• Sieben Museen in Berlin, die keinen Eintritt kosten
    https://www.berliner-zeitung.de/ratgeber/berlin-umsonst-und-aussergewoehnlich-sieben-museen-in-berlin-die-ke

    09.10.2022 von Nicole Schulze - In Nicht-Corona-Zeiten liegen die jährlichen Besucherzahlen stadtweit im zweistelligen Millionenbereich. Jedoch sind es auch die kleinen Schätze, die besonderen Ausstellungsperlen, die unsere Museumslandschaft so unverwechselbar und einzigartig machen. Davon möchten wir Ihnen einige vorstellen. Und weil die Zeiten hart sind, wir alle sparen müssen, zeigen wir Ihnen Museen, die Sie komplett gratis besuchen können.

    Tränenpalast
    https://www.hdg.de/en/traenenpalast


    Adresse: #Reichstagufer 17, 10117 #Mitte, direkt am Bahnhof #Friedrichstraße
    https://www.openstreetmap.org/node/8888473363#map=19/52.52091/13.38715

    Öffnungszeiten: Dienstags bis freitags 9 bis 19 Uhr, am Wochenende 10 bis 18 Uhr

    Energiemuseum
    https://energie-museum.de


    Adresse: #Teltowkanalstraße 9, 12247 #Steglitz, direkt an der Haltestelle Teltowkanalstraße (Bus 186, 283)
    https://www.openstreetmap.org/way/45524990

    Öffnungszeiten: Da das Energiemuseum ehrenamtlich betrieben wird, gibt es keine festen Öffnungszeiten. Wer vorbeikommen möchte, kann telefonisch einen Termin vereinbaren: 030 701777-55 oder -56 (nur dienstags von 10 bis 12 Uhr).

    Militärhistorisches Museum
    https://mhm-gatow.de/de


    Adresse: #Am_Flugplatz #Gatow 33, 14089 #Spandau. Von den Bushaltestellen #Kurpromenade oder #Seekorso (Bus 135) läuft man etwa 10 Minuten. Tipp: Fall Sie mit dem Fahrrad kommen, können Sie von #Wannsee aus mit der Fähre F10 nach #Kladow übersetzen.
    https://www.openstreetmap.org/node/8428338215#map=19/52.47420/13.14174

    Öffnungszeiten: Dienstags bis sonntags von 10 bis 18 Uhr, montags ist geschlossen.

    Archenhold-Sternwarte
    https://www.planetarium.berlin/archenhold-sternwarte


    Achtung: Noch bis zum 20. Oktober läuft eine Sonderausstellung, weshalb der Eintritt bis dahin nicht umsonst ist. Erwachsene zahlen derzeit 15 Euro, Kinder 8 Euro Eintritt.

    Adresse: #Alt_Treptow 1, 12435 #Treptow. Die Sternwarte befindet sich unweit vom Zenner-Biergarten, von der Haltestelle Bulgarische Straße (Bus 165, 166, 265) sind es nur vier Minuten zu Fuß. Sie können auch vom S-Bahnhof #Treptower_Park (Ringbahn, S8, S9, S85) hinlaufen, das dauert 18 Minuten, ist aber ein schöner Spaziergang durch den Park.
    https://www.openstreetmap.org/relation/2309788

    Öffnungszeiten: Freitags von 17 bis 22 Uhr, samstags von 12.30 Uhr bis 22 Uhr, sonntags von 12.30 Uhr bis 17 Uhr.

    Street-Art-Museum Urban Nation
    https://urban-nation.com


    Adresse: #Bülowstraße 7, 10783 #Schöneberg. Vom U-Bahnhof Bülowstraße (U2) sind es nur fünf Minuten zu Fuß
    https://www.openstreetmap.org/node/4708547016

    Öffnungszeiten: Dienstags und mittwochs von 10 bis 18 Uhr, donnerstags bis sonntags von 12 bis 20 Uhr. Montags ist geschlossen.

    Jüdisches Museum
    https://www.jmberlin.de


    Adresse: #Lindenstraße 9–14, 10969 Kreuzberg, vor dem Haus liegt die Haltestelle Jüdisches Museum (Bus 248). Vom U-Bahnhof #Kochstraße / #Checkpoint_Charlie (U6) sind es aber auch nur zehn Minuten zu Fuß.
    https://www.openstreetmap.org/way/302942554

    Öffnungszeiten: täglich 10 bis 19 Uhr.

    Zweiradmuseum
    https://www.ideal-seitenwagen.eu/museum


    Adresse: #Köpenicker_Straße 8, 10997 #Kreuzberg, drei Fußminuten vom U-Bahnhof #Schlesisches_Tor (U1).
    https://www.openstreetmap.org/node/856410965#map=19/52.50268/13.43925

    Öffnungszeiten: Montags bis freitags von 10 bis 17 Uhr, samstags von 10 bis 13 Uhr.

    Diese Geheimtipps sollte jeder Berliner kennen
    https://www.berliner-zeitung.de/ratgeber/berlin-ausstellung-museum-mal-anders-diese-geheimtipps-sollte-jeder

    03.07.2022

    Industriesalon
    https://www.industriesalon.de/industriesalon


    #Reinbeckstraße 10 in 12459 #Schöneweide, Straßenbahnhaltestelle #Firlstraße (Tram 27, 60, 61, 67).
    https://www.openstreetmap.org/way/199532111

    Öffnungszeiten: Mittwochs bis sonntags von 14 bis 18 Uhr. Der Eintritt ist kostenlos.

    Classic Remise
    https://remise.de/berlin


    #Wiebestrasse 36-37 in 10553 #Moabit (ca. 10 Minuten vom S-Bahnhof# Beusselstraße, Ringbahn). Der Eintritt ist kostenlos.
    https://www.openstreetmap.org/node/2703829986

    Öffnungszeiten: Montags bis samstags 8 bis 20 Uhr, sonn- und feiertags 10 bis 20 Uhr.

    Gedenkort SA-Gefängnis Papestraße
    https://www.gedenkort-papestrasse.de


    #Werner-Voß-Damm 54a in 12101 #Tempelhof. Zu erreichen mit der S-Bahn, Haltestelle #Südkreuz (Ausgang #General-Pape-Straße / Werner-Voß-Damm).
    https://www.openstreetmap.org/way/30419819

    Geöffnet ist dienstags bis donnerstags sowie am Wochenende jeweils von 13 bis 18 Uhr, montags und freitags ist geschlossen. Der Eintritt ist kostenlos. Öffentliche Führungen finden immer sonntags um 13 Uhr statt (kostenfrei, Anmeldung nicht erforderlich).

    Computermuseum
    https://computermuseum.htw-berlin.de


    https://www.sammlungen.htw-berlin.de/computermuseum
    Ausstellung im Gebäude C, Campus Wilhelminenhof der HTW Berlin, 6.Etage, #Wilhelminenhofstraße 75a, 12459 #Köpenick. Von der Straßenbahnhaltestelle #Parkstraße (Tram 27, 60, 61, 67) läuft man eine gute Viertel Stunde.
    https://www.openstreetmap.org/node/1632937492#map=19/52.45724/13.52694

    Pandemiebedingt und aufgrund von aktuellen Personalengpässen werden derzeit nur Gruppenführungen angeboten (Anfragen an Frank Burghardt: Frank.Burghardt@HTW-Berlin.de). Erst ab Herbst soll es wieder reguläre Öffnungszeiten geben. Der Eintritt ist kostenlos.

    #Berlin #Tourismus #Museum

    • @sandburg Musée de Pergame avant ou après la rénovation ? Il est payant !


      Voici ce que Peter Weiss a écrit sur l’hôtel de Pergame en 1938. Je m’excuse car je n’ai pas de version numérique allemande. On a détruit l’ancienne présentation où on on entrait dans une pièce consacrée à la contemplation de l’oeuvre antique. Là il semble que l’hôtel soit retourné afin de permettre de faire passer devant des dizaines de milliers de touristes par jour.

      The Aesthetics of Resistance, Volume 1

      All around us the bodies rose out of the stone, crowded into groups, intertwined, or shattered into fragments, hinting at their shapes with a torso, a propped-up arm, a burst hip, a scabbed shard, always in warlike gestures, dodging, rebounding, attacking, shielding themselves, stretched high or crooked, some of them snuffed out, but with a freestanding, forward-pressing foot, a twisted back, the contour of a calf harnessed into a single common motion. A gigantic wrestling, emerging from the gray wall, recalling a perfection, sinking back into formlessness. A hand, stretching from the rough ground, ready to clutch, attached to the shoulder across empty surface, a barked face, with yawning cracks, a wide-open mouth, blankly gaping eyes, the face surrounded by the flowing locks of the beard, the tempestuous folds of a garment, everything close to its weathered end and close to its origin. Every detail preserving its expression, brittle fragments from which the whole could be gleaned, rough stumps next to polished smoothness, enlivened by the play of muscles and sinews, tautly harnessed chargers, rounded shields, erect spears, a head split into a raw oval, outspread wings, a triumphantly raised arm, a leaping heel circled by a fluttering tunic, a clenched fist on a now absent sword, shaggy hounds, their jaws clamped into loins and necks, a falling man, his finger stub aiming at the eye of the beast hanging over him, a charging lion protecting a female warrior, his paw swinging back to strike, hands endowed with bird claws, horns looming from weighty brows, scaly legs coiling, a brood of serpents everywhere, with strangleholds around bellies and throats, darting their tongues, baring sharp teeth, bashing into naked chests.

      These only just created, already dying faces, these tremendous and dismembered hands, these wide-sweeping pinions drowning in the blunt rock, this stony gaze, these lips torn open for a shriek, this striding, stamping, these blows of heavy weapons, this rolling of armored wheels, these clusters of hurled lightning bolts, this grinding underfoot, this rearing and collapsing, this endless straining to twist upward out of grainy boulders. And how gracefully curly the hair, how elaborately gathered and girded the lightweight mantle, how delicate the ornamentation on the straps of the shield, on the bulge of the helmet, how gentle the shimmer of the skin, ready for caresses yet exposed to the relentless rivalry, to slaughter and annihilation. With mask-like countenances, clutching one another and shoving one another away, strangling one another, clambering over one another, sliding from horses, entangled in the reins, utterly vulnerable in nakedness, and yet enrapt in Olympic aloofness, appearing indomitable as an ocean monster, a griffin, a centaur, yet grimacing in pain and despair, thus they clashed with one another, acting at higher behest, dreaming, motionless in insane vehemence, mute in inaudible roaring, all of them woven into a metamorphosis of torture, shuddering, persisting, waiting for an awakening, in perpetual endurance and perpetual rebellion, in outrageous impact, and in an extreme exertion to subdue the threat, to provoke the decision. A soft ringing and murmuring resounded now and again, the echoes of footfalls and voices surrounded us for moments at a time; and then once more, only this battle was near, our gazes glided over the toes in the sandals, bouncing off the skull of a fallen man, over the dying man whose stiffening hand lay tenderly on the arm of the goddess who held him by the hair. The cornice was the ground for the warriors: from its narrow, even strip they threw themselves up into the turmoil, the hooves of the horses banged upon the cornice, the hems of the garments grazed it, and the serpentine legs twisted across it; the ground was perforated at only one place: here, the demoness of the earth rose up, her face hacked away under her eye sockets, her breasts massive in a thin covering, the torn-off clump of one hand lifted in a search, the other hand, asking for a standstill, loomed from the stone edge, and knotty, long-jointed fingers stretched up to the profiled corbel as if they were still underground and were trying to reach the wrist of the open thumbless female hand, they moved along under the cornice, seeking the blurred traces of incised script, and Coppi’s face, his myopic eyes behind glasses with a thin steel frame, approached the letters, which Heilmann deci-hered with the help of a book he had brought along. Coppi turned toward him, attentive, with a broad, sharply drawn mouth, a large, protruding nose, and we gave the opponents in this melee their names and, in the torrent of noises, discussed the causes of the fight. Heilmann, the fifteen-year-old, who rejected any uncertainty, who tolerated no undocumented interpretation, but occasionally also adhered to the poetic demand for a conscious deregulation of the senses, who wanted to be a scientist and a seer, he, whom we nicknamed our Rimbaud, explained to us, who were already about twenty years old and who had been out of school for four years by now and were familiar with the world of labor and also with unemployment, while Coppi had spent a year in prison for circulating subversive literature —

      Heilmann explained to us the meaning of this dance round, in which the entire host of deities, led by Zeus, were striding toward vicory over a race of giants and fabulous creatures. The Giants, the sons of the lamenting Gaea, in front of whose torso we were now standing, had blasphemously mutinied against the gods; but other struggles that had passed across the kingdom of Pergamum were concealed under this depiction. The regents in the dynasty of the Attalids had ordered their master sculptors to translate the swift transience, paid for with thousands of lives, to a level of timeless permanence, thereby putting up a monu-ment to their own grandeur and immortality. The subjugation of the Gal-lic tribes invading from the north had turned into a triumph of aristocratic purity over wild and base forces, and the chisels and mallets of the stone carvers and their assistants had displayed a picture of incontestable order to make the subjects bow in awe. Historic events appeared in mythi-cal disguise, enormously palpable, arousing terror, admiration, yet not understandable as man-made, but endurable only as a more-than-personal power that wanted enthralled, enslaved people galore, though few at the top, who dictated destinies with a mere stirring of the finger. The populace, when trudging by on solemn days, scarcely dared to glance up at the effigy of its own history, while—along with the priests—the philosophers and poets, the artists from elsewhere, all full of factual knowledge, had long since walked around the temple; and that which, for the ignorant, lay in magical darkness was, for the informed, a handicraft to be soberly assessed. The initiates, the specialists talked about art, praising the harmony of movement, the coordination of gestures; the others, however, who were not even familiar with the concept of “cultured,” stared furtively into the gaping maws, felt the swoop of the paw in their own flesh.

      The work gave pleasure to the privileged; the others sensed a segregation under a draconian law of hierarchy. However, a few sculptures, said Heilmann, did not have to be extracted from their symbolism; the falling man, the man of Gaul taking his own life, showed the immediate tragedy of a concrete situation; but these sculptures, replied Coppi, had not been outside, they had remained among the trophies in the throne rooms, purely in order to indicate from whom the shields and helmets, the bundles of swords and spears had been taken. The sole aim of the wars was to safeguard the territories of the kings. The gods, confronted with the spirits of the earth, kept the notion of certain power relationships alive. A frieze filled with anonymous soldiers, who, as tools of the higher-ups, fought for years, attacking other anonymous soldiers, would have altered the attitude toward those who served, boosting their position; the kings, not the warriors, won the victories, and the victors could be like the gods, while the losers were despised by the gods. The privileged knew that the gods did not exist, for they, the privileged, who donned the masks of the gods, knew themselves. So they were even more insistent on being surrounded with splendor and dignity. Art served to give their rank, their authority the appearance of the supernatural. They could permit no skepticism about their perfection. Heilmann’s bright face, with its regular features, bushy eyebrows, and high forehead, had turned to the demoness of the earth. She had brought forth Uranus, the sky, Pontus, the sea, and all mountains. She had given birth to the Giants, the Titans, the Cyclopes, and the Furies. This was our race. We evaluated the history of the earthly beings. We looked up at her again, the demoness stretching out of the ground. The waves of loosened hair flowed about her. On her shoulder, she carried a bowl of pomegranates. Foliage and grape vines twirled at the back of her neck. The start of the lips, begging for mercy, was discernible in the raw facial plane, which veered sideways and upward. A gash gaped from her chin to her larynx. Alcyoneus, her favorite son, slanted away from her while dropping to his knees. The stump of his left hand groped toward her. She was still touching his left foot, which dangled from his stretched and shattered leg. His thighs, abdomen, belly, and chest were all tensing in convulsions. The pain of death radiated from the small wound inflicted between his ribs by the venomous reptile. The wide, unfurled wings of the kingfisher, growing from his shoulder, slowed down his plunge. The silhouette of the burst-off face above him, with the hard line of the neck, of the hair, which was tied up and tucked under the helmet, spoke of the pitilessness of Athena. As she swung forward, her wide, belted cloak flew back. The downward glide of the garment revealed, on her left breast, the scale armor with the small, bloated face of Medusa. The weight of the round shield, her arm thrust into its thong, pulled her along to new deeds. Nike, leaping up, with mighty wings, in loose, airy tunics, held the wreath, invisible but implied by the gesture, over her head. Heilmann pointed: at the dissolving goddess of the night, Nyx, who, with a loving smile, was hurling her vessel full of serpents toward a downcast creature; at Zeus, who, in his open, billowing cloak, was using his woolen aegis, the goatskin of doom, to whip down three adversaries; and at Eos, the goddess of dawn, who was riding like a cloud in front of the rising team of the naked sun god, Helios.

      Thus, he said gently, a new day dawns after the dreadful butchery, and now the glass-covered room became noisy with the scraping of feet on the smooth floor, with the ticking echoes of shoe soles on the steep steps leading up the reconstructed western façade of the temple to the colonnades of the interior court. We turned back toward the relief, which throughout its bands demonstrated the instant when the tremendous change was about to take place, the moment when the concentrated strength portends the ineluctable consequence. By seeing the lance immediately before its throw, the club before its whizzing plunge, the run before the jump, the hauling-back before the clash, our eyes were driven from figure to figure, from one situation to the next, and the stone began to quiver all around us. However, we missed Heracles, who, according to the myth, was the only mortal to ally himself with the gods in the battle against the Giants; and, combing the immured bodies, the remnants of limbs, we looked for the son of Zeus and Alcmene, the earthly helper whose courage and unremitting labor would bring an end to the period of menace. All we could discern was a sign bearing his name, and the paw of a lion’s skin that had cloaked him; nothing else testified to his station between Hera’s four-horse team and Zeus’s athletic body; and Coppi called it an omen that Heracles, who was our equal, was missing, and that we now had to create our own image of this advocate of action. As we headed toward the low, narrow exit on the side of the room, the red armbands of the men in black and brown uniforms shone toward us from the whirling shifts in the throng of visitors; and whenever I spotted the emblem, rotating and chopping in the white, round field, it became a venomous spider, ruggedly hairy, hatched in with pencil, ink, or India ink, under Coppi’s hand, as I knew it from the class at the Scharfenberg Institute, where Coppi had sat at the next desk, doodling on small pictures, cards from cigarette packs, on illustrations clipped from newspapers, disfiguring the symbol of the new rulers, adding warts, tusks, nasty creases, and rivulets of blood to the plump faces looming from the uniform collars. Heilmann, our friend, also wore the brown shirt, with rolled-up sleeves, the shoulder straps, the string for the whistle, the dagger on the short pants; but he wore this garb as a disguise, camouflaging his own knowledge and camouflaging Coppi, who was coming from illegal work, and camouflaging me, who was about to leave for Spain. And thus, on the twenty-second of September, nineteen thirty-seven, a few days before my departure, we stood in front of the altar frieze, which had been brought here from the castle mountain of Pergamum to be reconstructed, and which, painted colorfully and lined with forged metals, had once reflected the light of the Aegean sky. Heilmann indicated the dimensions and location of the temple, as the temple, still undamaged by sandstorms or earthquakes, pillage or plunder, had shown itself on a protruding platform, on the terraced hill of the residence, above the city known today as Bergama, sixty-five miles north of Smyrna, between the narrow, usually dried-out rivers Keteios and Selinos, gazing westward, across the plain of Caicus, toward the ocean and the isle of Lesbos, a structure with an almost square ground plan, one hundred twenty by one hundred thirteen feet, and with a perron sixty-five feet wide, the whole thing dedicated by Eumenes II, to thank the gods for helping him in his war — the construction having begun one hundred eighty years before our era and lasting for twenty years, the buildings visible from far away, included among the wonders of the world by Lucius Ampelius in his Book of Memorabilia, second century a.d., before the temple sank into the rubble of a millennium.

      And has this mass of stone, Coppi asked, which served the cult of princely and religious masters of ceremony, who glorified the victory of the aristocrats over an earthbound mix of nations—has this mass of stone now become a value in its own right, belonging to anyone who steps in front of it.

      It was no doubt highbred figures who trod barbaric mongrels underfoot here, and the sculptors did not immortalize the people who were down in the streets, running the mills, smithies, and manufactories, or who were employed in the markets, the workshops, the harbor shipyards; besides, the sanctuary on the thousand-foot-high mountain, in the walled district of the storehouses, barracks, baths, theaters, administration buildings, and palaces of the ruling clan, was accessible to the populace only on holidays; no doubt, only the names of some of the master artists were handed down, Menecrates, Dionysades, Orestes, and not the names of those who had transferred the drawings to the ashlars, had defined the intersections with compasses and drills, and had practiced expertly on some veins and shocks of hair, and nothing recalled the peons who fetched the marble and dragged the huge blocks to the oxcarts, and yet, said Heilmann, the frieze brought fame not only for those who were close to the gods but also for those whose strength was still concealed, for they too were not ignorant, they did not want to be enslaved forever, led by Aristonicus they rebelled at the end of the construction, rising up against the lords of the city. Nevertheless the work still incorporated the same dichotomy as at the time of its creation. Destined to emanate royal power, it could simultaneously be questioned about its peculiarities of style, its sculptural persuasiveness. In its heyday, before falling to the Byzantine Empire, Pergamum was renowned for its scholars, its schools and libraries, and the special writing pages of cured, fleshed, and buffed calfskin made the fruits of poetic invention, of scholarly and scientific investigation permanent. The silence, the paralysis of those fated to be trampled into the ground continued to be palpable. They, the real bearers of the Ionian state, unable to read or write, excluded from artistic activity, were only good enough to create the wealth for a small privileged stratum and the necessary leisure for the elite of the mind. The existence of the celestials was unattainable for them, but they could recognize themselves in the kneeling imbruted creatures. The latter, in crudeness, degradation, and maltreatment, bore their features. The portrayal of the gods in flight and of the annihilation of urgent danger expressed not the struggle of good against evil, but the struggle between the classes, and this was recognized not only in our present-day viewing but perhaps also back then in secret glimpses by serfs. However, the afterdays of the altar were likewise determined by the enterprising spirit of the well-to-do. When the sculptural fragments that had lain buried under the deposits of Near Eastern power changes came to light, it was once again the superior, the enlightened who knew how to use the valuable items, while the herdsmen and nomads, the descendants of the builders of the temple, possessed no more of Pergamum’s grandeur than dust.

      But it was a waste of breath complaining, said Heilmann, for the preservation of the showpiece of Hellenic civilization in a mausoleum of the modern world was preferable to its traceless entombment in Mysian detritus. Since our goal was to eliminate injustice, to wipe out poverty, he said, and since this country too was only going through a transition, we could imagine that this site would some day demonstrate the expanded and mutual ownership intrinsic in the monumentality of the formed work. And so, in the dim light, we gazed at the beaten and dying. The mouth of one of the vanquished, with the rapacious hound hanging over his shoulder, was half open, breathing its last. His left hand lay feeble on the forward-charging leather-shod foot of Artemis, his right arm was still raised in self-defense, but his hips were already growing cold, and his legs had turned into a spongy mass. We heard the thuds of the clubs, the shrilling whistles, the moans, the splashing of blood. We looked back at a prehistoric past, and for an instant the prospect of the future likewise filled up with a massacre impenetrable to the thought of liberation. Heracles would have to help them, the subjugated, and not those who had enough armor and weapons. Prior to the genesis of the figurations, there had been the bondage, the enclosure in stone. In the marble quarries on the mountain slopes north of the castle, the master sculptors had pointed their long sticks at the best blocks while eying the Gallic captives toiling in the sultry heat. Shielded and fanned by palm branches, squinting in the blinding sun, the sculptors took in the rippling of the muscles, the bending and stretching of the sweating bodies. The defeated warriors, driven here in chains, hanging from ropes on the rock faces, smashing crowbars and wedges into the strata of glittering, bluish white, crystalline-like limestone, and transporting the gigantic ashlars on long wooden sleds down the twisting paths, were notorious for their savagery, their brutal customs, and in the evenings the lords with their retinues passed them timidly when the stinking prisoners, drunk on cheap rotgut, were camping in a pit. Up in the gardens of the castle, however, in the gentle breeze wafting up from the sea, the huge bearded faces became the stuff of the sculptors’ dreams, and they remembered ordering one man or another to stand still, opening his eye wide, pulling his lips apart to view his teeth, they recalled the arteries swelling on his temples, the glistening nose, zygomas, and forehead emerging from the cast shadows.They could still hear the lugging and shoving, the stemming of shoulders and backs against the weight of the stone, the rhythmic shouts, the curses, the whip cracks, the grinding of sled runners in the sand, and they could see the figures of the frieze slumbering in the marble coffins. Slowly they scraped forth the limbs, felt them, saw forms emerge whose essence was perfection.

      With the plundered people transferring their energies into relaxed and receptive thoughts, degradation and lust for power produced art. Through the noisy maelstrom of a school class we pushed our way into the next room, where the market gates of Miletus loomed in the penumbra.

      At the columns flanking the gates, which had led from the town hall of the port to the open emporium, Heilmann asked whether we had noticed that inside, in the altar room, a spatial function had been inverted, so that exterior surfaces had become interior walls. In facing the western perron, he said, we had our backs to the eastern side, the rear of the temple, that is, in its merely rudimentary reconstruction, and the unfolded southern frieze stretched out to the right while the relief on the northern cornice ran to the left. Something the viewer was to grasp by slowly circling it was now surrounding him instead.

      This dizzying procedure would ultimately make us understand the Theory of Relativity, he added when, moving a few centuries deeper, we walked along the claybrick walls that had once stood in the cluster of Nebuchadnezzar’s Babylonian towers, and we then suddenly stepped into an area where yellowing leaves, whirring sunspots, pale-yellow double-decker buses, cars with flashing reflections, streams of pedestrians, and the rhythmic smashing of hobnailed boots demanded a readjustment in our bearings, a new indication of our whereabouts. We are now, said Coppi, after we crossed the square between the museum, the cathedral, and the Armory Canal, in front of the motionless fieldgray steel-helmeted sentries at the monument, whose dungeon still has room enough for the mangled marchers who, having bled to death, are en route here, willing or not, in order to lie down under the wreaths with silk ribbons. Heilmann, beneath the foliage of the Lindens, pointed between the Brothers Humboldt, who, enthroned loftily in armchairs with griffin feet, were brooding over open books, and he motioned across the wide forecourt, toward the university, where, reckoning with an accelerated high school diploma, he intended to study foreign affairs. He already knew English and French, and at the night school where we had met him, he had been seeking contacts for teaching him the taboo Russian language.

      The municipal night school, a gathering place for proletarians and renegade burghers, had been our chief educational institution after Coppi had left the Scharfenberg School Island at sixteen, and I, one year later, had likewise taken my last ferry to the mainland near Tegel Forest. Here, basic courses on Dostoyevsky’s and Turgenev’s novels served for debates on the prerevolutionary situation in Russia, just as lectures on economics guided us in our perusal of Soviet economic planning. The Association of Socialist Physicians plus scholarships from the Communist Party, where Coppi belonged to the Youth Organization, had enabled us to attend the Scharfenberg School, a progressive institution at that time. Our chief advocate had been Hodann, a municipal physician, head of the Health Office of the Reinickendorf district and director of the Institute of Sexology. We had met him at the question-and-answer evenings in the Ernst Haeckel Auditorium, and until his imprisonment and escape in nineteen thirty-three we often participated in the regular discussions on psychology, literature, and politics taking place every second week at his home in a settlement on Wiesener Strasse, Tempelhof. After the summoning of the National Socialist government, known as the Machtübernahme, the takeover of power, when it was no longer possible for us to go to school, Coppi had begun training at Siemens, and I had gotten a job as a shipping clerk at Alfa Laval, where my father had been foreman in the separator assembly department.

      #Berlin #Pergamonmuseum #Mitte #Kupfergraben #Bodestraße #Kunst #Geschichte

  • Vie chère : « Les gens n’en reviennent pas » : dans les supermarchés, les caissières aux premières loges de la flambée des prix

    Les employés de la grande distribution observent les scènes de vie quotidienne qui témoignent des angoisses et des stratégies des consommateurs face à l’#inflation.
    Par Cécile Prudhomme

    « Ah, je n’avais pas vu ce prix-là ! », « Vous vous êtes trompée », « Ça, il faut me l’enlever »… Derrière la caisse du supermarché Casino du Muy (Var), Claudine Cordina – « quarante et un ans de grande distribution » – « entend ça tous les jours de la part des clients ». Et elle leur fait inlassablement la même réponse depuis plusieurs mois : « Vous savez, si je pouvais, je baisserais les prix. » Le pouvoir d’achat des Français ? Leur attitude face à l’inflation ? Ce sont les caissières des grandes surfaces alimentaires qui en parlent le mieux.

    De l’autre côté du tapis roulant, ces employées dites « de la deuxième ligne », pendant la crise du Covid-19, sont aux avant-postes face au raz de marée inflationniste. Les clients se plaignent auprès d’elles de l’augmentation du coût de la vie – « Tout est devenu cher », « L’Ukraine a bon dos » – ou de la disparition de certains produits dans le magasin – « La moutarde, ça ne vient pas d’Ukraine. » Ces derniers mois, partout en France, les caissières font un même constat : aussi informés soient-ils, les consommateurs n’en croient pas leurs yeux lorsqu’ils entendent le total à payer.

    « Un client sur deux nous dit : “Oh, ça a encore augmenté” ou bien “Vous ne vous êtes pas trompée ?” », raconte Deborath Cabo, 41 ans, qui travaille depuis ses 19 ans dans l’hypermarché Géant La Foux, à Gassin (Var). Même la clientèle de ce magasin non loin de Saint-Tropez, souvent fortunée (touristes, personnel ravitaillant les bateaux…), « regarde désormais deux à trois fois le ticket de caisse pour être certain[e] que je ne me suis pas trompée, explique la caissière. Quand je leur annonce le total, j’ai quasiment systématiquement des commentaires. »

    « Ils deviennent agressifs »

    A 760 kilomètres de là, en banlieue de Bourges, au Carrefour Market de Saint-Germain-du-Puy (Cher), la tension est même brutalement montée d’un cran au moment d’un règlement. Mireille Richard est en poste à l’accueil quand une collègue en caisse l’interpelle discrètement : « Des clients vont venir te voir, prévient-elle, car ils trouvent certains prix exorbitants et pensent que je me suis trompée. Ils m’ont insultée, traitée d’incapable, et sont persuadés que j’ai commis une erreur. » Finalement, « je les ai vus regarder longuement leur ticket de caisse, et ils sont partis, raconte Mme Richard. Avec cette hausse des prix, les gens deviennent agressifs, bien plus qu’après le Covid. »

    Depuis trente-sept ans qu’elle travaille dans la grande distribution, cette femme de 59 ans « connaî[t] bien les clients » : dans son magasin, « une clientèle plutôt âgée et de classe populaire », qui se retrouve maintenant avec « des pleins de courses de 200 euros, voire 300, alors que, avant, c’était plutôt 150 euros ». Et qui s’émeut que « pour ce prix », ils n’ont « rien dans le caddie, alors qu’il n’y a ni alcool ni viande ». D’ailleurs, une fois leurs achats réglés, « ils s’arrêtent de plus en plus souvent derrière les caisses pour vérifier sur leur ticket ce qui a fait exploser l’addition, car ils n’en reviennent pas ».
    Un exemple de cette poussée inflationniste ? « Les granulés pour le chauffage, cite-t-elle. L’an dernier, le sac valait 3,99 euros. Là, c’est 8,50. Les clients hallucinent et nous disent : “Vous vous rendez compte du prix !” Et ça ne va pas s’arrêter là. On a eu une note disant que ça allait passer à 10 euros en décembre. » L’inflation reste la préoccupation majeure des Français (52 %), devant le réchauffement climatique (43 %), la guerre en Ukraine (32 %) et la crise sanitaire (11 %), selon une étude NielsenIQ, publiée le 19 septembre. A raison : l’Insee s’est basé sur une augmentation de 12 % des prix de l’alimentation en décembre sur un an (contre 7,5 % au mois d’août) pour anticiper une inflation globale d’environ 6,5 % en décembre.

    Face à la hausse des prix, deux tiers des Français ont déjà modifié leurs habitudes d’achat, en réduisant les factures de courses alimentaires (46 %) ou celles d’énergie (40 %), selon une enquête Younited-OpinionWay du 12 septembre. Les consommateurs demandent d’ailleurs « de plus en plus souvent » aux employés des grandes surfaces d’annuler en caisse des articles qui font exploser leur budget. Quand d’autres abandonnent discrètement une charcuterie trop coûteuse, prise à la coupe, « dans les paniers en bout de caisse ».

    « Prise sur le fait, une cliente m’a répondu tout simplement : “Je n’ai pas pris, c’est trop cher” », se souvient Marie-Françoise Rouault, 59 ans, hôtesse d’accueil et de caisse dans un Carrefour Market de Rennes, au cœur d’un « quartier chic, fréquenté par beaucoup de personnes âgées ». « En fin de journée, on se retrouve à ranger trois ou quatre chariots de produits que les gens ont abandonnés. Mais le poisson frais, on est obligé de le jeter », se désole Mme Cabo, à Gassin.

    « Moins de poisson, moins de viande » [de fromage, de vin, de quoi encore ?]

    « Souvent, les clients n’ont pas voulu redonner les produits sur le stand de découpe, car ils n’ont pas osé dire que c’était trop cher », ajoute Mme Richard, qui observe le même phénomène dans son magasin du Cher. D’autres encore reviennent pour rendre les articles les plus coûteux, une fois leurs calculs faits à la maison. Comme cette consommatrice, « de profession libérale », venue le lendemain rapporter à Mme Rouault « la boîte de thon Saupiquet que son mari avait achetée ».

    Elle prétextait que ce dernier « s’était trompé, que ce n’était que pour le chat, et qu’elle voulait le changer contre la marque de distributeur », se souvient l’hôtesse d’accueil. « J’ai pensé qu’il y avait une autre raison quand elle m’a raconté que ses charges avaient explosé. Certains ne veulent pas dire que la vie est devenue chère même pour eux. » Les caissières perçoivent aussi les signaux faibles de cette perte de pouvoir d’achat des Français, comme les « cartes bleues refusées dès le 10 ou le 12 du mois, de plus en plus », ou le retour des chèques qui témoigne d’acrobaties comptables.

    « A partir du 20 du mois, on voit les gens arriver avec des #chèques, qui se disent que le temps qu’il soit encaissé, le salaire sera tombé, constate Mme Cabo. Jusqu’ici, on en avait très rarement. » II y a d’autres manifestations de cette vie devenu chère, comme l’utilisation « de plus en plus fréquente des Ticket Restaurant et des chèques alimentaires de la Mairie ». Ou une accumulation d’épargne dans les cartes de fidélité, car « les gens gardent les sous pour Noël ». Et des bonnes affaires prises d’assaut.

    Comme ces rayons « “antigaspi”, où les prix sont inférieurs à 50 %, car les produits sont proches des dates de péremption. Les clients se jettent dessus, c’est fou. On le remplit le matin, et il y a des gens qui viennent exprès. Ils nous disent que, sans ça, ils ne mangeraient pas de viande », raconte Mme Richard. Entre janvier et la mi-août, 21,2 % des ventes de produits de grande consommation dans les supermarchés et dans les hypermarchés ont été réalisées sur des opérations de réduction de prix, contre 20,6 % sur la même période en 2021, selon les données de NielsenIQ.

    « Nous-mêmes, on fait nos menus en fonction des promotions du magasin », reconnaît Mme Cabo. En voyant défiler les articles sur son tapis roulant, au Muy, Mme Cordina constate que les habitudes alimentaires des clients ont changé : « Moins de poisson, moins de viande, ou alors quand c’est à − 30 %. » En salle de pause, c’est même un sujet récurrent de discussion. « Mme Untel, elle ne vient plus ? On ne la voit plus », a-t-elle demandé dernièrement, s’inquiétant de la disparition d’une cliente. Et d’autres de lui répondre : « On l’a vu chez Dia et chez Lidl, à la sortie de la ville. C’est sa femme de ménage qui l’emmène faire ses courses. »

    Fuite vers les discounters

    Les habitués de la caisse de Mme Rouault, qui officie depuis vingt-deux ans dans son supermarché de Rennes, s’enfuient eux aussi vers des discounters, comme ce « très bon client, médecin, rencontré l’autre jour chez Lidl, alors que lui, il n’était pas du tout Lidl ». Pour réduire la facture sur les produits alimentaires, 57 % des Français se tournent vers des enseignes discount, selon une étude YouGov pour l’application mobile d’invendus Too Good To Go, en date du 6 septembre. Et d’autres multiplient les points de vente pour faire leurs achats.

    « Avant, les clients faisaient toutes les courses chez moi ou chez mon concurrent, juste en face, confirme un gérant de supérette du nord de la France, qui souhaite rester anonyme. Désormais, j’en vois de plus en plus qui font le tour de mon magasin, pour faire un repérage des prix. Ce matin, un couple s’est excusé d’entrer avec ses courses faites en face, pour acheter uniquement du pâté et des cornichons que je vendais moins cher. »

    Selon un sondage OpinionWay pour Bonial (le spécialiste des catalogues publicitaires en ligne), les Français fréquentent cinq enseignes pour faire leurs courses, soit une de plus qu’il y a un an. Dans les supermarchés, l’inflation a également engendré une recrudescence des vols. « Pour l’alcool, cela a toujours été le cas, mais là, c’est de la nourriture », s’attriste Mme Rouault, prenant l’exemple de « cette dame qui avait caché une plaquette de saumon dans son pantalon. Là on se pose vraiment des questions. »

    Même en plein milieu du golfe de Saint-Tropez, Mme Cabo reconnaît qu’« il y a beaucoup plus de vols qu’avant, surtout aux caisses automatiques. Des gens qui pèsent du vin au rayon des fruits et légumes pour que la caisse détecte le bon poids et qui y collent une étiquette de bananes à 3 euros. Il y en a même qui ouvrent les packs de bière pour y cacher des petits articles à l’intérieur. »

    Selon une étude NielsenIQ publiée le 19 septembre, l’inflation qui s’est installée en France a fragilisé 7 millions de foyers français supplémentaires en 2022. Douze millions de personnes, soit 41 % des foyers français, qui font désormais plus attention à leurs dépenses. Ces ménages fragilisés ont des faibles revenus ou sont sans activité, et vivent essentiellement dans les milieux ruraux.

    https://www.lemonde.fr/economie/article/2022/10/02/les-gens-n-en-reviennent-pas-dans-les-supermarches-les-caissieres-aux-premie

    #vie_chère #salaire

  • Italian fascists quoting #Samora_Machel and #Sankara

    The use of Marxist-inspired arguments, often distorted, to support racist or nationalist political positions, is known as “rossobrunismo” (red-brownism) in Italy.

    Those following immigration politics in Europe, especially Italy, may have noticed the appropriation of the words of Marxist and anti-imperialist heroes and intellectuals by the new nationalist and racist right to support their xenophobic or nationalist arguments. From Samora Machel (Mozambican independence leader), Thomas Sankara (Burkinabe revolutionary), Che Guevara, Simone Weil (a French philosopher influenced by Marxism and anarchism), to Italian figures like Sandro Pertini an anti-fascist partisan during World War II, later leader of the Socialist Party and president of the Italian republic in the 1980s, or Pier Paolo Pasolini (influential communist intellectual).

    The use of Marxist-inspired arguments, often distorted or decontextualized, to support racist, traditionalist or nationalist political positions, is referred to as rossobrunismo (red-brownism) in Italy.

    In Italy it got so bad, that a group of writers—some gathered in Wu Ming collective—made it their work to debunk these attempts. They found, for example, that a sentence shared on several nationalist online pages and profiles—attributed to Samora Machel—that condemned immigration as a colonial and capitalist tool to weaken African societies, was fake news.

    It also contaminated political debate beyond the internet: During his electoral campaign, Matteo Salvini, leader of the anti-immigration party Lega and current minister for internal affairs in Italy’s government, explicitly mentioned the Marxist concept of “reserve army of labor” to frame the ongoing migration across the Mediterranean as a big conspiracy to import cheap labor from Africa and weaken Italy’s white working class. As for who benefits from cheap, imported labor (as Afro-Italian activists Yvan Sagnet and Aboubakar Soumahoro have pointed out), Salvini says very little.

    The typical representative of red-brownism is Diego Fusaro, a philosopher who first became known, about a decade ago, for a book on the revival of Marxism in contemporary political thought. More recently, he promoted through his social media profiles and collaborations with far-right webzines like Il Primato Nazionale (published by neo-fascist party Casa Pound), a confused version of an anti-capitalist critique aggressively targeting not only the liberal left, but also feminist, LGBT, anti-racist activists and pro-migrant organizations. Fusaro has theorized that immigration is part of a “process of third-worldization” of Europe, where “masses of new slaves willing to do anything in order to exist, and lacking class consciousness and any memory of social rights” are deported from Africa. As if collective action, social movements and class-based politics never existed south of the Sahara.

    Yet, the appropriation of pan-Africanist thinkers and politicians like Machel and Sankara brings this kind of manipulation to a more paradoxical level. What could motivate the supporters of a xenophobic party, whose representatives have in the past advocated ethnic cleansing, used racial slurs against a black Italian government minister, or campaigned for the defense of the “white race,” to corroborate their anti-immigration stance through (often false) quotations by Machel or Sankara?

    To make this sense of this, it is useful to consider the trajectory of Kemi Seba, a Franco-Beninese activist who has sparked controversies in the French-speaking world for quite some time, and has only recently started to be quoted in Italian online discussions and blogs.

    Initially associated with the French branch of the American Nation of Islam, Kemi Seba has been active since the early 2000s in different social movements and his own associations, all positioned across the spectrum of radical Afrocentrism. In the polarized French debate, traditionally wary of even moderate expressions of identity politics, Kemi Seba’s radical statements predictably created public outcry and earned him the accusations of racial hatred—for which he has been repeatedly found guilty. An advocate of racial separatism (or ethno-differentialisme, as he defined it), he has quoted among his sources Senegalese historian Cheikh Anta Diop, from whom he took inspiration for his “kemetic” ideology claiming a black heritage for ancient Egyptian culture, and Marcus Garvey, whose ideas he reformulated in his call for all the black people living in France and in Europe to return to the African motherland—while classifying those remaining as “traitors.”

    While one would expect white oppressors to be his main target, Kemi Seba’s vehement attacks have often been directed toward other black activists and personalities living in France, accusing them of promoting integration or collaborating with the white system (and often qualifying them as macaques, monkeys, or as nègres-alibis, “negroes-alibis”). In recent years, however, he has declared he would abandon his initial supremacist positions to embrace a broader pan-African stance, and moved his main residence first to Senegal, later to Benin. Now addressing a predominantly West African audience, he has co-opted personalities, such as the late Burkinabe president and revolutionary Thomas Sankara—still the most powerful political reference for the youth in Francophone Africa—among his claimed sources of inspiration. He has also endorsed the struggle against the CFA France—an ongoing critical reflection that was started by the work of economists such as Ndongo Samba Sylla and Kako Nubupko, well before Seba started campaigning about the issue. In August 2017, he burned a CFA banknote in public in Dakar—an illegal act under the Senegalese law—and was briefly detained before being deported from the country.

    The ambiguous relationship between Kemi Seba’s ideology and the far right has a long history, especially in France. Understandably, his initial racial separatism and his call for a voluntary repatriation of all blacks to Africa constituted an appealing counterpart for French white racists committed to fight the possibility of a multiracial and multicultural France. Kemi Seba, on his side, repeatedly hinted at possible collaborations with white nationalists: in 2007, he declared:

    My dream is to see whites, Arabs and Asians organizing themselves to defend their own identity. We fight against all those monkeys (macaques) who betray their origins. (…) Nationalists are the only whites I like. They don’t want us, and we don’t want them.

    Some years later, in 2012, commenting the electoral growth of Greek neo-nazi party Golden Dawn in a radio program, he argued:

    I want people to understand that today there is nothing to win by remaining in France, and everything to win by remaining in Africa. And the best solution for this… unfortunately, black people only awaken when they realize that they are in danger, when they are slapped in the face. (…) Black people are unfortunately slow on the uptake, they understand only when there is bestiality, brutality. So, maybe, if we had a movement similar to Greece’s Golden Dawn, established in France, and if they threw black people in the sea, if they raped some, then maybe someone would understand that it is not so nice to remain in France and would return to their fucking country, to their motherland the African continent.

    His supporters later qualified his statements as simple provocations, but Seba continued to be a favorite guest and interlocutor for far-right groups. For example, the webzine Egalité et Reconciliation, founded by Alain Soral—a well-known personality of French red-brownism who shifted from his juvenile communist engagement to later support for Front National and has been condemned for homophobic and anti-Semitic statements—has often provided a platform for Seba’s declarations. In 2006, Seba praised young white nationalist activists in a long interview with Novopress, an online publication by Bloc Identitaire. The latter is a white nationalist movement which works to popularize the conspiracy theory of the “great replacement”—an alleged plan of “reverse colonialism” to replace demographically the white majority in Europe with non-white migrants and which inspired anti-semitic white nationalists in the US. Bloc Identitaire recently formed extra-legal patrols in order to stop asylum seekers from crossing the border between Italy and France.

    In 2008, Seba’s association organized a tiny demonstration against French military presence abroad with Droite Socialiste, a small group whose members were later involved in shootings and found guilty of illegal possession of weapons and explosive material. Their hideout was also full of Adolf Hitler’s books and other neo-Nazi propaganda.

    Relatively unknown until recently on the other side of the Alps, Seba has made his appearance on Italian websites and Facebook profiles in recent months. Since Lega’s promotion to national government in coalition with the Five Star Movement, the country has become the avant-garde of an attempt to connect different reactionary political projects—rossobrunismo, anti-EU and anti-global sovranismo (nationalism), white nationalism, neo-Fascism and others—and has attracted the attention of globally known ideologues, such as Trump’s former counselor Steve Bannon and pro-Putin populist philosopher Alexander Dugin (who, not by chance, organized a meeting with Seba in December 2017). Small webzines like Oltre la Linea and L’Intellettuale Dissidente, which following Dugin’s example mix pro-Putin positions with an anti-liberal critique and traditionalist nostalgia, inspiring attacks against feminism, anti-racism and “immigrationism.” Collectively, they have dedicated space to Seba’s ideas and interviewed him, profiting from his visit to Rome in July 2018.

    Invited by a group of supporters in Italy, Seba visited a center hosting asylum seekers and gave a speech where, amidst launching broadsides against the EU and African elites who are impoverishing Africa (thus forcing young people to try their luck as migrants in Europe), he slipped in a peculiar endorsement to Italy’s xenophobic minister of internal affairs:

    Matteo Salvini [he then asked people in the audience who started booing when they heard the name to let him finish] defends his people, but he should know that we will defend our people too!

    He repeated this sentiment in an interview published later on a nationalist blog. Seba basically endorsed the ongoing anti-NGO campaign voiced by representatives of the Italian government. The interviewer suggested to Seba:

    Salvini’s battle against boats owned by NGOs, which transport migrants from Lybian shores to Italian harbors, sometimes funded by Soros’ Open Society, reflects your [Kemi Seba’s] same struggles for the emancipation from those Western humanitarian associations that operate in the African continent and enclose you all in a permanent state of psychological and moral submission.

    “Yes, I realize this very well, we have the same problem,” replied Seba.

    Attacks against the NGOs organizing rescue operations in the Mediterranean have multiplied in the Italian political debate since last year. The Five Star Movement started a campaign against what they called the “sea taxis” and the previous government tried to force them to sign a code of conduct imposing the presence of police personnel on their boats. NGOs have been alternatively accused of complicity with Libyan smugglers (but neither the investigation of a parliamentary committee, nor judges in different Sicilian courts, could find evidence for this allegation).

    More broadly, a dysfunctional regime governing migration flows, and the bungled reception of asylum seekers, allows such positions to take root in the Italian political sphere. What is often obscured, though, is that such a dysfunctional regime was originated by the restrictive policies of the Italian government and the European Union, through the abandonment of a state-sponsored rescue program and the externalization of border control to Libya (where media reported the dehumanizing treatment reserved to Sub-Saharan migrants) and other third countries.

    Echoing Seba, Italian right-wing bloggers and opinion-makers make increasing use of anti-imperialist quotations—for example, by Thomas Sankara—to fuel this anti-NGO backlash and denounce the plundering of Africa’s wealth and resources by multinational corporations in consort with venal governments, abetted by the development industry. By the right’s bizarre logic, stopping migration flows to Europe would be a part of the same coordinated strategy to reverse Africa’s impoverishment by Europe. This use not only overlooks the fact that African migration to Europe is a tiny portion of the massive migration flows taking place across the whole planet, but also that intra-African migration is significantly more common.

    It also distorts Thomas Sankara’s critical views of development, which he formulated at a time when aid mainly consisted of bilateral contributions and loans from international financial institutions, rather than NGO-sponsored interventions. And, ultimately, it generates confusion between the critique of the classical development sector—which is fundamental and has been developed for a long time by dependency theory and other schools of critical scholarship—and an analysis of the rescue sector: indeed, most NGOs currently operating in the Mediterranean are associations created in the last few years with the explicit goal of reducing mortality along the Libyan or the Aegean routes. They have never participated in development projects in sub-Saharan Africa.

    What would Samora Machel and Thomas Sankara think today of the so-called “refugee crisis” and of the populist and xenophobic reactions it has provoked all over Europe? White nationalists think that they would be on their side. But what we know from their writings is that their revolutionary politics was never based on an exclusionary form of nationalism, let alone on racial separatism. Rather, it was associated with an analysis of the production of material inequalities and exploitation at the global level, and with class-based internationalism.

    This is clearly articulated in many speeches pronounced by Sankara, for example in his frequently quoted intervention on foreign debt at the African Union summit in July 1987 (a few months before he was murdered), where he declared that “by refusing to pay, we do not adopt a bellicose attitude, but rather a fraternal attitude to speak the truth. After all, popular masses in Europe are not opposed to popular masses in Africa: those who want to exploit Africa are the same who exploit Europe. We have a common enemy.”

    While many representatives of red-brownism and the new right would probably declare that they subscribe to this principle on paper, most of them are currently engaged in defusing any possibility of a class-based critique of capitalism, to which they prefer sovranismo and its emphasis on renewed national sovereignties. Furthermore, they are more or less directly legitimizing the action of a government that capitalizes on the anxieties of the white majority and of the impoverishment of middle and lower classes, building a consensus around xenophobia, racial discrimination and policies of strict border control, no matter the consequences. The creative use, made by the African youth, of Sankara’s thought in reclaiming and obtaining political change, such as in the Burkinabe revolution in 2014, is a demonstration of the legacy of his thinking as an effective tool for emancipatory struggles—a precious legacy that anti-racists should protect from the re-appropriation and manipulation attempted by the European racist right.

    https://africasacountry.com/2018/09/twisting-pan-africanism-to-promote-anti-africanism
    #Italie #fascisme #marxisme #rossobrunismo #racisme #nationalisme #anti-impérialisme #Thomas_Sankara #Che_Guevara #Simone_Weil #Sandro_Pertini #Pier_Paolo_Pasolini #rouge #brun #Salvini #Matteo_Salvini #Diego_Fusaro #Casa_Pound #extrême_droite #extrême_gauche
    ping @cede @isskein

    • Il rossobrunismo

      Perché anche un giornalista noto come Andrea Scanzi [1] si è soffermato sul tema del rossobrunismo, descrivendolo peraltro impropriamente come un neologismo? Approfittiamone per fare chiarezza da un punto di vista marxista sul tema, già trattato tangenzialmente in altre occasioni, come ad esempio nel passo seguente [2]:

      «si è assistito in effetti anche a questa sottile strategia messa in atto negli ultimi anni in Italia: alcuni settori della “sinistra”, al fine di legittimare il prosieguo di un eclettismo ideologico “liberal”, hanno iniziato a tacciare di rossobrunismo tutti coloro che ponevano la contraddizione antimperialista come la contraddizione principale.

      Ci sono cioè settori della “sinistra” che si presentano come “progressisti”, talvolta perfino come “comunisti”, ma alla prova dei fatti utilizzano la questione antifascista come prioritaria su ogni altro aspetto (antimperialismo, anticapitalismo, lotta di classe), approdando spesso e volentieri ad una posizione morbida, se non conciliante, con il PD, con il centro-sinistra e con le strutture e sovrastrutture imperialiste (prime tra tutte NATO, UE, euro), in nome dell’unità contro le “destre”.»

      ORIGINE STORICA E POLITICA

      Negli anni ’70 si diceva “nazimaoista” quel settore del radicalismo di destra che univa suggestioni nazionaliste e sociali ad una lettura spiritualista dell’esperienza maoista e stalinista.

      Un ulteriore precedente storico-politico è il concetto di “nazional-bolscevico” o “nazional-comunista”, nato in Germania nel primo dopoguerra e usato sia da una branca dell’estrema destra rivoluzionario-conservatrice sia dai marxisti del KAPD di Amburgo, fautori entrambi di una convergenza strategica fra nazionalisti rivoluzionari e comunisti contro il “nuovo ordine europeo” uscito a Versailles. Da notare che il KAPD fu poi criticato da Lenin per questa strategia.

      Il termine “rossobruno” invece, come viene spiegato da Matteo Luca Andriola nella nuova edizione de La Nuova Destra in Europa. Il populismo e il pensiero di Alain de Benoist [3], nasce nel 1992 in Russia coniato dai giornalisti vicini all’entourage di Boris El’cin per screditare Gennadij Zjuganov, leader comunista russo a capo del Fronte di salvezza nazionale, coalizione patriottica antiliberista guidata dal PCFR a cui si aggregheranno piccoli soggetti patriottici e nazionalisti fra cui il piccolo Fronte nazionalbolscevico il cui leader era Eduard Limonov [4] e l’ideologo l’eurasiatista Aleksandr Dugin.

      ACCUSATORI E ACCUSATI ODIERNI

      Oggi, in Italia, assistiamo ad una deconcettualizzazione del termine e al suo uso spregiudicatamente propagandistico. Rossobruno è etichetta dispregiativa con cui liberali, libertari e “ex comunisti” convertitisi al globalismo e all’atlantismo delegittimano nel dibattito democratico i marxisti-leninisti, i socialisti internazionalisti [5] e la sinistra sovranista costituzionale [6].

      Di fatto le principali derive revisioniste del nostro tempo (apertura all’identity politics di stampo americano, al cosmopolitismo senza radici e all’immigrazionismo borghese, utopie di “riforma dell’Unione Europa dall’interno” e anacronistici “fronti popolari” con la sinistra borghese) vengono giustificate proprio con il pretesto della lotta al rossobrunismo.

      I rossobruni veri e propri quindi non esistono? Esistono sì, e non sono pochi, ma il conflitto di cui sopra li riguarda solo saltuariamente e incidentalmente. Il conflitto vero, infatti, è quello tra marxisti/socialisti e sinistra neoliberale/antimarxista (ovvero la sinistra oggi rappresentata in Parlamento, e anche una parte di quella extraparlamentare).

      LA DEFINIZIONE DI FUSARO

      Diego Fusaro [7] ha definito pubblicamente così il rossobrunismo:

      «Rossobrunismo è la classificazione di ogni possibilità di resistere al mondialismo, mentre l’unica resistenza possibile può scaturire solo da una dinamica di deglobalizzazione, difesa nazionale e risovranizzazione dell’economia. Rossobruno è chiunque che, consapevole che l’antagonismo odierno si basi sulla verticale contrapposizione tra servi e signori e non su vane divisioni orizzontali, oggi rigetti destra e sinistra. Pertanto, viene bollato come gli estremi di esse. Oggi chiunque propugni un’economia di mercato sovrana, viene automaticamente chiamato Rossobruno. La classe dirigente è tale non soltanto in termini economici e sociali, ma anche e soprattutto nella concezione simbolica del linguaggio. Previa una neolingua del modernismo postmoderno, il pensiero unico politicamente corretto, viene demonizzata ogni possibilità del “Pensare altrimenti”, di dissentire dal pensiero unico. Ci convincono così a orientarci come masse che legittimano il loro dominio. Dissentire da ciò è il reato di Rossobrunismo.»

      Ci sono elementi di verità in questa analisi, ma l’esposizione è carente, inadeguata e imprecisa; tanto meno sono condivisibili e accettabili la collaborazione con alcuni settori del nazifascismo italiano [8] e le conclusioni politiche di Fusaro: avere «idee di sinistra e valori di destra» [9].

      FASCISMO & ANTIFASCISMO, DESTRA & SINISTRA

      Nell’Introduzione teorico-politica al marxismo-leninismo di In Difesa del Socialismo Reale non ho affrontato direttamente il tema del rossobrunismo, per quanto la questione sia posta in maniera abbastanza chiara al lettore attento nel paragrafo “Il nesso strutturale tra fascismo e imperialismo”, che vado a riportare integralmente:

      «Alcuni di questi attacchi inconsulti odierni riguardano ad esempio la questione posta da alcuni intellettuali autodefinitisi marxisti secondo cui occorrerebbe rinnegare la dicotomia fascismo/antifascismo in nome della costruzione di un fronte comune antimperialista e anticapitalista. Questi assunti partono dal giusto assunto che dopo il 1991 e la ripresa di egemonia delle teorie socialdemocratiche (con evidenti e grossolani cedimenti all’ideologia liberista) all’interno delle organizzazioni progressiste, le “destre” e le “sinistre”, così come sono percepite a livello popolare, abbiano sostanzialmente messo in pratiche le stesse politiche (reazionarie), giungendo ad esempio in Italia a rafforzare l’idea che tutta la politica non sia altro che un gioco di corrotti e delinquenti (la questione insomma della cosiddetta “antipolitica” e della “casta”).

      È evidente che analizzando gli ultimi 20-30 anni le sinistre socialdemocratiche siano sempre più assimilabili alle destre popolari, all’insegna di una comune accettazione del sistema capitalistico imperialista. Da tutto ciò potrebbe anche scaturire una riflessione utile sull’utilità o meno per un’organizzazione comunista di utilizzare una parola sempre più logora e deturpata come “sinistra”, ormai forse perfino più bistrattata di termini considerati vetusti (ma sempre più sconosciuti per le giovani generazioni) come “socialista” o “comunista”.

      Da ciò non deve derivare però la caduta del concetto ontologico di destra e sinistra nato con la Rivoluzione Francese, che sanciva in maniera storica la differenza antropologica tra reazionari e progressisti, tra conservatori e rivoluzionari, tra chi in definitiva guarda al bene del proprio orticello e chi invece volge lo sguardo all’interesse di tutta l’umanità.

      Questa è la stessa differenza sostanziale che vige tra fascismo e antifascismo: il primo è un’ideologia reazionaria, nazionalista e xenofobo-razzista che nulla può avere a che vedere con chi si professa comunista, il quale invece pone l’internazionalismo e quindi l’antirazzismo come uno dei suoi fondamenti necessari e costituenti verso la lotta al Capitale.

      C’è però anche un altro motivo ben più evidente che rende questa alleanza non solo impossibile ma inconcepibile. Ciò risiede nel fatto che il capitalismo ed il fascismo altro non sono che due facce della stessa medaglia. Lo insegna la storia del movimento operaio. Non è un caso che la XIII sessione plenaria del Comitato Esecutivo dell’Internazionale Comunista definisse il fascismo al potere come “la dittatura terroristica aperta degli elementi più reazionari, più sciovinisti e più imperialisti del capitale finanziario”.

      Il fascismo non è altro quindi che una mostruosa creatura partorita e sostenuta nei momenti di crisi dalla stessa borghesia per i suoi obiettivi. Gramsci lo spiega assai bene:

      “Il ‘fascismo’ è la fase preparatoria della restaurazione dello Stato, cioè di un rincrudimento della reazione capitalistica, di un inasprimento della lotta capitalistica contro le esigenze piú vitali della classe proletaria. Il fascismo è l’illegalità della violenza capitalistica: la restaurazione dello Stato è la legalizzazione di questa violenza.”

      Questo è il motivo che rende chiaro a Gramsci il fatto che “la liquidazione del fascismo deve essere la liquidazione della borghesia che lo ha creato”.

      Impossibile quindi essere antifascisti senza essere anticapitalisti, come riuscì a sentenziare in maniera quasi poetica Bertolt Brecht:

      “Coloro che sono contro il fascismo senza essere contro il capitalismo, che si lamentano della barbarie che proviene dalla barbarie, sono simili a gente che voglia mangiare la sua parte di vitello senza però che il vitello venga scannato. Vogliono mangiare il vitello, ma il sangue non lo vogliono vedere. Per soddisfarli basta che il macellaio si lavi le mani prima di servire la carne in tavola. Non sono contro i rapporti di proprietà che generano la barbarie, ma soltanto contro la barbarie. Alzano la voce contro la barbarie e lo fanno in paesi in cui esistono bensì gli stessi rapporti di proprietà, ma i macellai si lavano ancora le mani prima di servire la carne in tavola.”

      Ma nell’epoca in cui il capitalismo è nella sua fase imperialistica come si può quindi predicare l’unione con i fascisti che dell’imperialismo rappresentano l’agente più terribile? Non val la pena approfondire ulteriormente tale questione posta da settori dell’intellettualità che evidentemente nulla hanno a che spartire con il marxismo.»

      IL ROSSOBRUNISMO COME USCITA DAL CAMPO DEL COMUNISMO

      C’è un confine nella normale dialettica interna al campo comunista. Non si possono accettare pensieri nazionalisti, razzisti o in qualche pur morbida maniera “esclusivisti”. Non si può cioè pensare che i diritti debbano essere riservati eternamente solo ad alcune comunità umane, andando ad escluderne altri per criteri di etnia, religione, lingua, sesso, ecc.

      Ci sono ragioni accettabili per considerare comunista solo chi utilizza e coniuga opportunamente le categorie di patriottismo, internazionalismo, materialismo storico (e dialettico), lotta di classe, imperialismo, ecc.

      Partendo dal patrimonio (per quanto ormai semi-sconosciuto e assai scarsamente condiviso, quantomeno in Italia) del marxismo-leninismo, si può discutere su alcuni questioni tattiche, strategiche e di teoria ancora insolute; queste non sono poche e riguardano anche la dialettica e la concretizzazione dei diritti sociali e civili, oltre che le differenti caratterizzazioni nazionali al socialismo. Su questi temi i comunisti nel resto del mondo (cinesi, cubani, coreani, portoghesi, ecc.) sono molto più avanzati di noi italiani, che scontiamo ancora il retaggio dell’eurocomunismo.

      Tra i temi strategici del dibattito troviamo quelli del potere politico ed economico. Il rossobruno rifiuta la lotta di classe e considera prioritario non l’obiettivo del miglioramento sociale della classe lavoratrice, ma la difesa strategica della sovranità nazionale in un’ottica corporativa e interclassista. In questa ottica non c’è un nesso tra la sovranità nazionale e quella popolare. Si arriva così a elaborare concetti ambigui come «economia di mercato sovrana», in continuità con il mantenimento di un regime borghese. Il rossobruno insomma non propone la presa del potere politico ed economico da parte della classe lavoratrice ma nei casi migliori si limita a proporre una moderna “aristocrazia borghese” illuminata, che non mette in discussione il controllo sociale e politico dei mezzi di produzione dell’attuale classe dominante. Il “welfare state” non è implicito per il rossobruno, così come in generale alcuna forma di regime sociale avanzato. Qualora vi sia tale rivendicazione, essa non cessa di essere ambigua se non accompagnata dalla messa in discussione della struttura imperialista del proprio Paese.

      Ben diverso è il discorso del “socialismo di mercato”, ossia di un regime in cui il potere politico resta saldamente in mano alla classe lavoratrice organizzata dalla sua avanguardia, il partito comunista. Il potere economico viene in questo caso spartito consapevolmente e in spazi più o meno limitati con la borghesia nazionale non come obiettivo strategico, bensì tattico, con lo scopo di sviluppare le forze di produzione, creando ricchezza sociale che, seppur redistribuita in maniera inizialmente diseguale, è una delle condizioni concrete per il futuro passaggio al socialismo.

      Dietro la normale dialettica del dibattito democratico interno al campo marxista-leninista c’è sempre il pericolo del revisionismo, come mostra la crescita di certe correnti reazionarie nei partiti comunisti della seconda metà del ‘900: si pensi all’ala migliorista nel PCI, o alle correnti riformiste e nazionaliste rafforzatesi nel PCUS dagli anni ’70. Tale pericolo è ancora più accentuato oggi, sia per la fase di sbandamento ideologico (soprattutto europeo) conseguente al crollo del muro di Berlino, sia per i rischi insiti nel socialismo di mercato, che come abbiamo visto consentono in forme e modalità variegate il ripristino di alcuni elementi di un’economia capitalistica, con tutte le conseguenze moralmente corruttrici del caso. Il passaggio però non è automatico, ed in ultima istanza è il potere politico che ha l’ultima parola, il che ripropone il tema dell’adeguatezza ideologica del Partito come guida della classe lavoratrice.

      SUI REGIMI NAZIONALISTI DEL “TERZO MONDO”

      Un ulteriore tema di riflessione è dato da uno scambio di battute avuto con Francesco Alarico della Scala, uno dei maggiori esperti italiani della Repubblica Popolare Democratica di Corea, il quale mi ha messo in guardia da una semplificazione nell’uso del termine “nazionalismo”:

      «Nonostante i suoi ovvi limiti di classe, il nazionalismo borghese può svolgere e ha svolto una funzione progressiva nei paesi colonizzati o in genere asserviti all’imperialismo straniero, mentre ha un ruolo completamente reazionario solo nelle metropoli imperialiste.

      Proprio questo è il caso di Hitler e Mussolini, da te citati, che agirono in contesti dove la rivoluzione proletaria era, se non proprio all’ordine del giorno, una concreta possibilità che terrorizzava le classi sfruttatrici, e quindi assolsero non una funzione progressiva (di liberazione nazionale) ma regressiva (di contenimento e repressione della spinta rivoluzionaria delle masse lavoratrici), peraltro favoriti in ciò dal fatto che il movimento comunista dell’epoca non aveva saputo levare per primo la bandiera degli interessi nazionali e unire il destino della nazione alla causa del socialismo – come più volte osservato da Lenin e Stalin e contrariamente a quanto accadde vent’anni dopo.

      In altre realtà (Libia di Gheddafi, Egitto di Nasser, Iraq di Saddam, Siria degli Assad, ecc.) regimi molto diversi ma che comunque si richiamavano ad analoghe dottrine corporativiste hanno dato vita ad esperimenti molto interessanti, di fronte ai quali che fare: preoccuparsi per le deviazioni rossobrune che potrebbero veicolare oppure riconoscere la loro funzione storica positiva e il loro contributo alla diffusione degli ideali socialisti sia pur non rigorosamente marxisti?

      I comunisti coreani sono di questo secondo avviso, e da sempre intrattengono buoni rapporti con alcune forze nazionaliste non solo in patria e nel mondo post-coloniale ma anche in Giappone, in Europa e in America, e per questo incorrono spesso in accuse di “rossobrunismo” o di fascismo vero e proprio. Nondimeno la loro posizione è la più conforme alle tradizioni del movimento comunista mondiale intese in modo non folcloristico e nominale.»

      Al suo intervento stimolante ho risposto nella seguente maniera:

      «Tutte le realtà che possiamo definire “nazionaliste progressive”, quelle che hai citato ne sono esempi, sono alleate del movimento comunista nella lotta contro l’imperialismo internazionale, ma non le considero modelli marxisti-leninisti, seppur varianti nazionali del socialismo rispettabili per i differenti contesti.

      Per quanto riguarda l’Italia credo che la soluzione resti uno sviluppo diverso del marxismo-leninismo, che non apra a tali versioni eclettiche che sono adatte per Paesi molto diversi da noi per cultura, società, economia, ecc.

      È sbagliato comunque ritenerli rossobruni, così come bollare di rossobrunismo i comunisti che collaborino con loro in ambito nazionale o internazionale. Credo però che loro stessi sarebbero d’accordo a non considerarsi parte del movimento comunista internazionale.

      Sono d’accordo con te comunque che i maggiori pericoli ideologici vengano da altri fronti, ma proprio perché il nemico è ancora forte non bisogna dare il minimo argomento ai suoi attacchi, evitando di fare errori (o provocazioni) come quelle dell’ultimo Preve che è arrivato a dare indicazioni di voto per la Le Pen.»

      NON È MEGLIO RIGETTARE IL TERMINE ROSSOBRUNISMO?

      No. La storia [10] ci ha mostrato che le classi reazionarie hanno sempre cercato di infiltrare i movimenti rivoluzionari, talvolta pianificando a tavolino strategie culturali per introdurre elementi revisionisti e degeneratori nel campo culturale proletario. Questo vale chiaramente in particolar modo per il marxismo e il movimento comunista, che sono stati e sono tuttora il nemico principale dell’imperialismo.

      La borghesia dispone infatti dei mezzi politici, economici e mediatici per fomentare ad arte delle “deviazioni” politico-ideologiche, introducendo modelli “riformisti” o “rossobruni”, intendendo per questi ultimi, come abbiamo visto, delle teorie ibride tra socialismo e nazionalismo borghese che costituiscono forme degenerative della teoria rivoluzionaria in grado di confondere larghi strati della classe lavoratrice, sfruttando parole d’ordine e slogan solo apparentemente rivoluzionari. In questa maniera sono riusciti a “sfondare” casi famosi come Mussolini e Hitler, due esempi classici in tal senso, visto l’enorme sostegno che hanno ottenuto dal mondo industriale.

      La categoria di “rossobruno” è quindi valida tutt’oggi? Si. Pur essendo nata in un contesto borghese, essa esprime una posizione politica che per anni è stata respinta, seppur con altri termini, dal movimento comunista internazionale. Oggi resta valida in questa accezione, come arma ideologica a disposizione del movimento operaio, tenendo conto però che nella confusione ideologica in cui versa attualmente il movimento comunista, specie quello italiano, tale categoria è stata fatta propria dai think tank della borghesia liberale per delegittimare paradossalmente soprattutto i comunisti.

      Il che non deve stupire troppo, dato che la borghesia liberale è già riuscita a conquistare la categoria analitica della “sinistra”, bollando i comunisti prima come “estrema sinistra” (anni ’90 e inizio ’00), poi, negli ultimi tempi, di fronte ad alcuni nuovi fermenti teorico-politici che rischiano di incrinare la narrazione del totalitarismo liberale, come “rossobruna”.

      Per queste ragioni credo che in alcuni casi sia utile mantenere la categoria di rossobrunismo, specie laddove ci siano dei casi palesi di revisionismo anticomunista. Occorre insomma sempre mantenere la guardia imparando a muoversi in questo «mondo grande e terribile» (cit. Gramsci).

      NOTE

      [1] A. Scanzi, L’ossessione “rossobruna”: come etichettare il nemico, Ilfattoquotidiano.it, 31 dicembre 2018, disp. su https://infosannio.wordpress.com/2019/01/01/andrea-scanzi-lultimo-insulto-della-sinistra-a-chi-non-vota-be.

      [2] A. Pascale, Risposta alle accuse di Iskrae su Berlinguer e rossobrunismo, Intellettualecollettivo.it, 30 dicembre 2018, disp. su http://intellettualecollettivo.it/risposta-alle-accuse-di-iskrae-su-berlinguer-e-rossobrunismo.

      [3] La nuova edizione, riveduta, ampliata e corretta, è in uscita per le Edizioni Paginauno.

      [4] Un personaggio diventato famoso grazie al bel libro E. Carrère, Limonov, Adelphi, 2012.

      [5] F. Chernov, Il cosmopolitismo borghese e il suo ruolo reazionario, Bol’ševik, n° 5, 15 Marzo 1949, disp. su http://intellettualecollettivo.it/la-lotta-mondiale-contro-limperialismo-cosmopolita.

      [6] V. Giacché, Per una sovranità democratica e popolare. Cioè costituzionale. L’ultimo libro di Alessandro Somma: “Sovranismi”, Marx21.it, 3 gennaio 2019, disp. su https://www.marx21.it/index.php/internazionale/europa/29467-vladimiro-giacche-per-una-sovranita-democratica-e-popolare-cioe-costitu.

      [7] C. Fantuzzi, Fusaro: “Rossobrunismo e Interesse Nazionale: Armi Culturali Contro il Capitalismo mondialista”, Ticinolive.ch, 30 marzo 2017, disp. su http://www.ticinolive.ch/2017/03/30/fusaro-rossobrunismo-interesse-nazionale-armi-culturali-capitalismo-mondi.

      [8] Si veda ad esempio l’intervista al leader di Casapound Di Stefano sul sito dell’associazione culturale di Fusaro: A. Pepa, Di Stefano: “fascismo e antifascismo? Non c’è nessuna guerra civile in atto: è una truffa montata ad arte per distrarci”, Interessenazionale.net, 1 marzo 2018, disp. su https://www.interessenazionale.net/blog/di-stefano-fascismo-e-antifascismo-non-c-nessuna-guerra-civile-a.

      [9] D. Fusaro, Il vero rivoluzionario: idee di sinistra, valori di destra, Diegofusaro.com, 5 giugno 2018, disp. su https://www.diegofusaro.com/idee-sinistra-valori-destra.

      [10] Su questo non posso che rimandare alle ricerche presentate in A. Pascale, In Difesa del Socialismo Reale e del Marxismo-Leninismo, Intellettualecollettivo.it, 15 dicembre 2017, disp. su http://intellettualecollettivo.it/scarica-in-difesa-del-socialismo. Ulteriori elementi sono aggiunti nel volume A. Pascale, Il totalitarismo liberale. Le tecniche imperialiste per l’egemonia culturale, La Città del Sole, Napoli 2019.

      https://www.marx21.it/storia-teoria-e-scienza/marxismo/il-rossobrunismo

    • Rossobruni. Le prospettive dell’unione tra le frange più estreme della nostra politica.

      I l 28 aprile 2017, pochi giorni dopo il primo turno delle elezioni presidenziali francesi, Marine Le Pen ha rotto gli indugi: “Mi rivolgo agli elettori della France Insoumise (il partito di estrema sinistra del candidato Jean-Luc Mélenchon, nda) per dire loro che oggi bisogna fare muro contro Emmanuel Macron: un candidato agli antipodi rispetto a quello che hanno sostenuto al primo turno”. Più che una mossa della disperazione, si è trattata di una mossa logica, seguita a una campagna elettorale che la leader del Front National ha condotto nelle fabbriche, nelle periferie, tra i piccoli agricoltori. E che soprattutto l’ha vista prevalere nel voto operaio, dove ha conquistato il 37% (laddove Mélenchon si è invece fermato al 24%).

      Il tentativo della candidata dell’estrema destra di accreditarsi presso l’estrema sinistra era anche una logica conseguenza delle tante somiglianze, già più volte sottolineate, tra il suo programma e quello di Mélenchon: abrogazione della legge sul lavoro targata Hollande, ritorno dell’età pensionabile a 60 anni, innalzamento del salario minimo (pur se con misure diverse), no alla privatizzazione delle aziende pubbliche, protezionismo fiscale sotto forma di tasse sulle importazioni, rinegoziazione dei trattati europei e uscita dalla NATO.

      Lo sfondamento a sinistra, però, non ha funzionato: secondo l’istituto sondaggistico francese IFOP, solo il 13% degli elettori di Mélenchon ha deciso di votare Le Pen (percentuale comunque degna di nota), mentre la metà esatta si è rassegnata a votare per il liberista Macron (vincitore delle presidenziali) e il 37% si è rifugiato nell’astensionismo. Lo steccato ideologico destra/sinistra – seppur ammaccato – ha retto, facendo naufragare i sogni di gloria di Marine Le Pen e rendendo vani i suoi tentativi, che ormai durano da anni, di definirsi “né di destra né di sinistra” (stessa definizione utilizzata in campagna elettorale da Macron e che si sente spesso anche in Italia, mostrando come la corsa post-ideologica appartenga un po’ a tutti).

      Ma è proprio il fatto che Marine Le Pen abbia avuto la forza di rivolgersi direttamente all’estrema sinistra – senza timore di alienarsi la base elettorale – a dimostrare quanto sia ammaccata la divisione destra/sinistra. D’altra parte, è stato davvero politicamente più coerente che il voto di Mélenchon sia andato in larga parte al liberista Macron (che tra gli operai si è fermato al 16%)? Macron si può davvero considerare un candidato di sinistra? Su alcuni temi – come l’ambientalismo (sul quale si è speso molto) e i diritti civili – la risposta è senz’altro positiva; ma sul piano economico è difficile giudicare di sinistra chi ha in programma un taglio della spesa pubblica di sessanta miliardi di euro l’anno e la riduzione dal 33% al 25% delle imposte sulle società.

      Dal punto di vista economico, la collocazione più naturale di Macron è in quel liberalismo (o neo-liberalismo) al quale possiamo ricondurre buona parte dei candidati moderati che hanno imperversato per l’Europa in questi ultimi anni.

      Il fatto che Marine Le Pen si sia rivolta direttamente all’estrema sinistra – senza timore di alienarsi la base elettorale – dimostra quanto sia ammaccata la divisione destra/sinistra.

      Il campo liberale attraversa aree ben precise della destra e della sinistra ed è, in fin dei conti, quell’area alla quale Silvio Berlusconi (che agli esordi della sua carriera politica proponeva la “rivoluzione liberale”) si è sempre riferito con il termine “moderati”. La provenienza, ovviamente, conta e le differenze restano, ma sono superabili senza eccessivi traumi, come dimostra la pacifica convivenza delle numerose “grandi coalizioni” che negli anni hanno attraversato (notoriamente) Italia, Spagna e Germania, ma anche Austria, Belgio, Finlandia, Grecia, Irlanda e altri ancora. Grandi coalizioni spesso rese necessarie dal rifiuto delle ali estreme dello scacchiere politico di unirsi ai grandi partiti moderati della loro area (diversa, ma non troppo, la tripolare situazione italiana in cui il populista M5S rifiuta ogni apparentamento rendendo di fatto obbligatorie, nel quadro proporzionale, le larghe intese).

      E poco importa che i moderati di destra e di sinistra abbiano ancora le loro differenze: perché se i primi sono più duri su immigrazione e sicurezza, e i secondi (dovrebbero essere) più coraggiosi su diritti civili e ambientalismo, la decennale crisi economica ha concentrato tutta l’attenzione sui temi dell’economia e del lavoro. Così, i liberali di destra e di sinistra hanno avuto gioco facile a unirsi (o addirittura a fondersi, com’è il caso di En Marche di Macron) in nome dell’Europa e del liberismo economico.

      Un’unione di fatto che rende più facile la vittoria politica ma che viene pagata a caro prezzo in termini elettorali: le forze moderate si sono ormai alienate le simpatie delle classi più disagiate e vedono i loro consensi complessivi contrarsi elezione dopo elezione. In Italia, le due uniche formazioni che si possono considerare a tutti gli effetti liberali (Partito Democratico e PDL/Forza Italia) sono passate dai 25,6 milioni di voti complessivi del 2008 ai 15,9 milioni del 2013. Se si votasse oggi (considerando i sondaggi e l’astensione prevista) non andrebbero oltre i 13,7 milioni.

      Situazione non troppo dissimile in Francia: i due grandi partiti (UMP/Les Républicains e PSF) che solo cinque anni fa mettevano assieme venti milioni di voti, oggi sono scesi a 9 milioni. Unendo tutte le forze definibili (con qualche forzatura) come liberali, si scopre che il trio Hollande/Sarkozy/Bayrou, nel primo turno del 2012, aveva conquistato 23,1 milioni di voti; il trio Hamon/Macron/Fillon si ferma a 18 milioni. Tutti voti raccolti dalle ali estreme e “populiste” di Le Pen (quasi un milione e mezzo di voti in più) e di Mélenchon (oltre 3 milioni di voti in più).

      Le forze moderate si sono ormai alienate le simpatie delle classi più disagiate e vedono i loro consensi complessivi contrarsi elezione dopo elezione.

      I due turni di elezioni legislative francesi seguiti alle presidenziali hanno ampiamente sgonfiato il Front National (che ha preso solo il 13% dei voti al primo turno e conquistato otto seggi al secondo), così come la France Insoumise di Mélenchon (meno 8 punti percentuali, nel primo turno, rispetto alle presidenziali) e anche il partito Repubblicano di Fillon (che ha lasciato per strada cinque punti). L’unico a conquistare voti è stato En Marche di Macron (assieme agli alleati MoDem), salito al 32% e in grado di conquistare la maggioranza assoluta.

      Questa inversione di tendenza rispetto alle presidenziali, però, non deve essere fraintesa con un cambiamento sostanziale della dinamica in atto. E non solo perché, per fare un esempio, già nel 2012 il Front National era ampiamente sceso nei consensi nel passaggio tra le presidenziali e le legislative (dal 18% al 13%; il che non gli ha comunque impedito di diventare primo partito nelle seguenti Europee, elezioni fondamentali ai fini del nostro discorso), ma soprattutto perché la struttura stessa delle elezioni francesi è pensata affinché le legislative rafforzino il presidente appena eletto (e quindi in piena luna di miele), aiutandolo a conquistare una salda maggioranza parlamentare che lo aiuti a governare con stabilità (allo stesso modo, non si deve dare eccessivo peso ai risultati delle recenti amministrative italiane: elezioni in cui i temi fondamentali di oggi – Europa, immigrazione e politiche del lavoro – hanno un peso secondario se non irrilevante, rispetto a questioni di pubblica amministrazione locale, e in cui è quindi possibile riproporre con successo i vecchi schemi).

      I dati del primo turno delle presidenziali francesi (quelli che meno subiscono distorsioni), confermano quanto visto (pur nelle sue particolarità) anche nel referendum costituzionale italiano e (in maniera più controversa) nel referendum sulla Brexit: i partiti liberali sono ormai appannaggio degli “ottimisti”, di chi guadagna mediamente bene o comunque è soddisfatto della propria posizione sociale o delle prospettive che vede davanti a sé. Ma dieci anni di crisi economica hanno ingrossato enormemente le fila dei pessimisti e degli arrabbiati che, anno dopo anno, stanno ampliando gli spazi elettorali dei partiti populisti, di destra o sinistra che siano.

      Stando così le cose, non è per niente stupefacente che Marine Le Pen si rivolga agli elettori di estrema sinistra: il nemico non è più nel campo opposto, ma al centro. L’avversario non è la sinistra radicale, ma il liberalismo; la frattura politica fondamentale oggi è l’Europa governata dall’establishment. Per Marine Le Pen, “il nemico del mio nemico è mio alleato”. Tanto più se, lungo la strada, si scopre che ci sono anche parecchi aspetti che uniscono le due estremità: l’anti-atlantismo e l’anti-capitalismo (da sempre), e poi l’importanza della sovranità nazionale (riscoperta da parte della sinistra), la contrarietà all’euro e anche il problema dell’immigrazione (visto da sinistra, in chiave marxista, come “esercito industriale di riserva” del grande capitale); tutto condito da una consistente spruzzata di complottismo.

      Le due estremità sono unite da diversi aspetti: l’anti-atlantismo e l’anti-capitalismo, la contrarietà all’euro, l’importanza della sovranità nazionale e il problema dell’immigrazione.

      Tra i vari punti di contatto tra destra e sinistra populiste, il più interessante è quello della sovranità nazionale. Quando e perché la sinistra radicale, da sempre legata a concetti internazionalisti, ha riscoperto il valore della nazione? “Che la sovranità dello stato-nazione sia precondizione (…) del proprio stesso essere cittadini appartenenti a una comunità politica capace di decidere per il proprio futuro e per gli assetti e le strutture economico-sociali che si vogliono prevalenti, è cosa così ovvia che non dovrebbe neanche essere detta”, si legge sul sito Comunismo e Comunità. “Che la sinistra italiana sia stata fagocitata dall’ideologia ‘globalista’ e ‘unioneuropeista’ da ormai più di vent’anni, scambiando forse l’internazionalismo con la globalizzazione capitalistica e la tecnocrazia sovranazionale, è una tragedia storica i cui frutti si sono ampiamente manifestati da tempo”.

      Sulla questione della sovranità nazionale si sofferma anche un comunista duro e puro come Marco Rizzo: “Siamo assolutamente contrari all’Europa unita. Molti dicono che bisogna riformare questa Europa, che bisogna creare un’unione politica e non solo economica, ma noi pensiamo che l’Unione non sia riformabile, perché frutto di un progetto preciso che risponde agli interessi del Grande Capitale. Mettiamocelo in testa, questa è l’Europa delle grandi banche, dei grandi capitali e non sarà mai l’Europa dei popoli”. In chiusura, come salta all’occhio, Rizzo utilizza le stesse identiche parole sentite più volte da Matteo Salvini o Giorgia Meloni.

      Ovviamente, riviste online come Comunismo e Comunità o personaggi politici come Marco Rizzo sono dei punti di riferimento ascoltati solo da una sparuta minoranza di elettorato, insignificante dal punto di vista numerico. Eppure, discorsi simili sulla sovranità si possono sentire da figure più mainstream come Stefano Fassina, ex PD (oggi Sinistra Italiana) e soprattutto ex viceministro dell’Economia. Sostenitore a corrente alternata dell’uscita dall’euro, il deputato ha dichiarato in una lettera al Corriere che gli ostacoli insuperabili della moneta unica e dell’unione vanno ricercati nei “caratteri profondi, morali e culturali dei popoli europei e gli interessi nazionali degli Stati”.

      Se per la sinistra alternativa le radici dell’anti-europeismo vanno cercate nella sovranità popolare, come opposizione alla “tecnocrazia sovranazionale”; per la destra radicale, le ragioni per recuperare la sovranità perduta trovano nell’identità nazionale parte integrante del suo DNA. La cosa più importante, però, è che la ricetta è la stessa: uscire dall’euro e recuperare il controllo monetario. E così, oltre al comune nemico del liberalismo e del capitalismo, a unire le categorie alternative della politica europea troviamo anche uno degli aspetti più importanti dei nostri giorni: il rifiuto della moneta unica e del progetto europeo tout court.

      Con l’avvento di una generazione meno legata ai vecchi schemi ideologici, il superamento della dicotomia destra/sinistra potrebbe portare alla nascita di movimenti capaci di sintetizzare forze politiche oggi opposte.

      Ovviamente, sottolineare i punti di contatto non significa in alcun modo ritenere che estrema destra ed estrema sinistra siano uguali, ma solo che le tendenze storiche e politiche della nostra epoca, il graduale superamento della dicotomia destra/sinistra in direzione europeismo/populismo, l’avvicinamento delle forze liberali e moderate di destra e di sinistra potrebbero, con l’avvento di una nuova generazione meno legata ai vecchi schemi ideologici, portare alla nascita di movimenti in grado di fare una sintesi di forze politiche che oggi sono obbligate a guardarsi in cagnesco.

      “La convergenza al centro contro i populismi non può durare in eterno”, scrivono su Internazionale i ricercatori Marta Fana e Lorenzo Zamponi. Non è detto: potrebbe durare in eterno se i populismi di destra e di sinistra si uniranno a loro volta in ottica anti-liberale, dando ufficialmente forma a ciò che finora è rimasto più che altro un vagheggiamento limitato alle zone più estreme della politica europea (ma non in Italia, come vedremo più avanti): il rossobrunismo.

      D’altra parte, perché mai le due ali estreme dovrebbero continuare a restare separate, consegnandosi a inevitabile sconfitta? Il rossobrunismo, allora, si configurerebbe come la necessità di fare blocco contro la fusione delle forze liberali (Macron, in questo, è davvero un precursore). Le richieste di un “populismo di sinistra” da una parte e dall’altra di una “destra che deve diventare sempre più di sinistra” (come ebbe a dire l’ex Alleanza Nazionale Roberta Angelilli, in gioventù vicina a Terza Posizione), potrebbero (il condizionale è d’obbligo) sfociare tra qualche tempo nel proliferare di forze unitarie anti-establishment che, lungi dal definirsi rossobrune, potrebbe però attingere indifferentemente agli elettorati che oggi si rivolgono all’estrema destra e all’estrema sinistra.

      L’alternativa, comunque, esiste, ed è oggi incarnata dalla politica britannica che – dopo una lunga parentesi liberale (incarnata, in tempi recenti dalla segreteria del Labour di David Milliband e da David Cameron alla guida dei conservatori) – è tornata su posizioni più tradizionali, dando il partito laburista in mano a Jeremy Corbyn e il partito conservatore in mano alla securitaria Theresa May. Un ritorno all’antico che ha immediatamente cancellato l’UKIP (orfano di Nigel Farage), i cui elettori, stando a quanto scrive il Guardian, si sono rivolti in massa ai laburisti rossi di Corbyn.

      La lezione britannica – che potrebbe far riflettere profondamente chi continua a ritenere valido il mantra del “si vince al centro” – non è l’unico ostacolo che deve fronteggiare il rossobrunismo, una definizione che viene solitamente considerata come un insulto. Lo dimostra il fatto che tutte le figure ritenute appartenenti a questa galassia (da Stefano Fassina ad Alberto Bagnai, da Giulietto Chiesa allo scomparso Costanzo Preve e tanti altri ancora) rifiutano sdegnosamente l’etichetta.

      Perché le due ali estreme dovrebbero continuare a restare separate, consegnandosi alla sconfitta? Il rossobrunismo si configurerebbe come la necessità di fare blocco contro la fusione delle forze liberali.

      Esiste una sola eccezione: Diego Fusaro. Per quanto si tratti di un personaggio spesso criticato (se non sdegnato) da larga parte del mondo intellettuale italiano, può essere interessante vedere come lui stesso – ormai diventato, di fatto, il volto pubblico del rossobrunismo – inquadri il problema: “Rossobruno è chiunque – consapevole che l’antagonismo odierno si basi sulla verticale contrapposizione tra servi e signori e non su vane divisioni orizzontali – oggi rigetti destra e sinistra”, ha spiegato in un’intervista. “Oggi chiunque propugni un’economia di mercato sovrana, viene automaticamente chiamato rossobruno. (…) Rossobruno è colui che critica il capitale, che vuole una riorganizzazione in termini di sovranità e si pone in contrasto al capitalismo”.

      Non è una storia nuova, anzi: basti rievocare le origini di sinistra del primo fascismo italiano, la composizione ricca di ex socialisti ed ex comunisti delle SA tedesche o le idee del sovietico Karl Radek, secondo il quale era necessaria un’unione dei comunisti con i nazisti in funzione “anti-pace di Versailles” (ma ci sarebbero tantissime altre personalità “rossobrune ante litteram” da scovare nei primi decenni del Ventesimo secolo). I veri precursori del rossobrunismo, però, possono essere identificati in quei gruppi extraparlamentari che all’epoca della contestazione venivano etichettati come nazimaoisti – oggi passano sotto il nome di comunitaristi – e che sono il vettore principale attraverso il quale nei movimenti di estrema destra come Forza Nuova o CasaPound è entrata la spiccata attenzione per le questioni sociali. “Oggi, scomparso il problema politico del socialismo, questi si sono confusi con la retorica anti-globalizzazione”, si legge sul sito antagonista di sinistra Militant. “Hanno iniziato a usare linguaggi a noi affini e a dotarsi di una simbologia para-socialista che li rende facilmente fraintendibili”.

      Abbiamo quindi una sinistra che accoglie elementi di destra (sovranismo e critica nei confronti dell’immigrazione) e una destra che sposa battaglie di sinistra (l’attenzione al sociale e anche l’ambientalismo, come dimostra la fascinazione nei confronti della “decrescita felice” di Serge Latouche). A questi aspetti possiamo unire alcune radici storiche comuni e soprattutto la convergenza al centro del comune nemico (le forze liberali) che potrebbe costringerli a un’unione futura.

      E allora, perché tutto ciò non avviene? Perché la Le Pen riesce a sfondare tra gli operai (così come fa Salvini) ma non è in grado di raccogliere i voti di chi si considera di sinistra? Probabilmente, perché lo steccato ideologico destra/sinistra non può essere superato, per definizione, da forze che hanno le loro radici antiche proprio in questa divisione.

      Una vera forza anti-liberale capace di raccogliere voti da entrambi i lati degli schieramenti (contribuendo al consolidamento della nuova frattura establishment/populismo) e fare così concorrenza all’unione delle forze liberali (divise da steccati più facilmente aggirabili) può sorgere solo in chiave post-ideologica. In questo senso, è un’impresa che non può riuscire al Front National come non può riuscire a Syriza, forze troppo legate alla tradizione. Può però riuscire, e infatti sta riuscendo, a un partito nato già post-ideologico come il Movimento 5 Stelle.

      Una vera forza anti-liberale capace di raccogliere voti da entrambi i lati degli schieramenti può sorgere solo in chiave post-ideologica.

      Il movimento fondato da Beppe Grillo potrebbe cadere vittima delle sue enormi e vaste contraddizioni – e anche, come si è intravisto nelle ultime amministrative, di una classe politica spesso non all’altezza – ma oggi come oggi conserva un enorme vantaggio su tutti gli altri: è l’unica vera forza populista e anti-liberale non più definibile con le vecchie categorie, ma già definibile con le nuove. Una forza capace di unire temi sociali, ambientalismo, durezza nei confronti dell’immigrazione (fino a opporsi, di fatto, alla legge sullo ius soli), critica all’establishment e ai poteri forti, derive complottiste, ritorno alla lira e pure una certa fascinazione geopolitica per l’uomo forte Vladimir Putin (aspetto che farebbe la gioia del rossobruno nazional-bolscevico Aleksandr Dugin, teorico dell’euroasianesimo).

      Se le forze rossobrune “vere” (come i comunitaristi) sono confinate nelle nicchie più nascoste della politica italiana; se chi propugna il superamento della destra e della sinistra deve costantemente fare i conti con il passato (come Marine Le Pen e, in parte, la Lega Nord), ecco che l’unione dell’elettorato di destra e di sinistra radicale in nome del populismo e della rabbia nei confronti dei liberali, legati inestricabilmente ai poteri forti, può riuscire a chi, come il M5S, non deve scontare un passato ideologico e può contare su una percentuale elevatissima (42%) di elettori che si considerano “esterni” alle vecchie categorie politiche.

      E allora, chiariamo una cosa: utilizzare l’etichetta “rossobrunismo” è utile perché fa subito capire di che cosa si sta parlando; allo stesso tempo, però, non si può fare riferimento ai vecchi steccati ideologici per individuare il futuro della politica alternativa. Il rossobrunismo è ancorato fin dal nome a categorie che stiamo consegnando alla storia. È improbabile la nascita di un partito che includa Stefano Fassina e Giorgia Meloni, o Marine Le Pen e Jean-Luc Mélenchon, insieme in nome di ciò che li unisce e al netto di ciò che li divide. L’unione in chiave post-ideologica delle ali estreme dell’elettorato potrebbe però diventare realtà grazie a movimenti populisti post-ideologici che mettano in primo piano quegli stessi aspetti che accomunano la destra radicale e la sinistra alternativa, senza minimamente doversi curare del retaggio storico-politico.

      Il Movimento 5 Stelle è la prima forza di questo tipo, capace di unire il populismo di destra e di sinistra e di dimostrare quali siano le potenzialità elettorali di un progetto simile. Per questa ragione è assurdo il dibattito sul “M5S di destra e di sinistra”. Il Movimento 5 Stelle è oltre le vecchie categorie ed è già legato alle nuove, trovandosi così in posizione di netto vantaggio sulle vecchie forze radicali. Chiamarlo rossobrunismo può essere comodo, ma è un termine che lega al passato ciò che invece guarda al futuro.

      https://www.iltascabile.com/societa/rossobruni

  • La professeure Lieutenant-Duval soutient qu’elle ignorait le caractère délicat du mot en n Boris Proulx et Étienne Lajoie - Le Devoir
    https://www.ledevoir.com/societe/751533/la-professeure-lieutenant-duval-plaide-qu-elle-ignorait-la-sensibilite-du-

    Faute de suivre l’actualité, la chargée de cours Verushka Lieutenant-Duval n’était pas au courant du caractère délicat du mot en n avant de le mentionner en classe en septembre 2020, dit-elle. L’Université d’Ottawa l’a ensuite prestement suspendue sans prendre la peine de visionner l’enregistrement de la discussion.

    « J’étais concentrée sur mon objet d’étude. Je n’écoute pas la télévision. J’écoute la radio, mais je ne suis pas les réseaux sociaux. Je n’ai pas d’enfant, donc je ne suis pas trop au courant de ce qui se passe chez les jeunes. […] Je suis dans un milieu fermé, dans ma petite bulle », s’est défendue Mme Lieutenant-Duval mercredi.


    Archives iStockphoto Des étudiants sur le campus de l’Université d’Ottawa

    Elle comparaissait lors d’une séance publique d’arbitrage organisée dans le sous-sol d’un hôtel de la capitale fédérale. Les six journalistes présents à la séance étaient tous francophones.

    La professeure à temps partiel — il s’agit du titre donné aux chargés de cours en Ontario — a déposé deux griefs contre l’Université d’Ottawa en raison des commentaires formulés par l’établissement et la suspension qu’on lui a imposée.

    « Je suis sincère quand je dis ça, je ne savais pas », a-t-elle répété, soulignant que son milieu, en français, « n’avait pas l’habitude de censurer certains mots ».

    La chargée de cours et étudiante au doctorat de 45 ans a notamment raconté son parcours universitaire sans faute, où elle a cumulé les succès jusqu’à ce qu’elle prononce en entier — et en anglais — le mot en n, qui, en rendant certains étudiants mal à l’aise et en provoquant un scandale, compromet maintenant son rêve de décrocher un véritable poste de professeure d’université.

    Les événements se sont rapidement bousculés entre cette première déclamation du mot honni, lors du deuxième cours de la session d’automne 2020 sur la plateforme Zoom, le 23 septembre, et sa suspension avec solde le 2 octobre. Entre-temps, la professeure avait envoyé un courriel d’excuses à une étudiante choquée par ses propos et avait suggéré d’avoir une discussion approfondie concernant l’utilisation du mot lors du cours suivant, le 30 septembre.

    Critiquée sans avoir fourni sa version des faits  
    Au moment de la suspension, une seule plainte officielle avait été déposée par une étudiante, en plus d’une dénonciation sur Twitter par une autre. La professeure a été critiquée pour avoir dit que d’autres professeurs blancs faisaient usage du mot.

    Cette défense a choqué au moins 6 étudiants sur les 47 inscrits au cours, dont les deux premières dénonciatrices. Ils ont cosigné une déclaration à la faculté selon laquelle ils se sentaient « inconfortables » et « en danger » en cas de retour en classe de Mme Lieutenant-Duval après sa suspension.

    Bien que la discussion du 30 septembre sur Zoom fût enregistrée, l’Université d’Ottawa n’a jamais cru bon faire la demande des fichiers vidéo pour les examiner avant dimanche dernier. L’enregistrement, diffusé lors de l’audience publique d’arbitrage, témoigne d’un débat d’idées bref et poli sur la question de la pertinence de l’utilisation du mot en n dans un contexte pédagogique.

    Après la publication d’un article sur l’affaire dans le journal étudiant anglophone de l’Université d’Ottawa, cette dernière a publiquement dénoncé le choix de mots de Mme Lieutenant-Duval, le qualifiant de « langage offensant et complètement inacceptable dans nos salles de classe et sur le campus », et ce, avant même d’avoir obtenu sa version des faits.

    « Je n’en crois pas mes yeux, j’ai l’impression d’être dans un cauchemar, je n’ai pas l’impression d’être au Canada. […] Encore aujourd’hui, je n’arrive pas à comprendre pourquoi on ne m’a pas, au minimum, appelée pour me demander [ce qui s’est passé] », a indiqué la professeure.

    Avant même le début de la session universitaire, Verushka Lieutenant-Duval avait écrit dans son plan de cours que des sujets délicats allaient être abordés en classe, a-t-elle raconté mercredi.
     
    Elle avait invité ses étudiants à s’exprimer en cas de malaise, et avait même annulé la première séance pour permettre à ses étudiants de participer à une manifestation de Black Lives Matters qui tombait ce jour-là.

    Elle a détaillé devant l’arbitre Michelle Flaherty et les avocats de l’Université d’Ottawa comment, dans un cours sur le sujet de la représentation du genre dans les arts visuels, elle a voulu expliquer la réappropriation de certains mots, comme « queer ». Elle dit avoir fait la comparaison avec le mot en n, comme l’avait fait un chercheur dont elle a demandé de taire le nom « parce qu’il n’a pas encore été victime de la culture de l’annulation ».

    « Rectifier les faits »
    Il s’agissait de la deuxième journée de plaidoirie dans le dossier. Lundi, l’Université a maintenu qu’elle n’avait pas porté atteinte à la liberté universitaire.

    Deux griefs ont été déposés par la professeure Lieutenant-Duval. Dans le premier, elle soutient avoir été condamnée par l’établissement postsecondaire de façon prématurée, sans qu’une enquête soit faite. Le second porte sur des commentaires faits par l’établissement et son recteur, Jacques Frémont.

    L’objectif de ses démarches est d’obtenir une compensation financière pour « les souffrances » qu’elle a subies, en plus d’une « rectification des faits » qui lui permettrait de continuer sa carrière universitaire.

    D’après Luc Angers, le vice-président de la mobilisation des membres de l’Association des professeurs et professeures à temps partiel de l’Université d’Ottawa (APTPUO), les griefs ont une « importance capitale ».

    Tant devant le comité d’arbitrage que par voie de communiqué en novembre 2020, l’Université soutient que Verushka Lieutenant-Duval, qui est actuellement chargée de cours à l’UQAM et à l’Université de Sherbrooke, « n’a jamais été suspendue à des fins disciplinaires » et qu’elle avait plutôt été suspendue de manière administrative, avec salaire, pendant une journée ouvrable.

    « L’Université d’Ottawa a été en mesure d’envoyer un communiqué de presse au journal étudiant, de répondre aux courriels des étudiants condamnant la professeure en question avant même de lui avoir parlé. Après, l’Université a laissé croire qu’elle avait contribué à la tempête médiatique », a dénoncé l’avocat de l’APTPUO, Wassim Garzouzi, qui représente Mme Lieutenant-Duval.

    Les événements entourant la suspension de la professeure — en plus des commentaires sur les réseaux sociaux de son collègue Amir Attaran — ont mené à la formation en avril 2021 d’un comité sur la liberté universitaire à l’Université d’Ottawa. Dans un rapport d’une quarantaine de pages déposé en novembre dernier, le comité avait déclaré ne pas être favorable « à la censure institutionnelle ni à l’autocensure quand elle est susceptible de compromettre la diffusion des savoirs ».

    Les parties devraient être de retour devant l’arbitre au plus tard le 1er décembre.

    #violences et #débilité dans les #universités du #canada à #ottawa #censure #autocensure #savoirs #harcèlement #chasse_aux_sorcières pseudo #antiracisme #art_négre #réseaux_sociaux

    • Pour se re faire une virginité suite aux massacres des peuples autochtones qu’elle n’a jamais vu, l’université canadienne va réhabiliter les bûchers, de préférence pour les femmes, en cas d’utilisation du mot « nègre » , le mot en N. interdit.

    • Des professeurs de l’Université Laval dénoncent des « abus » des comités d’éthique Anne-Marie Provost
      - Le Devoir

      https://www.ledevoir.com/societe/education/753498/universite-laval-des-professeurs-denoncent-des-abus-des-comites-d-ethique

      Des dizaines de professeurs de l’Université Laval (UL) affirment être victimes de restrictions abusives de la part des Comités d’éthique de la recherche de l’Université Laval (CERUL). Ils dénoncent devoir attendre très longtemps avant d’avoir le feu vert pour mener leurs projets de recherche, et estiment que l’approche « rigide et tatillonne » nuit aux possibilités de découverte, à l’avancement des connaissances, à la créativité et à la liberté universitaire.

      « Le désarroi des collègues, il est criant, laisse tomber Madeleine Pastinelli, responsable du dossier au Syndicat des professeurs et professeures de l’Université Laval (SPUL). Les comités iraient plus loin que ce que les règles demandent, et tout ce qui est original comme approche serait susceptible de coincer lors de l’évaluation éthique. »

      Le syndicat, qui représente près de 1300 professeurs, a mené une consultation récemment sur le sujet après avoir noté une hausse des plaintes dans les deux dernières années. Plus de 50 professeurs et directeurs de centres de recherche et de départements ont décrit de façon détaillée les embûches qu’ils vivent, dans un rapport qui fait état d’une situation « particulièrement alarmante et problématique ».

      Les professeurs et les étudiants des cycles supérieurs doivent déposer une demande à un CERUL quand leur recherche implique, par exemple, des sorties sur le terrain, la tenue d’entrevues ou l’utilisation d’animaux. Ces comités évaluent la méthodologie et appliquent les lois et cadres réglementaires en matière d’éthique, dans le but que soit atteint un équilibre entre les avantages de la recherche et la protection des participants.

      « Ce qui se dégage des témoignages, c’est que les comités éthiques semblent particulièrement tatillons et rigides, détaille Madeleine Pastinelli. Comme s’ils étaient dans une démarche qui visait uniquement à mettre l’université à l’abri de toute procédure. » Certains renoncent à des approches « qui sont pourtant reconnues comme scientifiquement valables, pertinentes, importantes et tout à fait acceptables sur le plan éthique ».

      Dans le rapport, une chercheuse rapporte avoir vu son projet de recherche bloqué parce qu’il comportait « des éléments qui pourraient causer des réactions politiques et pourraient nuire à l’image de l’Université Laval ». Presque tous ceux qui ont témoigné ont demandé l’anonymat, de peur que leurs confidences nuisent à leurs projets de recherche ainsi qu’à ceux de leurs étudiants.

      Denis Jeffrey, professeur titulaire et directeur du Centre de recherche interuniversitaire sur la formation et la profession enseignante, a été le seul à accepter de témoigner à visage découvert au Devoir . Il rencontre des problèmes pour la recherche sur le terrain, a-t-il expliqué dans un échange de courriels alors qu’il se trouvait à l’extérieur du pays.

      « On leur demande [aux comités] de jouer le jeu de douaniers scrupuleux. Et plusieurs jouent ce rôle sans distance critique », dénonce-t-il. Au point où il oriente ses étudiants vers des recherches sans terrain.

      Le fédéral interpellé
      Le SPUL a envoyé une lettre fin août aux présidents des trois conseils subventionnaires du gouvernement fédéral, responsables de l’Énoncé de politique qui balise le travail des comités d’éthique des universités, ainsi qu’aux directions des Fonds de recherche du Québec (FRQ).

      « Ce qu’on espère, c’est qu’ils interviennent en faisant un rappel à l’ordre », souligne Madeleine Pastinelli.

      Contactés par Le Devoir , les FRQ ont indiqué ne pas avoir de commentaires à faire, mais suivre le dossier de près. Les organismes fédéraux répondront quant à eux au syndicat dans les prochaines semaines.

      De son côté, une porte-parole a indiqué que l’UL était ouverte « au dialogue avec toutes les parties prenantes » et qu’elle accordait au rapport « toute l’attention nécessaire ». Les membres des comités « disposent des formations nécessaires au bon exercice de leurs fonctions », souligne Andrée-Anne Stewart.

      Elle rappelle que les CERUL sont dirigés par des professeurs actifs en recherche, et que plusieurs autres participent aux comités en tant que membres scientifiques.
       
      « L’application des règles éthiques est donc en grande partie entre les mains de professeurs, qui sont appuyés dans leurs tâches par un personnel administratif compétent et professionnel », dit-elle.

      #restrictions #éthique #conformisme #contrôle #Recherche #contrôle des #chercheurs et des #chercheuses #Quebec #censure

  • Civil disobedience by scientists helps press for urgent climate action

    Time is short to secure a liveable and sustainable future; yet, inaction from governments, industry and civil society is setting the course for 3.2 °C of warming, with all the cascading and catastrophic consequences that this implies. In this context, when does civil disobedience by scientists become justified?

    https://www.nature.com/articles/s41558-022-01461-y

    #désobéissance_civile #science #climat #changement_climatique #chercheurs #neutralité (une critique à - ) #objectivité

  • #Chester_Himes : de Harlem à Paris
    https://www.partage-noir.fr/chester-himes-de-harlem-a-paris

    A sa disparition au début des années quatre-vingts, Himes laisse derrière lui une œuvre riche. Ses portraits de Noirs, confrontés à l’Amérique blanche, ne sont pas manichéens. Pour ceux qui ont de l’odorat, voici l’occasion de retrouver l’originalité d’une pensée noire et aussi la preuve de l’absurdité du racisme. #Soleil_Noir_n°7_-_Décembre_1991

    / Chester Himes, Soleil Noir (fanzine), [Source : La Fanzinothèque]

    #Soleil_Noir_fanzine_ #[Source :_La_Fanzinothèque]
    https://www.partage-noir.fr/IMG/pdf/soleil_noir_no7_-_decembre_1991.pdf

  • #Trains supprimés faute de conducteurs : la #SNCF cherche à pourvoir 1 200 postes

    Un document interne à l’entreprise pointe un manque de 10% des effectifs pour assurer les #liaisons_ferroviaires sur le territoire français. Ainsi, 19 #RER C seront supprimés chaque jour à compter du 1er septembre.

    Recherche désespérément des candidats pour la conduite de trains et de RER. Ce pourrait être l’annonce diffusée sur tous les panneaux de la SNCF à la rentrée. Alors qu’il n’y a jamais eu autant d’usagers dans les trains cet été (23 millions, selon le Parisien), il n’y a plus suffisamment de #conducteurs pour assurer toutes les liaisons ferroviaires. La #pénurie – annoncée depuis des mois par les syndicats – est nationale. Selon nos informations, il manquerait aujourd’hui 1 200 #agents_de_conduite.

    Ce chiffre figure dans un relevé de conclusions rédigé à l’issue d’une réunion entre direction et syndicats tenue au siège social de l’entreprise le 17 août. Interrogée par Libération, la direction de la SNCF ne dément pas le nombre de conducteurs manquants évoqués lors de la réunion du 17 août, mais indique « ne pas être en mesure de fournir un chiffre précis pour l’heure ». L’entreprise ferroviaire paie à la fois son manque d’#attractivité pour des postes peu rémunérés et assortis de nombreuses contraintes : horaires décalés, pannes de matériel. Il semble également que les #démissions de #cheminots en poste, mais aussi les #abandons en cours de formation, soient en augmentation significative.

    Réunion lunaire

    Les répercussions sont, elles, bien concrètes. En région parisienne, par exemple, à compter du 1er septembre, les usagers du RER C seront ainsi ravis de découvrir que 19 trains par jour sont supprimés « les jours ouvrables », faute de personnel. Les week-ends, les « allègements de train ne seront pas systématiques »… en dehors des journées balisées pour les travaux. Le chiffre a été communiqué lors d’une réunion organisée par l’organisme régional en charge des transports, #Ile-de-France_Mobilités, la semaine dernière, en présence de la Fédération nationale des associations d’usagers des transports (Fnaut) Ile-de-France.

    Marc Pélissier, son président, est dépité, mais pas vraiment surpris : « On voyait bien cet été que quelque chose ne tournait pas rond. Le manque d’effectif était masqué par les travaux, mais cela n’expliquait pas les trains supprimés sur les autres tronçons. » Il raconte cette réunion la semaine dernière, un peu lunaire, où les échanges portaient sur le choix des tronçons à pénaliser : entre Pontoise et Paris ? Entre Versailles-Château et Champ-de-Mars ? Les bouts de ligne, forcément, vont trinquer. Et les trains aux heures creuses vont devenir encore plus rares, « un train chaque heure à Dourdan », soupire Marc Pélissier.

    Partie pour durer

    Au-delà du non-sens de réduire l’#offre_de_transport_collectif dans la crise climatique actuelle, Marc Pélissier est très inquiet des répercussions sociales. A commencer pour les employés qui n’ont pas la possibilité de télétravailler, et ceux, nombreux, obligés de circuler en heure creuse. Interrogée, Ile-de-France Mobilités confirme. La SNCF insiste, elle, sur ce pourcentage : seuls 1% des 500 000 voyageurs par jour du RER C sont concernés. Soit 5 000 personnes tout de même. La ligne C est pour l’instant la seule touchée dans la région. Mais la situation est partie pour durer au moins jusqu’à la fin de l’année, selon les informations communiquées à la Fnaut lors de la réunion. « Malgré cette situation, SNCF-Transilien s’est fixé pour 2022 un objectif de 600 recrutements, notamment 200 conductrices et conducteurs de train et de tram-train et 150 agents de services en gare. »

    Dans d’autres régions, aussi, le manque de personnel est déjà une réalité. Le conseil régional Rhône-Alpes-Auvergne confirme le retrait de 47 trains express régionaux (#TER) chaque jour jusqu’au 15 août. Résultat de cette pénurie, trois régions, les Hauts-de-France, le Grand-Est et l’Auvergne-Rhône-Alpes ont suspendu partiellement ou totalement leurs paiements à la SNCF et l’Ile-de-France compte exiger des #pénalités_financières. La pénurie se fait également ressentir dans d’autres services. Il manquerait 300 agents pour la maintenance des TGV, particulièrement sollicités en cette période de vacances.

    https://www.liberation.fr/societe/trains-supprimes-faute-de-conducteurs-la-sncf-en-quete-de-1-200-postes-20
    #suppression #travail #conditions_de_travail #France #transport_public #it_has_begun (mais depuis longtemps hélas...) #effectifs #personnel

  • Le #Niger provoque la #pluie pour éloigner le spectre de la #sécheresse
    https://www.voaafrique.com/a/le-niger-provoque-la-pluie-pour-%C3%A9loigner-le-spectre-de-la-s%C3%A9cheresse/6716650.html

    Cette technologie de « pluies provoquées » consiste, à l’aide d’un avion, à introduire dans les nuages des produits chimiques, notamment un mélange d’argent, de sodium et d’acétone.

    #climat

  • Serrons le frein
    http://carfree.fr/index.php/2022/08/26/serrons-le-frein

    On ne saurait assister avec indifférence aux accidents terribles et répétés d’automobiles dont nous sommes à chaque instant témoins. Vendredi 17 août, deux voitures s’abordent aux environs d’Auberville, petite commune Lire la suite...

    #Fin_de_l'automobile #Insécurité_routière #accident #automobilisme #chambery #cherbourg #histoire #industrie #lyon #mortalité #paris #sécurité_routière #vitesse

  • Allemagne : coup de sifflet pour la première flotte de trains à hydrogène au monde
    https://www.connaissancedesenergies.org/afp/allemagne-coup-de-sifflet-pour-la-premiere-flotte-de-trains

    AFP parue le 24 août 2022 - 06h46

    L’Allemagne inaugure mercredi une ligne ferroviaire fonctionnant entièrement à l’hydrogène, une « première mondiale » et une avancée majeure pour la décarbonation du rail, malgré les défis d’approvisionnement posés par cette technologie innovante.

    Une flotte de quatorze trains, fournis par le français Alstom à la région de Basse-Saxe (nord), va remplacer les actuelles locomotives diesel (...)

  • Activision Blizzard accused of employee surveillance in new complaint
    https://www.gamedeveloper.com/business/activision-blizzard-accused-of-illegal-surveillance-in-new-nlrb-compl

    A new worker complaint to the National Labor Relations Board (NLRB) alleges that Activision Blizzard has been illegally surveilling its employees. […]

    In response to accusations of illegal surveillance, an Activision Blizzard spokesperson said that “Recent employee walkouts have frequently been attended by reporters seeking comment from not only the participants but the company itself. We routinely have PR staff on-site, at a respectful distance from employees on strike, to assist media.”

    #jeu_vidéo #jeux_vidéo #activision_blizzard #ressources_humaines #plainte #national_labor_relations_board #nlrb #surveillance #orange_county_labor_federation #game_workers_of_southern_california #communication_workers_of_america #cwa #syndicalisme #nintendo_of_america #jeu_vidéo_call_of_duty #jeu_vidéo_fortnite #epic_games #apple #cher_scarlett #jeu_vidéo_diablo_iv

  • Bienvenue chez #Frange_Radicale, #salon_de_coiffure sans prix genrés et sans patron

    Ouvert après le deuxième confinement, l’établissement parisien Frange Radicale propose une alternative aux salons de coiffure traditionnels. Rencontre.

    Depuis l’ouverture du salon en décembre 2020, les fauteuils de Frange Radicale ne désemplissent pas.

    Pas évident pourtant de distinguer l’entrée du salon quand on passe par la rue Carducci, nichée dans le 19e arrondisssement de #Paris, à quelques minutes des Buttes Chaumont. Il faut connaitre l’adresse pour savoir que derrière les bosquets se cache un salon de coiffure. Ou plutôt une « coopérative de coiffure », comme il est écrit en rose au-dessus de la baie vitrée.

    Le salon de coiffure attire les gens du quartier, mais une bonne partie de sa clientèle passe aussi l’entrée parce que Frange Radicale n’est pas un salon tout à fait comme les autres.

    On y coupe les cheveux certes, mais à des tarifs abordables et non genrés, et surtout, on y fait en sorte que vous vous y sentiez bien, même quand vous avez fui les salons des années durant, échaudées par l’ambiance normative parfois pesante qui y règnent.

    Se lancer en pleine pandémie

    Chez Frange Radicale, la déco est épurée, les plantes vertes nombreuses, et les fauteuils vintage stylés. Bref, on s’y sent déjà bien, et pas juste parce qu’on arrive pile au moment où la playlist du salon passe du Aya Nakamura.

    Aux commandes : Léa, Pierre et Anouck, qui ont fait le pari d’ouvrir leur salon en pleine pandémie.

    Ce n’est pas que l’amour du coup de ciseaux qui les a réunis. Tous les trois se sont croisés dans des squats autonomes et à l’école de coiffure, avant de monter Frange Radicale : « On a tous été salariés dans différents salons de coiffure et on s’est rendues compte que ce modèle ne nous convenait pas », explique Anouck.

    « Pour les salariés, il faut toujours travailler plus, plus vite, et on avait envie d’expérimenter un nouveau modèle, de monter notre coopérative, notre entreprise détenue et gérée par nous, les salariés. »

    Un argument qui marche auprès des clientes, à l’instar de Marion, venue pour la première fois après avoir entendu parler du salon par ses collègues : « L’idée de la coopérative m’a plu. C’est un projet politique cool, alors je suis venue pour soutenir. »

    Tout le monde au même prix

    Chez Frange Radicale, on applique la règle des prix non genrés, à l’instar de quelques salons comme Bubble Factory à Paris, Holy Cut à Bordeaux, ou bien Queer Chevelu, qui pratique le prix libre.

    Les tarifs sont fixés en fonction de la coupe et non en fonction du genre du ou de la cliente : 35€ la coupe longue, 25€ la coupe courte, 15€ la coupe tondeuse, et la couleur sur devis.

    Un choix qui répond à la logique la plus élémentaire, même si la majeure partie des salons perpétue aujourd’hui la tradition des coupes « femmes » à des prix largement supérieurs aux coupes « hommes » :

    « Ça veut dire que les femmes qui ont les cheveux courts paient plus cher pour un travail qui est souvent similaire, et les hommes qui ont les cheveux longs, ce qui est quand même la mode en ce moment, paieraient moins cher qu’une femme qui a les cheveux longs ? », s’agace Léa.

    Si tant de salons n’ont pas (encore) franchi le pas, c’est aussi que les coiffeurs et les coiffeuses sont formées à envisager leurs coupes en fonction du genre des clients, comme l’explique Anouck :

    « Ça commence dès l’école de coiffure où on t’apprend qu’une coupe femme, tu ne la fais pas en trente minutes comme une coupe homme, il faut y mettre plus de temps, il faut être plus raffiné au niveau des tempes… Il y a plein d’arguments… qui sont des arguments à la con parce qu’on fait ce qu’on veut avec ses cheveux ! Mais ce sont aussi des arguments qui vont justifier une tarification supérieure pour les femmes. »

    Un coup de ciseau dans la binarité

    En pratiquant des tarifs égalitaires, Frange Radicale s’est rapidement forgé une réputation de salon où tout le monde est bienvenu, où une femme peut demander une coupe ultra courte sans être regardée de travers et où toutes les audaces capillaires sont acceptées.

    S’il n’a pas été pensé comme un salon destiné spécifiquement aux personnes queers, Frange Radicale attire une clientèle qui a longtemps fui les salons classiques où s’exercent les normes binaires et hétéronormatives. « Ici, nos corps et nos coupes ne sont pas étranges », explique Clémence, cliente fidèle à la nuque bien dégagée :

    « Ça diffère tellement des salons où une coiffeuse un jour m’a quand même dit “attention je laisse les pattes sinon c’est des femmes qui vont vous draguer hihi”. Ce à quoi j’ai répondu : « Rasez, merci ! » »

    Politique, le cheveu ? « Les cheveux, ça a toujours été quelque chose de revendicatif, depuis toujours, que ce soient les crêtes des punk, les afros, ou les cheveux longs pour les gars, ou les mulets », assène Léa.

    Pour Anouck, c’est non seulement un marqueur d’identité, mais aussi un signe de reconnaissance : « Moi, j’arrive à savoir si une fille est gouine à sa coupe de cheveux. », plaisante-t-elle.

    « Et il ne faut pas oublier les salons en tant que lieux », insiste Pierre :

    « Les gens s’y croisent, s’y reconnaissent, il y a des journées où trois voisins de la résidence d’en face se croisent ici. Ça crée du lien social. Et on en a vraiment besoin en ce moment… »

    Clichés tenaces et discriminations

    Être coiffeuse, c’est encore aujourd’hui s’exposer à pas mal d’idées reçues rarement bien intentionnées. Anouck et Léa en ont régulièrement fait l’expérience :

    « Quand tu rencontres des gens et que tu leur dis que tu es coiffeuse, on te fait sentir que c’est naze. Et quand tu es une meuf, il y a un côté hyper sexiste, car tout de suite ça veut dire que tu es stupide, que tu es une fille facile, ou que tu es un peu bébête. »

    Anouck se souvient de cette cliente qui lui a lancé : « Et donc, toi t’aimais pas l’école ? » :

    « J’ai trouvé ça bizarre, mais je n’ai pas compris tout de suite. Ce n’est qu’après que j’ai compris qu’elle me disait ça parce que je suis coiffeuse. Bah si, j’étais bonne à l’école… mais ça n’a rien à voir ! »

    Derrière ces réactions, c’est aussi tout un corps de métier où les comportements sexistes et racistes sont encore monnaie courante.

    Tous les trois l’ont vu dès l’école et leurs premiers stages : ce sont des patrons qui demandent aux filles de changer leur prénom à consonance étrangère, des employées à qui on demande de ne pas parler parce qu’on estime qu’elles ne parlent pas assez bien le français, à qui on demande de se lisser les cheveux, ou de porter jupe et talons pour faire plus féminine.

    Tenter l’aventure

    Anouck, Pierre et Léa en avaient assez de l’abattage, des coupes standardisées faites à la chaîne. Avec Frange Radicale, on prend le temps et cela leur permet de réenchanter leur travail, d’évoluer dans des conditions plus respectueuses. « Ça améliore grave la qualité de notre travail, j’ai l’impression que même nos coupes sont beaucoup mieux », assure Anouck.

    « On est trois avec un salon, c’est très ambitieux de vouloir revaloriser tout le métier », reconnaît Pierre. Pas envie d’être des donneurs de leçons, les trois coiffeurs et coiffeuses espèrent au contraire que leur salon donnera envie à d’autres de se lancer. Et ce n’est pas si inaccessible, affirme Léa :

    « On n’a pas fait quelque chose de si exceptionnel. On a grave galéré, mais on est trois, on se partage tout, et c’est pas du tout insurmontable. On a le salon qu’on veut, on fait exactement ce qu’on veut, on a les congés qu’on veut, on se paye comme on veut… c’est tout bénéf’ ! »

    Frange Radicale ne transformera peut-être pas le monde de la coiffure, en tout cas pas tout de suite, mais à son petit niveau, le salon pourrait bien faire naître des envies d’indépendance et d’autonomie à d’autres dans la profession.

    https://www.madmoizelle.com/bienvenue-chez-frange-radicale-salon-de-coiffure-parisien-sans-prix-gen

    #coopérative #tarif #prix #tarif_non-genré #genre #cheveux

    ping @isskein

  • Les majors pétrolières affichent des bénéfices records – Géopolitique Mondiale des Energies
    https://blogs.letemps.ch/laurent-horvath/2022/07/30/les-majors-petrolieres-affichent-des-benefices-records

    Du côté de la France, la Hollande, l’Angleterre ou de l’Allemagne, les gouvernements subventionnent l’essence avec des boucliers financiers qui permettent également de ne pas répercuter entièrement la baisse des cours du baril. Tous ces artifices financiers permettent aux majors de compter sur le secteur public pour financier leurs bénéfices et de maintenir la demande élevée.

    […]

    Aux USA et à travers l’Europe, ces bénéfices interpellent alors que l’inflation dépasse les 10% en Angleterre et les 8% en Allemagne. Certains appellent à un impôt spécial sur les bénéfices. Faudrait-il déjà que ces entreprises paient des impôts.

    #Étrange

    • On voit bien le problème de la frontière belge, assez connu des lillois. Posez un point d’un coté et de l’autre, la couleur s’étale et traverse moins.
      Ca ne tient pas compte du prix, certains km valent plus que d’autres.

      J’ai l’impression que les arrondis sont à l’inférieur : 5h59 de train => 5h OK

  • #Uber_files : des #économistes à vendre | Alternatives Economiques
    https://www.alternatives-economiques.fr/laurence-scialom/uber-files-economistes-a-vendre/00104014

    On ne peut qu’être frappé par la similitude entre les pratiques d’#Uber de grassement rémunérer des économistes reconnus pour produire des études allant dans le sens de leurs intérêts, et les méthodes des marchands de doute, ces #chercheurs rémunérés par l’industrie du tabac ou de la chimie pour tenter de masquer les effets délétères des produits des entreprises qui les rémunèrent.

    Dans les deux cas, la confidentialité des données sur la base desquelles les études sont produites entrave toute possibilité de réfutation par les pairs. D’une certaine manière les économistes concernés « vendent » leur réputation dans cette opération – ce qu’Uber a bien compris comme le soulignent les échanges de mails révélés dans la presse – mais, plus grave, ils éclaboussent la réputation de leur institution de rattachement.

    La collusion entre certains économistes nord-américains célèbres et le monde de la #finance, révélée avec la crise des crédits subprime et mise en scène dans le fameux documentaire Inside Job sorti à l’automne 2010, a alimenté un vif débat aux #Etats-Unis sur l’endogamie malsaine entre la communauté des économistes et les milieux d’affaires.

    Ce débat si important a été largement éludé en France, si l’on excepte la parution de l’ouvrage de Laurent Mauduit Les imposteurs de l’économie. Les Uber Files pourraient donner à notre communauté d’économistes l’occasion d’enfin prendre à bras-le-corps cette question essentielle.

    #recherche

  • Automobiles ou « Automaboules »
    http://carfree.fr/index.php/2022/07/07/automobiles-ou-automaboules

    J’ai fait un beau coup ! Voilà les automobiles à mes trousses. Quarante kilomètres à l’heure ! Et je suis à pied, ne cultivant d’autre sport que la marche si douce au Lire la suite...

    #Fin_de_l'automobile #Insécurité_routière #automobilisme #cheval #histoire #metz #progrès #sécurité_routière #vitesse

  • Powers need to study all oil options, including Iran, Venezuela - France
    https://www.reuters.com/business/energy/france-wants-iran-venezuela-return-oil-markets-2022-06-27

    “So there is a knot that needs to be untied if applicable... to get Iranian oil back on the market,” the [French] official told reporters, speaking on condition of anonymity. “We have Venezuelan oil that also needs to come back to the market.”

    A second official said all options need to be explored given the stakes, including those involving #Iran and #Venezuela.

    #sanctions #pétrole

    • Iran and Venezuela Could Help Biden’s Gas Crisis If He Lifts U.S. Sanctions
      https://www.newsweek.com/iran-venezuela-could-help-bidens-gas-crisis-if-he-lifts-us-sanctions-17198

      while engaging with the two designated adversaries would likely stir a degree of criticism from hawkish factions at home looking to portray the president as soft on U.S. foes, the rising cost of gas now fluctuating around the unprecedented $5 mark threatened to exact an even higher toll on Biden as his Democratic Party prepared for a contentious midterm election season.

    • US provides Chevron limited authorization to pump oil in Venezuela after reaching humanitarian agreement
      https://www.cnn.com/2022/11/26/politics/us-chevron-venezuela-oil-agreement/index.html

      The US has granted #Chevron limited authorization to resume pumping oil from Venezuela following the announcement Saturday that the Venezuelan government and the opposition group have reached an agreement on humanitarian relief and will continue to negotiate for a solution to the country’s chronic economic and political crisis, including a focus on the 2024 elections.

      [...] The official also highlighted the license’s limited nature saying that they do not expect this to have a tangible impact on international oil prices and that the move is intended as an inducement for the negotiations — not a reaction to high global oil prices.

  • Ucraina, la guerra delle ferrovie
    https://www.balcanicaucaso.org/aree/Ucraina/Ucraina-la-guerra-delle-ferrovie-218064

    Evacuazione di civili, trasporto di truppe, esportazioni di merci: le ferrovie ucraine sono in prima linea nel conflitto. Russia e Ucraina, ma non solo, stanno giocando una grande partita strategica sulle ferrovie

  • #États-Unis. La libération de Steven Donziger, qui a passé près de 1 000 jours en détention arbitraire, met en lumière la nécessité d’agir contre les #poursuites-bâillons - Amnesty International
    https://www.amnesty.org/fr/latest/news/2022/04/usa-steven-donzigers-release

    « Nous sommes soulagés d’apprendre que Steven Donziger va enfin recouvrer sa liberté, après presque 1 000 jours de détention arbitraire, dont 45 jours de prison et plus de 900 jours d’assignation à résidence. Il n’aurait jamais dû être détenu, pas un seul jour, car il est clair depuis le début de la procédure intentée contre lui qu’il a fait l’objet de représailles en raison de son travail de défense des droits humains qui l’a amené à dévoiler les agissements des entreprises.

    « Hélas, la fin de cette sentence ne signe pas la fin des injustices dont Steven Donziger est la cible. Le gouvernement américain doit appliquer pleinement la décision du Groupe de travail de l’ONU sur la détention arbitraire , notamment en menant une investigation impartiale et indépendante sur les circonstances qui ont conduit à la détention arbitraire de Steven Donziger, afin d’empêcher que cela ne se reproduise, et doit promulguer rapidement des lois contre les poursuites-bâillons en vue de protéger les personnes assez courageuses pour dénoncer les #crimes d’entreprises. Il importe d’empêcher les sociétés de détourner le système judiciaire américain dans le but de faire taire et d’intimider les défenseur·e·s des droits humains et les personnes qui dénoncent leurs agissements. »

    #Chevron #sans_vergogne

  • Migrants, Asylum Seekers Locked Up in Ukraine

    Scores of migrants who had been arbitrarily detained in Ukraine remain locked up there and are at heightened risk amid the hostilities, including military activity in the vicinity, Human Rights Watch said today. Ukrainian authorities should immediately release migrants and asylum seekers detained due to their migration status and allow them to reach safety in Poland.

    “Migrants and asylum seekers are currently locked up in the middle of a war zone and justifiably terrified,” said Nadia Hardman, refugee and migrant rights researcher at Human Rights Watch. “There is no excuse, over a month into this conflict, for keeping civilians in immigration detention. They should be immediately released and allowed to seek refuge and safety like all other civilians.”

    In early March 2022, Human Rights Watch interviewed four men by telephone who are being held in the Zhuravychi Migrant Accommodation Center in Volyn’ oblast. The detention site is a former military barracks in a pine forest, one hour from Lutsk, a city in northwestern Ukraine. All interviewees said that they had been detained in the months prior to the Russian invasion for irregularly trying to cross the border into Poland.

    The men asked that their nationalities not be disclosed for security reasons but said that people of up to 15 nationalities were being held there, including people from Afghanistan, Algeria, Bangladesh, Cameroon, Ethiopia, Gambia, Ghana, India, Nigeria, Pakistan, and Syria.

    Zhuravychi and two other migrant detention facilities in Ukraine are supported with EU funding. The Global Detention Project has confirmed that the center in Chernihiv has now been emptied but the center in Mykolaiv is operating. Human Rights Watch has been unable to verify whether anyone is still detained there. The men said that at the time of the interviews more than 100 men and an unknown number of women were detained at the Zhuravychi MAC. Some have since been able to negotiate their release, in some cases with help from their embassies. Lighthouse Reports, which is also investigating the issue, has estimated that up to 45 people remain there. It has not been possible to verify this figure or determine whether this includes men and women.

    Three of the men said they were in Ukraine on student visas that had expired. All four had tried to cross the border into Poland but were intercepted by Polish border guard forces and handed directly to Ukrainian border guards. The men said they were sentenced to between 6 and 18 months for crossing the border irregularly after summary court proceedings for which they were not provided legal counsel or given the right to claim asylum.

    Whatever the original basis for their detention, their continued detention at the center is arbitrary and places them at risk of harm from the hostilities, Human Rights Watch said.

    While interviewees said that conditions in the #Zhuravychi detention center were difficult prior to the conflict, the situation significantly deteriorated after February 24. In the days following the Russian invasion, they said, members of the Ukrainian military moved into the center. The detention center guards moved all migrant and asylum seekers into one of the two buildings in the complex, freeing the second building for Ukrainian soldiers.

    A video, verified and analyzed by Human Rights Watch, shows scores of Ukrainian soldiers standing in the courtyard of the Zhuravychi MAC, corroborating the accounts that the Ukrainian military is actively using the site. Another video, also verified by Human Rights Watch, shows a military vehicle slowly driving on the road outside the detention center. Recorded from the same location, a second video shows a group of approximately 30 men in camouflage uniforms walking on the same road and turning into the compound next door.

    On or around the date after the full-scale invasion, the people interviewed said a group of detainees gathered in the yard of the detention center near the gate to protest the conditions and asked to be allowed leave to go to the Polish border.

    The guards refused to open the gate and instead forcibly quelled the protest and beat the detainees with their batons, they said. Human Rights Watch analyzed a video that appears to show the aftermath of the protest: a group of men crowd around an unconscious man lying on the ground. People interviewed said that a guard had punched him. A group of guards are also visible in the video, in black uniforms standing near the gate.

    “We came out to peacefully protest,” one of those interviewed said. “We want to go. We are terrified.… We tried to walk towards the gate … and after we were marching towards the gate.… They beat us. It was terrible. Some of my friends were injured.”

    Interviewees said that guards said they could leave Zhuravychi if they joined the Ukrainian war effort and added they would all immediately be granted Ukrainian citizenship and documentation. They said that no one accepted the offer.

    On March 18, five men and one woman were released when officials from their embassy intervened and facilitated their evacuation and safe travel to the border with Poland. Ukraine should release all migrants and asylum seekers detained at the Zhuravychi detention center and facilitate their safe travel to the Polish border, Human Rights Watch said.

    The European Union (EU) has long funded Ukraine’s border control and migration management programs and funded the International Center for Migration Policy Development to construct the perimeter security systems at Zhuravychi MAC. The core of the EU’s strategy has been to stop the flow of migrants and asylum seekers into the EU by shifting the burden and responsibility for migrants and refugees to countries neighboring the EU, in this case Ukraine. Now that Ukraine has become a war zone, the EU should do all it can to secure the release and safe passage of people detained in Ukraine because of their migration status. United Nations agencies and other international actors should support this call to release civilians at Zhuravychi and any other operational migrant detention centers and provide assistance where relevant.

    “There is so much suffering in Ukraine right now and so many civilians who still need to reach safety and refuge,” Hardman said. “Efforts to help people flee Ukraine should include foreigners locked up in immigration detention centers.”

    https://www.hrw.org/news/2022/04/04/migrants-asylum-seekers-locked-ukraine
    #Ukraine #réfugiés #migrations #asile #détention_administrative #rétention #emprisonnement

    • Migrants trapped in Ukrainian detention center while war rages on

      Several dozen irregular migrants were reportedly trapped in a detention center in northwestern Ukraine weeks into the Russian invasion, an investigation by several media outlets found. An unconfirmed number of migrants appear to remain in the EU-funded facility, from where migrants are usually deported.

      Imagine you are detained without being accused of a crime and wait to be deported to somewhere while an invading army bombs the neighboring town. This horrific scenario has been the reality for scores of migrants in northwestern Ukraine for weeks.

      A joint investigation between Dutch non-profit Lighthouse Reports, which specializes on transnational investigations, Al Jazeera and German publication Der Spiegel found that over five weeks after the beginning of the Russian invasion of Ukraine, Afghani, Pakistani, Indian, Sudanese and Bangladeshi migrants were still detained in a EU-funded detention center near the northwestern Ukrainian city of #Lutsk.

      Although several people were recently released with the support of their embassies, Der Spiegel reported there were still dozens of who remained there at the end of March.

      According to the wife of one detainee who was released last week, the detention center offered no air raid shelter. Moreover, guards “ran down the street when the siren sounded,” both Der Spiegel and Al Jazeera reported.

      “The guards took away the detainees’ phones,” the woman told reporters. She also said that power outlets in the cells were no longer working and the whole situation was extremely dangerous. In fact, the nearby city of Lutsk has repeatedly come under attack since March 12.

      According to the investigation, the Zhuravychi Migrant Accommodation Centre is located in a pine forest in the Volyn region, near the Belarusian border. Constructed in 1961 as an army barracks, the facility was converted into a migrant detention center in 2007 with EU funds, Al Jazeera reported.

      Reporters involved in the investigation spoke with recently released detainees’ relatives. They also analyzed photos and documents, which “verified the detainees’ presence in Ukraine before being placed in the center,” according to Al Jazeera.
      Calls for release of detainees

      Some detainees have been released since the beginning of the Russian invasion, including several Ethiopian citizens and an Afghan family, Al Jazeera reported. But politicians and NGOs have voice fear over those who remain in the Zhuravychi Migrant Accommodation Center.

      “It is extremely concerning that migrants and refugees are still locked up in detention centers in war zones, with the risk of being attacked without any possibility to flee,” Tineke Strik, a Dutch member of the European Parliament from the Greens/EFA Group told reporters involved in the investigation.

      Human Rights Watch (HRW) also decried the ongoing detention of migrants at the facility during the war. In a report published on Monday (April 4), HRW said its staff interviewed four men by telephone who are being held in that Zhuravychi in early March. According to HRW, all four men said they had been detained in the months prior to the Russian invasion for irregularly trying to cross the border into Poland.

      “Migrants and asylum seekers are currently locked up in the middle of a war zone and justifiably terrified,” said Nadia Hardman, a refugee and migrant rights researcher with HRW. “There is no excuse, over a month into this conflict, for keeping civilians in immigration detention. They should be immediately released and allowed to seek refuge and safety like all other civilians.”

      According to the four interviewees, people from Afghanistan, Algeria, Bangladesh, Cameroon, Ethiopia, Gambia, Ghana, India, Nigeria, Pakistan, Syria and four other nationalities were being held at the facility.

      Michael Flynn from the Global Detention Project told Der Spiegel that the Geneva Conventions (not to be confused with the Geneva Refugee Convention) “obliges all warring parties to protect civilians under their control from the dangers of the conflict.” He stressed that the detainees needed to be released as soon as possible.
      The EU’s bouncer

      According to the investigation, the European Union has funded at least three detention centers in Ukraine “for years,” effectively making the non-EU country a gatekeeper. The facility in question near Lutsk that’s apparently still in operation received EU support “to confine asylum seekers, many of them pushed back from the EU,” according to Lighthouse Reports.

      Der Spiegel reported that up to 150 foreigners were detained in the facility last year. Most of them tried in vain to reach the European Union irregularly and have to stay in deportation detention for up to 18 months.

      Since the turn of the millennium, according to Der Spiegel, the EU has invested more than €30 million in three detention centers.

      At the facility in Zhuravychi, Der Spiegel reported, the EU provided €1.7 million for electronic door locks and protection elements on the windows. While the EU called it an “accommodation”, Der Spiegel said was a refugee prison in reality.

      The European Commission did not respond to a request for comment about the facility and the detained migrants, Al Jazeera said. Ukrainian authorities also did not answer any questions.

      In early March, InfoMigrants talked to several Bangladeshi migrants who had been given deportation orders and were stuck inside detention centers, including in said Zhuravychi Migrant Accommodation Centre. Around a hundred migrants were staying there back then, according to Bangladeshi and Indian citizens detained there. They were released a few days later.

      “Russia has been particularly bombing military bases. That’s why we have been living in constant fear of getting bombed,” Riadh Malik, a Bangladeshi migrant told InfoMigrants. According to the New York Times, the military airfield in Lutsk was bombed on March 11.

      https://www.infomigrants.net/en/post/39678/migrants-trapped-in-ukrainian-detention-center-while-war-rages-on

    • Immigration Detention amidst War: The Case of Ukraine’s Volyn Detention Centre

      A Global Detention Project Special Report

      In early March, shortly into Russia’s war on Ukraine, the Global Detention Project (GDP) began receiving email messages and videos from individuals claiming to know people who remained trapped in an immigration detention centre inside Ukraine, even as the war approached. We also received messages from a representative of the humanitarian group Alight based in Poland, who said that they too were receiving messages from detainees at Volyn, as well as identity documents, photos, and videos.

      The information we received indicated that there were several dozen detainees still at the Volyn detention centre (formally, “#Volyn_PTPI,” but also referred to as the “#Zhuravychi_Migrant_Accommodation_Centre”), including people from Pakistan, India, Eritrea, Sudan, Afghanistan, among other countries. They had grown particularly desperate after the start of the war and had held a demonstration to demand their release when the nearby town was shelled, which reportedly was violently broken up by detention centre guards.

      The GDP located a webpage on the official website of Ukraine’s State Secretariat of Migration that provided confirmation of the operational status of the Volyn facility as well as of two others. Although the official webpage was subsequently taken down, as of late March it continued to indicate that there were three operational migration-related detention centres in Ukraine, called Temporary Stay for Foreigners or #PTPI (Пункти тимчасового перебування іноземців та осіб без громадянства): Volyn PTPI (#Zhuravychi); #Chernihiv PTPI; and #Nikolaev PTPI (also referred to as the Mykolaiv detention centre).

      We learned that the Chernihiv PTPI, located north of Kyiv, was emptied shortly after the start of the war. However, as of the end of March 2022, it appeared that both the Volyn PTPI and Nikolaev PTPI remained operational and were holding detainees. We understood that the situation at the detention centres had been brought to the attention of relevant authorities in Ukraine and that the embassies of at least some of the detainees—including India—had begun arranging the removal of their nationals. Detainees from some countries, however, reportedly indicated that they did not want assistance from their embassies because they did not wish to return and were seeking asylum.

      In our communications and reporting on this situation, including on social media and through direct outreach to officials and media outlets, the GDP consistently called for the release of all migrants trapped in detention centres in Ukraine and for international efforts to assist migrants to seek safety. We highlighted important international legal standards that underscore the necessity of releasing detainees in administrative detention in situations of ongoing warfare. Important among these is Additional Protocol 1, Article 58C, of the Geneva Conventions, which requires all parties to a conflict to take necessary measures to protect civilians under their control from the effects of the war.

      We also pointed to relevant human rights standards pertaining to administrative detention. For example, the UN Working Group on Arbitrary Detention, in their seminal Revised Deliberation No. 5 on the deprivation of liberty of migrants, conclude that in “instances when the obstacle for identifying or removal of persons in an irregular situation from the territory is not attributable to them … rendering expulsion impossible … the detainee must be released to avoid potentially indefinite detention from occurring, which would be arbitrary.” Similarly, the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) has repeatedly found that when the purpose of such detention is no longer possible, detainees must be released (see ECHR, “Guide on Article 5 of the European Convention on Human Rights: Right to Liberty and Security,” paragraph 149.).

      In April, a consortium of press outlets—including Lighthouse Reports, Al Jazeera English, and Der Spiegel—jointly undertook an investigation into migrants trapped in detention in Ukraine and published separate reports simultaneously on 4 April. Human Rights Watch (HRW) also published their own report on 4 April, which called on authorities to immediately release the detainees. All these reports cited information provided by the GDP and interviewed GDP staff.

      HRW reported that they had spoken to some of the detainees at Volyn (Zhuravychi) and were able to confirm numerous details, including that “people of up to 15 nationalities were being held there, including people from Afghanistan, Algeria, Bangladesh, Cameroon, Ethiopia, Gambia, Ghana, India, Nigeria, Pakistan, and Syria.” According to HRW, the detainees claimed to have “been detained in the months prior to the Russian invasion for irregularly trying to cross the border into Poland.” They said that there were more than 100 men and women at the facility, though according to Lighthouse Reports only an estimated 45 people remained at the centre as of 21 March.

      The interviewees said that conditions at the detention centre deteriorated after 24 February when members of the Ukrainian military moved into the centre and guards relocated the detainees to one of the two buildings in the complex, freeing the second building for the soldiers. When detainees protested and demanded to be released, the guards refused, forcibly putting an end to the protest and beating detainees. Some detainees claimed to have been told that they could leave the centre if they agreed to fight alongside the Ukrainian military, which they refused.

      An issue addressed in many of these reports is the EU’s role in financing immigration detention centres in Ukraine, which the GDP had previously noted in a report about Ukraine in 2012. According to that report, “In 2011, 30 million Euros were allocated to build nine new detention centres in Ukraine. According to the EU delegation to Ukraine, this project will ‘enable’ the application of the EU-Ukraine readmission by providing detention space for ‘readmitted’ migrants sent back to Ukraine from EU countries.”

      In its report on the situation, Al Jazeera quoted Niamh Ní Bhriain of the Transnational Institute, who said that the EU had allocated 1.7 million euros ($1.8m) for the securitisation of the Volyn centre in 2009. She added, “The EU drove the policies and funded the infrastructure which sees up to 45 people being detained today inside this facility in Ukraine and therefore it must call on Ukraine to immediately release those being held and guarantee them the same protection inside the EU as others fleeing the same war.”

      Efforts to get clarity on EU financing from officials in Brussels were stymied by lack of responsiveness on the part of EU officials. According to Al Jazeera, “The European Commission did not answer questions from Al Jazeera regarding its operation and whether there were plans to help evacuate any remaining people. Ukrainian authorities also did not respond to a request for comment.” The Guardian also reported in mid-April they had “approached the Zhuravychi detention facility and the Ukrainian authorities for comment” but had yet to receive a response as of 12 April.

      However, on 5 April, two MEPs, Tineke Strik and Erik Marquardt, raised the issue during a joint session of the European Parliament’s Committee on Civil Liberties, Justice, and Home Affairs (LIBE) and the Committee on Development (DEVE). The MEPs urged the EU to take steps to assist the release of the detainees.

      In mid-April, reports emerged that some detainees who had been released from the Volyn PTPI in Zhuravychi were later re-detained in Poland. In its 14 April report, The Guardian reported that “some of those that were released from the centre in the first few days of the war are now being held in a detention centre in Poland, after they were arrested attempting to cross the Polish border, but these claims could not be verified.” On 22 April, Lighthouse Reports cited Tigrayan diaspora representatives as saying that two former detainees at the facility were refugees fleeing Ethiopia’s war in the region, where human rights groups report evidence of a campaign of ethnic cleansing and crimes against humanity. Despite being provided documents by Ukraine stipulating that they were stateless persons and being promised safe passage, Polish border guards detained the pair, arguing that there was an “extreme probability of escape.”

      Separately, human rights campaigners following the case informed the GDP in late April that they had evidence of immigration detainees still being locked up in Ukraine’s detention centres, including in particular the Nikolaev (Mykolaiv) PTPI.

      The GDP continues to call for the release of all migrants detained in Ukraine during ongoing warfare and for international efforts to help detainees to find safety, in accordance with international humanitarian and human rights law. Recognizing the huge efforts Poland is making to assist refugees from Ukraine, we nevertheless call on the Polish government to treat all people fleeing Ukraine equally and without discrimination based on race, nationality, or ethnic origin. Everyone fleeing the conflict in Ukraine is entitled to international protection and assistance and no one should be detained on arrival in Poland.

      https://www.globaldetentionproject.org/immigration-detention-amidst-war-the-case-of-ukraines-volyn-

  • Vous rappelez vous, samedi 19 mars dernier, je disais là https://seenthis.net/messages/953666 :

    Aparté, vers chez moi ce week-end à Angoulême, c’est le Festival de la BD « sans masque ni pass vaccinal » (lit on dans certains articles). Et la foule est plutôt démasquée obviously, voit-on sur les photos… Ça va faire un beau carton aussi. Pour celles et ceux qui connaissent, c’est selon les lieux une foule à touche touche…

    Et bien je vous le donne en mille :  Pas manqué !

    –---

    Une vague de Covid s’abat sur les auteurs de BD passés par le festival - Charente Libre.fr

    https://www.charentelibre.fr/sante/coronavirus/une-vague-de-covid-s-abat-sur-les-auteurs-de-bd-passes-par-le-festival

    Le festival de la BD d’Angoulême qui s’est achevée dimanche dernier s’est transformé en cluster. Vous y étiez ? Testez-vous !

    C’est un cadeau du festival de la BD dont ils se seraient bien passés. Plusieurs auteurs de bande dessinée et d’intervenants présents pendant l’événement se répandent sur les réseaux sociaux cette semaine pour annoncer qu’ils sont positifs au Covid. Ils étaient tous à Angoulême, sous les bulles, dans la rue, au théâtre, dans les expositions et les conférences entre jeudi et dimanche. Tous ont tweeté et posté pour avertir leurs contacts. Et les inciter à se tester.

    [...]

    James van Ottoprod, alias James, alias Lol, y a échappé et explique pourquoi sur les réseaux sociaux : « J’avais peut-être l’air con à Angoulême à me balader avec mon masque dans les lieux clos, mais au moins je n’ai pas ramené le Covid dans mes bagages, contrairement à nombre de collègues ».

    C’était gros comme une maison…

    #cluster #angoulême #covid19 #inculture #masque #inconscience

  • À l’épreuve des #murs. Sécurisation et pratiques politiques dans le centre-ville du #Caire postrévolutionnaire (2014-2015)

    La révolution égyptienne de 2011 s’est caractérisée par une lutte pour l’appropriation de l’#espace_public. Elle a été analysée comme une démocratie en actes où les révolutionnaires se sont réappropriés par leurs pratiques et leurs stratégies un espace trop longtemps sécurisé par le gouvernement de Moubarak. Cet article vise à étudier en contre-point les stratégies territoriales de l’État pour le contrôle des espaces publics depuis 2011 et en particulier depuis 2013 avec le renforcement de la #répression envers les #Frères_musulmans et l’arrivée au pouvoir des militaires. Ces stratégies sont mises en évidence dans le cas du #centre-ville, épicentre de la #révolution mais aussi de la représentation et de l’exercice du pouvoir politique. Elles se caractérisent par des pratiques de #cantonnement des #manifestations et par l’instauration de #barrières et de #checkpoints dans le centre-ville du Caire, constituant un véritable dispositif territorialisé et planifié de contrôle des rassemblements publics et des revendications politiques. Cet article vise donc également à analyser les conséquences de ce #contrôle sur les pratiques politiques des opposants au régime à l’échelle locale du centre-ville du Caire à travers la restitution d’observations et d’entretiens menés entre 2014 et 2015.


    https://journals.openedition.org/ema/3705#quotation

    #murs_intra-urbains #Egypte #Le_Caire #urban_matter #villes