• Three Principles of Architecture as Revealed by Italo Calvino’s ’Invisible Cities’ | ArchDaily
    http://www.archdaily.com/875409/three-principles-of-architecture-as-revealed-by-italo-calvinos-invisible-

    Ah, Invisible Cities. For many of us, Italo Calvino’s 1972 novel reserves a dear place in our libraries, architectural or otherwise, for its vivid recollections of cities and their curiosities, courtesy of a certain Marco Polo as he narrates to Kublai Khan. And while the book doesn’t specifically fit the bill in terms of conventional architectural writing, it resists an overall categorisation at all, instead superseding the distillation of the cities it contains into distinct boundaries and purposes.

    For though there is a certain kind of sensory appeal that is captured in the details of places, the real beauty of Invisible Cities lies in the masking of underlying notions of time, identity and language within these details – a feat that is skillfully accomplished by both Marco and Calvino. With this in mind, here are three of many such principles, as revealed by the layered narrative of Invisible Cities.
    Much of Invisible Cities’ charm can be attributed to the specificity of its writing, and as a result, its narration. Throughout the narrative, 55 versions of city life are described with enthralling character, the first of which is Diomira, “a city with sixty silver domes, bronze statues of all the gods, streets paved with lead, a crystal theatre, a golden cock that crows each morning on the tower.” Details such as these constitute the overall visual communication between Marco Polo and us, as we assume the role of Kublai Khan, contributing to the successful creation of fictional cities through typologies and artifacts. This demonstrates our inherent reliance on specific imagery to create understanding; a facet that is an integral part of architecture.

  • #Funky_tomato

    Funky Tomato è un pomodoro di alta qualità prodotto e trasformato in aree ad alto sfruttamento della terra e della manodopera – quali la Campania e la Basilicata – attraverso una filiera partecipata, legale e trasparente.

    Funky Tomato è un pomodoro di alta qualità perché prodotto da una rete di piccoli agricoltori nel rispetto della Carta d’Intenti Funky Tomato, cioè usando tecniche artigianali a basso impatto ambientale, tutelando i diritti dei lavoratori e integrando nelle aziende i braccianti stranieri vittime dello sfruttamento della filiera del pomodoro da industria. Leggi la Carta d’Intenti Funky Tomato.

    Le filiere attuali descrivono processi produttivi basati sullo scambio finanziario, ove il principale parametro di relazione è subordinato ad un rapporto gerarchico fondato sulla capacità di generare speculazione. Tale meccanismo trasforma il consumatore da elemento che innesca la filiera a obiettivo da raggiungere per ottenerne maggior crescita finanziaria. E il lavoratore in soggetto subordinato alla vitalità del processo speculativo.

    Per costruire una risposta pare quindi necessario trasformare la filiera in comunità mettendo in rete capacità e criticità attraverso il meccanismo della scelta e della partecipazione. Il parametro di relazione tra le parti non è quindi più la disponibilità finanziaria bensì il rapporto sociale. Il consumatore, da obiettivo torna ad essere elemento in relazione con la comunità. E la comunità diventa lo spazio che si fa’ carico delle capacità economiche.

    Funky Tomato si articola per questo in due comunità solidali di scopo – in Campania e in Basilicata – volte alla produzione, trasformazione, distribuzione e commercializzazione del pomodoro Funky Tomato per generare un’alternativa reale al caporalato e ai ghetti.

    Il progetto prevede, inoltre, l’istituzione del Fondo Funky Tomato a governance partecipata che garantisca all’agricoltore e ai lavoratori stabilità e continuità nella produzione e ai fruitori la possibilità di partecipare ai processi di costruzione della produzione futura. Il Fondo è costituito attraverso quote donate da tutti gli attori della filiera – enti pubblici, privati, società civile – che credono nella necessità di disegnare un’economia condivisa fondata sul rispetto dei diritti e della natura.

    http://www.funkytomato.it
    #tomates #Italie #agriculture_solidaire #alternative

    • Funky Tomato, il pomodoro diventa sostenibile

      SALERNO – Quest’anno la Cooperativa Sociale Capovolti ha deciso di aderire alla rete Funky Tomato per favorire una filiera partecipata, legale e trasparente del pomodoro. Siccome la cooperativa di Montecorvino Pugliano, in provincia di Salerno, è un’azienda biologica certificata ICEA, la produzione del pomodorino è eseguita secondo i criteri della natura. Il terreno di base è stato arricchito semplicemente con letame naturale e nessun trattamento aggiuntivo è adoperato.


      http://sociale.corriere.it/funky-tomato-il-pomodoro-diventa-sostenibile

    • #Sfrutta_Zero, la salsa anti-caporali

      Mutuo soccorso. Dalla Puglia la sfida al caporalato si organizza con il mutualismo 2.0. La nuova filiera del pomodoro dove migranti, precari e contadini si organizzano contro il razzismo. 15 mila bottiglie di salsa prodotte tra Bari e Nardò nel 2016. E quest’anno i cooperanti puntano a superare il record dell’auto-produzione. Come ripartire dal mutuo soccorso: pagare il lavoro, creare casse di resistenza. E poi: coinvolgere i consumatori, connettersi alla rete nazionale «#Fuori_mercato»


      https://ilmanifesto.it/sfrutta-zero-la-salsa-anti-caporali

    • Le Città Invisibili - La #città_del_riscatto

      Due sono le storie di questo documentario, per raccontare la “città del riscatto”, quella che unisce la Puglia al Lazio. I protagonisti sono, da una parte, i ragazzi di “Sfruttazero” a #Nardò, dall’altra i ragazzi della cooperativa sociale “Barikamà, sul Lago di Martignano, alle porte di Roma. Si chiama “#Netzanet” il progetto pugliese davvero rivoluzionario legato alla salsa di pomodoro: l’idea è quella di superare il caporalato e unire italiani e stranieri nella produzione solidale di salsa di pomodoro biologica, a filiera etica, cioè nel rispetto di tutti i lavoratori, contro lo sfruttamento. #Barikamà (che in lingua Bambara’ significa Resistente) è, invece, una cooperativa che porta avanti un progetto di micro-reddito e consiste nell’inserimento sociale attraverso la produzione e vendita di yogurt ed ortaggi biologici. I fondatori della Cooperativa, tutti africani, dopo essersi ribellati allo sfruttamento nei campi di Rosarno, hanno trovato in questo modo il loro riscatto sociale ed economico.

      https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=L_IafgwawEM&feature=youtu.be


      #documentaire #film

    • How a Young Cameroonian Sparked a Revolt Against Migrant Exploitation in Italy

      At 26, #Yvan_Sagnet organized the “#Nardò_uprising,” a two-month strike held by migrant workers which led to the trial of 12 people for slavery and the first anti-gang-master law in the country.
      Yvan Sagnet was born in Cameroon in 1985, but grew up dreaming of Italy. From the time he was a child, he had always been fascinated by the country and, most of all, by Juventus FC, a soccer team from Turin, and its most famous player, Roberto Baggio. So when he was granted a student visa to attend the Polytechnic University of Turin in 2007, his dream suddenly seemed within reach.

      But university was a lot harder than he had imagined. And after he failed two exams early on, his scholarship was pulled, meaning he had to find some extra money to cover his tuition. In need of some quick cash, he didn’t think twice about signing up when a friend told him about the seasonal tomato-picking jobs in southern Italy.

      When Sagnet arrived in the town of Nardò, in Puglia, he was shocked: The area was scattered with improvised camps where around 800 day laborers—mostly migrants, both legal and undocumented—were being exploited by so-called caporali (gang masters). The caporale’s job was to find readily available handpickers on behalf of farmers, eventually taking a cut from the worker’s wages while also charging them for the most basic amenities, like transportation, food, and water.

      At the farms, migrants were made to work for up to 14 hours a day in extreme heat without an employment contract, earning far below the minimum wage. “I discovered the dark side of Italy,” Sagnet recalls. “A side made of ghettos, with migrants living in inhumane conditions, often sleeping either on the ground, in tents, or in makeshift shacks.”

      Sagnet decided that leading a strike seemed the only solution to that kind of abuse. And so, in summer 2011, the then 26-year-old helped organize the “Nardò uprising”—the first large-scale strike held by migrant laborers in Italy. For two months that summer, migrants refused to work in a bid to improve their working and living conditions. The outcome was disruptive. Before then, no one had dared to challenge the power of gang masters and corrupt farmers in Nardò.

      But for Sagnet, it was just the beginning. In 2012 he wrote a book about the uprising called Love Your Dream, then joined CGIL (Italy’s biggest labor union), through which he conducted a series of investigations into the treatment of workers across the country. He is now the leader of No Cap (No Caporalato), an organization fighting against the exploitation of migrants in Italy.

      In 2011, life in #masseria_Boncuri—as the ghetto was known—was in the hands of the gang masters. They demanded to be paid for almost everything, from water and food to transport and mattresses. The long work shifts under the blazing sun were unbearable.

      “To me it wasn’t just exploitation, it was modern slavery,” says Sagnet. “Gang masters would verbally and physically abuse us. I knew from very early on that we needed to do something radical like revolt.”

      “I discovered the dark side of Italy. A side made of ghettos, with migrants living in inhumane conditions, often sleeping either on the ground, in tents, or in makeshift shacks.”

      The opportunity to convince others came when the caporal decided to require all workers to start picking tomatoes one by one instead of scooping them in bunches, a slower technique which meant working longer for the same amount of money. For Sagnet and his colleagues, that was unacceptable considering the little they were already getting paid. When the gang master refused to listen, they decided to stop working, launching a minirevolt.

      Sagnet and the organizers had to mobilize nearly 1,000 workers who didn’t share the same language, culture, or nationality. Convincing them that taking action was in their best interests was the first big challenge. “Many people had been working like that for years, so they were used to it,” Sagnet says. “They assumed going on strike would be pointless.”

      At first, only a small minority wanted to take action. “We had to gain people’s trust,” he says. “And we did so through a campaign of information—organizing meetings that clearly outlined our objectives—and with a very practical social outreach strategy.”

      On the first day of the strike, Sagnet organized a roadblock on the highway between Nardò and the city of Lecce, one of the region’s main arterial roads, to get the attention of the local authorities and the general public about the working conditions.

      The second step was to organize protests to block access to the farms. “The day after we set the picket, we could already see that we were making a difference,” Sagnet recalls. “Masseria Boncuri had created a production standstill on the farm, and that’s when I knew we were winning.”

      There was one obvious downside to going on strike: The workers were not getting paid. “Since I had become a referee of sorts,” Sagnet explains, “workers would come to me and ask what I was going to do about the fact that they had nothing to eat. Going on strike wasn’t the same for Italians and migrants—as a migrant you’re on your own, often without an extended family or support network to lean on.”

      Facing a potential hunger crisis, Sagnet had to come up with a plan. With the help of volunteers and activists, Sagnet and his team decided to reach out to the general public for help. “The response from the people of Nardò and across Italy was overwhelming,” he says. Before the strike they had no idea the scale of what was going on in their own region, Sagnet tells me. “Donations were coming in from all over the country. Every night, people would bring rice, milk, bread. This is how we didn’t starve.”

      To keep their wider support network going, they worked hard to educate the public on the issue by developing strong relationships with the media. Sagnet used part of that relationship to highlight how the migrants in particular were taking a huge risk by going on strike to stand alongside Italians in their fight for workers’ rights. “Our cause showed immigrants in a different, positive light,” he says. “After all, it was everybody’s struggle.”

      Sagnet’s focus on the struggle eventually paid off. The Nardò uprising inevitably put pressure on politicians, who in turn responded by approving the first anti-gang-master law—legislation that stopped agents from cutting into the workers’ wages. The strike also led some local farmers to introduce regular contracts, giving more money to the workers. (The regular contracts and higher wages are independent from the law; they were implemented as a side result by the local farmers in Nardò.) All this was introduced just a week after the strike ended, in September 2011. “For us [the law] was a huge success, because it finally gave the police a tool to crack down on gang masters,” Sagnet explains. “By the end of the 2011 harvest season, we had gone from 3 percent of workers having employment contracts to 60 percent.”

      “Our cause showed immigrants in a different, positive light,” he says. “After all, it was everybody’s struggle.”

      In addition, charges were eventually brought against the gang masters and farmers who had exploited the workers, leading to a 2017 trial in which 12 people were convicted of enslavement and human trafficking.

      After the uprising, Sagnet started working for CGIL. “I asked [CGIL] to change their approach: to go into the fields and see the exploitation for themselves.” By taking that approach, Sagnet adds, “We discovered that the same system that was in place in Nardò was widespread.”

      Sagnet has since made it a priority to raise awareness among migrant agricultural workers—who, according to his estimates, make up 60 percent of this seasonal workforce. “Workers in the ghettos don’t know what unions are,” he tells me. “They do not speak Italian or have access to information. They think it’s normal to live and work like that. Without help, there can be no investigations or arrests.”

      On the contrary, he adds, if workers aren’t involved, “those who exploit us and put us in those conditions will always win. Authorities are either slow, or complicit, or corrupt. What I’m seeing is a class struggle going on—but at the moment there’s just one side, the one represented by power.”


      https://www.vice.com/en_us/article/qv9xwm/how-a-young-cameroonian-sparked-a-revolt-against-migrant-exploitation-in-italy

    • TOMATO-PASSATE DI QUA

      Un progetto sviluppato da un gruppo di giovani provenienti da Gambia, Italia e Mali con l’obiettivo di produrre passate di pomodoro dalla coltivazione di un terreno a rischio abbandono. I partecipanti al progetto hanno scambiato le loro conoscenze in agricoltura, sperimentando tecniche di coltivazioni usate in diversi paesi del mondo e hanno prodotto 400 litri di passate che sono state acquistate a sostegno del progetto. “Tomato” ha permesso ai partecipanti di ricevere un compenso equo per il lavoro svolto, in contrasto con lo sfruttamento e l’esclusione sociale dei braccianti agricoli soprattutto del settore della produzione di pomodori. (Estate-Autunno 2016)

      http://www.risehub.org

    • Esclavage en Italie

      Originaires d’Afrique ou d’Europe de l’est, des centaines de milliers de travailleurs sont employés dans les campagnes italiennes pour récolter tomates, oranges et olives, en échange d’un salaire de misère. #Yvan_Sagnet milite pour mettre fin à cette situation de non-droit, et a créé une association visant à labelliser les produits récoltés de manière éthique.

      En 2011, un Camerounais a mené une grève couronnée de succès, déclarant la guerre aux « caporaux », ces employeurs criminels qui exploitent les travailleurs précaires en leur extorquant la majeure partie de leurs revenus, allant jusqu’à les menacer de mort s’ils osent se révolter.

      https://www.arte.tv/fr/videos/079474-004-A/arte-regards

      #agriculture #documentaire #film #reportage #esclavage_moderne #saisonniers #dumping_social #abus_de_pouvoir #exploitation_de_la_main-d'oeuvre #caporalato #consommateurs #Pouilles #Basilicata #tomates #bidonville #hébergement #honte #No_cap #globalisation #industrie_agro-alimentaire

      Est présentée aussi l’association fondée par Yvan, #NoCap :

      Rispetto per il lavoro. Niente sfruttamento di manodopera sottopagata o schiavizzata. Contratti di lavoro legali e soprattutto UMANI.
      Rispetto per l’ambiente e il paesaggio. Le attività economiche non devono distruggere le coste, i boschi, le montagne i laghi e le altre risorse naturali che sono la base dell’economia del turismo e generano PIL sostenibile per il Paese.
      Rispetto per la salute dei cittadini. Produzione senza contaminanti e nessuna immissione di sostanze nocive nell’ambiente che inquinano il suolo, avvelenano l’aria o l’acqua e causano malattie.
      Produzione di energia senza emissioni. Decarbonizzazione progressiva dei processi produttivi secondo il modello energetico distribuito e interattivo della Terza Rivoluzione Industriale, incentivando l’attività dell’autoproduzione (prosumer), e l’aggregazione di micro reti digitali di energia rinnovabile integrata nelle attività d’impresa.
      Finanziamento etico delle attività di impresa. Anche i finanziamenti delle attività economiche devono seguire il modello democratico e distribuito, con la massima diffusione del micro credito, dell’azionariato popolare (crowdfunding) e della finanza popolare tramite appositi pacchetti specifici delle banche cooperative e delle casse di credito locali.
      Ritorno alla filiera corta e locale per la diffusione commerciale dei prodotti con l’introduzione di norme di favore per la vendita di filiera corta a vantaggio delle piccole aziende per una giusta distribuzione commerciale.
      Valorizzazione della trasformazione con processi ad alto valore aggiunto realizzati il più vicino possibile ai luoghi di produzione e integrati nei processi aziendali.
      Adozione di pratiche a rifiuti zero sia nella produzione e nella distribuzione. Diminuzione progressiva di imballaggi e sistemi premianti per il riuso e riciclo che devono essere integrati nelle attività aziendali ed incentivate.
      Promozione di nuove proposte turistiche ispirate all’offerta di un “turismo esperienziale” che porti sotto la guida di cittadini esperti, turisti provenienti da realtà urbane a conoscere tramite il lavoro, nelle arti, nell’artigianato e nella coltivazione, secondo la logica espressa da Carlo Petrini, secondo cui oltre a far viaggiare i prodotti verso i consumatori, vanno fatti viaggiare anche i consumatori verso i prodotti.
      I Contratti di Rete Si tratta di un modello di collaborazione tra imprese che consente, pur mantenendo la propria indipendenza, autonomia e specialità, di realizzare progetti ed obiettivi condivisi, incrementando la capacità innovativa e limitando i costi di gestione.

      https://www.nocap.it