• Border Camps in South Africa Will Not Solve Asylum Crisis

    The government is scapegoating refugees and migrants with a harsh new asylum regime, argues Sharon Ekambaram from Lawyers for Human Rights, who see it as a betrayal of South Africa’s struggle.


    https://www.newsdeeply.com/refugees/community/2017/06/21/border-camps-in-south-africa-will-not-solve-asylum-crisis
    #asile #migrations #réfugiés #camps_de_réfugiés #Afrique_du_sud #Lindela_Repatriation_Center #Krugersdorp #frontières #xénophobie #populisme

  • Les #veuves de guerre déplacées de #Mossoul confrontées à de nouveaux problèmes

    Les ménages dirigés par des femmes représentent aujourd’hui plus d’un quart des 4463 familles dans un camp du HCR abritant des déplacés de la deuxième ville iraquienne.


    http://www.unhcr.org/fr/news/stories/2017/7/595c8657a/veuves-guerre-deplacees-mossoul-confrontees-nouveaux-problemes.html
    #Irak #femmes #camps_de_réfugiés #réfugiés #asile #migrations #IDPs #déplacés_internes

  • EU-Turkey deal ’driving suicide and self-harm’ among refugees trapped in Greek camps

    A deal struck by the European Union to slow refugee boat crossings to Greece is driving rising rates of suicide and self-harm in squalid camps, Human Rights Watch (HRW) has warned.

    Asylum seekers detained on islands in the Aegean Sea have described people setting themselves on fire, hanging themselves or cutting their wrists, with a third of those on Chios witnessing a suicide.

    New research by HRW found children were among those being driven to desperation in conditions increasing the trauma already suffered in the countries they have fled.

    “The mental impact of years of conflict, exacerbated by harsh conditions on the Greek islands and the uncertainty of inhumane policies, may not be as visible as physical wounds, but is no less life-threatening,” said Emina Ćerimović, a disability rights researcher for the group.

    “The EU and Greece should take immediate action to address this silent crisis and prevent further harm.”

    Dozens of asylum seekers, including children, reported rising anxiety, depression, post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) and other mental illnesses as they wait months on end in “horrific conditions” to see whether they will be taken to the Greek mainland or deported to Turkey.

    A 26-year-old Syrian man, who has been detained on Lesbos for more than three months pending deportation, said he has attempted to kill himself.

    Bilal said he was held in a police station for two months, attempting suicide in a cell, before being taken to the notorious Moria camp.

    “All this time [at the police station] I had seen no doctor,” he said. “Then I hurt myself in the police station, and then they brought me here.”

    The camp, now used as a detention centre for asylum seekers to be transferred to Turkey, has seen deadly fires break out and had to be evacuated after tents froze in the winter.

    Migrants being held there told HRW how they were being tormented by the wait to hear their fate, with anxiety compounded by delayed and changed meetings with authorities and a lack of information and interpreters.

    Ahmad, a 20-year-old Syrian, was moved to Lesbos from Chios in May and does not know whether he will be sent back or onwards to Turkey.

    “I’m in a nervous situation,” he said. “Yesterday, an Algerian guy hurt himself [by cutting] … my feelings are dead.”

    Families are among those detained in Moria, including a Kurdish woman from Syria with four children.

    “My hope is dead since they brought me here,” Rabiha Hadji told HRW. “We saw all the terrible miseries in Syria but me and my children haven’t seen a jail [until coming to Greece].”

    Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF), which provides medical care on Lesbos and the island of Samos, has reported a high prevalence of depression, anxiety and psychosis, and a significant increase in suicide attempts and self-harm this year.

    A representative said poor conditions in camps were a particular risk to former prisoners and torture victims, adding: “For people who have experienced extreme violence in detention back in their countries of origin, a place surrounded by barbed wire, the presence of police, and violent clashes clearly cannot be a proper place for them.”

    Amir, a 26-year-old Iranian asylum seeker who has been detained on Lesbos since April, said conditions in Moria constantly reminded him of prison in Iran.

    “I see the fences and I remember my past,” he said.

    “During the first week I was here, I couldn’t sleep all week … I had nightmares of the torture I’ve been through in the military prison.”

    Almost 13,000 asylum seekers are currently being held on Greek islands, where 9,500 more have arrived so far this year despite the threat of deportation.

    In December, the EU and Greek authorities ended exemptions for vulnerable groups including unaccompanied children, pregnant women, disabled people and torture victims that previously protected them from detention in island camps, despite an appeal from 13 major NGOs.

    The EU is now pressuring Greece to speed up asylum decisions and deportations to Turkey, where 1,200 people had been returned between the EU-Turkey deal coming into force in March 2016 and June.

    HRW warned that while lengthy procedures were worsening refugees’ distress, “length of asylum procedures should not be reduced at the expense of the quality of the process”.

    It has documented cases with a lack of capable interpreters during vital asylum interviews, “serious gaps” in access to information and legal help and authorities prioritising migrants according to nationality.

    The practice most commonly sees Syrians fast-tracked over Afghans, Iraqis, Bangladeshis and countries with low application success rates, fuelling tensions within camps that sometimes spill over into violence.

    “Greek authorities, with EU support, should ensure asylum seekers have meaningful access to a fair and efficient asylum procedure based on individual claims, not nationality,” a spokesperson for HRW said, urging Greece to end the policy of containment on its islands and transfer asylum seekers to the mainland, where children can be enrolled in school and adults can work.

    “The EU and the Greek government should work to restore the dignity and humanity of people seeking protection, not foster conditions that cause psychological harm,” Ms Ćerimović said.

    The report is the latest damning verdict of the EU-Turkey deal, which has seen the main refugee route to Europe switch from the comparatively shorter and safer Aegean Sea to the treacherous passage between Libya and Italy.

    The agreement committed Turkey to accept the return of most asylum seekers who travelled through its territory to Greek islands, in exchange for billions of euros in aid, visa liberalisation for Turkish citizens, and revived negotiations for Turkish accession to the EU.

    Talks have since broken down over a series of rows over European nations banning Turkish referendum rallies, support for Kurdish groups in Syria and concerns over the crackdown following an attempted coup against Recep Tayyip Erdogan.

    Research by Save the Children previously found the deal had dramatically reduced the number of refugees journeying over the Aegean Sea to Greece but had given people smugglers “a firmer grip on a hugely profitable business”.

    A study by Harvard University found girls as young as four had been raped in an Athens refugee camp, while asylum seekers elsewhere in the country were selling sex to raise money to be smuggled out.

    But Europol hailed “success” against people smuggling after setting up the European Migrant Smuggling Centre, identifying 17,500 suspected smugglers in 2016, intercepting messages, seizing documents and destroying boats.

    More than 100,000 migrants have arrived in Europe so far this year by sea, mainly from sub-Saharan Africa, Bangladesh and Syria, with 2,300 dying in the attempt.

    http://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/europe/refugee-crisis-latest-asylum-seekers-greece-camps-lesbos-suicide-self

    #suicide #accord_UE-Turquie #réfugiés #asile #migrations #Grèce #camps_de_réfugiés #piège #îles #Chios #PTSD #santé_mentale #Lesbos #Lesvos #prostitution #enfants #viols #mineurs #Moria #hotspots
    cc @i_s_

    • EU/Greece: Asylum Seekers’ Silent Mental Health Crisis

      In research conducted in May and June 2017 on the island of Lesbos, Human Rights Watch documented the deteriorating mental health of asylum seekers and migrants – including incidents of self-harm, suicide attempts, aggression, anxiety, and depression – caused by the Greek policy of “containing” them on islands, often in horrifying conditions, to facilitate speedy processing and return to Turkey.

      https://www.hrw.org/news/2017/07/12/eu/greece-asylum-seekers-silent-mental-health-crisis

    • Greece : A dramatic deterioration for asylum seekers on Lesbos

      The report, A dramatic deterioration for asylum seekers on Lesbos – based on MSF medical data and the testimonies of patients – describes the recent drastic cuts in providing health care on the island, along with reductions in legal aid, and the closure of shelters and other essential services.

      http://www.msf.org/en/article/greece-dramatic-deterioration-asylum-seekers-lesbos
      #santé #rapport #santé_mentale #statistiques #chiffres #vulnérabilité

      Dans le rapport :


      http://www.msf.org/sites/msf.org/files/msf_lesbos_vulnerability_report1.pdf

    • Moria, il laboratorio della brutale intolleranza anti-migrante

      L’estate, si sa, le retate si accelerano, la repressione va avanti in silenzio. Ma Moria, sull’isola di Lesbo, costituisce forse un punto di non ritorno: il palesamento della brutalità anti-profughi, cristallizzata da mesi negli hotspot, nei campi e sui confini, ora dilagante e impunita. Calais, Ventimiglia, Moria. Non è nuovo che il campo greco dove sono intrappolati, persino da più di un anno, richiedenti asilo, vada in fiamme per la giusta ribellione di persone parcheggiate in container, tra sterpaglie, senza cure né accesso ai legali. A queste persone in fuga, l’Europa riserva, infatti, detenzione infinita e sistematica in attesa del rimpatrio in Turchia, in base all’accordo UE-Turchia, o verso i rispettivi Paesi di origine.

      http://www.huffingtonpost.it/amp/flore-murardyovanovitch/lisola-di-moria-e-il-laboratorio-della-brutale-intolleranza-an_a_2305

    • Lesvos: urla dal silenzio. Detenzione arbitraria e respingimenti illegali. Gli accordi con gli stati di transito cancellano il diritto alla vita.

      I sistemi di controllo delle frontiere si sono dimostrati in tensione sempre più forte con i doveri di soccorso e assistenza, come è apparso più evidente nelle isole greche di fronte alla costa turca e nelle acque antistanti la Tripolitania. Nell’opinione pubblica, soprattutto per effetto della campagna diffamatoria nei confronti delle ONG, portata avanti dagli organi di informazione più seguiti, si è quasi annullata la distinzione tra scafisti, intermediari, trafficanti ed organizzazioni non governative indipendenti (o presunte tali) che praticano attività di soccorso in mare e di assistenza a terra. Attività che andrebbero tutelate, e non attaccate, per difendere i diritti fondamentali della persona, a partire dal diritto alla vita.

      http://www.a-dif.org/2017/08/01/lesvos-urla-dal-silenzio-detenzione-arbitraria-e-respingimenti-illegali-gli-a

    • Trapped. Asylum Seekers in Greece

      Emina Ćerimović and photographer Zalmaï investigate the mental health crisis facing asylum seekers on the island of Lesbos.

      The psychological impact of conflict, exacerbated by harsh conditions, uncertainty and inhumane policies, is not as visible as physical injury. But it’s just as life-threatening.

      https://www.hrw.org/video-photos/interactive/2017/12/21/trapped

    • Les femmes et les enfants réfugiés sont davantage exposés aux agressions sexuelles dans le climat de tensions et de surpopulation régnant dans les centres d’accueil des îles grecques

      Le HCR, l’Agence des Nations Unies pour les réfugiés, est très préoccupé par les déclarations de certains demandeurs d’asile dénonçant harcèlement et violences sexuels dans les centres d’accueil situés sur les îles grecques qui ne respectent pas les normes d’accueil requises. Le HCR se félicite toutefois des mesures prises par le gouvernement en vue de régler la question de la surpopulation et des conditions de vie désastreuses dans ces centres.

      En 2017, le HCR a reçu des informations émanant de 622 survivants de violences sexuelles et de genre sur les îles grecques de la mer Egée, dont 28% ont été subies après leur arrivée en Grèce. Les formes les plus courantes de violences dénoncées par les femmes concernaient des comportements incorrects, du harcèlement sexuel et des tentatives d’agression sexuelle.

      La situation est particulièrement inquiétante dans les centres d’accueil et d’identification de Moria (#Lesbos) et de #Vathy (#Samos) où des milliers de réfugiés continuent d’être abrités dans des hébergements inadéquats sans sécurité suffisante. Quelque 5 500 personnes séjournent dans ces centres, soit le double de la capacité prévue. Les informations faisant état de harcèlement sexuel sont particulièrement nombreuses à #Moria.

      http://www.unhcr.org/fr/news/briefing/2018/2/5a81a898a/femmes-enfants-refugies-davantage-exposes-agressions-sexuelles-climat-tension

    • Exclusive: Violence breaks out between residents of refugee camp and police on Greek island of #Samos

      Police clashed with residents from a refugee camp on the Greek island of Samos on Saturday morning, an NGO has told Euronews.

      The refugees and asylum seekers were staging a protest march about living conditions in the camp but had their route blocked by police at around 7.30 am local time, a member of the NGO said.

      “There were no more than 60 to 70 people there, they were one-on-one with police,” they added.

      Police fired warning shots and used tear gas and “beat up” some of those demonstrating, according to the NGO.

      One refugee sent an image to Euronews that showed his back with two marks across it (pictured in the main image of this article).

      “Things in Samos aren’t working well, that’s why we went on the march,” he said.

      “I saw police charge at the protesters,” Jerome Fourcade, an independent photo journalist based in Samos, told Euronews.

      Around 10 NGO workers were taken in by police at the scene of the clashes at 8.30am and held for a number of hours: “They said they were verifying our ID cards,” one said.

      Fourcade was also detained by police when he tried to photograph those demonstrating.

      Authorities asked to look at his photographs, but he refused arguing that he had not been arrested so they did not have the right.

      He was released around 10.30 am once all the residents had returned to the refugee camp.

      Overcrowding is a serious issue in the Samos camp, which is designed to host a maximum of around 650 people, while there are roughly 4,000 people living there and in the “jungle” surrounding it.

      Most people have no direct access to sanitation and live in flimsy tents or shelters they built themselves, the NGO worker said.

      “They are surrounded by pests — barely a day goes by when I’m not sent a photo of someone who has found a snake in their tent or been bitten by a scorpion or a rat,” they added.

      “The camp is overflowing with garbage, it’s 26 degrees today, so it’s festering ... these are extremely inhumane conditions.”

      Police clashed with residents from a refugee camp on the Greek island of Samos on Saturday morning, an NGO has told Euronews.

      The refugees and asylum seekers were staging a protest march about living conditions in the camp but had their route blocked by police at around 7.30 am local time, a member of the NGO said.

      “There were no more than 60 to 70 people there, they were one-on-one with police,” they added.
      Police stand in front of refugees and asylum seekers from Samos camp

      Police fired warning shots and used tear gas and “beat up” some of those demonstrating, according to the NGO.

      One refugee sent an image to Euronews that showed his back with two marks across it (pictured in the main image of this article).

      “Things in Samos aren’t working well, that’s why we went on the march,” he said.

      “I saw police charge at the protesters,” Jerome Fourcade, an independent photo journalist based in Samos, told Euronews.

      Around 10 NGO workers were taken in by police at the scene of the clashes at 8.30am and held for a number of hours: “They said they were verifying our ID cards,” one said.

      Fourcade was also detained by police when he tried to photograph those demonstrating.

      Authorities asked to look at his photographs, but he refused arguing that he had not been arrested so they did not have the right.

      He was released around 10.30 am once all the residents had returned to the refugee camp.
      Police stand in front of refugees and asylum seekers from Samos camp

      Overcrowding is a serious issue in the Samos camp, which is designed to host a maximum of around 650 people, while there are roughly 4,000 people living there and in the “jungle” surrounding it.

      READ MORE: Refugees on Samos live in “a huge camp of lost souls”

      Most people have no direct access to sanitation and live in flimsy tents or shelters they built themselves, the NGO worker said.

      “They are surrounded by pests — barely a day goes by when I’m not sent a photo of someone who has found a snake in their tent or been bitten by a scorpion or a rat,” they added.

      “The camp is overflowing with garbage, it’s 26 degrees today, so it’s festering ... these are extremely inhumane conditions.”
      Valerie Gauriat
      Inside Samos refugee campValerie Gauriat
      Valerie Gauriat
      Inside Samos refugee campValerie Gauriat

      This is not the first time the inhabitants of the camp have demonstrated, with three peaceful protests taking place in January along with another that turned violent, although “nothing as bad as this,” according to the NGO.

      Saturday marked the first time police used tear gas on the asylum seekers and refugees, it said.

      A police spokesman for the North Aegean islands told Euronews that a group of 100 migrants attempted to march into the city to protest about living conditions in and around the camp.

      “They were stopped by the police and there was some tension,” he added. The spokesperson is based in Lesbos and said he did not know anything about the use of tear gas or the police detentions.

      The clashes came a day before Greeks were set to vote in both the European Parliamentary elections and the first round of the municipal elections, when mayors and regional governors are appointed.

      https://www.euronews.com/2019/05/25/exclusive-violence-breaks-out-between-residents-of-refugee-camp-and-police

    • MSF: 3 migrant children attempted suicide, 17 had injured themselves

      Children are the real victims of the Migration policy, many of them are not in position to comply with the harsh realities. According to a press release by Doctors Without Borders / Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF), Greece, in the summer months of July and August, three children attempted suicide and 17 had injured themselves. Ten of a total of 73 children referred to MSF were under the age of six, the youngest being just two.

      Vulnerable people trapped in islands pay for inhumane policies of EU-Turkey Agreement. About 24,000 men, women and children seeking protection in Europe are trapped in tragic living conditions on Greek islands, while Greek and Greek European authorities have deliberately abandoned them, the MSF said in the press release:

      The devastating crisis that affects the health of thousands of vulnerable people is the result of a problematic reception system, lack of protection mechanisms and inadequate service provision. This shows that the European Union’s policy of restricting and deterring migration management has failed.

      For over four years, Doctors Without Borders has been working in several Greek islands, but today humanitarian and medical intervention is largely a matter for voluntary organizations that replace state responsibilities. Today, Doctors Without Borders has once again been forced to scale up its activities: hundreds of medical sessions are held daily in Lesvos, Samos and Chios, while in coordination with other voluntary and non-governmental organizations Doctors Without Borders is increasing for the immigrant population and distribute basic essentials on a regular basis.

      “The situation in the Greek islands is not new. The overcrowding in refugee camps is a crisis caused by European policies and has had a huge negative impact on men, women and children for years, ”says Vassilis Stravaridis, Director General of Médecins Sans Frontières. “More than 3 years have passed since the EU-Turkey Agreement and should we consider that the Greek and European authorities are using this embarrassing failure to host refugees as a means of deterring new arrivals to Europe?”

      As arrivals from the sea have reached their highest point since 2016, Doctors Without Borders pediatric mental health teams in Lesbos have seen child referrals double in July compared to previous months. In July and August, 73 children were referred to our teams: three had attempted suicide and 17 had committed suicide. Ten of the 73 children were under the age of six, the youngest being just two.

      “More and more of these kids stop playing, see nightmares, are afraid to get out of their tent and start retiring from life,” says Kathryn Bruback, a mental health officer in Lesvos. “Some of them just stop talking. With overcrowding, violence and lack of security in the camp increasing, the situation for children is getting worse day by day. In order to prevent permanent damage, these children must leave the Moria camp immediately. “

      At the Doctors Without Borders pediatric clinic we have nearly 100 children with complex or chronic health problems, including young children with severe heart disease, diabetes, epilepsy and war injuries. They are all waiting to move to the mainland to access the specialized care they need.

      In the camp in Vathi, Samos, the situation is unbearable, according to Doctors Without Borders, where 5,000 people crowd into a place designed for 650. Most live in the “jungle”, an area outside the camp. The lack of protection and basic services raises the risk of people being subjected to new psychological trauma, with reports of incidents of harassment, sexual assault and other forms of violence increasing.

      The Greek government recently transferred nearly 1,500 vulnerable people from Lesvos. However, Doctors Without Borders believes that moving people to scenes in the mainland is not a safe or effective solution to the chronic overcrowding and its effects on human health. At least 2,500 people who are officially identified as vulnerable remain in Lesvos despite being entitled to move to a safe place for specialized care. This number does not include thousands of possibly others who have not yet been identified as vulnerable.

      Doctors Without Borders appeals to the Greek Government, the European Union and the Member States to assume their responsibilities and put an end to this unacceptable and devastating crisis, and in particular demand:

      Immediately remove children and vulnerable people from the islands and transport them to safe and appropriate accommodation in mainland Greece and / or other European countries.
      Immediately increase the number of medical staff in reception centers so that people can receive physical and mental health care.

      https://www.keeptalkinggreece.com/2019/09/13/msf-migrants-children-suicides

  • Photographie : #Grande-Synthe, la vie au camp

    C’était il y a trois mois, le 10 avril 2017. Ce jour-là le camp de Grande-Synthe est parti en fumée après une rixe entre migrants afghans et kurdes. A cette date, ils étaient 1370, hommes, femmes et enfants, à y vivre tant bien que mal, certains depuis des mois. Depuis octobre 2016, la photographe #Férial s’y rendait régulièrement, elle y était aussi pendant et après l’incendie. Ses images racontent un quotidien difficile, parfois noir mais aussi plein d’espoir.

    http://info.arte.tv/fr/photographie-grande-synthe-la-vie-au-camp
    #camps_de_réfugiés #asile #migrations #réfugiés #jungle #photographie #campement #France
    cc @albertocampiphoto @philippe_de_jonckheere

  • Yugoslav wars : A home for forgotten refugees

    Two decades on, thousands of refugees from the Yugoslav wars still don’t have a home to call their own. A regional housing program is hoping to change that - with some help from the West.


    http://www.dw.com/en/yugoslav-wars-a-home-for-forgotten-refugees/a-39563999
    #maison #logement #hébergement #réfugiés #Balkans #histoire #réfugiés_yougoslaves #camps_de_réfugiés #Yougoslavie
    cc @albertocampiphoto

  • Fino a dove vuole arrivare Erdogan con l’Europa. Reportage dal confine siriano

    Viaggio nei campi dei rifugiati siriani nel sud-est della Turchia, dove Ankara vuole ricordare al mondo che la crisi non è finita


    http://www.ilfoglio.it/esteri/2017/06/25/news/fino-a-dove-vuole-arrivare-erdogan-con-l-europa-reportage-dal-confine-siria
    #camps_de_réfugiés #réfugiés #asile #migrations #Turquie #réfugiés_syriens #Kahramanmaras

  • Vom Profit mit der Not

    Weltweit sind rund 65 Millionen Menschen auf der Flucht. Es gibt so viele Flüchtlingslager wie nie zuvor. Eigentlich als Provisorien gedacht, sind viele Camps heute Dauereinrichtungen. Ein neues Geschäftsfeld ist entstanden, ein Geschäftsfeld, das private Unternehmen für sich zu nutzen wissen.

    https://www.srf.ch/play/tv/dok/video/vom-profit-mit-der-not?id=03b022a4-9627-48d9-90b1-bf04ed1b5069

    #camps_de_réfugiés #asile #migrations #réfugiés #profit #économie #privatisation #marché #business #vidéo #film #documentaire #technologie #ONU #nations_unies #ikea #biométrie #surveillance #HCR #UNHCR #Jordanie #IrisGuard #supermarchés #données #terrorisme #Dadaab #liberté_de_mouvement #liberté_de_circulation #apatridie #Kenya #réfugiés_somaliens #accord_UE-Turquie #Turquie #Poseidon #Frontex #Grèce #Lesbos #Moria #hotspots

    Les conseillers de #IrisGuard :
    #Richard_Dearlove : https://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Richard_Dearlove (il a travailler pour les #services_secrets britanniques)
    #Frances_Townsend : https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Frances_Townsend (conseillère de #Georges_Bush)

    L’entreprise IrisGuard a son siège aux #îles_Caïmans #Cayman_Islands (#paradis_fiscaux)

    #G4S assure la protection des travailleurs humanitaires à Dadaad... L’ONU a dépensé, selon ce documentaire, 23 mio de USD pour la protection de ses employés, le 2ème plus haut poste de dépenses après l’eau potable...

    • Market Forces: the development of the EU security-industrial complex

      While the European Union project has faltered in recent years, afflicted by the fall-out of the economic crisis, the rise of anti-EU parties and the Brexit vote, there is one area where it has not only continued apace but made significant advances: Europe’s security policies have not only gained political support from across its Member States but growing budgets and resources too.

      Transnational corporations are winning millions of euros of public research funds to develop ever more intrusive surveillance and snooping technologies, a new report by Statewatch and the Transnational Institute reveals today.

      The report, Market Forces, shows how the EU’s €1.7 billion ‘Secure societies’ research programme has been shaped by the “homeland security” industry and in the process is constructing an ever more militarised and security-focused Europe.

      The research programme, in place since 2007, has sought to combat a panoply of “threats” ranging from terrorism and organised criminality to irregular migration and petty crime through the development of new “homeland security” technologies such as automated behaviour analysis tools, enhanced video and data surveillance, and biometric identification systems.

      Key beneficiaries of this research funding have been companies: #Thales (€33.1m), #Selex (€23.2m), #Airbus (€17.8m), #Atos (€14.1m) and #Indra (€12.3m are the five biggest corporate recipients. Major applied research institutes have also received massive amounts of funding, the top five being: #Fraunhofer_Institute (€65.7 million); #TNO (€33.5 million); #Swedish_Defence_Research_Institute (€33.4 million); #Commissariat_à_l'énergie_atomique_et_aux_énergies_alternatives (€22.1 million); #Austrian_Intstitute_of_Technology (€16 million).

      Many of these organisations and their lobbies have played a significant role in designing the research programme through their participation in high-level public-private forums, European Commission advisory groups and through lobbying undertaken by industry groups such as the European Organisation for Security (#EOS).

      The report also examines EU’s €3.8 billion #Internal_Security_Fund, which provides funding to Member States to acquire new tools and technologies: border control #drones and surveillance systems, #IMSI catchers for spying on mobile phones, tools for monitoring the web and ‘pre-crime’ predictive policing systems are currently on the agenda.

      It is foreseen that the fund will eventually pay for technologies developed through the security research programme, creating a closed loop of supply and demand between private companies and state authorities.

      Despite the ongoing economic crisis, EU funding for new security tools and technologies has grown from under €4 billion to almost €8 billion in the 2014-20 period (compared to 2007-13) and the report warns that there is a risk of further empowering illiberal tendencies in EU governments that have taken unprecedented steps in recent years towards normalising emergency powers and undermining human rights protection in the name of fighting terrorism and providing “security”.

      Market Forces argues that upcoming negotiations on the next round of funding programmes (2021-27) provide a significant opportunity to reform the rationale and reasoning behind the EU’s development of new security technologies and its funding of tools and equipment for national authorities.


      http://statewatch.org/marketforces

      Lien vers le #rapport:
      http://statewatch.org/analyses/marketforces.pdf

    • #Burundi refugees refuse ’biometric’ registration in #DRC

      More than 2 000 Burundian refugees living in a transit camp in Democratic Republic of Congo are resisting plans to register them on a biometric database, claiming it would violate their religion.

      They belong to an obscure Catholic sect that follows a female prophet called #Zebiya and claim to have fled their homeland due to religious persecution.

      https://www.news24.com/Africa/News/burundi-refugees-refuse-biometric-registration-in-drc-20171207
      #résistance #Congo #camps_de_réfugiés #persécution_religieuse

  • Record Numbers Of Venezuelans Seek Asylum In The U.S. Amid Political Chaos

    Some 8,300 Venezuelans applied for U.S. asylum in the first three months of 2017, which, as the Associated Press points out, puts the country on track to nearly double its record 18,155 requests last year. Around one in every five U.S. applicants this fiscal year is Venezuelan, making Venezuela America’s leading source of asylum claimants for the first time, surpassing countries like China and Mexico.

    http://www.huffingtonpost.com/entry/political-chaos-sends-record-number-of-venezuelans-fleeing-to-us_us_
    #asile #migrations #réfugiés #réfugiés_vénézuéliens #USA #Etats-Unis #Venezuela

    • Colombie : violence et afflux de réfugiés vénézuéliens préoccupent l’UE

      La Colombie est confrontée à deux « situations humanitaires », en raison de l’afflux de réfugiés fuyant « la crise au Venezuela » et d’"un nouveau cycle de violence" de divers groupes armés, a dénoncé le commissaire européen Christos Stylianides.

      https://www.courrierinternational.com/depeche/colombie-violence-et-afflux-de-refugies-venezueliens-preoccup
      #Colombie

    • Half a million and counting: Venezuelan exodus puts new strains on Colombian border town

      The sun is burning at the Colombian border town of Cúcuta. Red Cross workers attend to people with dehydration and fatigue as hundreds of Venezuelans line up to have their passports stamped, covering their heads with clothing and cardboard to fashion what shade they can.

      https://www.irinnews.org/feature/2018/03/07/half-million-and-counting-venezuelan-exodus-puts-new-strains-colombian-bor

    • Venezuelans flee to Colombia to escape economic meltdown

      The Simon Bolivar bridge has become symbolic of the mass exodus of migrants from Venezuela. The crossing is also just one piece in the complex puzzle facing Colombia, as it struggles to absorb the increasing number of migrants prompted by its neighbour’s economic and social meltdown.

      Up to 45,000 migrants cross on foot from Venezuela to Cúcuta every day. The Colombian city has become the last hope for many fleeing Venezuela’s crumbling economy. Already four million people, out of a population of 30 million, have fled Venezuela due to chronic shortages of food and medicine.

      http://www.euronews.com/2018/03/26/colombia-s-venezuelan-migrant-influx

    • Venezolanos en Colombia: una situación que se sale de las manos

      La crisis venezolana se transformó en un éxodo masivo sin precedentes, con un impacto hemisférico que apenas comienza. Brasil y Colombia, donde recae el mayor impacto, afrontan un año electoral en medio de la polarización política, que distrae la necesidad de enfrentarla con una visión conjunta, estratégica e integral.


      http://pacifista.co/venezolanos-en-colombia-crisis-opinion

      via @stesummi

    • Hungry, sick and increasingly desperate, thousands of Venezuelans are pouring into Colombia

      For evidence that the Venezuelan migrant crisis is overwhelming this Colombian border city, look no further than its largest hospital.

      The emergency room designed to serve 75 patients is likely to be crammed with 125 or more. Typically, two-thirds are impoverished Venezuelans with broken bones, infections, trauma injuries — and no insurance and little cash.

      “I’m here for medicine I take every three months or I die,” said Cesar Andrade, a 51-year-old retired army sergeant from Caracas. He had come to Cucuta’s Erasmo Meoz University Hospital for anti-malaria medication he can’t get in Venezuela. “I’m starting a new life in Colombia. The crisis back home has forced me to do it.”

      The huge increase in Venezuelan migrants fleeing their country’s economic crisis, failing healthcare system and repressive government is affecting the Cucuta metropolitan area more than any other in Colombia. It’s where 80% of all exiting Venezuelans headed for Colombia enter as foreigners.

      Despite turning away Venezuelans with cancer or chronic diseases, the hospital treated 1,200 migrant emergency patients last month, up from the handful of patients, mostly traffic collision victims, in March 2015, before the Venezuelan exodus started gathering steam.

      The hospital’s red ink is rising along with its caseload. The facility has run up debts of $5 million over the last three years to accommodate Venezuelans because the Colombian government is unable to reimburse it, said Juan Agustin Ramirez, director of the 500-bed hospital.

      “The government has ordered us to attend to Venezuelan patients but is not giving us the resources to pay for them,” Ramirez said. “The truth is, we feel abandoned. The moment could arrive when we will collapse.”

      An average of 35,000 people cross the Simon Bolivar International Bridge linking the two countries every day. About half return to the Venezuelan side after making purchases, conducting business or visiting family. But the rest stay in Cucuta at least temporarily or move on to the Colombian interior or other countries.

      For many Venezuelans, the first stop after crossing is the Divine Providence Cafeteria, an open-air soup kitchen a stone’s throw from the bridge. A Roman Catholic priest, Father Leonardo Mendoza, and volunteer staff serve some 1,500 meals daily. But it’s not enough.

      One recent day, lines stretched halfway around the block with Venezuelans, desperation and hunger etched on their faces. But some didn’t have the tickets that were handed out earlier in the day and were turned away.

      “Children come up to me and say, ’Father, I’m hungry.’ It’s heartbreaking. It’s the children’s testimony that inspires the charitable actions of all of us here,” Mendoza said.

      The precise number of Venezuelan migrants who are staying in Colombia is difficult to calculate because of the porousness of the 1,400-mile border, which has seven formal crossings. But estimates range as high as 800,000 arrivals over the last two years. At least 500,000 have gone on to the U.S., Spain, Brazil and other Latin American countries, officials here say.

      “Every day 40 buses each filled with 40 or more Venezuelans leave Cucuta, cross Colombia and go directly to Ecuador,” said Huber Plaza, a local delegate of the National Disasters Risk Management Agency. “They stay there or go on to Chile, Argentina or Peru, which seems to be the preferred destination these days.”

      Many arrive broke, hungry and in need of immediate medical attention. Over the last two years, North Santander province, where Cucuta is located, has vaccinated 58,000 Venezuelans for measles, diphtheria and other infectious diseases because only half of the arriving children have had the shots, said Nohora Barreto, a nurse with the provincial health department.

      On the day Andrade, the retired army sergeant, sought treatment, gurneys left little space in the crowded ward and hospital corridors, creating an obstacle course for nurses and doctors who shouted orders, handed out forms and began examinations.

      Andrade and many other patients stood amid the gurneys because all the chairs and beds were taken. Nearby, a pregnant woman in the early stages of labor groaned as she walked haltingly among the urgent care patients, supported by a male companion.

      Dionisio Sanchez, a 20-year-old Venezuelan laborer, sat on a gurney awaiting treatment for a severe cut he suffered on his hand at a Cucuta construction site. Amid the bustle, shouting and medical staff squeezing by, he stared ahead quietly, holding his hand wrapped in gauze and resigned to a long wait.

      “I’m lucky this didn’t happen to me back home,” Sanchez said. “Everyone is suffering a lot there. I didn’t want to leave, but hunger and other circumstances forced me to make the decision.”

      Signs of stress caused by the flood of migrants are abundant elsewhere in this city of 650,000. Schools are overcrowded, charitable organizations running kitchens and shelters are overwhelmed and police who chase vagrants and illegal street vendors from public spaces are outmanned.

      “We’ll clear 30 people from the park, but as soon as we leave, 60 more come to replace them,” said a helmeted policeman on night patrol with four comrades at downtown’s Santander Plaza. He expressed sympathy for the migrants and shook his head as he described the multitudes of homeless, saying it was impossible to control the tide.

      Sitting on a park bench nearby was Jesus Mora, a 21-year-old mechanic who arrived from Venezuela in March. He avoids sleeping in the park, he said, and looks for an alleyway or “someplace in the shadows where police won’t bother me.”

      “As long as they don’t think I’m selling drugs, I’m OK,” Mora said. “Tonight, I’m here to wait for a truck that brings around free food at this hour.” Mora said he is hoping to get a work permit. Meanwhile, he is hustling as best he can, recycling bottles, plastic and cardboard he scavenges on the street and in trash cans.

      Metropolitan Cucuta’s school system is bursting at the seams with migrant kids, who are given six-month renewable passes to attend school. Eduardo Berbesi, principal of the 1,400-student Frontera Educational Institute, a public K-12 school in Villa de Rosario that’s located a short distance from the Simon Bolivar International Bridge, says he has funds to give lunches to only 60% of his students. He blames the government for not coming through with money to finance the school’s 40% growth in enrollment since the crisis began in 2015.

      “The government tells us to receive the Venezuelan students but gives us nothing to pay for them,” Berbesi said.

      Having to refuse lunches to hungry students bothers him. “And it’s me the kids and their parents blame, not the state.”


      #Cucuta

      On a recent afternoon, every street corner in Cucuta seemed occupied with vendors selling bananas, candy, coffee, even rolls of aluminum foil.

      “If I sell 40 little cups of coffee, I earn enough to buy a kilo of rice and a little meat,” said Jesus Torres, 35, a Venezuelan who arrived last month. He was toting a shoulder bag of thermoses he had filled with coffee that morning to sell in plastic cups. “The situation is complicated here but still better than in Venezuela.”

      That evening, Leonardo Albornoz, 33, begged for coins at downtown stoplight as his wife and three children, ages 6 months to 8 years, looked on. He said he had been out of work in his native Merida for months but decided to leave for Colombia in April because his kids “were going to sleep hungry every night.”

      When the light turned red, Albornoz approached cars and buses stopped at the intersection to offer lollipops in exchange for handouts. About half of the drivers responded with a smile and some change. Several bus passengers passed him coins through open windows.

      From the sidewalk, his 8-year-old son, Kleiver, watched despondently. It was 9:30 pm — he had school the next morning and should have been sleeping, but Albornoz and his wife said they had no one to watch him or their other kids at the abandoned building where they were staying.

      “My story is a sad one like many others, but the drop that made my glass overflow was when the [Venezuelan] government confiscated my little plot of land where we could grow things,” Albornoz said.

      The increase in informal Venezuelan workers has pushed Cucuta’s unemployment rate to 16% compared with the 9% rate nationwide, Mayor Cesar Rojas said in an interview at City Hall. Although Colombians generally have welcomed their neighbors, he said, signs of resentment among jobless local residents is growing.

      “The national government isn’t sending us the resources to settle the debts, and now we have this economic crisis,” Rojas said. “With the situation in Venezuela worsening, the exodus can only increase.”

      The Colombian government admits it has been caught off guard by the dimensions — and costs — of the Venezuelan exodus, one of the largest of its kind in recent history, said Felipe Muñoz, who was named Venezuelan border manager by President Juan Manuel Santos in February.

      “This is a critical, complex and massive problem,” Muñoz said. “No country could have been prepared to receive the volume of migrants that we are receiving. In Latin America, it’s unheard of. We’re dealing with 10 times more people than those who left the Middle East for Europe last year.”

      In agreement is Jozef Merkx, Colombia representative of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, which is taking an active role in helping Colombia deal with the influx. Central America saw large migrant flows in the 1980s, but they were caused by armed conflicts, he said.

      “Venezuelans are leaving for different reasons, and the mixed nature of the displaced crisis is what makes it a unique exodus,” Merkx said during an interview in his Bogota office.

      Muñoz said Colombia feels a special obligation to help Venezuelans in need. In past decades, when the neighboring country’s oil-fueled economy needed more manpower than the local population could provide, hundreds of thousands of Colombians flooded in to work. Now the tables are turned.

      Colombia’s president has appealed to the international community for help. The U.S. government recently stepped up: The State Department announced Tuesday it was contributing $18.5 million “to support displaced Venezuelans in Colombia who have fled the crisis in their country.”

      Manuel Antolinez, director of the International Committee of the Red Cross’ 240-bed shelter for Venezuelans near the border in Villa de Rosario, said he expects the crisis to get worse before easing.

      “Our reading is that after the May 20 presidential election in Venezuela and the probable victory of President [Nicolas] Maduro, there will be increased dissatisfaction with the regime and more oppression against the opposition,” he said. “Living conditions will worsen.”

      Whatever its duration, the crisis is leading Ramirez, director of the Erasmo Meoz University Hospital, to stretch out payments to his suppliers from an average of 30 days to 90 days after billing. He hopes the government will come through with financial aid.

      “The collapse will happen when we can’t pay our employees,” he said. He fears that could happen soon.

      http://www.latimes.com/world/la-fg-venezuela-colombia-20180513-story.html

    • The Venezuelan Refugee Crisis : The View from Brazil

      Shadowing the Maduro regime’s widely condemned May 20 presidential election, Venezuela’s man-made humanitarian crisis continues to metastasize, forcing hundreds of thousands of families to flee to neighboring countries. While Colombia is bearing the brunt of the mass exodus of Venezuelans, Brazil is also facing an unprecedented influx. More than 40,000 refugees, including indigenous peoples, have crossed the border into Brazil since early 2017. The majority of these refugees have crossed into and remain in Roraima, Brazil’s poorest and most isolated state. While the Brazilian government is doing what it can to address the influx of refugees and mitigate the humanitarian risks for both the Venezuelans and local residents, much more needs to be done.


      As part of its continuing focus on the Venezuelan crisis, CSIS sent two researchers on a week-long visit to Brasilia and Roraima in early May. The team met with Brazilian federal government officials, international organizations, and civil society, in addition to assessing the situation on-the-ground at the Venezuela-Brazil border.

      https://www.csis.org/analysis/venezuelan-refugee-crisis-view-brazil
      #Boa_Vista #camps_de_réfugiés

    • Le Brésil mobilise son #armée à la frontière du Venezuela

      Le président brésilien Michel Temer a ordonné mardi soir par décret l’utilisation des forces armées pour « garantir la sécurité » dans l’Etat septentrional de Roraima, à la frontière avec le Venezuela.

      Depuis des mois, des milliers de réfugiés ont afflué dans cet Etat. « Je décrète l’envoi des forces armées pour garantir la loi et l’ordre dans l’Etat de Roraima du 29 août au 12 septembre », a annoncé le chef de l’Etat.

      Le but de la mesure est de « garantir la sécurité des citoyens mais aussi des immigrants vénézuéliens qui fuient leur pays ».
      Afflux trop important

      Plusieurs dizaines de milliers d’entre eux fuyant les troubles économiques et politiques de leur pays ont afflué ces dernières années dans l’Etat de Roraima, où les services sociaux sont submergés.

      Michel Temer a ajouté que la situation était « tragique ». Et le président brésilien de blâmer son homologue vénézuélien Nicolas Maduro : « La situation au Venezuela n’est plus un problème politique interne. C’est une menace pour l’harmonie de tout le continent », a déclaré le chef d’Etat dans un discours télévisé.

      https://www.rts.ch/info/monde/9806458-le-bresil-mobilise-son-armee-a-la-frontiere-du-venezuela.html

      #frontières #militarisation_des_frontières

    • The Exiles. A Trip to the Border Highlights Venezuela’s Devastating Humanitarian Crisis

      Never have I seen this more clearly than when I witnessed first-hand Venezuelans fleeing the devastating human rights, humanitarian, political, and economic crisis their government has created.

      Last July, I stood on the Simon Bolivar bridge that connects Cúcuta in Colombia with Táchira state in Venezuela and watched hundreds of people walk by in both directions all day long, under the blazing sun. A suitcase or two, the clothes on their back — other than that, many of those pouring over the border had nothing but memories of a life left behind.

      https://www.hrw.org/video-photos/interactive/2018/11/14/exiles-trip-border-highlights-venezuelas-devastating

    • Crises Colliding: The Mass Influx of Venezuelans into the Dangerous Fragility of Post-Peace Agreement Colombia

      Living under the government of President Nicolás Maduro, Venezuelans face political repression, extreme shortages of food and medicine, lack of social services, and economic collapse. Three million of them – or about 10 percent of the population – have fled the country.[1] The vast majority have sought refuge in the Americas, where host states are struggling with the unprecedented influx.
      Various actors have sought to respond to this rapidly emerging crisis. The UN set up the Regional Inter-Agency Coordination Platform for Refugees and Migrants from Venezuela, introducing a new model for agency coordination across the region. This Regional Platform, co-led by the United Nations Refugee Agency (UNHCR) and the International Organization for Migration (IOM), has established a network of subsidiary National Platforms in the major host countries to coordinate the response on the ground. At the regional level, the Organization of American States (OAS) established a Working Group to Address the Regional Crisis of Venezuelan Migrants and Refugees. Latin American states have come together through the Quito Process – a series of diplomatic meetings designed to help coordinate the response of countries in the region to the crisis. Donors, including the United States, have provided bilateral assistance.


      https://www.refugeesinternational.org/reports/2019/1/10/crises-colliding-the-mass-influx-of-venezuelans-into-the-dang

      #rapport

  • Border Camps in South Africa Will Not Solve Asylum Crisis

    The government is scapegoating refugees and migrants with a harsh new asylum regime, argues Sharon Ekambaram from Lawyers for Human Rights, who see it as a betrayal of South Africa’s struggle.

    https://www.newsdeeply.com/refugees/community/2017/06/21/border-camps-in-south-africa-will-not-solve-asylum-crisis

    #camps_frontaliers #camps_de_réfugiés #asile #migrations #Afrique_du_sud #réfugiés

    • L’Ouganda, première terre d’asile africaine

      Face à l’afflux de plus d’un million de personnes chassées par la crise sud-soudanaise, l’ONU mise sur un modèle novateur de prise en charge des réfugiés.


      http://www.lemonde.fr/international/article/2017/12/01/l-ouganda-premiere-terre-d-asile-africaine_5223193_3210.html

      Deux silhouettes se découpent dans le contre-jour, devant les massifs qui barrent la savane. Elles ont franchi le poste-frontière de Nimule, dernier obstacle entre l’Ouganda et le pays qu’elles veulent fuir : le Soudan du Sud, où fait rage, depuis fin 2013, l’une des guerres civiles les plus meurtrières de l’histoire contemporaine. Leurs traits émaciés se dessinent désormais. Ce sont deux adolescents, progressant vers le centre d’accueil des réfugiés, en silence. Comme en apesanteur.


      Jusqu’au dernier moment, ils ont espéré résister au conflit qui ravage le plus jeune Etat de la planète, né en 2011 de la scission du Soudan. Las. « Entre les rumeurs d’attaques de l’armée [loyaliste, Armée populaire de libération du Soudan (APLS)] et le manque de nourriture, nous avons tout abandonné, à notre tour. Dans notre village, il ne reste que quatre familles. Contre une soixantaine auparavant », murmure Denis, 18 ans, hagard après trois jours d’échappée passés à guetter d’éventuelles embuscades dans la brousse. Lui et son frère vont être pris en charge par les autorités ougandaises et le Haut-Commissariat des Nations unies pour les réfugiés (HCR). Le protocole est rodé : fouille au corps, évaluation médicale, préenregistrement… Dès le lendemain, ils seront transférés vers l’un des vingt et un camps de réfugiés que compte l’Ouganda.

      Face à la plus grave crise de réfugiés en ­Afrique, l’Ouganda figure désormais en première ligne. Il est le pays qui en accueille le plus grand nombre sur le continent. En juillet 2016, Juba, la capitale sud-soudanaise, s’est embrasée : les combats opposent l’armée loyale au président Salva Kiir, principalement constituée de Dinka, aux forces rebelles de Riek Machar, l’ancien vice-président, composées en majorité de Nuer. Les habitants des régions méridionales des Equatorias ont aussitôt été happés dans l’engrenage des violences tribales. Cinq cent mille d’entre eux ont fui en Ouganda. Et l’exode se poursuit. Au total, plus de 1 million de Sud-Soudanais ont déjà trouvé refuge dans ce pays voisin et hospitalier.

      Ni barbelés ni corridors

      A une soixantaine de kilomètres du poste-frontière de Nimule, dans les collines qui verdoient en cette saison des pluies, des cases aux toits de chaume s’éparpillent aussi loin que le regard se porte. Sans ces quelques tentes frappées du logo onusien, on oublierait qu’il s’agit d’un camp de réfugiés, celui de Maaji III, dans le district d’Adjumani : ni barbelés ni corridors, les Sud-Soudanais sont logés au cœur des communautés locales. Les humanitaires préfèrent employer l’appellation « site d’instal­lation », à celui de « camp », trop connoté.

      C’est ici que s’est établi Joseph Lagu, 38 ans, ancien fermier de la région de Yei, dans le sud de son pays. « Des hommes de mon village ont été exécutés lors d’un raid de l’armée [loyaliste], des femmes ont été violées. Les soldats prétendaient que nous soutenions les rebelles. Aujourd’hui, nous sommes en sécurité », dit-il, soulagé. Et de se réjouir : « A notre arrivée, il y a un an, les autorités [ougandaises] nous ont fourni deux lopins de terre : l’un pour construire une case, l’autre – de 2 500 mètres carrés – pour cultiver. »

      Selon une loi ougandaise de 2006, les réfugiés bénéficient, en plus de ces parcelles, de la liberté de travailler et de circuler dans le pays. Ils ont également accès aux services de santé et d’éducation au même titre que les Ougandais. Ce, malgré la faiblesse des ­infrastructures locales. Une stratégie donnant-donnant : cinq ans après leur instal­lation, les réfugiés sont censés être autosuffisants. Ils s’intègrent alors dans le marché du travail, et contribuent à leur tour au ­développement du pays.

      Cette approche inclusive a en partie inspiré le Cadre d’action global pour les réfugiés (CRRF), dirigé par le HCR. Ce nouveau modèle de gestion des crises migratoires à grande échelle est issu de la déclaration de New York pour les réfugiés et les migrants, dont les engagements ont été votés en septembre 2016 par l’ONU. « Sur l’ensemble des crises migratoires internationales, un réfugié conserve ce statut dix-sept ans en moyenne, et aucune perspective de paix ne se profile au Soudan du Sud, observe Isabelle d’Hault, conseillère auprès d’ECHO, l’office d’aide humanitaire de la Commission européenne et l’un des principaux donateurs. Il est donc essentiel d’améliorer la situation des réfugiés et des communautés d’accueil en renforçant leur autosuffisance. »


      En matière de politique migratoire, l’Ouganda est le plus avancé des dix Etats ­pilotes d’Afrique et d’Amérique centrale dans la mise en œuvre du CRRF, lancé en mars 2017. Le projet est scruté. Il a valeur de test pour les Nations unies et les bailleurs de fonds. S’il fonctionne, ce modèle sera répliqué sur des crises à venir pour endiguer les migrations, notamment vers les pays occidentaux. Pour parvenir à cet objectif, la communauté internationale s’engage à partager les responsabilités avec les Etats débordés par des afflux massifs, à travers une aide financière accrue et la relocalisation des réfugiés les plus vulnérables dans des pays tiers.

      Les marchés fourmillent

      Joseph est membre d’un groupe de fermiers sud-soudanais et ougandais dont l’objectif est de renforcer l’autosuffisance des réfugiés. A l’orée du camp, certains défrichent, d’autres débitent des troncs. De nouveaux espaces agricoles émergent. Plus loin s’effectue la récolte de manioc, d’aubergines ou d’oignons. « Depuis l’arrivée des réfugiés, ma production a doublé », s’enthousiasme Robert Obulejo, mains calleuses agrippées à sa fourche. Outils et semences sont fournis par une ONG, le Conseil danois pour les réfugiés (DRC). Les terres sont mises à disposition par les communautés locales.

      En compensation, des ONG bâtissent des infrastructures. Conformément à la loi ougandaise, 30 % de l’aide internationale est dévolue aux Ougandais. Au centre du camp, un marché en béton a remplacé les anciens étals à même le sol ; des écoles et un centre de soins vont être construits, et des tractopelles percent ou entretiennent des kilomètres de piste. Désormais, les acteurs du développement, tels que la Banque mondiale et l’Office d’aide au développement de la Commission européenne interviennent lors des prémices de la crise.

      Cette manne est une aubaine pour ces régions excentrées, parmi les plus pauvres du pays. D’autant qu’elles portent les stigmates de deux décennies de violences. « Des habitants viennent juste de récupérer leurs terres. Ce sont d’anciens déplacés à la suite du conflit opposant l’armée ougandaise à la rébellion de l’Armée de résistance du Seigneur de ­Joseph Kony », détaille John Amabayo, vice-président du district. Tourné vers l’avenir, il se félicite : « Quand les Sud-Soudanais rentreront chez eux, ces infrastructures seront leur legs à notre pays. »


      En attendant, les retombées économiques indirectes des centaines de milliers de dollars investis pour répondre à la crise ont sorti de sa torpeur la bourgade d’Adjumani, chef-lieu du district homonyme. Hôtels et maisons surgissent de terre pour loger les expatriés et les employés des ONG. Plus de deux mille emplois ont été créés : gardes, chauffeurs, etc. Les marchés fourmillent, des restaurants ouvrent et des bus affluent de la capitale.

      Cette embellie a aidé les habitants à accepter la présence des réfugiés, bien qu’ils représentent 58 % de la population du district. La coexistence est encore facilitée par les liens tribaux entre les communautés. Des deux côtés de la frontière tracée par les colons britanniques en 1894, les mêmes ethnies sont ­présentes, principalement les Kakwa. « Nous partageons la même langue, la même histoire. Et nous étions habitués à aller et venir de chaque côté de la frontière pour commercer ou rendre visite à des proches », explique Joseph.

      Modèle d’autonomisation

      Malgré ces atouts, ce modèle d’autonomisation principalement fondé sur l’agriculture montre des limites. Dans le district voisin d’Arua, « rien ne pousse sur cette terre rocailleuse », s’emporte un Sud-Soudanais. Alors des réfugiés se nourrissent des graines qui étaient destinées à la culture. Quant aux parcelles, les autorités réduisent leur taille ou suppriment leurs attributions. Les espaces disponibles se sont raréfiés : en moyenne, ces douze derniers mois, 1 800 exilés arrivent chaque jour. Quant aux groupements agricoles, ils se révèlent inadaptés aux citadins et aux éleveurs, qui manquent d’alternative dans un pays miné par le chômage.

      Ces difficultés sont exacerbées par la nature démographique de l’afflux de réfugiés. Lorsque les combats ont embrasé Yei, pour la énième fois, Janet Sande, 22 ans, s’est enfuie avec son fils de 3 ans. Et sont partis avec eux huit autres enfants : ceux de son frère et d’un voisin. L’attention et les soins que cette ancienne étudiante porte à ses protégés ne lui laissent pas le temps de cultiver la terre. ­Janet a fini par recevoir une aide de l’ONG Care pour construire son abri, mais, s’indigne-t-elle, « personne ne m’aide, pas même mes ­voisins, pour nourrir les petits ».

      Son cas n’est pas isolé. Femmes et enfants représentent 86 % des réfugiés. « Des hommes ont été tués au Soudan du Sud ou continuent de combattre. D’autres refusent d’abandonner leurs champs à la période des moissons », précise Kennedy Sargo, officier de protection du HCR. Sans mari ou sans père, femmes et enfants sont victimes d’exploitations sexuelles. Certains se prostituent en échange de nourriture. Le nombre de vols a augmenté, la délinquance se propage.


      Sous-financement chronique

      Mais le plus grand défi reste le sous-financement chronique de la réponse humanitaire. Pour 2017, le HCR avait lancé un appel de fonds de 673 millions de dollars (568 millions d’euros). Seulement 32 % de cette somme ont été attribués. En juin, un sommet a été organisé à Kampala, la capitale ougandaise, réunissant les bailleurs de fonds. Sur les 2 milliards de dollars demandés pour les années à venir – montant qui ­inclut les 673 millions pour 2017 –, seuls 358 millions, sous forme de promesses de dons, ont été annoncés.

      « Les pays occidentaux investissent peu dans la réponse à cette crise, bien moins que pour la crise syrienne, analyse le coordinateur d’une ONG qui souhaite garder l’anonymat. Les Sud-Soudanais en Ouganda ne représentent pas une menace migratoire pour l’Europe, ils sont trop pauvres pour tenter d’aller aussi loin. »

      Sans surprise, la relocalisation des réfugiés vulnérables vers les pays tiers reste lettre morte. En 2017, le HCR avait besoin d’en déplacer 16 500. En 2016, onze Sud-Soudanais avaient été transférés. Pourtant, en vertu du principe de partage des responsabilités inscrit dans la convention de Genève de 1951 sur les réfugiés, les Etats ont l’obligation de s’entraider, rappelle Amnesty International, qui met en garde : « Manquer [à cette responsabilité] entraînerait une crise humanitaire bien plus grave que celle à ­laquelle nous assistons. »

      A Bidi Bidi, 288 000 réfugiés

      La magnitude de la crise se dévoile à mesure que la piste gagne Bidi Bidi. Cet ancien village, isolé dans une forêt primaire de la région voisine d’Arua, est devenu en un an l’un des plus grands camps de réfugiés au monde. Près de 288 000 Sud-Soudanais y sont dispersés sur des dizaines de kilomètres. Les besoins élémentaires y sont à peine couverts. « Les rations de 12 kg que nous recevons par mois s’épuisent au bout de deux ­semaines », relate Mawa Yosto, du comité du bien-être des réfugiés. A fortiori parce qu’« une partie est revendue pour acheter des biens de première nécessité comme du savon ». Le ton grave, il enchaîne : « Un adolescent vendait des petits sachets de sel dans la zone A. Plutôt que de rester ici le ventre vide, il s’est résigné à retourner au Soudan du Sud. Il s’est fait tuer. » Des dizaines de familles ­endeuillées vivent le même drame.

      Le Programme alimentaire mondial (PAM), le bras nourricier de l’ONU, a été forcé de diminuer de moitié les rations distribuées, au mois de juin, faute de moyens. Ces coupes concernent l’ensemble des Sud-Soudanais et pas ­seulement les réfugiés installés depuis plus de trois ans, censés sortir progressivement des programmes d’aides. Pour Médecins sans frontières (MSF), « la pénurie ­alimentaire pourrait transformer cette situation en urgence ­médicale ». La malnutrition est désormais une « préoccupation majeure ».

      L’accès à l’eau aussi, alerte l’ONG. Les volumes disponibles atteignent à peine le standard minimal du HCR : 15 litres par personne et par jour en situation d’urgence. « On ne sait jamais si on pourra boire le lendemain », se désole une réfugiée, un jerrican à ses pieds dans la file d’attente d’une fontaine. Pompée dans le Nil Blanc, l’eau traitée est acheminée par un onéreux ballet de camions-citernes qui s’embourbent dans des pistes inondées de pluies. Forages et pipelines pallient progressivement ce système. « A un rythme insuffisant », s’inquiète une responsable. La saison sèche approche.


      Le système éducatif est débordé. « L’école est au fondement de la connaissance. Mais que pouvons-nous transmettre aux élèves ? », interroge, faussement candide, un enseignant de la zone C. Le nombre d’élèves atteint 600 par classe dans son école. Jusqu’à 2 000 dans d’autres. Les enfants accourent pieds nus en classe, « le ventre vide ». Ni pupitre ni matériel pédagogique ne sont disponibles dans cette école partagée par les communautés.

      Les populations locales montrent des signes de colère face aux services éducatifs et de santé jugés défaillants. Barrages routiers, acheminement de l’aide suspendu ou menaces contre des expatriés, des manifestants protestent contre l’augmentation des prix et pour l’amélioration de leurs conditions de vie. L’octroi d’emplois par les ONG à des Ougandais originaires d’autres régions alimente aussi les griefs. En mai, World Vision s’est ainsi fait expulser du district de Moyo par les autorités locales. L’environnement aussi subit une pression insoutenable et les ressources naturelles disparaissent. « Des Ougandais nous molestent quand nous collectons du bois pour la cuisine ou les constructions, s’inquiète Jennifer Dodoraia, 60 ans. Ils nous disent : “Ce pays ne vous appartient pas, rentrez chez vous !”. »

      Ces tensions, les sages tentent de les désamorcer lors de médiations publiques. A l’issue de l’une d’elles, à l’ombre d’un manguier dans le camp de Maaji, Paulino Russo, chef du ­conseil des anciens, invective ses concitoyens : « Soyez patients et souvenez-vous : il y a trente ans, c’est nous qui fuyions la guerre civile et partions chez nos frères soudanais. Demain, nous pourrions être des réfugiés à nouveau. »

  • Meridiana. 87. #Mafia_Capitale

    L’inchiesta «Mafia Capitale» ha portato a ipotizzare l’esistenza a Roma di una mafia autoctona, «originaria» e «originale», ovvero di un’organizzazione criminale assimilabile sul piano giudiziario alle associazioni di tipo mafioso, quindi perseguibile attraverso l’articolo 416 bis del Codice Penale. L’accusa ha avviato una vivace discussione non solo sul piano politico e istituzionale, ma anche tra gli addetti ai lavori e gli studiosi. Il problema non è solo quello di certificare – almeno per via giudiziaria – la presenza della mafia a Roma, quanto piuttosto di individuarne caratteristiche e peculiarità, di valutare cioè se siamo di fronte a una forma di criminalità organizzata che si può definire «di tipo mafioso». La questione è quindi innanzitutto giuridica e giudiziaria, ma chiama in causa anche la ricorrente domanda su «che cos’è la mafia», a cui studiosi e analisti rispondono da sempre in modo assai differenziato. Un aspetto importante dell’inchiesta riguarda l’aver messo a fuoco un rapporto peculiare tra mafia e corruzione, nel senso che la «capacità di pressione intimidatoria» del sodalizio criminale sarebbe scaturita in gran parte da un sistema pervasivo di accordi e scambi corruttivi. Risulta infatti che esso abbia esercitato un controllo su una porzione consistente dell’amministrazione pubblica capitolina attraverso una serie di «intese corruttive» con funzionari e politici. Dall’inchiesta emerge il coinvolgimento di un’ampia rete di imprese e cooperative attive nel campo dei servizi sociali, dell’accoglienza dei rifugiati, della gestione dei campi Rom, della raccolta rifiuti, dell’emergenza abitati- va, della gestione del verde pubblico. Sono tutti settori che sono stati interessati negli ultimi anni da intensi processi di esternalizzazione e privatizzazione, di cui è necessario tenere conto per meglio comprendere la loro vulnerabilità a pratiche illegali e a forme, più o meno organizzate, di criminalità. Le mafie trovano spesso varchi e opportunità in assetti di governance ispirate da logiche di mercato, che in realtà danno luogo a relazioni opache tra legale e illegale. Quello romano è infatti uno dei tanti casi che mostrano come i processi di deregolamentazione del welfare e, più in generale, dei servizi pubblici abbiano favorito la diffusione di pratiche illecite, av- vantaggiando comitati d’affari e gruppi criminali. In quest’ottica, le vicende di Mafia Capitale sono quindi rilevanti per esplorare modalità e dinamiche che riguardano l’area grigia delle collusioni e complicità fra mafie, economia e politica. Oltre agli articoli specificamente dedicati alla vicenda di Mafia Capitale, questo fascicolo comprende altri saggi che riguardano sempre il tema delle mafie e, soprattutto, dell’antimafia: la questione delle origini, la presenza delle mafie italiane all’estero, la continuità storica della «normale eccezionalità» della legislazione antimafia, il profilo degli amministratori giudiziari chiamati a gestire i beni sottratti alle mafie. Nel complesso questo numero, a partire dal caso di Mafia Capitale e allargando poi lo sguardo su altri temi, intende contribuire alla riflessione in corso su come riconoscere e perseguire le mafie in contesti molto differenti tra loro, analizzando in modo congiunto le strategie della criminalità organizzata e quelle dell’azione antimafia.

    https://www.viella.it/rivista/9788867287963
    #Italie

    Sommaire du numéro de la revue :

    Vittorio Mete, Rocco Sciarrone, Mafia Capitale e dintorni
    Vittorio Martone, Mafia Capitale: corruzione e regolazione mafiosa nel mondo di mezzo

    1. Premessa
    2. Le mafie di Roma: rappresentazioni controverse
    3. Mafia Capitale: origine, organizzazione e legami esterni
    4. L’emergenza abitativa
    5. La gestione dei campi nomadi
    6. L’accoglienza dei rifugiati
    7. Riflessioni conclusive

    Alberto Vannucci, Tra area grigia e «mondo di mezzo»: anatomia di Mafia Capitale

    1. Alle radici dell’area grigia
    2. Mafia Capitale come «struttura di governo» nei mercati illegali
    3. Le risorse di Mafia Capitale
    4. Corrotti e corruttori nelle dinamiche di Mafia Capitale
    5. Osservazioni conclusive

    Elena Ciccarello, La posta in gioco di Mafia Capitale. Nuove mafie e interpretazione dell’articolo 416 bis

    1. Introduzione. Sapere giuridico e immagine pubblica della mafia
    2. Questioni interpretative e nuovi orientamenti. Il paradigma «idealtipico»
    3. Mafia Capitale e la «lunga marcia» dell’art. 416 bis
    4. Il «paradigma organizzativo» e il «nuovo metodo collusivo-corruttivo»
    5. Alcune riflessioni conclusive. La posta in gioco di Mafia Capitale

    Luciano Brancaccio, Mafia Capitale: associazione mafiosa e fazione politica

    1. Genesi di una nuova mafia?
    2. La natura politica dell’associazione
    3. Il mutamento delle forme della politica

    Marisa Manzini, Cosa c’è di nuovo in Mafia Capitale? Un punto di vista giudiziario

    1. Introduzione
    2. Le mafie nei territori di nuova espansione
    3. Il novum di Mafia Capitale.
    4. Il richiamo alle mafie silenti e il contesto sociale
    5. Conclusioni

    Francesco Benigno, La questione delle origini: mafia, camorra e storia d’Italia

    1. I dilemmi dell’identificazione
    2. Immaginario letterario, repressione, manipolazione
    3. Conclusioni

    Joselle Dagnes, Davide Donatiello, Rocco Sciarrone, Luca Storti, Le mafie italiane all’estero: un’agenda di ricerca

    1. Temi emergenti
    2. Mafie all’estero. Conoscerle e riconoscerle
    3. Tre scenari idealtipici
    4. Conclusioni: le sfide della ricerca

    Antonino Blando, La normale eccezionalità. La mafia, il banditismo, il terrorismo e ancora la mafia

    1. Tenebrose società
    2. Mafia e fascismo
    3. Corpi speciali
    4. Banditi e mafiosi
    5. Terroristi e mafiosi
    6. Mafiosi e terroristi

    Rosa Di Gioia, Giuseppe Giura, Gestire i beni sequestrati e confiscati alla mafia. Una ricerca sugli amministratori giudiziari di Palermo

    1. Introduzione
    2. La cornice di riferimento
    3. Una ricostruzione storica e legislativa
    4. Lo stato dell’amministrazione giudiziaria
    5. I risultati della ricerca
    6. L’amministrazione giudiziaria come professione
    7. Conclusioni

    I giorni filmati

    Rosario Mangiameli, In guerra con la storia. La mafia al cinema e altri racconti
    1.Trattative inchieste depistaggi
    2.Il rapporto #Scotten
    3.La guerra e le false notizie
    4.Il fantasma della politica internazionale
    5. Il mondo che (per fortuna) abbiamo perduto

    Saggi

    Domenico Carbone, Fatima Farina, Le donne nel ceto politico locale. Un’analisi territoriale
    1. La partecipazione politica femminile: la rilevanza del contesto
    2. Gli obiettivi dello studio
    3. La presenza femminile nelle amministrazioni comunali: le differenze territoriali in una prospettiva diacronica
    4. Cosa vuol dire partecipare e cosa ostacola la partecipazione alla politica attiva?
    5. Conclusioni

    #Rome #corruption #cinéma #Roms #camps_de_réfugiés #accueil #Italie #réfugiés #migrations #asile
    cc @marty @albertocampiphoto

    • È “tutta una mafia”? Criminalità e corruzione nel caso di Mafia Capitale

      L’ultimo numero della rivista «Meridiana» è dedicato al caso di Mafia Capitale. Pubblichiamo alcune riflessioni di Rocco Sciarrone, che lo ha curato insieme a Vittorio Mete.
      L’inchiesta «#Mondo_di_mezzo», divenuta nota come «Mafia Capitale», ha portato a ipotizzare l’esistenza a Roma di una mafia autoctona, «originaria» e «originale»: un’organizzazione criminale assimilabile sul piano giudiziario alle associazioni di tipo mafioso, quindi perseguibile attraverso l’articolo 416 bis del Codice Penale.

      http://www.lavoroculturale.org/mafia-capitale

  • Somalie : elles fuient la faim, et sont violées dans les camps de déplacés

    C’était une nuit du mois de mars. Le soldat était mince, mais fort. Son uniforme et ses bottes étaient neufs. Après s’être introduit dans le misérable abri de fortune de #Hawo, il a pointé une arme sur la gorge de cette Somalienne et l’a violée. Deux fois.

    http://www.courrierinternational.com/depeche/somalie-elles-fuient-la-faim-et-sont-violees-dans-les-camps-d

    #viols #faim #famine #asile #migrations #réfugiés #camps_de_réfugiés #Somalie #femmes

  • How Periods Make Life Complicated for Women and Girl Refugees

    For millions of girls and women, menstruation is a burden. Here’s why helping displaced and poor women and girls with their periods is a way to show them proper respect.


    https://www.newsdeeply.com/refugees/community/2017/05/29/how-periods-make-life-complicated-for-women-and-girl-refugees-2

    #femmes #menstruations #réfugiés #camps_de_réfugiés #asile #migrations

  • RDC : la peur des #réfugiés_burundais dans le camp de #Lusenda

    Suite de notre série de reportages en République démocratique du Congo. Cette fois, notre journaliste Simon Rodier nous fait découvrir le quotidien des réfugiés burundais du camp de Lusenda, dans la province du sud-Kivu, entre rationnement alimentaire et menaces de représailles des Imbonerakure, les miliciens pro-régime burundais.

    http://information.tv5monde.com/info/rdc-la-peur-des-refugies-burundais-dans-le-camp-de-lusenda-169
    #violence #camps_de_réfugiés #asile #migrations #réfugiés #RDC #république_démocratique_du_congo #peur

  • A ‘Water Wall’ Aims to Solve Food Waste in Kenyan Refugee Camp

    In the first of our interviews with the finalists in a #design contest to make marketplaces for refugees, we spoke to architects Ambra Chiaradia and Diana Paoluzzi about their proposal for a cooling system to keep food fresh in Kenya’s Kakuma refugee camp.


    https://www.newsdeeply.com/refugees/community/2017/04/21/a-water-wall-aims-to-solve-food-waste-in-kenyan-refugee-camp
    #architecture #camps_de_réfugiés #réfugiés #asile #migrations #eau

  • Syriens au #Liban : évacuations, exploitation et frustration

    Dans la #Bekaa, plus de 3 000 réfugiés syriens ont été déplacés de force autour d’un aéroport militaire. Syriens et Libanais s’y adonnent à un dangereux dialogue de sourd, faisant planer la menace d’un retour forcé en Syrie. Reportage


    http://www.middleeasteye.net/fr/reportages/syriens-au-liban-vacuations-exploitation-et-frustration-1752704378
    #réfugiés_syriens #réfugiés #asile #migrations #Nofal #camps_de_réfugiés

  • Hungary will cease providing Kiskunhalas asylum-seekers with food by end of April

    Refugees at the #Kiskunhalas camp in southern Hungary have been notified that soon they will no longer receive any food or stipends for purchasing food.


    http://budapestbeacon.com/featured-articles/hungary-will-cease-providing-kiskunhalas-asylum-seekers-food-end-april/46180
    #camps_de_réfugiés #Hongrie #asile #migrations #réfugiés #nourriture #it_has_begun

    • Hungary denying food to asylum seekers, say human rights groups

      Some adults whose claims were rejected went without food for up to five days, claim activists.

      Hungarian authorities are systematically denying food to failed asylum seekers detained in the country’s border transit zones, say rights activists.

      The policy, whereby adults whose asylum claims have been rejected are denied food, was described as “an unprecedented human rights violation in 21st-century Europe” by the Hungarian Helsinki Committee, a human rights organisation working to offer legal support to those in the transit zones.

      It may amount to “inhuman treatment and even to torture” under international human rights law, said the organisation in a statement released this week. It documented eight cases involving 13 people this year when the Hungarian authorities had begun providing food to people only after the European court of human rights had intervened. Some went without food for up to five days before the rulings were granted.

      Hungary’s nationalist prime minister, Viktor Orbán, has built his political programme around being tough on migration and demonising refugees and migrants. In 2015, he ordered a fence built along the country’s southern border with Serbia and regularly rails against the danger of migration in his speeches. A tax has been imposed on NGOs who work on migration-related issues.

      The Hungarian authorities only accept asylum applications from a small quota of people allowed into its border transit zones, and a July ruling last year made it even harder to satisfy the requirements, noting that anyone who had arrived in Hungary from a safe country was automatically ineligible. Most people arrive from Serbia, which is considered safe.

      Orbán’s spokesman, Zoltán Kovács, dismissed criticism of the policy of withholding food, saying the authorities provided “everything for people who have a legal right to stay in the transit zone”, but added that food would not be provided for those who had been tested and found to be ineligible. “It’s a businesslike approach. When business is finished, there’s nothing we can do,” he said.

      Kovács said the government still provided asylum or the right to stay for people who come with “not only a story but real proof” their lives were in danger. Last year, Hungarian authorities accepted 349 applications made through the transit zone, mainly from Afghanistan, Iraq and Syria, though it is not clear how many of these came before the July ruling on safe countries.

      Kovács said when people’s asylum claims were rejected they were free to leave the transit zone and return to Serbia. “There is no free meal for anyone,” he said in an interview last year.

      However, Hungary and Serbia have no readmission agreement, meaning those in the transit zone cannot be legally deported.

      “The idea is that if you make people hungry enough, you’ll force them to go back to Serbia,” said Márta Pardavi, the co-chair of the Hungarian Helsinki Committee. “This would mean they enter Serbia in a way that is completely unauthorised by Serbian authorities.”

      Orbán’s Fidesz party is campaigning on an anti-migration platform for European parliament elections next month. In this climate, all discussions of migration-related issues retain a political dimension, with organisations such as the Hungarian Helsinki Committee denounced in government-linked media.

      The independent Hungarian MP Bernadett Szél criticised the detention of children in the border transit zones after visiting one of the holding centres earlier this month. “They are locked between fences topped with barbed wire. And there is a lot of dust everywhere … I think the government is not allowing us to take photos inside because people would feel pity for these kids if they saw them.”

      https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/apr/26/hungary-denying-food-to-asylum-seekers-say-human-rights-groups

    • Hungary continues to starve detainees in the transit zones

      23 April 2019

      Hungary started to deprive of food some third-country nationals detained in the transit zones started in August 2018. After 5 such cases successfully challenged by the HHC with obtaining interim measures from the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR), the Hungarian Immigration and Asylum Office (IAO) promised in August 2018 to discontinue this practice and provide food to all asylum-seekers in the transit zone. While welcoming the announcement to end starvation, the HHC also warned already in August 2018 that unless the legal framework is amended to clearly stipulate the requirement to provide food to all those detained in the transit zone, similar cases will occur in the future. Less than 6 months later, on 8 February 2019, an Iraqi family of five was informed that the parents would not be given food while detained in the transit zone. The IAO actually refused to provide the parents with food for 5 days, until the HHC secured an interim measure from the ECtHR that ordered the Hungarian authorities to immediately stop this practice.

      Between February 2019 and the 23rd of April 2019, the HHC had to request interim measures on a case-by-case basis in a total of 8 cases, pertaining to 13 starved people in the transit zones, bringing the total number of starvation cases since August 2018 to 13, and that of the affected individuals to 21.

      You can read our full information note, including the summaries of cases here: https://www.helsinki.hu/wp-content/uploads/Starvation-2019.pdf

      https://www.helsinki.hu/en/hungary-continues-to-starve-detainees-in-the-transit-zones
      #zones_de_transit

    • La Commission saisit la Cour d’un recours contre la Hongrie pour incrimination des activités de soutien aux demandeurs d’asile et ouvre une nouvelle procédure d’infraction pour refus de nourriture dans les zones de transit

      La Commission européenne a décidé aujourd’hui de saisir la Cour de justice de l’UE d’un recours contre la Hongrie portant sur sa législation qui incrimine les activités de soutien aux demandes d’asile et qui restreint davantage encore le droit de demander l’asile. La Commission a également décidé d’adresser une lettre de mise en demeure à la Hongrie concernant le refus de nourriture aux personnes en attente d’un retour qui sont placées en rétention dans les zones de transit hongroises à la frontière avec la Serbie. Une autre décision prise aujourd’hui concerne la saisine de la Cour de justice de l’UE d’un recours contre la Hongrie au motif que cet État membre exclut de l’exercice de la profession de vétérinaire les ressortissants de pays tiers ayant le statut de résident de longue durée.

      Saisine de la Cour pour incrimination des activités de soutien aux demandes d’asile et de séjour

      En juillet 2018, la Commission a adressé une lettre de mise en demeure à la Hongrie concernant la législation « Stop Soros » qui érige en infractions pénales les activités visant à soutenir les demandes d’asile et de séjour et restreint davantage encore le droit de demander l’asile. Ayant reçu une réponse insatisfaisante, la Commission y a donné suite par un avis motivé en janvier 2019. Après avoir analysé la réponse des autorités hongroises, la Commission a, en effet, considéré que la plupart des préoccupations exprimées n’avaient toujours pas été prises en compte et a décidé de saisir la Cour de justice de l’UE d’un recours contre la Hongrie. Plus particulièrement, la Commission estime que la législation hongroise est contraire au droit de l’Union en ce qui concerne les points suivants :

      Érection en infraction pénale du soutien aux demandeurs d’asile : en incriminant le soutien aux demandes d’asile, la législation hongroise restreint le droit des demandeurs d’asile de communiquer avec les organisations nationales, internationales et non gouvernementales concernées et d’être assistés par elles, ce qui enfreint la directive sur les procédures d’asile et la directive sur les conditions d’accueil.
      Limitation illégale du droit d’asile et introduction de nouveaux motifs d’irrecevabilité des demandes d’asile : la nouvelle législation et la modification constitutionnelle concernant l’asile ont instauré de nouveaux motifs pour lesquels une demande d’asile peut être déclarée irrecevable, restreignant ainsi le droit d’asile aux seules personnes qui arrivent en Hongrie en provenance directe d’un lieu où leur vie ou leur liberté sont menacées. Ces motifs d’irrecevabilité supplémentaires applicables aux demandes d’asile excluent les personnes entrées en Hongrie en provenance d’un pays où elles n’étaient certes pas persécutées mais où les conditions ne sont pas réunies pour que ce pays puisse être considéré comme un « pays tiers sûr ». Par conséquent, ces motifs d’irrecevabilité limitent le droit d’asile d’une manière qui n’est pas compatible avec le droit de l’Union ou le droit international. À ce titre, la réglementation nationale enfreint la directive sur les procédures d’asile, la directive sur les conditions que doivent remplir les demandeurs d’asile et la charte des droits fondamentaux de l’Union européenne.

      Lettre de mise en demeure concernant la situation des personnes soumises à un retour placées en rétention dans les zones de transit hongroises

      La Commission européenne a décidé aujourd’hui d’adresser une lettre de mise en demeure à la Hongrie portant sur la situation des personnes retenues dans les zones de transit hongroises à la frontière avec la Serbie, dont les demandes de protection internationale ont été rejetées et qui sont contraintes de retourner dans un pays tiers.

      De l’avis de la Commission, leur séjour obligatoire dans les zones de transit hongroises relève de la rétention en vertu de la directive européenne sur le retour. La Commission constate que les conditions de rétention dans les zones de transit hongroises, en particulier le refus de nourriture, ne sont pas conformes aux conditions matérielles prescrites par la directive « retour » et par la charte des droits fondamentaux de l’Union européenne.

      Compte tenu de l’urgence de la situation, le délai imparti à la Hongrie pour répondre aux préoccupations de la Commission est fixé à 1 mois, après quoi la Commission pourrait décider de lui adresser un avis motivé.

      La Cour européenne des droits de l’homme a déjà accordé le bénéfice de mesures provisoires dans plusieurs cas, obligeant la Hongrie à procurer de la nourriture aux personnes placées en rétention dans les zones de transit. En juillet 2018, la Commission a saisi la Cour de justice d’un recours dirigé contre la Hongrie dans une affaire relative à la rétention de demandeurs d’asile dans les zones de transit hongroises. Cette affaire est actuellement pendante devant la Cour.

      Saisine de la Cour de justice pour non-respect de la législation de l’Union relative aux résidents de longue durée

      La Commission européenne a décidé aujourd’hui de saisir la Cour de justice de l’UE d’un recours contre la Hongrie au motif que cet État membre exclut de l’exercice de la profession de vétérinaire les ressortissants de pays tiers ayant le statut de résident de longue durée, transposant ainsi erronément certaines dispositions de la directive relative aux résidents de longue durée (directive 2003/109/CE du Conseil). Cette directive exige que les ressortissants de pays tiers qui résident légalement dans un État membre de l’UE depuis au moins cinq ans bénéficient d’un traitement égal à celui des ressortissants nationaux dans certains domaines, y compris l’accès aux activités salariées et indépendantes. La Commission a adressé une lettre de mise en demeure à la Hongrie en juillet 2018 et y a donné suite par l’envoi d’un avis motivé en janvier 2019.

      http://europa.eu/rapid/press-release_IP-19-4260_fr.htm

  • Waiting & Hoping: Refugees in Ethiopia

    More than 500 refugees have drowned in the Mediterranean Sea this year raising fears that this could be the deadliest yet in Europe. Politicians have responded by tightening EU border security and outsourcing controls to third countries. Meanwhile refugees continue to move. In this four-part series, Rebecca Omonira-Oyekanmi tells the stories of people risking their lives to reach Europe and the factors affecting their decision making.


    http://lacuna.org.uk/migration/eritrean-refugees-part-one
    #Ethiopie #réfugiés #asile #migrations #camps_de_réfugiés #Adi_Harsh

  • Statement of the protesting imprisoned refugees in Hungary

    A distress call to all human rights organizations in the world we are
    refugees in prison
    BMH MOBK
    5600
    BEKESCSABA
    UT 10 KETEGYHAZI.
    HUNGARY
    Named (Closed camp)

    I am Zanyar Faraj delegate all refugees I send my voice to the press,
    psychologists and human rights worldwide
    I have spoken with all Refugees who are here in order to reach officials
    there are important points will talk about it, please read this report
    very well
    1-We are refugees, not criminals, we ran away from our country because
    of war and death, but were surprised that the closed camp and we have
    been here for six months ago and do not know our destiny
    2-If the Hungarian government does not want refugees Why arrest them and
    force them to imprint asylum and leave them in prison
    3-Most of the refugees are suffering from the disease and some need
    surgery and psychological condition is very bad and some of them thought
    to commit suicide because of the bad situation in this closed camp and
    doctors in this Camp know it, but they are content to give them sleeping
    pills
    4-Because of this ill-treatment of refugees it will generate a state of
    violence and neurological diseases and This pressure will be born Rose
    bad feedback .that affect their lives in the future
    5- We do not like war, not love problems love peace and human rights
    have fled from our country because of the war and came to your country,
    but this government Hungaria put humanity under the feet and the
    psychological war against Refugees
    6- We ran away to your country in order to get the safety and stability.
    But the Hungarian government has put us in prison without guilt, and you
    are giving decisions do not benefit from them something
    7- Finally this sit-in as refugees we want to send our voice and our call
    to all the world to liberate us from this injustice

    https://noborderserbia.wordpress.com/2017/03/12/statement-of-the-protesting-imprisoned-refugees-in-hungary

    #grève_de_la_faim #Hongrie #asile #migrations #réfugiés #détention #rétention #détention_administrative

  • Iraqi Refugees Return From Syria to Undocumented Lives

    Some Iraqis who fled across the Syrian border ahead of the Mosul offensive are now returning to Iraq. Many say their official IDs were confiscated in Syria, leaving them trapped in Iraqi displacement camps and unable to prove their identities.

    https://www.newsdeeply.com/refugees/articles/2017/03/13/iraqi-refugees-return-from-syria-to-undocumented-lives
    #irak #Syrie #asile #migrations #réfugiés #retour_au_pays #réfugiés #irakiens #camps_de_réfugiés