• From Palermo and Barcelona to Naples: For the Right to Mobility and the Right to Rescue!
    Naples, Italy, 22 June 2019

    Humanitarian rescue NGOs, civil society organisations, and activist groups, including Sea-Watch, Alarm Phone, Mediterranea, Seebrücke, Aita Mari, Jugend Rettet, Borderline Europe, Inura, Open Arms, and Welcome to Europe, as well as representatives of several European cities and municipalities, including Naples and Barcelona, have come together to work toward a collective European and Mediterranean initiative. Our movement was born in Palermo in 2018 and in the spirit of the Charter of Palermo, with its central demand for the right of mobility. Our slogan is: “From the Sea to the Cities!”

    After our meetings in Palermo and Barcelona, we were hosted by the Municipality of Naples on 20-21 June 2019. Naples is a city that has declared its port a safe harbour in light of the restrictive and anti-migrant measures of the current Italian government, especially its interior minister. Over the past two days we have strengthened the collaboration between humanitarian rescue NGOs, civil society organisations, activist groups and city administrators. Our main aim is to join together in the struggle against the mass dying in the Mediterranean Sea. Those rescued at sea must be brought to safe harbours and be allowed to live freely and in dignity in European cities.

    We declare our solidarity with the 43 survivors, including unaccompanied minors, who were rescued by Sea-Watch 3 but who are still today, 10 days after their rescue, stuck on the rescue boat. We condemn the refusal to allow Sea-Watch 3 and its guests to land at a safe harbour. Together with the survivors we demand from the Italian government as well as the European institutions and community to immediate guarantee their disembarkation.

    #asile #migrations #réfugiés #droit_à_la_mobilité #droit_au_sauvetage #Palerme #Barcelone #Naples

    ajouté à la métaliste:

  • #Fearless_Cities’ Movements Plot Common Path in Serbia

    ‘Municipalist’ movements from all over Europe met in the Serbian capital last weekend to exchange ideas and plan a common strategy against deeply entrenched political structures in their home countries.

    Municipalist activists from all over Europe descended on Belgrade in Serbia at the weekend for the fifth Fearless Cities conference, an event that seeks to elevate the discussion about the role that grassroots city-based groups can play in countering entrenched political structures and the rise of the far right.

    The conference last weekend was hosted by activists from Serbia’s Let’s Not Drown Belgrade [#Ne_davimo_Beograd], which was formed in 2014 to oppose a massive development project on the riverbank of the Serbian capital.

    The global municipalist movement met for the first time at the Fearless Cities Summit in Barcelona, Spain, in June 2017, at the invitation of Barcelona En Comú, with the stated goal of “radicalizing democracy, feminizing politics and standing up to the far right”.

    In a world in which it says “fear and inequalities are being twisted into hate, the movement says it is “standing up to defend human rights, democracy and the common good”.

    “It is a good opportunity to see how both smaller and bigger European cities are doing, and how we are actually on the same page for how we want to introduce citizens to decision-making,” Radomir Lazovic, one of the founders of Ne Davimo Beograd, said.

    “We are against the privatization and commercialisation of public assets, and we want to develop cities that belong to us, as citizens,” he told BIRN.

    Besides opposing the Belgrade Waterfront, Ne Davimo Beograd has supported months of protests in the Serbian capital against the government of President Aleksandar Vucic.

    The “1of 5 million” movement launched a series of protests on December 8 last year, demanding that Vucic and his governing Serbian Progressive Party resign, as well as more media freedom and fair elections.

    At the event in Belgrade, one of the panels gathered individuals from all over the Balkans, including North Macedonia, Albania and Croatia, to discuss the rise of local movements in their respective countries, and whether these movements actually have the potential to affect real change.

    Many panelists emphasized that in their home cities, members of the public often didn’t even know that they had neighbourhood councils and could have a real say in matters affecting their cities and towns.

    “Connecting and expanding our knowledge on the practices we are interested in is important, especially at a time when we see that right-wing formations and political parties are much better organized, much better mobilized and much more present in the general media with a higher impact on the general public,” said Ivana Dragsic, from the Skopje-based organization, #Freedom_Square.

    How municipalist movements can help shape the future of European politics was the main topic of discussion in #Belgrade.

    “Municipalism” emphasises the importance of allowing cities and towns to make their own decisions on issues like affordable housing, sustainable environmental policies and transparency.

    “Political parties have a problem because they … don’t follow the real process of societies,” said Ana Méndez de Andés, a member of the organization Ahora Madrid.

    “Municipalism looks at other ways of organizing. It’s about understanding that there is a need to change institutions and open up radical democratic processes starting from a scale that is closer to the citizens,” she told BIRN.

    Speakers from groups such as OccupyGaguta in Moldova, The City is For All in Hungary and Organized Society S.O.S. in Romania also presented their views at the conference, highlighting issues like participatory democracy, evictions, and environmental campaigns.

    “I am here in the Balkans because, as a Romanian, I can learn more about the experience in Southeastern Europe than I can from Western countries,” said Adrian Dohotaru, an MP in Romania and a member of Organized Society S.O.S.

    “We have a similar experience of commodification and privatization of public goods, a neoliberal system and in order to reverse this, we need to provide better policies against corruption.”

    Environmental justice was addressed by several speakers, including members of Keep Upright, KOD, from Montenegro, and Zagreb je NAS! [Zagreb is us], from Croatia.

    Other organizations like Spasi Sofia [Save Sofia] focus on promoting good quality public transport and green public spaces in the Bulgarian capital.

    “When the local government in Sofia canceled a big tramway project for the city we said: ‘This is enough. We have to really vote for ourselves because we love the city and we have to do something about it,’” said Andrej Zografski, from Spasi Sofia.

    “We have to learn from each other because we don’t have any other allies than ourselves,” he added.

    Opportunities to learn about issues specific to Belgrade were also offered at the conference, including tours of the Belgrade Waterfront and of the Kaludjerica settlment, which is often referred to as an illegal settlement due to the number of buildings built there without permits.

    Workshops to learn about different issues facing people in Serbia, like LGBT rights and the construction of hydro-power plants against public will, were offered as well.

    One of the discussions at the Belgrade event addressed the feminization of politics within a global context.

    Speakers from Colombia, Spain, Serbia and Croatia discussed the challenges of women trying to navigate and change patriarchal political systems.

    “If we don’t have a feminization of politics, we’ll lose many voices that are important in politics and, unless we change this, it’ll be difficult for these people to participate on equal terms with others,” said Laura Roth, a member of Barcelona en Comú.

    “This means distributing responsibilities in different ways and trying to break traditional gender.
    #villes-refuge #Serbie #asile #migrations #réfugiés #solidarité #hospitalité #municipalisme

    Ajouté à la métaliste sur les villes-refuge :

  • ‘How do they sleep?’ Roger Waters calls out US, UK & France over ‘faked’ Douma chemical attack — RT World News

    Citing newly leaked OPCW documents casting doubt on the April 2018 ‘chemical attack’ that triggered a bombing of Syria, rock star Roger Waters is calling out everyone who believed in the ‘murderous fairytale’ of the White Helmets.

    US, UK and France launched air strikes against Syria in April last year, after an alleged chemical attack in the city of Douma, northeast of Damascus. The claims came from the White Helmets, a self-styled ‘civil defense’ organization backed by Western governments and embedded with the Islamist militants in Syria.

    “The White Helmets probably murdered 34 women and children to dress the scene that sorry day in Douma,” Waters posted on his Facebook page on Thursday, next to a video of his April 2018 concert in Barcelona in which he challenged the group as “a fake organization that exists only to create propaganda for the jihadists and terrorists.”

    Waters added he hopes that those in the media and the governments in Paris, London and Washington that bought into the White Helmets’ “callous and murderous fairytale are suitably haunted by the indelible images of those lost innocent Syrian lives.”

    Internal OPCW documents leaked earlier this week cast doubt on the organization’s final report about the Douma incident, which claimed chlorine was ‘likely’ used against civilians. Syrian and Russian soldiers that liberated the town from militants found chlorine containers and a laboratory for producing chemical weapons. Moscow has suggested that the OPCW hedged its report because it did not want to contradict the US narrative.

    #syrie #propagande

    • Intéressant : Brian Whitaker a publié un assez gros point sur cette « fuite ». Leaked document revives controversy over Syria chemical attacks

      A leaked document which contradicts key findings of an official investigation into chemical weapons in Syria has surfaced on the internet. Described as an “engineering assessment” and marked “draft for internal review”, it appears to have been written by an employee of the Organisation for Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW) — the international body charged with the investigation.

      In April 2018 dozens of people were reportedly killed by a chemical attack in Douma, on the outskirts of Damascus, and western powers responded with airstrikes directed against the Assad regime.

      In March this year, after a lengthy investigation, the OPCW issued a report which found “reasonable grounds” for believing a toxic chemical had been used as a weapon in Douma and suggested the chemical involved was chlorine gas, delivered by cylinders dropped from the air.

      Although the investigators’ brief did not allow them to apportion blame, use of air-dropped cylinders implied the regime was responsible, since rebel fighters in Syria had no aircraft.

      The 15-page leaked document takes the opposite view and says it is more likely that the two cylinders in question had been “manually placed” in the spot where they were found, rather than being dropped from the air. The implication of this is that Syrian rebels had planted them to create the false appearance of a chemical attack by the regime.

      Whitaker, sur ce sujet, s’est régulièrement illustré par une dénonciation virulente de ce qu’il appelle les « truthers » sur la Syrie. Encore très récemment :

    • Après, personnellement, le fait de conclure directement à l’analyse opposée (« les casques blancs ont fait le coup ») sur la foi d’un seul rapport minoritaire non retenu dans le rapport final, ça me semble excessivement prématuré.

  • Chiens et renards dans les structures funéraires de l’âge du bronze moyen-ancien au nord-est de la péninsule ibérique : contrôle humain du régime alimentaire des canidés sur les sites de Can Roqueta (Barcelone) et de Minferri (Lleida)

    En clair : la domestication des chiens et des renards à l’âge du bronze (on le savait déjà mais cela confirme le fait une fois de plus). Il est aussi question du rôle de ces espèces pour déterminer la richesse des individus et de leur statut social.

    Dans le nord-est de la péninsule ibérique, entre le troisième et le deuxième millénaire avant notre ère, une pratique funéraire répandue consistait à enterrer des humains avec des animaux. Les scientifiques ont découvert que les renards et les chiens étaient domestiqués, leur régime alimentaire étant similaire à celui de leurs propriétaires.

    La découverte de quatre renards et d’un grand nombre de chiens sur les sites de Can Roqueta (Barcelone) et de Minferri (Lleida) figure parmi les nombreux exemples de tombes dans différentes parties de la péninsule nord-est.(...)

    Le plus frappant à propos de ces sites est la manière d’enterrer les morts dans de grands silos, avec leurs chiens et quelques renards. "Nous avons découvert que, dans certains cas, les chiens recevaient un type de nourriture spécial. Nous pensons que cela est lié à leur fonction de chien de travail. En outre, l’un des renards montre des signes d’avoir déjà été un animal domestique à cette époque" a déclaré Aurora Grandal -d’Anglade, co-auteur d’une étude sur la relation entre les humains et les chiens dans leur régime alimentaire publiée dans la revue Archaeological and Anthropological Sciences.

    En étudiant les isotopes stables du carbone et de l’azote dans le collagène osseux, ainsi que des études archéologiques, archéobiologiques et anthropologiques, les chercheurs ont pu comparer le régime alimentaire des animaux enterrés au régime de leurs propriétaires. Un total de 37 chiens, 19 ongulés domestiques et 64 humains ont été analysés. Les résultats indiquent que le régime des chiens était semblable à celui des humains.

    L’étude isotopique des renards de Minferri montre une alimentation variée : dans certains cas, elle ressemble à celle des chiens de ce site et, dans un autre, elle ressemble davantage à celle d’un animal sauvage ou qui a eu peu de contact avec l’homme.

    "Le cas du renard de Can Roqueta est très spécial, car il s’agit d’un vieil animal, avec une jambe cassée. La fracture est toujours en cours de guérison et montre des signes d’immobilisation (guéris) par l’homme. L’alimentation de cette animal est très inhabituel, car il ressemble plus à un chiot. Nous l’interprétons comme un animal domestique ayant vécu longtemps avec les humains ", explique Grandal.

    Les grands chiens utilisés pour le transport de charges

    L’étude indique que, dans certains cas particuliers à Can Roqueta, il existait une préparation alimentaire riche en céréales pour chiens de grande taille probablement utilisée pour porter des charges et pour au moins un des renards.

    "Ces spécimens montrent également des signes de troubles de la colonne vertébrale liés au transport d’objets lourds. Les humains étaient probablement à la recherche d’un régime alimentaire riche en glucides car ils développaient un travail plus actif, nécessitant une dépense calorique immédiate. Les chiens étaient essentiellement nourris avec des céréales, mais cela avait déjà été recommandé par l’agronome hispano-romain du premier siècle, Lucius Junius Moderatus Columella, dans son ouvrage De re rustica ", déclare Silvia Albizuri Canadell (co-auteur du travail et archéozoologue de l’université. de Barcelone).

    D’autres animaux, tels que les vaches, les moutons ou les chèvres, sont connus pour leur régime herbivore. Leur fonction était probablement de fournir du lait, de la viande ou de la laine plutôt que de servir de force de travail. "Le cheval n’était pas encore très répandu dans ces sociétés, aucune trace n’a été trouvée avant bien longtemps"(...).

    En général, les humains et les chiens présentent des signaux isotopiques un peu plus élevés que les ongulés, ce qui indique une certaine consommation (pas très élevée) de protéines animales, "pas nécessairement beaucoup de viande ; elles pourraient par exemple provenir de lait", explique Grandal. Les objets archéologiques comprenaient des tamis servant « d’appareils pour la fabrication du fromage ».

    (...) Leur régime alimentaire pourrait provenir principalement des restes de ce que les humains mangeaient, la plupart du temps semblables à ceux des femmes et des enfants. "C’est pourquoi nous pensions qu’ils étaient davantage liés à ces environnements domestiques", explique le chercheur. Il existe de nombreux parallèles ethnographiques qui indiquent cette relation entre [l’alimentation] des femmes et les chiens.

    Alimentation et traitement des renards et des chiens

    Le rôle fondamental des chiens à l’âge du bronze, lorsque l’élevage et l’agriculture constituaient la base de l’économie, était celui de la surveillance et de la direction des troupeaux. Ils étaient également responsables de la surveillance des établissements humains, compte tenu du risque posé par la présence fréquente d’animaux dangereux tels que les loups ou les ours.

    "Les caractéristiques des chiens comprennent leur grande intelligence, leur facilité d’entraînement et, sans aucun doute, leur comportement défensif. (...) Cet animal a été utilisé jusqu’au XIXe siècle en Amérique du Nord, au Canada et en Europe pour le transport léger. (...) Il a également servi de bête de somme sur la péninsule à l’âge du bronze. Certains spécimens archéologiques d’Amérique du Nord font état de troubles osseux dus au tirage de travois. (...)

    "Ce sont les spécimens de Can Roqueta à l’étude qui ont déclenché l’alarme concernant l’utilisation de cet animal pour des charges légères depuis l’Antiquité, et ils constituent un cas exceptionnel en Europe", déclare Albizuri Canadell.

    Des pathologies similaires ont également été récemment identifiées dans les vertèbres de chiens paléolithiques sibériens, ce qui laisse à penser que l’une des premières tâches depuis leur première domestication était le tirage de traîneaux et de travois, en plus de la chasse.

    Son rôle en tant qu’animal de transport dans les premières migrations et dans les mouvements humains à travers l’Europe glaciaire aurait pu être fondamental et beaucoup plus important qu’on ne le croyait jusqu’à récemment.

    La raison des offrandes d’animaux

    Des découvertes exceptionnelles, telles que celles des tombes n° 88 et 40 du site de Minferri (Lleida), montrent qu’à l’âge du bronze, il existait déjà des traitements funéraires bien différenciés dans les communautés humaines.

    "Dans les deux structures mentionnées ci-dessus, les restes de trois individus ont été retrouvés avec des offrandes d’animaux. Dans la tombe n ° 88, il y avait le corps d’un vieil homme avec les restes d’une vache entière et les pattes de sept chèvres au maximum, une jeune femme avec l’offrande d’une chèvre entière, deux renards et une corne de bovin a également été retrouvée ", déclare Ariadna Nieto Espinet, archéologue à l’Université de Lleida et co-auteur de l’étude.

    Dans la structure n°405 a découvert le corps d’un individu, éventuellement d’une femme, accompagné des corps entiers de deux bovins et de deux chiens. "Nous ne savons toujours pas pourquoi seules quelques personnes auraient eu le droit ou le privilège d’être enterrées avec ce type d’offrande, contrairement à ce qui se passe avec la grande majorité des enterrements".

    À Can Roqueta, des différences nettes ont également été observées dans les dépôts d’animaux domestiques dans les tombes d’adultes, hommes et femmes, qui se retrouvent même dans les tombes d’enfants. On peut en déduire l’existence d’un héritage de statut social dès la naissance.

    "Il est tentant de penser que, si nous comprenons les animaux domestiques comme une partie très importante de l’économie agro-pastorale de l’âge du bronze et des biens de certaines personnes dans la vie, ceux-ci pourraient être un indicateur de la richesse des personne décédée ou de son clan ou de sa famille ", affirme Nieto Espinet.

    "Il semble que des espèces telles que les bovins et les chiens, deux des animaux les plus récurrents dans les offrandes funéraires, soient celles qui auraient pu jouer un rôle fondamental dans l’économie et le travail, ainsi que dans le monde symbolique, devenant des éléments d’ostentation, de prestige et de prospérité. protection ", conclut-elle.

    Dogs and foxes in Early-Middle Bronze Age funerary structures in the northeast of the Iberian Peninsula : human control of canid diet at the sites of Can Roqueta (Barcelona) and Minferri (Lleida) | SpringerLink

    #Préhistoire #Age_du_Bronze #domestication #chiens #renards 5000BP

    Aurora Grandal-d’Anglade, Silvia Albizuri, Ariadna Nieto, Tona Majó, Bibiana Agustí, Natalia Alonso, Ferran Antolín, Joan B. López, Andreu Moya, Alba Rodríguez, Antoni Palomo. Dogs and foxes in Early-Middle Bronze Age funerary structures in the northeast of the Iberian Peninsula : human control of canid diet at the sites of Can Roqueta (Barcelona) and Minferri (Lleida). Archaeological and Anthropological Sciences, 2019 ; DOI : 10.1007/s12520-019-00781-z

  • Jordi Ruiz Cirera | Mexico-based Photographer


    Jordi Ruiz Cirera is an independent documentary photographer and filmmaker from Barcelona, based in Mexico. Devoted to long-term projects, Jordi focuses on the effects of globalisation in small communities and how they are adapting to it, and, since relocating in Mexico City, on migration issues across the Americas.

    He is a recipient of Magnum Foundation’s Emergency Fund and winner of global awards including the Taylor Wessing Photographic Portrait Prize at the National Portrait Gallery in London, Magnum’s 30 under 30, POYi, Lucie Awards, Magenta Flash Forward and the AOP’s Student Photographer of the Year. His work has been exhibited widely in galleries and at festivals, and belongs to a number of private collections.

    Jordi’s work has appeared in international publications that include The New York Times, The Sunday Times Magazine, The Guardian, Le Monde M and National Geographic’s Proof. He also works on commissions for corporate clients and non-profits such as MSF / Doctors Without Borders, the United Nations and Save the Children.

    In 2014, Jordi published his first monograph, Los Menonos, with independent publishing house Éditions du LIC. He holds a BA degree in design and an MA in Photojournalism and Documentary Photography from the London College of Communication. Jordi is a member of Panos Pictures.

    #palstine #ramallah #photographie

  • #flutter 1.2 : What’s new in this release ?

    Mobile cross-platform development has reached a new dimension with the introduction of Flutter. Since the team at Google released Flutter 1.0 in last December, the buzz has been never-ending. And as we talked and debated about the recent entrant, Flutter 1.2 is out!Flutter 1.2 is the first feature update for Google Flutter. It was released on February 26 at the Mobile World Congress held in Barcelona. So, let’s see what’s new this time!Dart 2.2The use of #dart has proven to be a major game changer for Flutter. The performance enhancements offered by Dart for Flutter apps is huge. Keeping this in mind, the new Flutter release includes Dart 2.2 SDK for faster performance.In Dart 2.2, they have specifically focussed on improving the performance of the Ahead Of Time (AOT) code. Developers can (...)

    #flutter-1-point-2 #flutter-one-point-two #android-app-development

    David Cardelús is a Spanish architectural photographer who specialized in representing contemporary architecture for architectural firms and national and international publishing companies, has takes a series of photographs of El Capricho, that in 1883, Máximo Díaz de Quijano, an “Indiano” enriched in America, commissioned to Antoni Gaudí with what would be a summer villa near the palace of Sobrellano del Marqués in Comillas, Cantabria. Gaudi has several other works in Barcelona that one cannot miss if they happen to visit the Catalonian city.


  • Ivy Barkakati

    Ivy Barkakati is an American DJ, producer and presenter of a monthly show on the Barcelona-based radio, Casa da Crega, where she currently resides.

    She released her first solo debut in 2014 on Hospital Productions, followed two years later by another track “Mango Sheen” on Modern Obscure Music. She has since collaborated with Phran (“Impulse”) on Rhythm Control Barcelona in 2017, with whom she released another track “Manipulate Me” under the alias IVAN on the australian label Best Effort .

    Barkakati’s music style is eclectic. Her DJ sets tend more towards the American house and disco that she started out with, and in the studio, she produces more experimental music with synths, ranging from light ambient to dark industrial sounds. In ITHAKA Series_#3, she’ll be gracing us with one (...)

    #future #bass #rap #funk #lounge #down_tempo #ghostly #future,bass,rap,funk,lounge,down_tempo,ghostly

  • #FairBnB is an ethical alternative to #Airbnb, coming [to Barcelona] in 2019

    How it’s fairer than Airbnb?

    First difference is transparency and legality. We’re not just transparent, we foster transparency and we actually want to work with governments,” says Veracruz. “That’s why we’re strict on our ‘one host, one home’ policy. We also want to pay taxes at a local level and make the whole process as transparent as possible.” Before the pilot in January, Veracruz and his team will also verify that every single host is legally allowed to rent out his or her space according to local law.

    “The second difference is that 50 percent of the commission will be used to fund community projects.” Prices on FairBnB should be comparable to Airbnb, but the commission will possibly be lower and its structure will be different. Only 50 percent of the commission will go to the platform’s management, while the other 50 percent will go into funding local community projects.


    FairBnB’s third difference is perhaps the biggest: “We’re also conditioned by our third main difference, that we’re a cooperative. The platform is owned by a group of people contributing to the project, salaries in the cooperative are limited, and everything about the operation is transparent, such as salaries and membership.”

    #Tourism #SharingEconomy #PlatformEconomy

  • Fires in the Void : The Need for Migrant Solidarity

    For most, Barcelona’s immigrant detention center is a difficult place to find. Tucked away in the Zona Franca logistics and industrial area, just beyond the Montjuïc Cemetery, it is shrouded in an alien stillness. It may be the quietest place in the city on a Saturday afternoon, but it is not a contemplative quiet. It is a no-one-can-hear-you-scream quiet.

    The area is often described as a perfect example of what anthropologist Marc Augé calls a non-place: neither relational nor historical, nor concerned with identity. Yet this opaque institution is situated in the economic motor of the city, next to the port, the airport, the public transportation company, the wholesale market that provides most of the city’s produce and the printing plant for Spain’s most widely read newspaper. The detention center is a void in the heart of a sovereign body.

    Alik Manukyan died in this void. On the morning of December 3, 2013, officers found the 32-year-old Armenian dead in his isolation cell, hanged using his own shoelaces. Police claimed that Manukyan was a “violent” and “conflictive” person who caused trouble with his cellmates. This account of his alleged suicide was contradicted, however, by three detainees. They claimed Alik had had a confrontation with some officers, who then entered the cell, assaulted him and forced him into isolation. They heard Alik scream and wail all through the night. Two of these witnesses were deported before the case made it to court. An “undetectable technical error” prevented the judge from viewing any surveillance footage.

    The void extends beyond the detention center. In 2013, nearly a decade after moving to Spain, a young Senegalese man named #Alpha_Pam died of tuberculosis. When he went to a hospital for treatment, Pam was denied medical attention because his papers were not in order. His case was a clear example of the apartheid logic underlying a 2012 decree by Mariano Rajoy’s right-wing government, which excluded undocumented people from Spain’s once-universal public health care system. As a result, the country’s hospitals went from being places of universal care to spaces of systematic neglect. The science of healing, warped by nationalist politics.

    Not that science had not played a role in perpetuating the void before. In 2007, during the Socialist government of José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero, #Osamuyi_Aikpitanyi died during a deportation flight after being gagged and restrained by police escorts. The medical experts who investigated Aikpitanyi’s death concluded that the Nigerian man had died due to a series of factors they called “a vicious spiral”. There was an increase in catecholamine, a neurotransmitter related to stress, fear, panic and flight instincts. This was compounded by a lack of oxygen due to the flight altitude and, possibly, the gag. Ultimately, these experts could not determine what percentage of the death had been directly caused by the gag, and the police were fined 600 euros for the non-criminal offense of “light negligence”.

    The Romans had a term for lives like these, lives that vanish in the void. That term was #homo_sacer, the “sacred man”, who one could kill without being found guilty of murder. An obscure figure from archaic law revived by the philosopher #Giorgio_Agamben, it was used to incorporate human life, stripped of personhood, into the juridical order. Around this figure, a state of exception was produced, in which power could be exercised in its crudest form, opaque and unaccountable. For Agamben, this is the unspoken ground upon which modern sovereignty stands. Perhaps the best example of it is the mass grave that the Mediterranean has become.

    Organized Hypocrisy

    Its name suggests that the Mediterranean was once the world’s center. Today it is its deadliest divide. According to the International Organization for Migration, over 9,000 people died trying to cross the sea between January 1, 2014 and July 5, 2018. A conservative estimate, perhaps. The UN Refugee Agency estimates that the number of people found dead or missing during this period is closer to 17,000.

    Concern for the situation peaks when spectacular images make the horror unavoidable. A crisis mentality takes over, and politicians make sweeping gestures with a solemn sense of urgency. One such gesture was made after nearly 400 people died en route to Lampedusa in October 2013. The Italian government responded by launching Operation #Mare_Nostrum, a search-and-rescue program led by the country’s navy and coast guard. It cost €11 million per month, deploying 34 warships and about 900 sailors per working day. Over 150,000 people were rescued by the operation in one year.

    Despite its cost, Mare Nostrum was initially supported by much of the Italian public. It was less popular, however, with other European member states, who accused the mission of encouraging “illegal” migration by making it less deadly. Within a year, Europe’s refusal to share the responsibility had produced a substantial degree of discontent in Italy. In October 2014, Mare Nostrum was scrapped and replaced by #Triton, an operation led by the European border agency #Frontex.

    With a third of Mare Nostrum’s budget, Triton was oriented not towards protecting lives but towards surveillance and border control. As a result, the deadliest incidents in the region’s history occurred less than half a year into the operation. Between April 13 and April 19, 2015, over one thousand people drowned in the waters abandoned by European search and rescue efforts. Once again, the images produced a public outcry. Once again, European leaders shed crocodile tears for the dead.

    Instead of strengthening search and rescue efforts, the EU increased Frontex’s budget and complemented Triton with #Operation_Sophia, a military effort to disrupt the networks of so-called “smugglers”. #Eugenio_Cusumano, an assistant professor of international relations at the University of Leiden, has written extensively on the consequences of this approach, which he describes as “organized hypocrisy”. In an article for the Cambridge Review of International Affairs (, Cusumano shows how the shortage of search and rescue assets caused by the termination of Mare Nostrum led non-governmental organizations to become the main source of these activities off the Libyan shore. Between 2014 and 2017, NGOs aided over 100,000 people.

    Their efforts have been admirable. Yet the precariousness of their resources and their dependence on private donors mean that NGOs have neither the power nor the capacity to provide aid on the scale required to prevent thousands of deaths at the border. To make matters worse, for the last several months governments have been targeting NGOs and individual activists as smugglers or human traffickers, criminalizing their solidarity. It is hardly surprising, then, that the border has become even deadlier in recent years. According to the UN Refugee Agency, although the number of attempted crossings has fallen over 80 percent from its peak in 2015, the percentage of people who have died or vanished has quadrupled.

    It is not my intention, with the litany of deaths described here, to simply name some of the people killed by Europe’s border regime. What I hope to have done instead is show the scale of the void at its heart and give a sense of its ruthlessness and verticality. There is a tendency to refer to this void as a gap, as a space beyond the reach of European institutions, the European gaze or European epistemologies. If this were true, the void could be filled by simply extending Europe’s reach, by producing new concepts, mapping new terrains, building new institutions.

    But, in fact, Europe has been treating the void as a site of production all along. As political theorist #Sandro_Mezzadra writes, the border is the method through which the sovereign machine of governmentality was built. Its construction must be sabotaged, subverted and disrupted at every level.

    A Crisis of Solidarity

    When the ultranationalist Italian interior minister Matteo Salvini refused to allow the MV #Aquarius to dock in June 2018, he was applauded by an alarmingly large number of Italians. Many blamed his racism and that of the Italians for putting over 600 lives at risk, including those of 123 unaccompanied minors, eleven young children and seven pregnant women.

    Certainly, the willingness to make a political point by sacrificing hundreds of migrant lives confirms that racism. But another part of what made Salvini’s gesture so horrifying was that, presumably, many of those who had once celebrated increasing search and rescue efforts now supported the opposite. Meanwhile, many of the same European politicians who had refused to share Italy’s responsibilities five years earlier were now expressing moral outrage over Salvini’s lack of solidarity.

    Once again, the crisis mode of European border politics was activated. Once again, European politicians and media talked about a “migrant crisis”, about “flows” of people causing unprecedented “pressure” on the southern border. But attempted crossings were at their lowest level in years, a fact that led many migration scholars to claim this was not a “migrant crisis”, but a crisis of solidarity. In this sense, Italy’s shift reflects the nature of the problem. By leaving it up to individual member states, the EU has made responding to the deaths at the border a matter of national conviction. When international solidarity is absent, national self-interest takes over.

    Fortunately, Spain’s freshly sworn-in Socialist Party government granted the Aquarius permission to dock in the Port of #Valencia. This happened only after Mayor Ada Colau of Barcelona, a self-declared “City of Refuge”, pressured Spanish President Pedro Sánchez by publicly offering to receive the ship at the Port of Barcelona. Party politics being as they are, Sánchez authorized a port where his party’s relationship with the governing left-wing platform was less conflictive than in Barcelona.

    The media celebrated Sánchez’s authorization as an example of moral virtue. Yet it would not have happened if solidarity with refugees had not been considered politically profitable by institutional actors. In Spain’s highly fractured political arena, younger left-wing parties and the Catalan independence movement are constantly pressuring a weakened Socialist Party to prove their progressive credentials. Meanwhile, tireless mobilization by social movements has made welcoming refugees a matter of common sense and basic human decency.

    The best known example of this mobilization was the massive protest that took place in February 2017, when 150,000 people took to the streets of Barcelona to demand that Mariano Rajoy’s government take in more refugees and migrants. It is likely because of actions like these that, according to the June 2018 Eurobarometer, over 80 percent of people in Spain believe the country should help those fleeing disaster.

    Yet even where the situation might be more favorable to bottom-up pressure, those in power will not only limit the degree to which demands are met, but actively distort those demands. The February 2017 protest is a good example. Though it also called for the abolition of detention centers, racial profiling and Spain’s racist immigration law, the march is best remembered for the single demand of welcoming refugees.

    The adoption of this demand by the Socialist Party was predictably cynical. After authorizing the Aquarius, President Sánchez used his momentarily boosted credibility to present, alongside Emmanuel Macron, a “progressive” European alternative to Salvini’s closed border. It involved creating detention centers all over the continent, with the excuse of determining people’s documentation status. Gears turn in the sovereign machine of governmentality. The void expands.

    Today the border is a sprawling, parasitic entity linking governments, private companies and supranational institutions. It is not enough for NGOs to rescue refugees, when their efforts can be turned into spot-mopping for the state. It is not enough for social movements to pressure national governments to change their policies, when individual demands can be distorted to mean anything. It is not enough for cities to declare themselves places of refuge, when they can be compelled to enforce racist laws. It is not enough for political parties to take power, when they can be conditioned by private interests, the media and public opinion polls.

    To overcome these limitations, we must understand borders as highly vertical transnational constructions. Dismantling those constructions will require organization, confrontation, direct action, sabotage and, above all, that borderless praxis of mutual aid and solidarity known as internationalism. If we truly hope to abolish the border, we must start fires in the void.
    #solidarité #frontières #migrations #réfugiés #asile #détention_administrative #rétention #Barcelone #non-lieu #Espagne #mourir_en_détention_administrative #mort #décès #mourir_en_rétention #Alik_Manukyan #renvois #expulsions #vie_nue #Méditerranée #hypocrisie #hypocrisie_organisée #ONG #sauvetage #sabotage #nationalisme #crise #villes-refuge #Valence #internationalisme #ouverture_des_frontières #action_directe

    signalé par @isskein

  • Communisme, Stalinisme, Socialisme, Fascisme, Collectivisme, Anarchisme

    Une fois n’est pas coûtume, je vais reproduire l’essentiel d’un débat qui s’est déroulé sur l’excellente liste de diffusion de géographie critique (dite liste des « crits »).

    From Dr Hillary J. Shaw
    Visiting Fellow - Centre for Urban Research on Austerity
    Department of Politics and Public Policy
    De Montfort University

    The problem with books is once you read them you can’t un-read them.

    European politics and history in the 20 C starts to look a little different once you read Hayek, F A (1971) The Road To Serfdom, Routledge, London UK From the first few pages of this book, "...Stalinism was described even by a friend of Lenin as ‘superfascist’, ‘more ruthless than fascism’, with similar opinions being expressed by British politician Chamberlain, and by British writer Mr F A Vogt (Hayek, 1971: 20-1). The vicious fighting in 1920s Europe between Fascists and Communists was precisely because ‘they competed for the support of the same type of mind and reserved for each other the hatred of the heretic’ (Hayek, 1971: 22). One thing that all Collectivists share is intolerance for any dissenting, therefore threatening, opinions, rather like the strong religious factions of 16 century Europe..."

    Communism -
    WW2 -

    Un certain Reed (pas d’autres infos) répond :

    One thing that all Collectivists share is intolerance for any dissenting, therefore threatening, opinions... Then, One thing that all vulgar individualists share is a perfectly immoral disregard for mutual obligations... I’d say capitalism — marked as it is by market imperatives rather than opportunities — `is “collectivist” in the extreme, which is probably related to its tendency to decay into fascism.

    I also find it interesting that the anti-fascism of partisans is, in your formulation, pitched as a Bad Thing. Meanwhile, the inertia (or complicity) of liberals goes unmentioned.

    But, sure, the uses of Hayek are endless, as every anti-democratic and reactionary movement in the U.S. has thoroughly demonstrated, especially the anarcho-capitalist types who (surprise!) fly their black and yellow flags at the same rallies where the Klansmen and neo-nazis gather to cheerlead genocide.

    Hillary J. Shaw again en réponse :

    1) yes, capitalism, especially when globalised, can easily become ’Collectivist’, Totalitarian, even., Renarkably, even Adam Smith, way back in 1755, spoke of this tendency. And look now at the oligopolies we have in e.g. supermarkets, banking.

    2) Collectivism, generally, DOES demand uniformity of opinion - that’s almost a circular tautology. Can you give any major examples where it hasn’t - I’d love to know. And it was Hayek who used the term ’Collectivist’ for both Stalinism and 1940s fascism, by the way, not me.

    3) I said nothing about anti-fascism of partisans here, such ’partisans’ are often Communist in ideology, but may be ’anarchist’ leaning (although anarchism has often evolved into a very Collectivist socialism, ironically). As fighters against Naziism in the 1940s, they wree a great thing, as was anything that helped end Hitler’s tyranny and WW2.

    4) On this Hayekian analysis, the Klansmen, as neo-nazis, would be portrayed as Collectivist too - so if you percieve me as anti-Collectivist 9and I am no admirer of Stalin), then I must be (and indeed am) anti Klansmen too.

    Yes Hayek can be ’used for many things’ - but doesn’t that apply to almost all significant researchers, academics, in the social sciences and indeed beyond? Including for sure Marx, and probably Aadam Smith too. Does that mean we should ditch them, and the rest of these thinkers too?

    Noel Cass, de l’université de Lancaster :

    “anarchism has often evolved into a very Collectivist socialism, ironically”

    – just, no, Hilary.

    After socialist revolutions, anarchism has been crushed by authoritarian socialists. Please desist from sweeping political generalisations that just get up people’s noses.

    Hillary J. Shaw répond :

    Well yes and no. Only Wikipedia but seems to be broadly correct here

    While opposition to the state is central,[16] anarchism specifically entails opposing authority or hierarchical organisation in the conduct of all human relations.[17][18][19] Anarchism is usually considered a far-left ideology[20][21][22] and much of anarchist economics and anarchist legal philosophy reflects anti-authoritarian interpretations of communism, collectivism, syndicalism, mutualism, or participatory economics.


    In response to the army rebellion, an anarchist-inspired movement of peasants and workers, supported by armed militias, took control of Barcelona and of large areas of rural Spain where they collectivised the land.[128] However, the anarchists were losing ground even before the fascist victory in 1939 in a bitter struggle with the Stalinists, who controlled much of the distribution of military aid to the Republicans cause from the Soviet Union. According to Noam Chomsky, "the communists were mainly responsible for the destruction of the Spanish anarchists. Not just in Catalonia—the communist armies mainly destroyed the collectives elsewhere. The communists basically acted as the police force of the security system of the Republic and were very much opposed to the anarchists, partially because Stalin still hoped at that time to have some kind of pact with Western countries against Adolf Hitler

    My point in the whole of this is that the Left is a very complex concept that can range from being as totalitarian as some fascist regimes (e.g in the case of Stalin) right through to more idealistic schemes that promote individual flourishing (e.g. some anarchists) - however those who create the latter such schemes, however well-meaning, must beware they do not lapse/evolve into/get taken over by the more collectivist / dictatorial ones.

    Antony Ince, géographe de l’université de Cardiff :

    First of all, Hillary, you are very nearly correct when you point out the Spanish Civil War. There was a faction among the anarchists who believed that it would be strategically useful to participate in the Republican government in order to enhance their influence, especially in the anti-fascist regions where they were less powerful.

    However, this did not necessarily involve a change of ideology; it was an effort - a flawed one, admittedly, spurred on by concerns of war - to instrumentally use state institutions to further the anarchist cause. As it happened, it didn’t end well.

    Second, I would like to emphasise that “collectivism” is not a singular term and is not owned by totalitarianisms such as Stalinism et al. To begin, fascism’s conception of collectivism is one of national unity, a cross-class alliance in the supposed interest of national ’renewal’ or ’renaissance’ that is only collective in the sense that a powerful central state is in control of the polity, and which often features some very crude forms of nationalisation. Soviet collectivism operates functionally in a similar way (as predicted by the anarchists long before 1917!), although its goal is oriented towards the elimination of class relations.

    Of course, in practice, it simply created a new class structure by occupying the same state institutions and relations of production as the old order and failing to eliminate capital when it had the chance.

    With regards to anarchism and collectivism, the story is different again. Aside from some streams of exclusively individualist anarchism influenced by the likes of Max Stirner, anarchism is more accurately described as “anarchist-communism”. It is a left-libertarian form of collectivism that seeks to respect individual agency while also promoting the virtues of co-operation (sometimes referred to as ’free association’).

    There are many examples of this, such as the regions controlled by the CNT in civil war Spain, the vast regions of Ukraine voluntarily collectivised along anarchist lines by the Makhnovists during the Russian revolution, and more recently the principles on which the Rojava region in Syria is managed. (Of course, there are the Zapatistas too, but interestingly it turns out that their form of agrarian anarchism emerged from libertarian Marxist ideas in the early 1980s). Anyway, for the most part, anarchist experiments have tended to end not by a drift towards authoritarianism but by annihilation at the hands of authoritarians.

    In Spain, of course the fascists were largely to blame, but also the USSR-backed Communist Party saw the anarchists as a greater threat to their prospects than Franco; for the Makhnovists, it was Trotsky’s Red Armies who ended their voluntary collectivism in the Ukrainian countryside. In Rojava, if their Bookchin-inspired libertarian municipalism doesn’t survive (which I sincerely hope it does!), it is likely to be at the hands of the proto-fascist Turkish state.

    So, let’s be a little more nuanced with the notion of ’collectivism’, what it means, and what values and organisational logics it embodies. There are multiple collectivisms, and they operate along as much an axis of authoritarian-libertarian as left-right.

    Noel Cass dans un dernier élan :

    I was tempted to shout “Remember Kronstadt!”, lob a grenade, and duck !!


    Radio Barcelona a dévoilé la semaine dernière les gagnants de la 65ème édition de la Premios Ondas. Ce prix vise à reconnaître les professionnels, les entreprises et les travaux nationaux et internationaux dans le domaine de la radio, radio musique, la télévision et la publicité. Parmi les lauréats de cette année 2018, le prix Ondas[...]


  • Migration: the riddle of Europe’s shadow population
    Lennys — not her real name — is part of a shadow population living in Europe that predates the arrival of several million people on the continent in the past few years, amid war and chaos in regions of the Middle East and Africa. That influx, which has fuelled Eurosceptic nativism, has if anything complicated the fate of Lennys and other irregular migrants.

    Now she is using a service set up by the Barcelona local administration to help naturalise irregular migrants and bring them in from the margins of society. She is baffled by the anti-immigrant rhetoric of politicians who suggest people like her prefer living in the legal twilight, without access to many services — or official protection.❞

    The fate of Lennys and other irregulars is likely to take an ever more central role in Europe’s deepening disputes on migration. They are a diverse group: many arrived legally, as Lennys did, on holiday, work or family visas that have since expired or become invalid because of changes in personal circumstances. Others came clandestinely and have never had any legal right to stay.

    The most scrutinised, and frequently demonised, cohort consists of asylum seekers whose claims have failed. Their numbers are growing as the cases from the surge in migrant arrivals in the EU in 2015 and 2016 — when more than 2.5m people applied for asylum in the bloc — work their way through the process of decisions and appeals. Almost half of first instance claims failed between 2015 and 2017, but many of those who are rejected cannot be returned to their home countries easily — or even at all.

    The question of what to do about rejected asylum applicants and the rest of Europe’s shadow population is one that many governments avoid. Bouts of hostile rhetoric and unrealistic targets — such as the Italian government’s pledge this year to expel half a million irregular migrants — mask a structural failure to deal with the practicalities.

    Many governments have sought to deny irregular migrants services and expel them — policies that can create their own steep human costs. But authorities in a growing number of cities from Barcelona to Brussels have concluded that the combination of hostile attitudes and bureaucratic neglect is destructive.

    These cities are at the frontline of dealing with irregular status residents from Africa, the Middle East and elsewhere. Local authorities have, to varying degrees, brought these populations into the system by offering them services such as healthcare, language courses and even legal help.

    The argument is part humanitarian but also pragmatic. It could help prevent public health threats, crime, exploitative employment practices — and the kind of ghettoisation that can tear communities apart.

    “If we provide ways for people to find their path in our city . . . afterwards probably they will get regularisation and will get their papers correct,” says Ramon Sanahuja, director of immigration at the city council in Barcelona. “It’s better for everybody.”

    The size of Europe’s shadow population is unknown — but generally reckoned by experts to be significant and growing. The most comprehensive effort to measure it was through an EU funded project called Clandestino, which estimated the number of irregular migrants at between 1.9m and 3.8m in 2008 — a figure notable for both its wide margin of error and the lack of updates to it since, despite the influx after 2015.

    A more contemporaneous, though also imprecise, metric comes from comparing the numbers of people ordered to leave the EU each year with the numbers who actually went. Between 2008 and 2017, more than 5m non-EU citizens were instructed to leave the bloc. About 2m returned to countries outside it, according to official data.

    While the two sets of numbers do not map exactly — people don’t necessarily leave in the same year they are ordered to do so — the figures do suggest several million people may have joined Europe’s shadow population in the past decade or so. The cohort is likely to swell further as a glut of final appeals from asylum cases lodged since 2015 comes through.

    “The volume of people who are in limbo in the EU will only grow, so it’s really problematic,” says Hanne Beirens, associate director at Migration Policy Institute Europe, a think-tank. “While the rhetoric at a national level will be ‘These people cannot stay’, at a local community level these people need to survive.”

    Barcelona: cities seek practical solutions to ease migrant lives

    Barcelona’s pragmatic approach to irregular migration echoes its history as a hub for trade and movement of people across the Mediterranean Sea.

    It is one of 11 cities from 10 European countries involved in a two-year project on the best ways to provide services to irregular status migrants. Other participants in the initiative — set up last year by Oxford university’s Centre on Migration, Policy, and Society — include Athens, Frankfurt, Ghent, Gothenburg, Lisbon, Oslo, Stockholm and Utrecht.

    A report for the group, published last year, highlights the restrictions faced by undocumented migrants in accessing services across the EU. They were able to receive only emergency healthcare in six countries, while in a further 12 they were generally excluded from primary and secondary care services.

    Some cities have made special efforts to offer help in ways that they argue also benefit the community, the report said. Rotterdam asked midwives, doctors, and schools to refer children for vaccinations, in case their parents were afraid to reveal their immigration status.

    The impact of some of these policies has still to be demonstrated. Ramon Sanahuja, director of immigration at the city council in Barcelona, says authorities there had an “intuition” their approach brought benefits, but he admits they need to do a cost-benefit analysis. As to the potential for the scheme to be exploited by anti-immigrant groups, he says Europe needs “brave politicians who explain how the world works and that the system is complicated”.

    “A lot of people in Barcelona are part of the system — they have [for example] a cleaning lady from Honduras who they pay €10 per hour under the counter,” he says. “Someone has to explain this, that everything is related.” Michael Peel
    #naturalisation #villes-refuge #ville-refuge #citoyenneté #sans-papiers #migrerrance #régularisation #statistiques #chiffres #Europe #Etat-nation #limbe #pragmatisme #Barcelone

    cc @isskein


    Au niveau de la #terminologie (#mots, #vocabulaire), pour @sinehebdo:

    Belgian policy towards irregular migrants and undocumented workers has stiffened under the current government, which includes the hardline Flemish nationalist NVA party. It has prioritised the expulsion of “transmigrants”— the term used for people that have travelled to Europe, often via north Africa and the Mediterranean and that are seeking to move on from Belgium to other countries, notably the UK. Several hundred live rough in and around Brussels’ Gare du Nord.

    –-> #transmigrants

  • 27 villes du C40 auraient atteint le pic d’émissions. Pourquoi à ce stade je me méfie de cette annonce ?

    27 of the world’s greatest cities, representing 54 million urban citizens and $6 trillion in GDP have peaked their greenhouse gas emissions. New analysis reveals that the cities have seen emissions fall over a 5 year period, and are now at least 10% lower than their peak. City Halls around the world have achieved this crucial milestone, whilst population numbers have increased and city economies have grown. These 27 cities have continued to decrease emissions by an average of 2% per year since their peak, while populations grew by 1.4% per year, and their economies by 3% per year on average.
    The cities are: Barcelona, Basel, Berlin, Boston, Chicago, Copenhagen, Heidelberg, London, Los Angeles, Madrid, Melbourne, Milan, Montréal, New Orleans, New York City, Oslo, Paris, Philadelphia, Portland, Rome, San Francisco, Stockholm, Sydney, Toronto, Vancouver, Warsaw, Washington D.C.

    Comme c’est beau ! Comme par hasard, aucune ville des pays actuellement en voie d’industrialisation, tel que la Chine par ex. n’est dans ce groupe. On peut se demander comme sont calculées ces émissions. Mon hypothèse est que ces données ne prennent pas en compte le cycle de vie des matières et des services produits dans les villes en question, seulement les émissions locales. Ce qui est sale est aujourd’hui en Chine, au MO, etc. Merci la mondialisation...
    D’autre part, des questions se posent également sur les contours des villes prises en considération, par ex. est-ce uniquement Paris intra muros ou bien la Métropole, voire l’IdF ? Probablement la première option. A ce stage les informations disponibles ne répondent pas à ces questions de base.
    Pour aller plus loin sur la question des méthodes de calcul, et notamment la différence entre la méthode territoriale et celle basée sur la consommation des ménages prenant en compte le cycle de vie, voir par ex. Pichler, Peter-Paul, Timm Zwickel, Abel Chavez, Tino Kretschmer, Jessica Seddon, and Helga Weisz, ‘Reducing Urban Greenhouse Gas Footprints’, Scientific Reports, 7 (2017), 14659 <>

    #changement_climatique #fake_news_possible

  • Barcelona’s Experiment in Radical Democracy | The New Yorker

    The municipalist agenda is intentionally broad; it’s based, as Pin puts it, on common goals rather than differences. As overgeneral and even naïve as that may sound, it has practical implications: municipalism is not trying to distinguish itself from other political parties, in part because it’s not itself a party. Municipalist programs tend to be focussed on the specific needs of a city’s residents and specific programs that address them. In Barcelona, much of the program is focussed on regulating tourist industries in order to improve the lot of local residents, but also to restore some of the city’s particular character that has attracted tourism in the first place.

    As the name makes clear, Barcelona en Comú is focussed on the commons. Colau speaks of the importance of public space often and articulately. “Public space is the place, par excellence, for democracy: this space that belongs to all of us,” she told me. “Therefore, this is also the space of the most vulnerable people, which is what democratic systems should prioritize: the people who have fewer opportunities. If you have little private space, you have more public space and public services—libraries, beaches, parks. It is the space to meet with others, but also it’s a space where you can be who you want to be—this is the space for freedom. And, therefore, it is a space where you can build up the city with others. So, from that point of view, the more public space there is, and the better its quality, the better the quality of the democracy.” Colau’s government has pushed experiments in community management of space and resources, such as handing over public buildings to local communities. Barcelona is launching a publicly held energy company that will supply energy to municipal buildings.

    A central aspect of municipalist politics, and also, perhaps, the hardest to define, is a focus on what is called the feminization of politics. “Knowing that emotions and affects are very important in politics” is part of what feminization means, Pin said. “Men don’t say that. Empathy is a political value.” Pin’s work in anti-eviction activism is an example of politics that placed emotions at its center. The Barcelona Housing Platform holds open assemblies to which people bring their cases. “The last platform [assembly] we had, this Colombian woman said, ‘When I came here, I wanted to commit suicide, and since then, I have realized that it’s possible to survive and keep my place and negotiate with the bank,’ ” Pin said. “And other people recognize themselves in it. It’s the biggest expression of dignity I have ever seen. I cry every time—these are tears of dignity.” Pin was crying.

    #Communs_urbains #Barcelone #Fearless_cities

  • Évolution de la population et climat. Une étude à l’âge du Bronze.
    8 août 2018

    La population a eu une dynamique très diversifiée à l’âge du bronze en Europe centrale et méridionale. Celle-ci est mise en relation (ou non) avec les schémas climatiques régionaux.

    Highly diverse Bronze Age population dynamics in Central-Southern Europe and their response to regional climatic patterns

    Les auteurs ont utilisé un ensemble de données de datations archéologiques au radiocarbone pour reconstituer les tendances démographiques en Europe centrale et méridionale entre 1800 et 800 av. (note : le fait qu’on ait retrouvé soit des corps inhumés, soit que la pratique était à la crémation a été pris en compte).

    À l’échelle macroscopique, une tendance démographique positive est visible jusqu’à ce que ca. 1450 av. J.-C., suivie d’une phase de déclin de la population jusqu’à environ 1050 av. Jusqu’à ca. 1050 av. J.-C.

    La dynamique de la population à l’échelle macroscopique semble être principalement déterminée par les tendances de la circonférence alpine. Au début du XVIe siècle av. J.-C., il y eut une expansion des colonies de Terramare, dans laquelle la taille de toute la zone peuplée de la plaine du Pô avait été multipliée par trois.
    De même, dans les montagnes du Jura français, il est attesté une période de croissance démographique autour de 1500 av. J.-C..

    De manière significative, le nord de l’Italie, l’est de la France, la région alpine riche en minerai était économiquement les régions les plus dynamiques après 1600 avant JC en Europe, avec des preuves évidentes d’une croissance socio-économique.

    La population diminue après ca. 1470 av. J.-C. coïncide alors avec la crise du système de peuplement lacustre dans la région circum-alpine. De même, la contraction démographique entre 1200 et 1050 av. J.-C. se produit dans un laps de temps défini par l’effondrement de la culture de Terramare vers 1150 av. J.-C.[Italie du Nord].

    Un nouvel épisode de croissance démographique à l’échelle macroscopique est visible après env. 1050 av. J.-C., reflétant probablement à la fois les pics de population enregistrés le long de la côte nord-ouest de la Méditerranée et la tendance au rétablissement de la population visible sur le plateau suisse. Notamment, les tendances positives marquantes dans le nord-ouest de la Méditerranée sont liées à l’adoption locale du rituel de la crémation et pourraient impliquer un afflux démographique en provenance d’Europe centrale.


    Le climat semble jouer un rôle non négligeable dans la plaine du Pô , où l’abandon généralisé des colonies se produit dans des conditions de plus en plus arides. Bien que des mandataires archéologiques et paléoenvironnementaux indépendants appuient cette connexion, il reste impossible de déterminer si le climat représente le principal facteur de forçage conduisant à l’effondrement des sociétés locales de l’âge du bronze ou si ses effets sont aggravés par la surexploitation du paysage .

    Les communautés sur le plateau suisse semblent montrer une plus grande résistance aux fluctuations climatiques , l’effondrement des tassements ne se produisant que pendant l’intervalle le plus froid de la courbe de température, après des siècles de conditions de plus en plus froides.

    Une chute de population dans le Massif Central est liée à une phase froide et humide particulièrement prononcée (vers 1700-1500 av. J.-C.). En dehors de cet événement, les communautés locales semblent ne pas être affectées par les autres changements climatiques. La stagnation prédominante qui émerge de la courbe du SCPD du Massif Central semble refléter une stabilité à long terme plutôt rare parmi nos reconstructions, probablement liée à une faible densité démographique et à une mobilité élevée découlant d’une subsistance basée sur l’élevage.

    #préhistoire #age_du_bronze #climat #population #Europe
    Les deux premiers auteurs :
    #Giacomo Capuzzo , Laboratory of Anthropology and Human Genetics, Faculty of Science, #Université_Libre_de_Bruxelles, Brussels, Belgium, Quantitative Archaeology Lab (LAQU), Department of Prehistory, Autonomous University of Barcelona, Faculty of Arts and Humanities, Bellaterra (Barcelona), Spain
    #Marco_Zanon Graduate School “Human Development in Landscapes”, #Kiel_University, Kiel, Germany, Institute of Pre- and Protohistoric Archaeology, Kiel University, Kiel, Germany

  • #Iterations # 2: Open call for a research and collaborative artistic production residency in Hangar

    Hangar launches an open call to participate in the second iteration of the European project Iterations. The call will select two artists: one artist living in Barcelona and another artist living outside Barcelona. The selected artists will join a group of other four artists and together will develop a collaborative art project during a 15 days residency at Hangar. The residency will take place between the 31st of October and the 14th of November 2018 in Barcelona. Interested? Send your (...)


    / #Call_for_Participation

  • Economistas y académicos españoles piden boicotear los debates sin mujeres | Economía | EL PAÍS

    Un grupo de reputados economistas y académicos españoles, entre los que están los catedráticos Emilio Ontiveros y el profesor Rafael Domenech, han suscrito un manifiesto en el que se comprometen a no participar como ponentes en ningún evento académico (conferencia, congreso, jornadas o similar, señalan) o mesa redonda en la que se convoque a más de dos ponentes y no haya al menos una mujer “en calidad de experta”.

    Se trata de una lista abierta llamada No Sin Mujeres, que han suscrito hasta este miércoles por mañana 56 hombres, todos vinculados a las ciencias sociales. De momento la han firmado expertos y analistas de varias universidades españolas (la Universidad Autónoma de Madrid, la Complutense, la Universitat de València y la Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, entre otras), del Banco de España, el Real Instituto Elcano, el CSIC o Fedea, así como académicos españoles de centros extranjeros, como la Universidad de York o Griffith.

    Los firmantes reclaman además que se cumpla la Ley para la Igualdad Efectiva entre Hombres y Mujeres, aprobada en 2007. Esta normativa no alude específicamente a conferencias o debates pero sí establece la necesidad de paridad (presencia de al menos el 40% de mujeres o de hombres) entre los altos cargos o los tribunales académicos de la Administración. Uno de los impulsores del manifiesto, José Ignacio Conde- Ruiz, explica que se plantearon porcentajes similares para su manifiesto pero decidieron establecer un mínimo (al menos una mujer sea cual sea el número de ponentes) «porque hay áreas en las que las mujeres son muy pocas». Este profesor de la Universidad Complutense y miembro de Fedea, con amplia investigación centrada en la economía de género, explica que decidieron que firmaran solo hombres ya que «tal como está redactado si una mujer acepta formar parte de un panel, ya está cumpliendo el compromiso». Conde- Ruiz Reclama que «no se desaproveche el talento de la mitad de la población».

    “Es una forma de sintonizar con una exigencia muy obvia y de dar un aviso a organizadores de actos académicos”, explica el economista Ontiveros. El también catedrático de Economía de la Empresa de la Universidad Autónoma de Madrid añade que la movilización de alcance internacional que impulsaron las mujeres españolas el 8 de Marzo [con protestas multitudinarias y una huelga solo para ellas que promovieron distintos colectivos feministas] “ha supuesto un aldabonazo en todos los ámbitos”.

    El manifiesto, añade Ontiveros, comenzó a circular entre los académicos hace apenas un par de semanas. «Es una obviedad que estamos en un país que ha discriminado a las mujeres. Estoy a favor de nuevos mecanismos que faciliten su ascenso».

    «Me parece que la iniciativa tiene mucho sentido y responde a una reivindicación totalmente justa», señala por su parte Rafael Domenech, catedrático de Análisis Económico de la Universidad de Valencia y responsable de Análisis Macroeconómicos del BBVA. Asegura que ha participado «en muchas ocasiones» en paneles con escasa presencia de expertas. «En ámbitos específicos, como la macroeconomía, cuesta conformar foros o cursos en los que se asegure la participación femenina».

    Otro de los firmantes y coimpulsor de la iniciativa, el también economista Daniel Fuentes, reconoce además que la propuesta es apenas un paso para un recorrido mayor. «El mundo académico aún no está preparado para ver la paridad como la norma, sí para verla como espectador. Pero hay que asumirla», declara el experto, que además matiza la relevancia de la igualdad en el ámbito de las Ciencias Sociales. «No es posible reflejar esta disciplina si no hay participación activa de las mujeres», señala Fuentes, informa Ángeles Lucas.

    Los académicos esperan que los organizadores de los encuentros reaccionen ante la desigualdad. «Si quieren que vaya alguno de los del listado, que se preocupen de que haya mujeres en calidad de expertas, no como moderadoras», matiza Fuentes, que detalla que en apenas unas horas, las solicitudes para adherirse han superado el centenar. «Estamos desbordados, e iremos actualizando y filtrando las adhesiones de los compañeros. Se trata de hacer bola de nieve y que lo normal sea esto. Y si puede servir de incentivo para que las grandes fundaciones donde se genera la opinión pública lo apliquen, mejor», insta.
    «No promueven nada raro»

    La socióloga Ángeles Durán, investigadora del Centro Superior de Investigaciones Científicas (CSIC), considera que incluir mujeres en el debate académico es «un enriquecimiento muy grande porque supone contar con perspectivas distintas». No obstante, añade, la paridad en organismos e instituciones en la formación de tribunales académicos o en la elección de jurados es un aspecto que ya contempla la Ley de la Ciencia, aprobada en 2011. «No están promoviendo nada raro», explica Durán. Evitar la presencia de expertas en los paneles «es un reflejo de la sociedad patriarcal que manda a las mujeres el mensaje de que deben ayudar y ser laboriosas», concluye.
    Faltan ellas

    Á. LUCAS

    Justo un mes después de la manifestación de las mujeres españolas del pasado 8 de Marzo, la fundación Hay Derecho, promovida por profesionales del ámbito juridico, lanzó la iniciativa Faltan ellas, para denunciar de forma pública la ausencia de mujeres en actos vinculados al ámbito de la Justicia. «Queríamos llamar la atención a los organismos y organizaciones que no cuentan con nosotras en los encuentros. Hay muchas juristas», declara Elisa de la Nuez, secretaria general de la fundación.

    En este mes han reseñado en su blog y en las redes una decena de actos con ausencia evidente de participación femenina. «Invitamos a los que nos siguen a que nos indiquen si detectan algún evento similar y lo colgamos en la web. Esta es una técnica anglosajona que se llama name and shame, (nombra y avergüenza)», añade. En su propuesta esperan conseguir también más acción en el futuro. «Nos gustaría que, con el tiempo, sean los propios hombres que acuden a estas jornadas los que exigiesen la presencia de mujeres expertas en las materias a tratar», se lee en su web.

  • Barcelona is leading the fightback against smart city surveillance

    (…) The low-hanging fruit was procurement: it now bakes these considerations into its contracts with tech companies. “We are introducing clauses into contracts, like data sovereignty and public ownership of data,” says Bria. “For example, now we have a big contract with Vodafone, and every month Vodafone has to give machine readable data to city hall. Before, that didn’t happen. They just took all the data and used it for their own benefit.”

    But city hall is going further, creating technological tools that mean citizens themselves can control the data they produce in the city and choose precisely who they share it with. This is Project DECODE (DEcentralised Citizen-owned Data Ecosystems). DECODE aims to develop and test an open source, distributed and privacy-aware technology architecture for decentralised data governance and identity management. It will effectively invert the current situation where people know little about the operators of the services they are registered with, while the services know everything about them. Instead, “citizens can decide what kind of data they want to keep private, what data they want to share, with whom, on what basis, and to do what,” says Bria. “This is a new social pact — a new deal on data.”

    It’s a technical challenge, and one they are still working on. The tools are being put to the test in two pilots in Barcelona. The first focuses on the internet of things. City hall is giving residents sensors to place in their neighbourhoods. These sensors are directly integrated into the city’s sensor network, Sentilo, and gather data on air quality and noise pollution to influence city-level decisions. This pilot addresses the technical challenge of collating and storing a stream of citizen-sourced data, while giving those citizens complete control over what information is shared. The idea is that citizens could go out their way to collect useful data to improve public services — a very modern form of volunteering.

    The second pilot relates to Decidim. When people use it, they see a dashboard of their data, aggregated and blended from a range of sources, from sensor noise levels, to healthcare data and administrative open data. From that dashboard, they can control the use of that information for specific purposes — such as informing policy proposals. Ultimately, they envisage citizens managing their data flows through an app, with a “DECODE wallet that manages people’s decryption keys, with an interface that lets you select that you want to give your transport data to the city, because you know that they can improve public transport with it—but you don’t want to give that kind of private data to an insurance company or an advertiser,” Bria explains.

    The pilots will run into 2019, before potentially scaling citywide. Bria is convinced that the city is the right level of government for this experimentation. “There is a crisis of trust. Governments need to reshape their relationships with citizens, and cities are closer to the citizens. Cities also run data-intensive, algorithmic processes: transport, public housing, healthcare, education. This is the level at which a lot of services are run, and so cities can experiment with alternatives. It’s the same reason why there was the smart city boom — cities have this capacity.”

    Barcelona is not alone in this. DECODE is an EU-funded project and sits neatly alongside the incoming General Data Protection Regulation (#RGPD), which will update regulation for internet companies. Together, they’re a kind of one-two for the data-driven internet economy. Barcelona also leads a network of rebel cities, “Fearless Cities”, that is adopting its tools and practices. They hosted the first conference last year, bringing together more than 180 cities from 40 countries and five continents. They are watching as Barcelona leads the way with its experiments in open democracy and data protection. Everything Barcelona has developed is open source, and all the code is posted on Github. They want these ideas to spread.

    Le genre de mesures préconisées dans cet article de Frank Pasquale dans le @mdiplo du mois

  • Find out the environmental impact of your Google searches and internet usage — Quartz

    Every Google search comes at a cost to the planet. In processing 3.5 billion searches a day, the world’s most popular website accounts for about 40% of the internet’s carbon footprint.

    Despite the notion that the internet is a “cloud,” it actually relies on millions of physical servers in data centers around the world, which are connected with miles of undersea cables, switches, and routers, all requiring a lot of energy to run. Much of that energy comes from power sources that emit carbon dioxide into the air as they burn fossil fuels; one study from 2015 suggests internet activity results in as much #CO2 emissions as the global aviation industry.

    “Data is very polluting,” says Joana Moll, an artist-researcher whose work investigates the physicality of the internet. In 2015, to illustrate the environmental consequence of Google searches, Moll created a data visualization called #CO2GLE: [...]

    Speaking at the Internet Media Age conference in Barcelona last week, Moll showed another visualization, which she calls “DEFOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOOREST,” to drive home the point. For every second spent on #Google, 23 trees have to use up their #CO2-sucking abilities.

  • The Journal of Peer Production -
    Issue # 11: City

    Table of contents:
    Commoning the City, from Digital Data to Physical Space: Evidence from Two Case Studies
    Adrien Labaeye and Harald Mieg

    Listening in on Informal Smart Cities: Vernacular Mapping in Mirpur, Dhaka
    Liam Magee and Teresa Swist

    Design Experiments and Co-governance for City Transitions: Vision Mapping
    Darren Sharp and Jose Ramos

    Collaborative Online Writing and Techno-Social Communities of Practice Around the Commons: The Case of in Barcelona
    Mònica Garriga Miret, David Gómez Fontanills, Enric Senabre Hidalgo, Mayo Fuster Morell

    Spatial Practices, Commoning and the Peer Production of Culture: Struggles and Aspirations of Grassroots Groups in Eastern Milan
    Nadia Bertolino and Ioanni Delsante

    Seeking other Urban Possibilities: Community Production of Space in a Global South City (Rosario, Argentina)
    Diego Roldán and Sebastián Godoy

    The Theater as Commons: The Occupation of the INBA Theater in Ciudad Juárez
    Carlos Hernán Salamanca

    Urban Imaginaries of Co-creating the City: Local Activism Meets Citizen Peer-Production
    Carlos Estrada-Grajales, Marcus Foth, Peta Mitchell

    Experimental format

    Urban DIY Mesh Networks and the Right to the City: An Interview with the Tapullo Collective
    Anke Schwarz

    Singular Technologies & the Third-TechnoScape
    Natacha Roussel and hellekin

    Life Skills for Peer Production: Walking Together through a Space of “Not-Knowing”
    Vincenzo Mario Bruno Giorgino and Donald A. McCown [html]

    Metropolitan Civic Mappers: How Can They Cooperate to Include the Participation of the General Public into the Citizen Platforms They Promote?
    Nicolas Fonty and Barbara Brayshay

    #Experimental_Mapping #Peer_Economy

    • A contre-courant, #Sarajevo affiche sa solidarité

      Quelque 600 migrants parmi les 8 000 entrés dans le pays depuis le début de l’année sont actuellement en transit dans la capitale.

      La scène est devenue familière. Sur le parking de la gare de Sarajevo, ils sont environ 300 à former une longue file en cette soirée chaude de juillet. S’y garera bientôt une camionnette blanche d’où jailliront des portions des incontournables cevapcici bosniens, quelques rouleaux de viande grillée servis dans du pain rond, accompagnés d’un yaourt. Une poignée de femmes et quelques enfants se mêlent à ces jeunes hommes, venus de Syrie, d’Irak, du Pakistan ou d’Afghanistan et de passage en Bosnie sur la route vers l’Europe de l’Ouest. Environ 600 des 8 000 migrants entrés dans le pays depuis le début de l’année sont actuellement en transit dans la capitale. La majorité est bloquée dans le nord-ouest, en tentant de passer en Croatie.

      « Ici, l’accueil est différent de tous les pays par lesquels nous sommes passés. Les gens nous aident. Ils essaient de nous trouver un endroit où prendre une douche, dormir. Les flics sont corrects aussi. Ils ne nous tabassent pas », raconte un Syrien sur les routes depuis un an. Plus qu’ailleurs, dans la capitale bosnienne, les habitants tentent de redonner à ces voyageurs clandestins un peu de dignité humaine, de chaleur. « Les Sarajéviens n’ont pas oublié que certains ont été eux-mêmes des réfugiés pendant la guerre en Bosnie[1992-1995, ndlr]. Les pouvoirs publics ont mis du temps à réagir face à l’arrivée des migrants, contrairement aux habitants de Sarajevo qui ont d’emblée affiché une solidarité fantastique. Grâce à eux, une crise humanitaire a été évitée au printemps », affirme Neven Crvenkovic, porte-parole pour l’Europe du Sud-Est du Haut Commissariat des Nations unies pour les réfugiés.

      En avril, 250 migrants avaient mis en place un campement de fortune, quelques dizaines de tentes, dans un parc du centre touristique de Sarajevo. L’Etat qui paraissait démuni face à cette situation inédite ne leur fournissait rien. « Dès que nous avons vu venir des familles, nous nous sommes organisés. Des gens ont proposé des chambres chez eux, ont payé des locations », raconte une bénévole de, la plus importante association humanitaire de Sarajevo. L’organisation, qui ne vit que des dons des particuliers en argent ou en nature, sert actuellement un millier de repas par jour dans la capitale bosnienne et distribue vêtements et couvertures. Lors du ramadan en mai, 700 dîners avaient été servis. Des nappes blanches avaient été disposées sur le bitume du parking de la gare de Sarajevo.

      Non loin de la gare, un petit restaurant de grillades, « le Broadway », est tenu par Mirsad Suceska. Bientôt la soixantaine, cet homme discret apporte souvent des repas aux migrants. Ses clients leur en offrent aussi. Il y a quelques semaines, ils étaient quelques-uns à camper devant son établissement. Un groupe d’habitués, des cadres qui travaillent dans le quartier, en sont restés sidérés. L’un d’eux a demandé à Mirsad de donner aux migrants toute la nourriture qui restait dans sa cuisine. « Quand je les vois, je pense aux nôtres qui sont passés par là et je prends soin de ne pas les heurter, les blesser en lançant une remarque maladroite ou un mauvais regard », explique Mirsad. Dans le reste du pays, la population réserve un accueil plus mitigé à ces voyageurs.

    • Et au contraire... la #non-hospitalité

      Le guide de l’hospitalité que n’a pas écrit #Christian_Estrosi

      En juillet 2013, le maire LR de #Nice, Christian Estrosi, envoyait à 3 500 édiles ses recommandations pour éviter la concentration de populations migrantes. Le Perou, un collectif d’urbanistes, a adressé en juillet aux mêmes communes un guide de l’hospitalité, issu de leurs expériences dans des bidonvilles.

      Pour télécharger le #guide du #Perou :

    • Barcellona e Open Arms si uniscono per salvare vite umane nel Mediterraneo

      La nave #Open_Arms avrebbe dovuto lasciare il porto di Barcellona in direzione della zona SAR della Libia per continuare il suo compito umanitario di osservazione e salvataggio, ma la Capitaneria di porto, che dipende dal Ministero dello Sviluppo spagnolo, le ha negato l’autorizzazione a partire fino a quando non sarà garantito un accordo con le autorità della zona SAR del Mediterraneo per lo sbarco delle persone salvate in mare. È improbabile che ciò avvenga, vista la chiusura dei porti di Italia e Malta.

      In risposta, la sindaca di Barcellona Ada Colau ha inviato una lettera al Ministro dello Sviluppo, José Luis Ábalos, chiedendo l’immediata revoca del blocco della nave OpenArms. La sindaca esprime la preoccupazione che per ragioni amministrative il governo spagnolo non riesca a proteggere i migranti che intraprendono un viaggio molto pericoloso attraverso il Mediterraneo, in fuga dall’orrore. Esorta inoltre il Ministero ad attuare le azioni necessarie per superare il più rapidamente possibile gli ostacoli amministrativi che impediscono alla nave di lasciare il porto di Barcellona.

      Allo stesso modo, il Comune di Barcellona ha firmato un accordo di collaborazione con Open Arms per lo sviluppo del progetto della fondazione per la protezione dei migranti a rischio di naufragio e conseguente pericolo di morte imminente per le aree SAR nel Mediterraneo centrale come emergenza umanitaria. L’accordo persegue inoltre l’obiettivo di denunciare la situazione di violazione dei diritti umani nel Mediterraneo.

      Il progetto Open Arms “Protezione per presenza, soccorso umanitario e comunicazione di emergenza nel Mediterraneo” si articola in tre filoni di lavoro:

      – Protezione attraverso la presenza nella zona SAR, la visibilità come deterrente per eventuali violazioni dei diritti umani e la garanzia di protezione per le persone trovate in mare.

      – Protezione attraverso l’azione, con il salvataggio di persone in pericolo di morte in acque SAR e sbarco con garanzie di sicurezza.

      – Comunicazione di emergenza, per rendere visibile e denunciare l’attuale situazione di violazione dei diritti dei migranti nel viaggio attraverso il Mediterraneo e le sue frontiere.

      L’accordo, in vigore fino all’ottobre del 2019, finanzierà con 497.020 euro il 35,4% del progetto della ONG. Con questo contributo la città di Barcellona si riafferma come città rifugio, vista la presenza minima di ONG nel Mediterraneo centrale dalla scorsa estate a causa della chiusura dei porti italiani e maltesi e della criminalizzazione e blocco delle imbarcazioni delle ONG di soccorso umanitario.

      Il Comune di Barcellona e Open Arms concordano sul fatto che la situazione di crisi e il blackout umanitario al largo delle coste libiche richiedano un’azione di emergenza con il massimo sostegno delle istituzioni pubbliche, in particolare delle città europee, sull’esempio di questo accordo.


    • Siracusa pronta ad accogliere i migranti della Sea Watch. Sindaco: «Cittadini disponibili a ospitarli nelle loro case»

      Il primo cittadino del capoluogo aretuseo, #Francesco_Italia, ha già scritto al ministro della Marina mercantile chiedendo di consentire l’attracco della nave. «Al resto, penseremo noi, la Curia e le associazioni di volontariato disposte a prestare aiuto»
      #Syracuse #Siracusa

    • Numéro spécial sur villes et hospitalité de la revue Plein Droit :

      À rebours des politiques migratoires impulsées par les États, des municipalités ont décidé de se montrer solidaires des migrant⋅e⋅s qui passent ou qui s’installent sur leur territoire, et de leur venir en aide, voire de les protéger contre des autorités étatiques qui ne cherchent qu’à les chasser. Villes-refuge, villes sanctuaires, villes solidaires, villes d’asile, villes rebelles, les qualificatifs sont aussi nombreux que les degrés d’hospitalité qui vont de l’affichage médiatique à une réelle politique municipale qui crée les conditions d’un accueil digne des exilé⋅e⋅s. Et quand les municipalités se montrent également hostiles à l’égard des migrant⋅e⋅s, il arrive que les citoyen⋅ne⋅s prennent le relais, faisant fi des menaces institutionnelles, de la pression policière ou du climat xénophobe, parfois pour parer à l’urgence humanitaire, parfois pour favoriser une réelle cogestion fondée sur l’autonomie. Ces expériences multiples d’hospitalité et d’activisme local montrent que l’humanité peut l’emporter sur la fermeté, n’en déplaise aux gouvernements.

    • #BD publiée par @vivre sur la commune de #Fourneaux :

      La BD reportage « Après l’arrivée » raconte une histoire d’accueil. Comment 33 réfugiés, débarquant du jour au lendemain de la jungle de Calais, s’inscrivent dans le récit d’une commune de Savoie et de ses habitants. Un dessinateur, HERJI, une journaliste, Julie Eigenmann, sont partis à leur rencontre et ont ramené dans leur valise ce reportage dessiné. L’histoire pourrait se dérouler un peu partout sur la planète, parce qu’il s’agit d’humanité, de partage et de ces rencontres qui montrent qu’un autre monde est possible.

    • #Convention_sur_l'accueil de #Grande-Synthe :

      Dans un contexte de sécurisation et de fermeture des frontières européennes, l’#accueil des réfugiés s’impose dans le débat public et dans nos réalités locales.

      Grande-Synthe reçoit la Convention nationale sur l’accueil et les migrations, 2 jours de débats pour réfléchir collectivement à une politique d’accueil fondée sur la solidarité et le respect des droits humains et pour questionner les pouvoirs publics. Avec la participation de nombreuses associations et ONG impliquées quotidiennement ainsi que de personnalités : Anne Hidalgo (Maire de Paris), Benjamin Stora (Historien, Professeur et Président du Musée national de l’histoire de l’immigration), Edwy Plenel (Médiapart), Eric Piolle (Maire de Grenoble), Frederic Leturque (Maire d’Arras), Pierre Laurent (Secrétaire national du PCF) mais également Benoit Hamon, Aurélien Taché (Député LREM), Eric Coquerel (Député – France Insoumise), Michel Agier (Dir. d’études à l’EHESS), Rony Brauman (co-fondateur de MSF) , Cédric Herrou, ainsi que des représentants du HCR, de la Cimade, de MDM et des associations locales…

      Autour de cette convention ouverte à tous, une programmation culturelle plurielle : expo, humour, concert, docus…

    • Des dizaines de villes inventent une politique d’accueil des migrants

      Jeudi et vendredi s’est tenue à Grande-Synthe la première #Convention_nationale_sur_l’accueil_et_les_migrations. Des élus aux associatifs, tous les acteurs de l’aide aux migrants ont jeté des ponts entre les initiatives locales, cherchant à construire un réseau des villes accueillantes.

    • Entre accueil et rejet : ce que les villes font aux migrants. Ce que les villes font aux migrants

      ce livre permet de mieux comprendre la diversité et la complexité des formes de l’accueil des migrants sur notre continent. Il nous fait saisir comment cet enjeu refaçonne les liens sociaux, les valeurs et les émotions collectives, et interroge les définitions pratiques de la citoyenneté prise dans un jeu de frontières. Dans un contexte d’anxiété identitaire qui se manifeste par la fermeture des frontières, le confinement et les expulsions, ce livre montre que la ville peut constituer un pôle de résistance et de contournement, voire de renversement des décisions de l’État central.

      Il est constitué d’enquêtes claires et approfondies menées dans plusieurs grandes villes européennes (Paris, Copenhague, Berlin, Barcelone, Istanbul…), et de témoignages d’acteurs concernés (migrants, militants, observateurs directs…).

    • Les ciutats fan front a la necessitat urgent d’habitatge públic

      Les ciutats europees han de fer front a la necessitat urgent d’habitatge públic. Per això, molts governs municipals estan reforçant les seves polítiques amb mecanismes innovadors que permetin fer front a la crisi de l’habitatge i a l’expulsió dels veïns dels seus barris.

      L’Ajuntament de Barcelona ha presentat un projecte per construir pisos d’estada temporal de construcció ràpida, sostenible i de qualitat. La iniciativa, anomenada APROP (Allotjaments de Proximitat Provisional), oferirà una resposta urgent mentre es construeixen les promocions d’habitatge públic, que requereixen de més temps.

      Responsables del consistori barceloní van explicar ahir aquest projecte en un acte organitzat per l’Observatori DESC i el propi Ajuntament.

      La jornada, anomenada ‘Urgent: solucions innovadores en habitatge públic’, es va celebrar al Pati Manning de Barcelona i hi van participar representants de les ciutats d’Amsterdam i Munic, a banda d’entitats com la Federació d’Associacions de Veïns i Veïnes de Barcelona (FAVB), la Fundació Hàbitat 3 i l’Institut de Tecnologia de la Construcció de Catalunya (ITeC), entre d’altres.

      Et dans ce cadre, le projet #APROP:

    • Sanctuary in the City : #Beirut

      The world’s refugee crisis is a global responsibility that is especially discharged locally, in particular, in Lebanon, where refugees and displaced persons form a large percentage of the national population. Since the beginning of the Syrian Crisis in March 2011, Lebanon has been a refuge for many hundreds of thousands of people fleeing war. This project explores how municipalities cope with the crisis within the normative framework of human rights and corresponding obligations. It seeks to give voice to the experience of Beirut among the world’s cities claiming to apply that framework in policies, practice, services and local democratic leadership and administration.

      Through a series of workshops and other survey tools, the project captures the expressions, principles and experiences of local governance amid the refugee/displacement crisis. It seeks to channel the experience of refugees, civil society and local authorities by expressing operational principles and allows people in Beirut to identify what works and what could work better.

      One outcome of the project will be a local charter that gives voice to this community of practice among the world’s cities that are facing comparable challenges. The charter will form a basis for exchange, mutual learning and guidance for local administrations in future. The Beirut charter is seen as one tangible way to give credit to the people of Beirut for their role in assuming a local responsibility that the wider world shares.

      Ici pour télécharger la charte de la ville de Beirut :

    • Migrants’ (Denied) Right to the City

      The history of cities in the Indian sub-continent goes as far as the middle of the third millennium BC with the emergence of cities like Harappa and Mohenjo Daro in the Indus valley (Champakalakshmi 2006:8). During different phases of Indian history, many new cities have emerged and many have declined, shaping the history of India (Ramachandran 1995). The dynamics of city growth shows that migration has been a very important component as cities were centres of trade, manufacturing and services. These functions could not have been sustained without migration and migrant labour. People migrate to cities not only for work, but also on account of business, education, marriages, natural disasters and conflicts etc. As cities have evolved through various migrations over a long period of time, they are characterized by diversity in terms of ethnic and religious identities, occupations, language, culture, food habits and so on. In fact heterogeneity is the hallmark of cities and innovations -in which migrants have played a very significant role -are central to their existence. Migration, especially internal migration, contributes significantly to the growth of Indian cities. The Indian Constitution guarantees freedom of movement and freedom to settle within the territory of India as a fundamental right of all citizens (Article 19). Yet migrants face several barriers in terms of access to civic amenities, housing and employment, as well as restrictions on their political and cultural rights because of linguistic and cultural differences. These discriminations are articulated in various parts of India in the theory of ’sons of the soil’, which evokes anti migrant sentiments (Weiner 1978, Hansen 2001). Migrants are all the more vulnerable to discrimination and exploitation as many of them are poor, illiterate and live in slums and hazardous locations prone to disaster and natural calamities. As such, the condition of migrants in cities needs to be addressed squarely in urban policies and programmes.'_Denied_Right_to_the_City

    • Mobile Commons, Migrant Digitalities and the Right to the City

      This book examines the relationship between urban migrant movements, struggles and digitality which transforms public space and generates mobile commons. The authors explore heterogeneous digital forms in the context migration, border-crossing and transnational activism, displaying commonality patterns and inter-dependence.

    • Ce qu’ils font est juste : ils mettent la solidarité et l’hospitalité à l’honneur

      L’étranger est par essence louche, suspect, imprévisible, retors, de taille à commettre des avanies, même s’il survit dans le plus profond dénuement, s’il souffre de la faim, du froid, qu’il n’a pas de toit pour se protéger. L’étranger, homme, femme ou enfant, représente toujours un danger, qu’il faut combattre à tout prix.

      La loi dispose que « toute personne qui aura, par aide directe ou indirecte, facilité ou tenté de faciliter l’entrée, la circulation ou le séjour irrégulier d’un étranger en France » encourt jusqu’à 5 ans d’emprisonnement et 30 000 euros d’amende.

      Cette sanction pénale est réservée aux « aidants » désintéressés, animés par le seul élan d’humanité et de dignité vis-à-vis d’eux-mêmes et de ceux voués à tout juste subsister. Ils ont choisi, en connaissance de cause, de commettre ce qu’on appelle le « délit de solidarité » ou « d’hospitalité ». Des expressions devenues familières, dans leur obscénité, depuis qu’on a vu traduits devant les tribunaux des « désobéissants », paysans, professeurs, élus municipaux, citoyens bienfaisants coupables d’avoir, sans contrepartie d’aucune sorte, secouru, protégé, rendu service à des hommes, femmes et enfants qui n’avaient pas l’autorisation de fouler la terre française.

      Les élections présidentielle et législatives en France ont fourni l’occasion d’une chasse aux désobéissants, comme si la majorité des candidats s’étaient accordés pour rassurer l’opinion en la sommant de collaborer : la France ne laissera pas entrer chez elle des hordes de réfugiés, de migrants si menaçants. Chaque jour a apporté son nouveau délinquant, lequel n’a pas désarmé, il est entré en résistance. Il offre le gîte, le couvert, la circulation à des exilés miséreux, il est capturé par des policiers, punit par des magistrats… et il recommence, parce que l’hospitalité et la solidarité ne sont pas une faveur mais un droit, un devoir et qu’il aime accomplir ce devoir-là.

      Des écrivains ont accepté avec enthousiasme d’écrire, à leur guise, dans une nouvelle, fiction ou rêverie, leur respect pour ces gens de bien, et leur inquiétude de voir agiter les spectres de graves menaces incarnés par des êtres humains réduits à peu de choses. Pas seulement : c’est aussi vers l’Autre que va leur curiosité, l’Autre qui gagne toujours à être connu et non chassé.

  • A celebration to remove the slave trader #Antonio_López from the square

    Amid a festive atmosphere, with entertainment from the Comediants company, music and circus acts, the sculpture of Antonio López, first Marquis of Comillas, 19th century industrialist and slave trader, is to be removed from the square that bears his name. Two information pedestals will also be inaugurated for the public to discover the history of the square and the figure.
    #décolonisation #colonialisme #toponymie #monuments #espace_public #mémoire #esclavage #esclavagisme #Barcelone #Espagne