devenir de ces naufragés du désert reste incertain.

      C’est un camp de réfugiés oublié du monde et des grandes célébrations pour la paix. 50 000 déplacés syriens – selon les chiffres de l’Onu – sont installés aux confins du désert à proximité de la frontière jordanienne, dans le camp de fortune d’al-Rukban, en Syrie. Totalement enclavés, ses habitants y survivent, certains depuis plusieurs années, dans des conditions d’une précarité extrême, vivant sous des tentes ou des maisonnettes en terre. Le 3 novembre, un convoi humanitaire de l’Onu et du Croissant rouge syrien a finalement réussi à l’atteindre. Les habitants du camp n’avaient plus reçu aucune aide significative depuis une livraison effectuée via la Jordanie, par dessus la frontière et à l’aide de grues, au mois de janvier 2018. Depuis plusieurs semaines, les appels à l’aide se multipliaient depuis l’intérieur du camp, de la part de l’Onu, ou encore des travailleurs humanitaires, à mesure que la situation ne cessait de se dégrader, la nourriture, l’eau – malgré un apport depuis la Jordanie – et les médicaments se faisant de plus en plus rares.

      Selon l’Onu, alors que le camp a subi récemment de multiples épisodes de pluie – qui frappent aussi la Jordanie – et de tempêtes de sable, et que l’hiver s’approche, des rations alimentaires, des vêtements et une assistance médicale ont été délivrés par le convoi. Celui-ci a finalement pu quitter Damas, après que son départ ait été retardé à de multiples reprises par le gouvernement syrien. L’Onu comptait en profiter pour vacciner les 10 000 enfants de moins de cinq ans au sein de la population du camp, et équiper de vêtements chauds 15 000 enfants en tout. « La population souffre de malnutrition, de diarrhées, de maladies. Les enfants sont les plus touchés », constate le Dr Anas Chaker, porte parole de la branche française de l’Union des organisations de secours et soins médicaux (UOSSM), joint par Basta !. Le médecin qualifie la situation sur place de « catastrophique ». L’UOSSM, qui a pour objectif d’apporter des soins à la population en Syrie, est en contact avec des habitants d’al-Rukban, bien qu’il soit impossible pour les ONG et les travailleurs humanitaires d’être présents directement à l’intérieur du camp.

      Échec des négociations avec le régime

      Ces dernières semaines, de multiples décès y ont été rapportés, sans que des chiffres précis n’aient été établis. « Il y a des décès tous les jours, et là encore les enfants sont les premiers affectés », alerte le Dr Anas Chaker. Sur les réseaux sociaux, des vidéos montrent des tombes de fortune, simplement recouvertes de pierres. En marchant plusieurs kilomètres, les habitants du camp peuvent rejoindre, au compte-goutte, une installation médicale établie du côté jordanien. Comme le rapporte le site Irin news, spécialisé sur les questions humanitaires, les cas les plus graves, s’ils parviennent jusque-là, sont parfois pris en charge dans les hôpitaux jordaniens, mais sont ensuite renvoyés au sein du camp.

      La situation s’est particulièrement dégradée au début du mois d’octobre, lorsque le régime syrien a coupé tout accès au camp depuis la Syrie [1]. La contrebande permettait jusque-là d’assurer un approvisionnement minimal de ces naufragés du désert. Selon Mohamad Taha, Syrien exilé en France qui maintient un contact régulier avec al-Rukban – où il a notamment soutenu, à distance, la création et le fonctionnement d’une école –, ce blocus ferait suite à l’échec de négociations menées entre Damas et des représentants du camp concernant le devenir de ses habitants. Le régime syrien aurait refusé le retour des déplacés dans la région de Palmyre, dont une grande part des occupants d’al-Rukban sont originaires, et proposé à la place leur réinstallation à Homs, la grande ville de l’ouest du pays ravagée par les combats et vidée d’une partie de ses habitants. Toujours selon Mohamad Taha, lui-même originaire de Palmyre, le refus de cette option aurait entraîné le blocus du camp, en guise de moyen de pression sur ses habitants.

      Le site Irin news, de même que le média basé à Amman Syria direct, relatent en outre des négociations menées sous l’égide de la Russie depuis plusieurs semaines. Celles-ci auraient envisagé d’évacuer une partie des habitants du camp, ainsi qu’une milice rebelle présente sur place – également au centre des discussions – en direction de la zone contrôlée par la Turquie dans le nord de la Syrie. Des négociations qui n’auraient, à ce jour, pas abouti. « Le plan semble avoir calé au mois d’octobre, déclenchant les restrictions » sur l’approvisionnement du camp, précise de son côté Irin news.
      Beaucoup viennent de Palmyre, vidée de ses habitants

      Cette « stratégie de la faim » rappelle les sièges infligés à certains quartiers de Homs et d’Alep, à la ville de Daraya, ou encore à la Ghouta orientale, la banlieue est de Damas, qui ont systématiquement conduit à l’évacuation forcée de la population (lire notre article ici). Nombre de déplacés d’al-Rukban ont échoué dans ce carré de désert suite à la prise de Palmyre par l’État islamique (EI) en mai 2015, et aux combats qui s’en sont suivis jusqu’à la reprise de la ville – depuis totalement vidée de ses habitants – par le régime, soutenu par l’armée russe, l’année suivante. D’autres déplacés d’al-Rukban sont originaires de la région de Homs, ou bien ont fui les combats contre l’EI à Raqqa et à Deir-Ezzor, dans l’est du pays.

      Malgré une situation désespérée, la perspective de repasser sous le joug du régime semble loin d’enthousiasmer la population du camp. Une partie des familles aurait ainsi été prête à accepter une évacuation vers le nord du pays sous contrôle turque. « Les gens d’al-Rukban sont considérés comme des opposants », affirme le Dr Anas Chaker. « La plupart des habitants du camp sont contre le régime, estime aussi Mohamad Taha. Mais même les autres ont peur d’être tués ou enrôlés de force dans l’armée s’ils repassent sur les territoires contrôlés par Damas. » Avant de subir l’État islamique, sa police des mœurs et ses exécutions sommaires, la population de Palmyre avait déjà connu une brutale répression de la part du régime Assad, suite à la révolution de 2011 [2].
      Les États-Unis ne sont pas venus en aide aux déplacés d’al-Rukban

      A ce jour, le camp est cependant à l’abri d’une intervention de l’armée du régime. Il est établi à l’intérieur d’une zone militaire de 55 km de rayon contrôlée par les États-Unis, qui ont installé à cet endroit, également tout proche de la frontière irakienne, une base destinée à la lutte contre l’EI. Washington maintient aussi sa présence sur cette zone stratégique afin de couper l’axe reliant l’Iran à la Syrie via Bagdad, la capitale de l’Irak, dans le cadre de sa politique d’opposition au régime iranien. Mais les États-Unis ne sont pas venus en aide aux déplacés d’al-Rukban, pourtant tout proche. Pas plus d’ailleurs que la Jordanie, qui a fermé sa frontière – isolant presque totalement al-Rukban et dégradant encore la situation sécuritaire en son sein – après des attentats menés par l’EI depuis l’intérieur du camp en 2016. Malgré l’aide apportée par le convoi humanitaire, et alors que des négociations diplomatiques concernant le devenir du camp sont toujours en cours, les déplacés d’#al-Rukban, dont l’histoire apparaît comme un concentré des tragédies du conflit syrien, comptent toujours les jours et les nuits passés au milieu du désert.


  • Overcrowded Greek refugee camps ill-prepared for winter: UNHCR

    Greece must speed up winter preparations at refugee camps on islands in the Aegean Sea where there has been a sharp rise in arrivals, the United Nations refugee agency said on Friday.


    #Grèce #hiver (again!) #asile #migrations #réfugiés #îles #camps_de_réfugiés

  • Surge in migration to Greece fuels misery in refugee camps | World news | The Guardian


    Greece is experiencing a dramatic rise in the number of refugees and migrants entering the country, exacerbating already deplorable living conditions on island camps.
    ’Europe’s dirty secret’: officials on Chios scramble to cope with rising tensions
    Read more

    The number of people arriving, across land and sea borders, has more than doubled since the beginning of the summer. Authorities estimate arrivals are now at their highest level since March 2016, with over 200 men, women and children being registered every day.

    #migrations #asile réfugiés #grèce

  • The United States Was Responsible for the 1982 Massacre of Palestinians in Beirut | The Nation


    On the night of September 16, 1982, my younger brother and I were baffled as we watched dozens of Israeli flares floating down in complete silence over the southern reaches of Beirut, for what seemed like an eternity. We knew that the Israeli army had rapidly occupied the western part of the city two days earlier. But flares are used by armies to illuminate a battlefield, and with all the PLO fighters who had resisted the Israeli army during the months-long siege of the city already evacuated from Beirut, we went to bed perplexed, wondering what enemy was left for the occupying army to hunt.

    This was a little more than a month after the August 12 cease-fire that had supposedly ended the war, and was followed by the departure of the PLO’s military forces, cadres, and leadership from the city. The trigger for Israel’s occupation of West Beirut was the assassination on September 14 of Israel’s close ally and Lebanese President-elect Bashir Gemayel, head of the Lebanese Front militia and a top leader of the fascist-modeled Phalangist party.

    What we had seen the night before became clear when we met two American journalists on September 17. They had just visited the scene of ongoing massacres in the Sabra and Shatila refugee camps, home to tens of thousands of displaced Palestinians as well as many Lebanese. They had taken with them into the camps a young American diplomat, Ryan Crocker, who was the first US government official to file a report on what they had seen. We found out from them that the Israeli army had used flares the previous night in order to light the way for the right-wing Lebanese militias whom the Israelis sent into Sabra and Shatila. From September 16 to 18, according to historian Bayan al-Hout’s authoritative account of this event, these militiamen slaughtered over 1,300 Palestinian and Lebanese civilians (for more on these and related events, see the revised 2014 edition of my book Under Siege: PLO Decisionmaking During the 1982 War).

    #Palestine #Liban #Sabra #Chatila

  • „Wer mit Schlepper kommt, hat keine Chance auf Asyl“

    Obwohl sich einige EU-Länder weigern, Flüchtlinge aufzunehmen, ist Innenminister #Thomas_de_Maizière gegen eine Reduzierung von EU-Geldern als Druckmittel. An Schlepper richtet er eine klare Botschaft.

    #criminalisation #asile #migrations #réfugiés #passeurs #smugglers #smuggling #Allemagne #droit_d'asile (bafoué)

    Et en plus:

    EU funding for Libyan camps would make returns possible, says Thomas De Maizière.

    #Libye #externalisation #camps_de_réfugiés