city:jérusalem

  • Heurts à la #frontière de #Gaza en 2018 : Israël pourrait avoir commis des crimes de guerre et contre l’humanité

    Jeudi, la Commission d’enquête internationale indépendante sur les manifestations dans les territoires occupés palestiniens a présenté son rapport au Palais des Nations. Elle juge « illégale » l’utilisation de #balles_létales contre des civils en grande partie pacifiques.

    Mohammad Obei, 24 ans, était un footballeur. A 9 heures du matin, le 30 mars 2018 à El Bureij, il était à près de 150 mètres de la frontière séparant Gaza d’Israël. Les forces de sécurité israéliennes lui ont tiré dans les jambes alors qu’il marchait, mettant une fin brutale à sa carrière sportive. Naji Abu Hojayeer, 24 ans, s’était enroulé dans un drapeau palestinien. Il était debout à 300 mètres de la barrière de séparation. Il a lui aussi été abattu d’une balle dans l’abdomen. Yousef, un étudiant en journalisme, portait le gilet indiquant qu’il était de la presse. Il photographiait les manifestants palestiniens à 800 mètres de la barrière. Visé par deux balles, il a perdu sa jambe droite. Il y a encore ce cas, terrible, de Fadi Abu Salmi. Amputé des deux jambes après avoir été victime de frappes aériennes israéliennes en 2008, se déplaçant dans une chaise roulante, il a été abattu par un sniper israélien à Abasan Al-Jadida, l’un des cinq lieux de manifestations alors qu’il était à 300 mètres de la frontière.
    Des amputations

    La liste n’est de loin pas exhaustive. 6106 Gazaouis ont été blessés au cours de manifestations tenues entre le 30 mars et le 31 décembre 2018 à la frontière entre la bande de Gaza et Israël. 4903 d’entre eux l’ont été aux jambes et 122 ont dû subir des amputations. 189 Palestiniens ont été tués dont 183 par balles réelles dont 35 enfants. C’est le constat qu’a dressé jeudi au Palais des Nations à Genève la Commission d’enquête internationale indépendante sur les manifestations dans les territoires occupés palestiniens mandatée par le Conseil des droits de l’homme de l’ONU. Celle-ci l’écrit noir sur blanc dans un rapport qu’Israël juge « hostile, mensonger et partial » : les sérieuses violations des droits de l’homme constatées pourraient constituer des crimes contre l’humanité, voire des crimes de guerre. Elle somme Tel-Aviv d’enquêter sur ces cas.

    Les manifestations de l’an dernier ont fait grand bruit, notamment le jour de l’inauguration de l’ambassade des Etats-Unis déplacée de Tel-Aviv à Jérusalem le 14 mai 2018 et du 70e anniversaire de la Nakba. Face au tollé international provoqué par la riposte de Tsahal, les autorités israéliennes avaient d’emblée justifié leurs actions pour contrer la volonté palestinienne d’en découdre avec Israël. Le 13 mai 2018, les forces israéliennes (IDF) avertissaient dans une vidéo : « L’organisation terroriste Hamas prévoit d’envoyer des terroristes armés parmi les 250 000 émeutiers violents pour franchir la frontière avec Gaza et entrer dans des communautés israéliennes […] et prévoit de perpétrer un massacre en Israël. » Le 14 mai, il en résulta bien un massacre. Mais ce sont les snipers israéliens qui tuèrent 60 manifestants et en blessèrent au moins 1162.

    Président de la Commission d’enquête, Santiago Canton conteste fermement l’idée selon laquelle les manifestants étaient des terroristes : « Les manifestations à la frontière n’étaient pas de nature militaire, mais civile. Dans leur écrasante majorité, les participants n’étaient pas armés. Le droit international humanitaire devait donc s’appliquer. » L’idée de la « grande marche du retour » a germé dans la tête d’Ahmed Abu Artema, un journaliste et poète palestinien de 34 ans au début de 2018. L’idée est devenue un mouvement.

    La commission, dont les trois experts ont mené plus de 325 interviews en Jordanie, en Egypte et en Turquie faute d’avoir pu obtenir de Tel-Aviv l’accès aux territoires palestiniens, s’est beaucoup penchée sur la doctrine d’engagement des forces israéliennes. Pour elle, vu la nature largement pacifique des manifestations, il était illégal d’utiliser des munitions létales contre les manifestants. La centaine de tireurs d’élite, dotés d’équipements ultra-modernes, postés à la frontière, n’aurait pas dû pouvoir tirer sur la foule alors qu’il n’y avait pas un danger de mort imminent. Seuls deux actes violents d’individus palestiniens auraient pu justifier un tel usage de la force. Une vidéo présentée à l’ONU montre de nombreux manifestants se faire abattre alors qu’ils se tiennent simplement dans la foule.
    Cour pénale internationale

    Une minorité de protestataires ont lancé des pierres, brûlé des pneus et utilisé des cerfs-volants ou des ballons incendiaires qui ont occasionné d’importants dégâts du côté israélien. Un soldat israélien a été tué et quatre autres blessés. Parmi les graves violations des droits de l’homme et du droit international humanitaire, la commission mentionne les tirs de snipers israéliens qui ont délibérément visé des journalistes, des travailleurs de la santé, des personnes handicapées.

    La commission d’enquête invite la haut-commissaire de l’ONU aux droits de l’homme Michelle Bachelet à soumettre les dossiers de responsables présumés aux juridictions nationales et internationales, y compris à la Cour pénale internationale. Elle appelle même les Etats membres de l’ONU à imposer des sanctions contre les individus identifiés par la commission comme responsables des massacres. Elle demande aussi aux autorités de fait de Gaza (Hamas) d’interdire l’usage de cerfs-volants incendiaires.

    https://www.letemps.ch/monde/heurts-frontiere-gaza-2018-israel-pourrait-commis-crimes-guerre-contre-lhuma
    #crimes_de_guerre #crimes_contre_l'umanité #ONU #Israël #Palestine #frontières
    ping @reka

  • Jérusalem : nouveau regain de tension autour de l’esplanade des Mosquées
    Par RFI Publié le 27-02-2019 - Avec notre correspondant à Jérusalem, Guilhem Delteil
    http://www.rfi.fr/moyen-orient/20190227-jerusalem-nouveau-regain-tension-autour-esplanade-mosquees

    Le gouverneur palestinien de Jérusalem a été arrêté dans la nuit de mardi à mercredi. Cette fonction est essentiellement symbolique, Israël ayant annexé Jérusalem-Est. Mais Adnan Gheith est un haut responsable de l’Autorité palestinienne. Il est soupçonné d’être impliqué dans la réouverture d’un bâtiment situé sur l’esplanade des Mosquées. Il avait été fermé sur décision de la justice israélienne en 2003, mais rouvert par les Palestiniens vendredi dernier. Selon l’agence de presse officielle de l’Autorité palestinienne, plus de cent personnes ont été interpellées en une semaine par la police israélienne. La plupart ont été relâchées, mais ces incidents et arrestations soulignent un regain de tension autour de ce lieu saint pour les musulmans comme pour les juifs. (...)

    Contestant la fermeture du bâtiment, la fondation islamique qui gère l’esplanade des Mosquées a décidé d’y entrer une première fois le 14 février. L’intitiative a provoqué un mouvement populaire de soutien inatendu qui a surpris les autorités religieuses comme israéliennes, analyse Ofer Zalsberg.

    « Israël réagit trop tard. Israël, maintenant qu’il y a des musulmans tout le temps à l’intérieur, est obligé, si elle veut eviter cela, d’envoyer la police, d’utiliser la force », souligne l’expert.

    La droite israélienne exige du Premier ministre Benyamin Netanyahu qu’il ferme à nouveau les accès au site. Mais le chef du gouvernement est aussi sous pression de la Jordanie qui officiellement conserve le contrôle de l’esplanade. Amman réclame pour sa part que le bâtiment soit transformé en mosquée.

  • Old Palestinian photos & films hidden in IDF archive show different history than Israeli claims

    Palestinian photos and films seized by Israeli troops have been gathering dust in the army and Defense Ministry archives until Dr. Rona Sela, a curator and art historian, exposed them. The material presents an alternative to the Zionist history that denied the Palestinians’ existence here, she says.

    The initial reaction is one of incredulity: Why is this material stored in the Israel Defense Forces and Defense Ministry Archive? The first item is labeled, in Hebrew, “The History of Palestine from 1919,” the second, “Paintings by Children Who Go to School and Live in a Refugee Camp and Aspire to Return to Palestine.” The third is, “Depiction of the IDF’s Treatment and Harsh Handling of Palestinians in the Territories.”

    Of all places, these three reels of 16-mm film are housed in the central archive that documents Israel’s military-security activities. It’s situated in Tel Hashomer, near the army’s National Induction Center, outside Tel Aviv.

    IDF archive contains 2.7 million photos, 38,000 films

    The three items are barely a drop in an ocean of some 38,000 films, 2.7 million photographs, 96,000 audio recordings and 46,000 maps and aerial photos that have been gathered into the IDF Archive since 1948, by order of Israel’s first prime minister and defense minister, David Ben-Gurion. However, a closer perusal shows that this particular “drop in the ocean” is subversive, exceptional and highly significant.

    The footage in question is part of a collection – whose exact size and full details remain unknown – of “war booty films” seized by the IDF from Palestinian archives in raids over the years, though primarily in the 1982 Lebanon War.

    Recently, however, following a persistent, protracted legal battle, the films confiscated in Lebanon, which had been gathering dust for decades – instead of being screened in cinematheques or other venues in Israel – have been rescued from oblivion, along with numerous still photos. The individual responsible for this development is Dr. Rona Sela, a curator and researcher of visual history at Tel Aviv University.

    For nearly 20 years, Sela has been exploring Zionist and Palestinian visual memory. She has a number of important revelations and discoveries to her credit, which she has published in the form of books, catalogs and articles. Among the Hebrew-language titles are “Photography in Palestine/Eretz-Israel in the ‘30s and ‘40s” (2000) and “Made Public: Palestinian Photographs in Military Archives in Israel” (2009). In March, she published an article in the English-language periodical Social Semiotics on, “The Genealogy of Colonial Plunder and Erasure – Israel’s Control over Palestinian Archives.”

    Now Sela has made her first film, “Looted and Hidden: Palestinian Archives in Israel,” an English-language documentary that surveys the fate of Palestinian photographs and films that were “captured” and deposited in Israeli archives. It includes heretofore unseen segments from films seized by the IDF from Palestinian archives in Beirut. These documentary records, Sela says, “were erased from consciousness and history” for decades.

    Sela begins journey in 1998

    Getting access to the films was not easy, Sela explains. Her archival journey began in 1998, when she was researching Zionist propaganda films and photos that sought to portray the “new Jew” – muscular, proudly tilling the soil – in contradistinction, according to the Zionist perception, to the supposedly degenerate and loutish Palestinian Arab.

    “After spending a few years in the Central Zionist Archive in Jerusalem and in other Zionist archives, researching the history of Zionist photography and the construction of a visual propaganda apparatus supporting the Zionist idea, I started to look for Palestinian visual representation as well, in order to learn about the Palestinian narrative and trace its origins and influence,” she says.

    That task was far more complicated than anyone could have imagined. In some of the Zionist films and photos, Sela was able to discern, often incidentally, episodes from Palestinian history that had “infiltrated” them, as she puts it. For example, in Carmel Newsreels (weekly news footage screened at local cinemas) from 1951, showing the settlement of Jews in Jaffa, demolished and abandoned Arab homes are clearly visible.

    Subsequently, Sela spotted traces and remnants of a genuine Palestinian visual archive occasionally cropping up in Israeli archives. Those traces were not immediately apparent, more like an elusive treasure concealed here and there beneath layers of restrictions, erasures and revisions.

    Khalil Rassass, father of Palestinian photojournalism

    Thus, one day she noticed in the archive of the pre-state Haganah militia, stills bearing the stamp “Photo Rissas.” Digging deeper, she discovered the story of Chalil Rissas (Khalil Rassass, 1926-1974), one of the fathers of Palestinian photojournalism. He’s unknown to the general public, whether Palestinian or Israel, but according to Sela, he was a “daring, groundbreaking photographer” who, motivated by a sense of national consciousness, documented the pre-1948 Palestinian struggle.

    Subsequently she found hundreds of his photographs, accompanied by captions written by soldiers or Israeli archive staff who had tried to foist a Zionist narrative on them and disconnect them from their original context. The source of the photographs was a Jewish youth who received them from his father, an IDF officer who brought them back with him from the War of Independence as booty.

    The discovery was unprecedented. In contrast to the Zionist propaganda images that exalted the heroism of the Jewish troops and barely referred to the Palestinians, Rissas’ photographs were mainly of Palestinian fighters. Embodying a proud Palestinian stance, they focused on the national and military struggle and its outcome, including the Palestinians’ military training and deployment for battle.

    “I realized that I’d come across something significant, that I’d found a huge cache of works by one of the fathers of Palestinian photography, who had been the first to give visual expression to the Palestinian struggle,” Sela recalls. “But when I tried to learn more about Chalil Rissas, I understood that he was a forgotten photographer, that no one knew the first thing about him, either in Israel or elsewhere.”

    Sela thereupon decided to study the subject herself. In 1999, she tracked down Rissas’ brother, Wahib, who was working as a photographer of tourists on the Temple Mount / Haram a-Sharif in Jerusalem’s Old City. He told her the story of Chalil’s life. It turned out that he had accompanied Palestinian troops and leaders, visually documenting the battles fought by residents of the Jerusalem area during the 1948 War of Independence. “He was a young man who chose the camera as an instrument for changing people’s consciousness,” Sela says.

    Ali Za’arur, forgotten Palestinian photographer

    Around 2007, she discovered the archive of another forgotten Palestinian photographer, Ali Za’arur (1900-1972), from Azzariyeh, a village east of Jerusalem. About 400 of his photos were preserved in four albums. They also depicted scenes from the 1948 war, in which Za’arur accompanied the forces of Jordan’s Arab Legion and documented the battle for the Old City of Jerusalem. He photographed the dead, the ruins, the captives, the refugees and the events of the cease-fire.

    In the Six-Day War of 1967, Za’arur fled from his home for a short time. When he returned, he discovered that the photo albums had disappeared. A relative, it emerged, had given them to Jerusalem Mayor Teddy Kollek as a gift. Afterward, the Jerusalem Foundation donated them to the IDF Archive. In 2008, in an unprecedented act, the archive returned the albums to Za’arur’s family. The reason, Sela surmises, is that the albums were captured by the army in battle. In any event, this was, as far as is known, a unique case.

    Sela took heart from the discoveries she’d made, realizing that “with systematic work, it would be possible to uncover more Palestinian archives that ended up in Israeli hands.”

    That work was three-pronged: doing archival research to locate Palestinian photographs and films that had been incorporated into Israeli archives; holding meetings with the Palestinian photographers themselves, or members of their families; and tracking down Israeli soldiers who had taken part in “seizing these visual spoils” and in bringing them to Israel.

    In the course of her research Sela met some fascinating individuals, among them Khadijeh Habashneh, a Jordan-based Palestinian filmmaker who headed the archive and cinematheque of the Palestinian Cinema Institute. That institution, which existed from the end of the 1960s until the early ‘80s, initially in Jordan and afterward in Lebanon, was founded by three pioneering Palestinian filmmakers – Sulafa Jadallah, Hani Jawhariyyeh and Mustafa Abu Ali (Habashneh’s husband) – who sought to document their people’s way of life and national struggle. Following the events of Black September in 1970, when the Jordanian army and the Palestine Liberation Organization fought a bloody internecine war, the filmmakers moved to Lebanon and reestablished the PCI in Beirut.

    Meeting with Habashneh in Amman in 2013, Sela heard the story of the Palestinian archives that disappeared, a story she included in her new documentary. “Where to begin, when so much material was destroyed, when a life project falls apart?” Habashneh said to Sela. “I can still see these young people, pioneers, bold, imbued with ideals, revolutionaries, who created pictures and films and documented the Palestinian revolution that the world doesn’t want to see. They refused to be faceless and to be without an identity.”

    The archive established by Habashneh contained forgotten works that documented the Palestinians’ suffering in refugee camps, the resistance to Israel and battles against the IDF, as well as everyday life. The archive contained the films and the raw materials of the PCI filmmakers, but also collected other early Palestinian films, from both before and after 1948.

    Spirit of liberation

    This activity reflects “a spirit of liberation and revolt and the days of the revolution,” Habashneh says in Sela’s film, referring to the early years of the Palestinian national movement. That spirit was captured in underground photographs and with a minimal budget, on film that was developed in people’s kitchens, screened in tents in refugee camps and distributed abroad. Women, children, fighters, intellectuals and cultural figures, and events of historic importance were documented, Habashneh related. “As far as is known, this was the first official Palestinian visual archive,” Sela notes.

    In her conversation with Sela, Habashneh nostalgically recalled other, better times, when the Palestinian films were screened in a Beirut cinematheque, alongside other works with a “revolutionary spirit,” from Cuba, Chile, Vietnam and elsewhere. “We were in contact with filmmakers from other countries, who saw the camera as an instrument in the hands of the revolution and the people’s struggle,” she recalled.

    “Interesting cultural cooperation developed there, centering around revolutionary cinema,” Sela points out, adding, “Beirut was alive with an unprecedented, groundbreaking cultural flowering that was absolutely astonishing in terms of its visual significance.”

    IDF confiscates film archive

    But in 1982, after the IDF entered Beirut, that archive disappeared and was never seen again. The same fate befell two films made by Habashneh herself, one about children, the other about women. In Sela’s documentary, Habashneh wonders aloud about the circumstances in which the amazing collection disappeared. “Is our fate to live a life without a past? Without a visual history?” she asks. Since then, she has managed to reconstruct a small part of the archive. Some of the films turned up in the United States, where they had been sent to be developed. Copies of a few others remained in movie theaters in various countries where they were screened. Now in her seventies, Habashneh continues to pursue her mission, even though, as she told Sela during an early conversation, “the fate of the archive remains a puzzle.”

    What Habashneh wasn’t able to accomplish beginning in 1982 as part of a worldwide quest, Sela managed to do over the course of a few years of research in Israel. She began by locating a former IDF soldier who told her about the day on which several trucks arrived at the building in Beirut that housed a number of Palestinian archives and began to empty it out. That testimony, supported by a photograph, was crucial for Sela, as it corroborated the rumors and stories about the Palestinian archives having been taken to Israel.

    The same soldier added that he had been gripped by fear when he saw, among the photos that were confiscated from the archive, some that documented Israeli soldiers in the territories. He himself appeared in one of them. “They marked us,” he said to Sela.

    Soldiers loot Nashashibi photos & possessions, take photo from corpse

    Another former soldier told Sela about an unusual photo album that was taken (or looted, depending on one’s point of view) from the home of the prominent Nashashibi family in Jerusalem, in 1948. The soldier added that his father, who had served as an IDF officer in the War of Independence, entered a photography studio and made off with its archive, while other soldiers were busy looting pianos and other expensive objects from the Nashashibis. Another ex-soldier testified to having taken a photo from the corpse of an Arab. Over time, all these images found their way to archives in Israel, in particular the IDF Archive.

    Sela discovers IDF archive

    In 2000, Sela, buoyed by her early finds, requested permission from that archive to examine the visual materials that had been seized by the army in the 1980s. The initial response was denial: The material was not in Israel’s hands, she was told.

    “But I knew what I was looking for, because I had soldiers’ testimonies,” she says now, adding that when she persisted in her request, she encountered “difficulties, various restrictions and the torpedoing of the possibility of perusing the material.”

    The breakthrough came when she enlisted the aid of attorneys Michael Sfard and Shlomi Zacharia, in 2008. To begin with, they received word, confirmed by the Defense Ministry’s legal adviser, that various spoils taken in Beirut were now part of the IDF Archive. However, Sela was subsequently informed that “the PLO’s photography archive,” as the Defense Ministry referred in general to photographic materials taken from the Palestinians, is “archival material on matters of foreign affairs and security, and as such is ‘restricted material’ as defined in Par. 7(a) of the Archives Regulations.”

    Then, one day in 2010, Sela received a fax informing her that Palestinian films had been found in the IDF Archive, without elaboration, and inviting her to view them. “There were a few dozen segments from films, and I was astonished by what I saw,” she says. “At first I was shown only a very limited amount of footage, but it was indicative of the whole. On the basis of my experience, I understood that there was more.”

    A few more years of what Sela terms “endless nagging, conversations and correspondence” passed, which resulted in her being permitted to view dozens of segments of additional films, including some that apparently came from Habashneh’s archive. Sela also discovered another Palestinian archive that had been seized by the IDF. Established under the aegis of the PLO’s Cultural Arts Section, its director in the 1970s was the Lod-born painter and historian Ismail Shammout (1930-2006).

    One of the works in that collection is Shammout’s own film “The Urgent Call,” whose theme song was written and performed by the Palestinian singer Zainab Shathat in English, accompanying herself on the guitar. “The film was thought to be lost until I found it in the IDF Archive,” says Sela, who describes “The Urgent Call” as “a cry about the condition of Palestine, its sons and its daughters.”

    Viewing it takes one back in time to the late 1960s and early ‘70s, when the cinema of the Palestinian struggle briefly connected with other international revolutionary film movements.

    Legendary French filmmaker Jean-Luc Godard

    For example, in 1969 and 1970 Jean-Luc Godard, the legendary filmmaker of the French New Wave in cinema, visited Jordan and Lebanon several times with the Dziga Vertov Group of French filmmakers (named after the Soviet pioneer documentarian of the 1920s and ‘30s), who included filmmaker Jean-Pierre Gorin, who worked with Godard in his “radical” period. They came to shoot footage in refugee camps and in fedayeen bases for Godard’s film “Until Victory.” Habashneh told Sela that she and others had met Godard, assisted him and were of course influenced by his work. [Ed. note: Godard’s work on Palestine caused him to be accused of antisemitism by the Washington Post’s Richard Cohen and others. “In Hollywood there is no greater sin,” the Guardian reported.]

    Along with “The Urgent Call” – excerpts from which are included in her “Looted and Hidden” documentary – Sela also found another Shammout work in the IDF Archive. Titled “Memories and Fire,” it chronicles 20th-century Palestinian history, “from the days depicting the idyllic life in Palestine, via the documentation of refugeehood, to the documentation of the organizing and the resistance. To use the terms of the Palestinian cinema scholar and filmmaker George Khleifi, the aggressive fighter took the place of the ill-fated refugee,” she adds.

    Sela also found footage by the Iraqi director Kais al-Zubaidi, who worked for a time in the PLO’s Cultural Arts Section. His films from that period include “Away from Home” (1969) and “The Visit” (1970); in 2006 he published an anthology, “Palestine in the Cinema,” a history of the subject, which mentions some 800 films that deal with Palestine or the Palestinian people. [Ed. note: unfortunately it appears this book has never been translated into English.]

    IDF seals the archive for decades

    Some of the Palestinian movies in the IDF Archive bear their original titles. However, in many other cases this archival material was re-cataloged to suit the Israeli perspective, so that Palestinian “fighters” became “gangs” or “terrorists,” for example. In one case, a film of Palestinians undergoing arms training is listed as “Terrorist camp in Kuwait: Distribution of uniforms, girls crawling with weapons, terrorists marching with weapons in the hills, instruction in laying mines and in arms.”

    Sela: “These films and stills, though not made by Jewish/Israeli filmmakers or military units – which is the central criterion for depositing materials in the Israeli army archive – were transferred to the IDF Archive and subordinated to the rules of the State of Israel. The archive immediately sealed them for many decades and cataloged them according to its terminology – which is Zionist, Jewish and Israeli – and not according to the original Palestinian terminology. I saw places where the word ‘terrorists’ was written on photographs taken by Palestinians. But after all, they do not call themselves as such. It’s part of terminological camouflaging, which subordinated their creative work to the colonial process in which the occupier controls the material that’s captured.”

    Hidden Palestinian history

    Sela’s discoveries, which are of international importance, are not only a research, documentation and academic achievement: They also constitute a breakthrough in regard to the chronicling of Palestinian history. “Palestinian visual historiography lacks many chapters,” she observes. “Many photographs and archives were destroyed, were lost, taken as spoils or plundered in the various wars and in the course of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.”

    From her point of view, the systematic collecting of Palestinian visual materials in the IDF Archive “makes it possible to write an alternative history that counteracts the content created by the army and the military archive, which is impelled by ideological and political considerations.” In the material she found in the army archive, she sees “images that depict the history of the Palestinian people and its long-term ties to this soil and this place, which present an alternative to the Zionist history that denied the Palestinians’ existence here, as well as their culture and history and the protracted tragedy they endured and their national struggle of many years.”

    The result is an intriguing paradox, such as one often finds by digging deep into an archive. The extensive information that Sela found in the IDF Archive makes it possible to reconstruct elements of the pre-1948 existence of the Palestinians and to help fill in the holes of the Palestinian narrative up until the 1980s. In other words, even if Israel’s intention was to hide these items and to control the Palestinians’ historical treasures, its actions actually abet the process of preservation, and will go on doing so in the future.

    Earlier groundbreaking discovery – confiscated Palestinians books & libraries

    Sela’s research on visual archival materials was preceded by another groundbreaking study – dealing with the written word – conducted by Dr. Gish Amit, an expert on the cultural aspects of Zionism at Ben-Gurion University of the Negev. Amit chronicled the fate of Palestinian books and libraries that, like the photographs and films Sela found, ended up in Israeli archives – including in the National Library in Jerusalem.

    In his 2014 book, “Ex-Libris: Chronicles of Theft, Preservation, and Appropriating at the Jewish National Library” (Hebrew), Amit trenchantly analyzes the foredoomed failure of any attempt to conceal and control the history of others. According to him, “an archive remembers its forgettings and erasures,” “documents injustice, and thus makes it possible to trace its paths” and “paves a way for forgotten histories which may, one day, convict the owners” of the documents.

    However, Amit also sees the complexity of this story and presents another side of it. Describing the operation in which the Palestinian books were collected by Israeli soldiers and National Library personnel during the War of Independence, he raises the possibility that this was actually an act involving rescue, preservation and accessibility: “On the one hand, the books were collected and not burned or left in the abandoned houses in the Arab neighborhoods that had been emptied of their inhabitants. Had they not been collected their fate would have been sealed — not a trace of them would remain,” he writes, adding, that the National Library “protected the books from the war, the looting and the destruction, and from illegal trade in manuscripts.”

    According to the National Library, it is holding about 6,500 Palestinian books and manuscripts, which were taken from private homes whose owners left in 1948. The entire collection is cataloged and accessible to the general public, but is held under the responsibility of the Custodian of Absentees’ Property in the Finance Ministry. Accordingly, there is no intention, in the near future, of trying to locate the owners and returning the items.

    Israeli control over history

    Sela views the existence of these spoils of war in Israel as a direct expression of the occupation, which she defines, beyond Israel’s physical presence in the territories, as “the control of history, the writing of culture and the shaping of identity.” In her view, “Israel’s rule over the Palestinians is not only geographic but extends also to culture and consciousness. Israel wants to erase this history from the public consciousness, but it is not being successful, because the force of the resistance is stronger. Furthermore, its attempts to erase Palestinian history adversely affect Israel itself in the end.”

    At this point, Sela resorts to a charged comparison, to illustrate how visual materials contribute to the creation of personal and collective identity. “As the daughter of Holocaust survivors,” she says, “I grew up in a home without photographic historical memory. Nothing. My history starts only with the meeting of my parents, in 1953. It’s only from then that we have photos. Before that – nothing.

    “I know what it feels like when you have no idea what your grandmother or grandfather looked like, or your father’s childhood,” she continues. “This is all the more true of the history of a whole people. The construction of identity by means of visual materials is very meaningful. Many researchers have addressed this topic. The fact is that Zionist bodies made and are continuing to make extensive and rational use of [such materials too] over a period that spans decades.”

    Sela admits that there is still much to be done, but as far as she’s concerned, once a crack appeared in the wall, there was no turning back. “There is a great deal of material, including hundreds of films, that I haven’t yet got to,” she notes. “This is an amazing treasure, which contains information about the cultural, educational, rural and urban life of the Palestinian people throughout the 20th century – an erased narrative that needs to be restored to the history books,” she adds.

    Asked what she thinks should be done with the material, she asserts, “Of course it has to be returned. Just as Israel is constantly fighting to retrieve what the Nazis looted from Jews in the Holocaust. The historical story is different, but by the same criterion, practice what you preach. These are cultural and historical materials of the Palestinian people.”

    The fact that these items are being held by Israel “creates a large hole in Palestinian research and knowledge,” Sela avers. “It’s a hole for which Israel is responsible. This material does not belong to us. It has to be returned to its owners. Afterward, if we view it intelligently, we too can come to know and understand highly meaningful chapters in Palestinian history and in our own history. I think that the first and basic stage in the process of conciliation is to know the history of the Other and also your own history of controlling the Other.”

    Defense Ministry response

    A spokesperson for the Defense Ministry, which was asked to comment on the holdings in the IDF Archive, the archive contains 642 “war booty films,” most of which deal with refugees and were produced by the UNRWA (the United Nations refugee relief agency) in the 1960s and 1970s. The ministry also noted that 158 films that were seized by the IDF in the 1982 Lebanon War are listed in orderly fashion in the reading-room catalog and are available for perusal by the general public, including Arab citizens and Palestinians.

    As for the Palestinian photographs that were confiscated, the Defense Ministry stated that there is no orderly record of them. There are 127 files of photographs and negatives in the archive, each of which contains dozens of photographs, probably taken between the 1960s and the 1980s, on a variety of subjects, including visits of foreign delegations to PLO personnel, tours of PLO delegations abroad, Palestinian art and heritage, art objects, traditional attire and Palestinian folklore, factories and workshops, demonstrations, mass parades and rallies held by the PLO, portraits of Arab personalities and PLO symbols.

    The statement adds that a few months ago, crates were located that were stamped by their original owners, “PLO/Department of Information and National Guidance and Department of Information and Culture,” during the evacuation of the archive’s storerooms in the Tzrifin base.

    https://israelpalestinenews.org/old-palestinian-photos-films-hidden-idf-archive-show-different-
    #historicisation #Israël #Palestine #photographie #films #archive #histoire #Khalil_Rassass #Ali_Za’arur
    ping @reka @sinehebdo @albertocampiphoto

  • Israël : arrestation du chef du conseil du Waqf à Jérusalem, Abdel Azim Salhab
    RFI - Avec notre correspondant à Jérusalem, Michel Paul
    http://www.rfi.fr/moyen-orient/20190224-israel-waqf-arrestation-dignitaire-musulman-al-aqsa-abdel-azim-salhab

    Fait très rare, la police israélienne a arrêté un haut dignitaire musulman à la suite des incidents de ces derniers jours sur l’esplanade des Mosquées à Jérusalem. Il devrait être présenté devant un juge ce dimanche 24 février 2019. Les responsables musulmans exigent sa libération immédiate. (...)

  • Accusations d’antisémitisme : Varsovie attend des excuses d’Israël
    Modifié le 19/02/2019
    https://www.ouest-france.fr/europe/pologne/accusations-d-antisemitisme-varsovie-attend-des-excuses-d-israel-622937

    Le Premier ministre Mateusz Morawiecki et le Premier ministre israélien Benjamin Netanyahu le 14 février. | EPA-EFE/PAWEL SUPERNAK

    La Pologne attend des excuses du gouvernement israélien après les accusations d’antisémitisme qui ont conduit la Pologne à se retirer d’un sommet à Jérusalem.

    Le chef de la diplomatie israélienne, Israël Katz, a suscité la colère de Varsovie en accusant les Polonais d’avoir « tété l’antisémitisme avec le lait de leur mère ». Varsovie attend désormais des excuses du gouvernement israélien, ont affirmé mardi 19 février plusieurs hauts responsables polonais.

    Les autorités israéliennes doivent « demander pardon » pour cette déclaration et la « rejeter », a notamment assuré le vice-ministre polonais des Affaires étrangères Szymon Szynkowski vel Sek. Le Premier ministre polonais Mateusz Morawiecki avait pris lundi la décision de n’envoyer personne au sommet du groupe de Visegrad (V4, Hongrie, Pologne, République Tchèque et Slovaquie) qui devait se tenir à Jérusalem, en réaction aux propos tenus dimanche par Israël Katz.
    « Tensions »

    Si des excuses ne sont pas présentées, « il y aura vraiment un coup de froid dans les relations » bilatérales, a prévenu le chef du cabinet du Premier ministre, Marek Suski, sur la chaîne privée Polsat News.

    Pour le chef de la chancellerie du Conseil des ministres, Michal Dworczyk, il convient de parler de « tensions et non d’effondrement » dans les relations polono-israéliennes. Varsovie demeure « un partenaire très important, sinon le plus important, d’Israël en Europe » et les deux pays « s’appuient mutuellement dans différents projets », a-t-il estimé sur RMF FM.

    #IsraelPologne

  • A Jérusalem, des Palestiniens expulsés de chez eux au profit de colons israéliens AFP - 17 Février 2019 - RTBF
    https://www.rtbf.be/info/monde/detail_a-jerusalem-des-palestiniens-expulses-de-chez-eux-au-profit-de-colons-is

    Une famille palestinienne a été expulsée dimanche de sa maison dans la Vieille ville de Jérusalem au profit de colons israéliens, a constaté un photographe de l’AFP.

    Des affrontements ont éclaté entre les habitants du quartier, situé dans la partie palestinienne de Jérusalem, et la police peu après qu’une dizaine de colons israéliens ont investi la bâtisse, protégés par les forces de l’ordre.

    La maison était habitée par sept membres de la famille Abou Assab qui avait reçu un ordre d’éviction lui laissant jusqu’au 12 février pour quitter les lieux, selon l’ONG israélienne Ir Amim. Les Abou Assab y vivaient depuis les années 1960, d’après l’ONG.

    Le bâtiment appartenait à une famille juive avant la guerre de 1948, date de la création d’Israël, selon l’ONG israélienne La Paix Maintenant, qui lutte contre la colonisation par Israël des Territoires palestiniens.

    Expulsée de leur maison dans un autre quartier de Jérusalem en 1948, la famille Abou Assab s’était alors installée dans cette maison dont les habitants juifs avaient fui, a indiqué l’ONG dans un communiqué.


    Des policiers israéliens arrêtent un membre de la famille palestinienne Abou Assab, qui proteste contre son éviction de leur maison dans la Vieille ville de Jérusalem-est, le 17 février 2019 - © AHMAD GHARABLI

    Retour des Juifs
    Grâce à une loi israélienne permettant le retour des Juifs dans leurs propriétés à Jérusalem-Est, partie palestinienne de la ville occupée et annexée par Israël, des colons israéliens ont pu s’installer après un recours en justice au nom de la famille juive propriétaire avant 1948, selon l’ONG.

    L’annexion de Jérusalem-Est n’a jamais été reconnue par la communauté internationale. D’après la loi israélienne, les Palestiniens ne peuvent pas réclamer les propriétés qu’ils ont abandonnées ou dont ils ont été chassés en 1948.

    « On habite là. C’est ma maison, c’est toute ma vie », s’est écriée devant les journalistes Rania Abou Assab, tandis que les colons, surplombant la foule, hissaient déjà des drapeaux israéliens tout autour de la terrasse.

    « Ils ont tout pris », a-t-elle ajouté avant de s’effondrer en pleurs, ses effets personnels se trouvant toujours dans le domicile auquel elle ne peut plus accéder.

    Mme Abou Assab a indiqué que son fils de 15 ans et son mari avaient été arrêtés après leur éviction. La police israélienne a confirmé l’arrestation de deux personnes pour « avoir perturbé les activités de la police », ne précisant pas si elles avaient été libérées depuis.

    A Jérusalem-Est, « presque toutes les propriétés qui appartenaient à des Juifs avant 1948 sont menacées » de voir leurs occupants palestiniens expulsés, a indiqué Hagit Ofran de La Paix Maintenant, assurant que des dizaines de maisons dans la Vieille ville avaient fini par aboutir depuis les années 1980 aux mains de colons israéliens.

    A Jérusalem-Est, environ 70 familles palestiniennes dans le quartier de Sheikh Jarrah et quelque 700 personnes dans le quartier de Silwan sont menacées d’expulsion car leurs propriétés appartenaient à des Juifs avant 1948,selon Mme Ofran.

    #palestine #jérusalem #Jérusalem-Est #israël #colonisation #israel #colonisation #apartheid

  • À Jérusalem-Est, les Palestiniens dénoncent un assaut israélien contre l’éducation
    By Zena Tahhan in CAMP DE RÉFUGIÉS DE SHUAFAT, Jérusalem-Est occupé - Date de publication : Mercredi 13 février 2019 - 15:48
    https://www.middleeasteye.net/fr/news/jerusalem-est-les-palestiniens-denoncent-un-assaut-israelien-contre-l

    L’atmosphère est toujours tendue dans le camp de réfugiés négligé de Shuafat, à Jérusalem-Est occupée.

    Ici, les enfants jouent sur des routes jonchées d’ordures et d’eaux usées, tandis que de jeunes adolescents sont contraints d’abandonner leurs études pour travailler dans des garages ou des restaurants, afin que leur famille puisse joindre les deux bouts.

    Au moins 24 000 personnes – en majorité des réfugiés dont les familles ont été déplacées en 1948 – vivent dans cette zone anarchique, enfermés dans une cage entre deux check-points et le mur de béton de 8 mètres de haut qui encercle le camp.

    L’annonce qu’Israël prévoit de fermer les deux écoles de réfugiés des Nations unies dans le camp n’a fait que jeter de l’huile sur le feu.

    Ces écoles, même si elles présentent des lacunes en matière d’organisation et manquent de capacité d’accueil, sont gratuites et offrent une petite lueur d’espoir significative dans un contexte difficile.

    « J’ai tous mes amis à l’école. J’aime mes professeurs. Nous passons plus de temps à l’école qu’à la maison », a déclaré Zuhoor al-Tawil (14 ans), élève à l’école pour filles de Shuafat, gérée par l’agence de l’ONU pour les réfugiés palestiniens, l’UNRWA. (...)

    #Jerusalem

  • Netherlands recognize Gaza, West Bank as official Palestinian birthplaces
    Feb. 10, 2019 3:30 P.M. (Updated: Feb. 10, 2019 3:51 P.M.)
    http://www.maannews.com/Content.aspx?ID=782505

    BETHLEHEM (Ma’an) — Palestinians living in the Netherlands will be allowed to register the Gaza Strip and the West Bank as their official place of birth, Dutch State Secretary Raymond Knops told the House of Representatives in The Hague.

    The Netherlands, which does not recognize Palestine as a sovereign state, currently offers Palestinians two options when specifying their birthplace at the Dutch civil registry, the two options are Israel or “unknown.”

    Knops wrote a letter to the House of Representatives, saying that he intends to add the Gaza Strip and the West Bank, including East Jerusalem to a list of official states used by the Dutch civil registry.

    The new category will be available to Palestinians born after May 15th 1948, the day the British Mandate was officially terminated and Israel became a recognized state.

    In the letter, Knops stated that the new category is in accordance with “the Dutch viewpoint that Israel has no sovereignty over these areas,” as well as the Netherlands’ refusal to recognize Palestine as a state.

    Knops added that the new category was named based on the Oslo Accords and United Nations Security Council resolutions.
    While the UN General Assembly and at least 136 countries have recognized Palestine as a sovereign state, most of the European Union has refrained from recognition until such status is established peace agreement between the Israelis and the Palestinians. (...)

  • Gaza : comment soigner les blessés des marches contre le blocus ? - moyen orient
    RFI - Publié le 07-02-2019
    Avec notre correspondant à Jérusalem, Guilhem Delteil.
    http://www.rfi.fr/moyen-orient/20190207-gaza-comment-soigner-blesses-marches-contre-le-blocus

    Depuis dix mois désormais, des rassemblements ont lieu au moins chaque semaine dans la bande de Gaza près de la barrière de séparation. Les protestataires réclament la levée du blocus imposée à l’enclave palestinienne depuis onze ans. Pour l’armée israélienne, il s’agit « d’émeutes ». Et, disant défendre son territoire, elle a tiré à balles réelles, faisant près de 250 morts et plus de 6 000 blessés dans les rangs des manifestants.

    Partout dans le monde, plus de 6 000 blessés par balle représenteraient un défi sanitaire. Mais à Gaza sous blocus, leur prise en charge est encore plus compliquée. Le système public est saturé. (...)

    #Gaza

  • Israël - Territoires palestiniens -
    Non-renouvellement de la présence internationale temporaire à Hébron (28.01.19) - France-Diplomatie - Ministère de l’Europe et des Affaires étrangères
    https://www.diplomatie.gouv.fr/fr/dossiers-pays/israel-territoires-palestiniens/processus-de-paix/evenements/article/israel-territoires-palestiniens-non-renouvellement-de-la-presence

    Israël a annoncé que la Présence internationale temporaire à Hébron (TIPH) ne serait pas renouvelée. Mise en place en 1997 dans le cadre de la résolution 904 du Conseil de sécurité des Nations unies (1994) et des accords d’Oslo II (1995), cette mission d’observation civile a joué un rôle important pour veiller au respect de ces accords ainsi que du droit international humanitaire et du droit international des droits de l’Homme. Sa présence dans la ville a contribué à prévenir les incidents entre les habitants palestiniens et les colons.
    #Hebron #TIPH
    Cette décision risque d’accentuer les tensions sur le terrain dans un contexte sécuritaire déjà précaire à Hébron, et alors que se poursuit la politique de colonisation israélienne dans la ville comme dans le reste de la Cisjordanie et à Jérusalem. La France regrette cette décision et appelle Israël à la réexaminer.

    Elle invite les deux parties à s’inscrire dans la relance d’un processus politique crédible visant à mettre en œuvre la solution des deux Etats, seule à même d’assurer une solution juste et durable au conflit conforme aux aspirations des deux peuples.

    La France rend hommage aux hommes et aux femmes qui ont servi pendant vingt-deux ans dans la TIPH, dans des conditions souvent difficiles. Deux d’entre eux ont perdu la vie dans l’accomplissement de leur mission.

    #Francediplo

  • Palestinian teen hiking with friends was killed in Israeli army ambush. He posed no danger
    Gideon Levy, Alex Levac | Feb. 1, 2019
    https://www.haaretz.com/israel-news/.premium-palestinian-teen-hiking-with-friends-was-killed-in-idf-ambush-he-p

    The soldiers hid behind the tallest oak tree in the valley. That’s where the six teenagers were headed, as they descended from their town, Silwad, northeast of Ramallah, into the deep, steep valley to hang out together on that Friday afternoon. On the way, they bought potato chips, sunflower seeds and chocolate, and they planned to boil water for tea over a campfire. Suddenly, without warning, a gunshot rang out. The teens had no idea where it came from. Ayman collapsed, rolling over and landing on his back. A bullet had sliced through his chest from the left, below his neck, and exited from his hip. When Mohammed tried to approach, to pull him out of the line of fire, another shot rang out. Mohammed was hit in the arm and ran for his life.

    Ayman lay on the ground, dying.

    The firing grew more intense. The shooters emerged from the ambush site behind the oak tree. They were joined by two more soldiers who came out of an Isuzu jeep parked on the other side of Highway 60. Bursts of automatic gunfire, aimed at the teens who were fleeing for their lives, echoed through the valley. The group rushed up the hill on which Silwad – meaning “above the wadi” in Arabic – is perched.

    That evening, the Israel Defense Forces returned Ayman Hamad ’s body to his family. He was 17 years old and was buried the next day in the town.

    Not far away, on that same day, last Saturday, January 26, settlers from the outpost of Adei Ad, and/or soldiers who joined them – it is still not clear – killed Hamdi Na’asan , 38, as he was plowing his field next to his village, Al-Mughayyir. Last weekend was particularly lethal for the Palestinians. Four of them were killed by Israelis, in the Gaza Strip, Jerusalem and the West Bank.

    It was raining when we visited Silwad on Monday, and the killing field in the valley that separates the town from Highway 60 was draped in thick fog. Through the fog a stunning view could be made out – of olive trees, the towering oak and the verdant valley. The last house in town, on the wadi’s edge, belongs to Qadura Fares, head of the Palestinian Prisoners Club, a former cabinet minister and prisoner. Fares, fluent in Hebrew, is one of the more impressive leaders in the Palestinian Authority, an associate and good friend of the jailed Palestinian leader Marwan Barghouti.

    The Silwad community center – above which looms the turret of the local mosque that locals say is the tallest in Palestine – had been turned into a venue of mourning and condolences. The dead teenager was a relative of Fares’, who, in an elegant wool coat, was among those welcoming the guests who had come to comfort the family. Next to him was the bereaved father, Ahmed Hamad, 44, a metalworker who once had four daughters and two sons. Now, he has four daughters and one son.

    According to the dead teen’s history teacher, Aouni Fares, Ayman, a high-school senior, was well-informed and knew a lot about the Nakba, the Palestinians’ suffering and the history of the occupation that began in 1967. Ahmed Hamad says his son promised him that he would always be proud of him. Ayman’s uncle Mohammed Othman was the first fatal casualty in Silwad during the first intifada; two other uncles, Akram Hamad and Rifat Hamad, are serving life sentences in Israeli prisons.

    Last Friday morning, Ayman had coffee with his father and then attended prayers in the mosque. At midday the family drove to its olive grove in the valley for a picnic, not far from the place where their firstborn would be killed a few hours later. The weather was ideal, under the winter sun, and Ayman was in high spirits, the mourners recall. The family ate stuffed vegetables prepared by the mother, Inas; Ayman cleared away the dishes.

    When they got home, around 2:30 P.M., Ayman asked his father, who was driving to the nearby village of Rammun to shop, for money to buy snacks; he was given 20 shekels ($5.60). At the end of the day, two shekels would be found in the teen’s cellphone case.

    Almost every Friday they would head out to the valley, Ayman and his buddies, all of them about the same age. There, amid the olive trees, about a kilometer or two from their homes, is the local gathering place.

    When they arrived, the group split up. Ayman and two friends went on ahead, the other three stayed behind for some reason. Later on some of the eyewitnesses, among them the wounded Mohammed Hamad, would say that the group did not throw any stones, although one authoritative source admitted that they had. Iyad Hadad, a field researcher for the Israeli human rights organization B’Tselem, noted that Ayman was shot at around 4:30 that afternoon – almost Shabbat – so there were certainly no religious settlers’ cars on Highway 60 at the time. Candle-lighting time in the nearby settlements was 4:31 P.M. in Beit El, 4:40 P.M. in Shiloh and 4:49 P.M. in Ofra.

    Many questions remain about what happened this week, and they are very disturbing – even if stones were thrown. The Israel Defense Forces soldiers shot Ayman Hamad from a distance of between 50 and 100 meters, from which he could not have posed any threat. When he was shot, he was also more than 100 meters from the highway, again a distance from which no stone could have hurt anyone traveling on the road. The soldiers fired live ammunition from an ambush with no prior warning, hitting him directly in the chest. They shot to kill, of that there’s no doubt. A teenager, a high-school student, who maybe did throw stones (which hurt no one), or maybe didn’t throw stones, was executed. The soldiers went on shooting even after they had hit him. Fortunately, they didn’t kill anyone else.

    The IDF Spokesman’s Unit made do with a laconic, dry response to Haaretz’s query, one that only raises additional questions: “A Military Police investigation has been launched into the matter, and at its conclusion the findings will be conveyed for further examination to the office of the military advocate general.” We’re unlikely to hear any more about this incident – either about the conclusion of the “investigation” or about a trial of those deemed responsible for the killing of the teen from Silwad.

    After the incident, the wounded Mohammed Hamad made his way into town, where he was taken to the local clinic and from there by ambulance to the Government Hospital in Ramallah. Ayman was still on the ground, with the soldiers gathered around him. A Palestinian ambulance driver who happened to pass by and saw what was going on offered to evacuate Ayman, but the soldiers told him to leave. It’s not clear whether Ayman was still alive at that point. Mohammed said he saw him take a few heavy breaths before he himself fled the scene, as did the third one in their group. The other teens were far off and didn’t see what was going on.

    After almost an hour, after an Israeli ambulance evacuated Ayman, the soldiers left the site. The boy was taken to a military guard tower next to the nearby village of Ein Yabroud, where an intensive care ambulance arrived, lingered for about 10 minutes and then drove off, according to the testimonies. Ayman was apparently already dead.

    In the meantime, one of the friends phoned Ayman’s father to report that his son had been wounded and was with the soldiers. A few minutes later, he called back to say that Ayman had not been wounded, only arrested. Then Qadura Fares phoned to tell Ahmed to drop everything in Rammun and get back to Silwad fast. When Ahmed reached Fares’ house, he saw the crowd that had gathered there, among them his brother, Suheil, who was weeping bitterly, and he realized what had happened.

    Fares meanwhile contacted the District Coordination and Liaison unit in order to get Ayman’s body back; at about 7:30 that evening, the family were instructed to go to the military base at Beit El to retrieve the body. At the Government Hospital in Ramallah, where they brought the body, Ahmed saw the bullet’s entry hole in his son’s chest and the exit wound in the hip.

    While we are visiting, Mohammed Hamad, the survivor of the shooting, enters the community center. His entire arm is bandaged. This is his first encounter with Ahmed since the incident. The teenager had undergone surgery in the Government Hospital shortly after arriving there, but walked out the next day, against his doctors’ instructions, to attend Ayman’s funeral.

    Mohammed is clearly still in a state of shock. Ayman, he relates, walked about 30 meters ahead of the rest of the group toward his family’s olive grove. He denies that they threw stones. After Ayman collapsed on the ground, Mohammed says he saw that he was still moving his fingers, even as blood spilled out of his chest, but doesn’t remember anything else because he was then shot himself. At first, he didn’t feel anything as he was fleeing for his life, with bullets whistling around him. He didn’t feel any pain until a few minutes later. Now he tells us he’ll have to return to the hospital in a few days for additional surgery.

    https://seenthis.net/messages/755175
    #Palestine_assassinée

  • L’USAID met fin à ses aides aux Palestiniens
    Reuters1 février 2019 - (Stephen Farrell ; Jean-Stéphane Brosse pour le service français)
    https://fr.news.yahoo.com/lusaid-met-fin-%C3%A0-ses-aides-aux-palestiniens-085031728.html

    JERUSALEM (Reuters) - L’Agence des Etats-Unis pour le développement international (USAID) a annoncé vendredi l’arrêt de tous ses programmes d’aide aux Palestiniens dans les territoires occupés de Cisjordanie et de la bande de Gaza.

    L’Autorité palestinienne avait fait savoir qu’elle refuserait à partir de février les aides du gouvernement fédéral américain pour ne pas s’exposer à des poursuites aux Etats-Unis pour financement du terrorisme aux termes d’une nouvelle loi votée l’an dernier par le Congrès

    L’Anti-Terrorism Clarification Act (Acta), qui entre en vigueur à compter du 31 janvier, autorise les Américains à engager des poursuites devant les tribunaux américains contre toute entité étrangère bénéficiant d’une aide des Etats-Unis et soupçonnée de complicité dans des « actes de guerre ».

    Cette législation a aussi pour conséquence de mettre un terme à une aide de 60 millions de dollars versée par les Etats-Unis aux forces de sécurité palestiniennes.

    Selon un haut responsable américain, les Etats-Unis ne prévoient pas pour l’instant de fermer la mission d’USAID pour la Cisjordanie et la bande de Gaza, qui est installée à l’ambassade des Etats-Unis à Jérusalem.

  • CAF rejects tender for Jerusalem’s railway as it traverses ’67 border
    Feb. 1, 2019 2:46 P.M. (Updated: Feb. 1, 2019 4:07 P.M.)
    http://www.maannews.com/Content.aspx?ID=782418

    BETHLEHEM (Ma’an) — Spanish rail equipment manufacturer CAF announced, on Friday, that it had refused to participate in a tender to build a section of the railway in occupied East Jerusalem as it violates international law.

    An international tender to build and operate Jerusalem’s second light rail line has many companies rejecting to participate as they are fearful of arousing political opposition, since the proposed “Green Line” runs into parts of the city occupied by Israel during the Six-Day War in 1967.

    The proposed Green Line, a project that could cost as much as 5 billion shekels ($1.4 billion) and stretch along 22 kilometers, proved to be problematic as it reaches Mount Scopus and Gilo.

    The company, which is one of the most important Spanish companies in the field of railways, said it “refuses to build a section of the railway in Jerusalem because the Israeli government included in the section a Palestinian land that will be confiscated in violation of the resolutions of international legitimacy.”

    #BDS

  • Les diplomates de l’UE s’inquiètent de la « discrimination juridique systématique » en Cisjordanie
    Par Piotr Smolar - 1erfévrier 2019
    https://www.lemonde.fr/international/article/2019/02/01/les-experts-de-l-ue-s-inquietent-de-la-discrimination-juridique-systematique

    Dans un rapport confidentiel, les chefs de mission européens à Jérusalem et Ramallah décrivent la différence de traitements entre colons et Palestiniens sans en tirer de conséquences pratiques.

    Les rapports sur l’occupation israélienne en Cisjordanie, publiés depuis des décennies, pourraient remplir plusieurs bibliothèques. Mais celui transmis fin juillet 2018 par les chefs de mission de l’Union européenne (UE) à Jérusalem et à Ramallah, dont Le Monde a eu connaissance, sort de l’ordinaire. Nullement destiné à une diffusion large, il devait nourrir la réflexion du Service européen pour l’action extérieure et des Etats membres.

    Sans surprise, le constat est accablant. Mais aucune conséquence n’en a été tirée à ce jour par l’UE, paralysée par ses dissensions internes. (...)

  • Israel/OPT : Tourism companies driving settlement expansion, profiting from war crimes

    Online booking giants #Airbnb, #Booking.com, #Expedia and #TripAdvisor are fuelling human rights violations against Palestinians by listing hundreds of rooms and activities in Israeli settlements on occupied Palestinian land, including East Jerusalem, Amnesty International said today. In a new report, ‘Destination: Occupation’, the organization documents how online booking companies are driving tourism to illegal Israeli settlements and contributing to their existence and expansion.

    Israel’s settling of Israeli civilians in the Occupied Palestinian Territories (OPT) violates international humanitarian law and is a war crime. Despite this, the four companies continue to operate in the settlements, and profit from this illegal situation.

    One of the settlements included in Amnesty International’s report is #Kfar_Adumim, a growing tourism hub located less than two kilometres from the Bedouin village of #Khan_al-Ahmar, whose imminent and complete demolition by Israeli forces has been given a green light by Israel’s Supreme Court. The expansion of Kfar Adumim and other surrounding settlements is a key driver of human rights violations against the local Bedouin community.

    “Israel’s unlawful seizure of Palestinian land and expansion of settlements perpetuates immense suffering, pushing Palestinians out of their homes, destroying their livelihoods and depriving them of basics like drinking water. Airbnb, Booking.com, Expedia and TripAdvisor model themselves on the idea of sharing and mutual trust, yet they are contributing to these human rights violations by doing business in the settlements,” said Seema Joshi, Amnesty International’s Director of Global Thematic Issues.

    “The Israeli government uses the growing tourism industry in the settlements as a way of legitimizing their existence and expansion, and online booking companies are playing along with this agenda. It’s time for these companies to stand up for human rights by withdrawing all of their listings in illegal settlements on occupied land. War crimes are not a tourist attraction.”

    https://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/news/2019/01/israel-opt-tourism-companies-driving-settlement-expansion-profiting-from-wa
    #Israël #territoires_occupés #tourisme #Palestine #droits_humains #démolition #destruction #industrie_touristique
    ping @reka

  • Israel just admitted arming anti-Assad Syrian rebels. Big mistake - Middle East News
    Haaretz.com - Daniel J. Levy Jan 30, 2019 5:03 PM
    https://www.haaretz.com/middle-east-news/.premium-israel-just-admitted-arming-anti-assad-syrian-rebels-big-mistake-1

    In his final days as the Israel Defense Forces’ Chief of Staff, Lieutenant General Gadi Eisenkot confirmed, on the record, that Israel had directly supported anti-Assad Syrian rebel factions in the Golan Heights by arming them.

    This revelation marks a direct break from Israel’s previous media policy on such matters. Until now, Israel has insisted it has only provided humanitarian aid to civilians (through field hospitals on the Golan Heights and in permanent healthcare facilities in northern Israel), and has consistently denied or refused to comment on any other assistance.

    In short, none other than Israel’s most (until recently) senior serving soldier has admitted that up until his statement, his country’s officially stated position on the Syrian civil war was built on the lie of non-intervention.

    As uncomfortable as this may initially seem, though, it is unsurprising. Israel has a long history of conducting unconventional warfare. That form of combat is defined by the U.S. government’s National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2016 as “activities conducted to enable a resistance movement or insurgency to coerce, disrupt or overthrow an occupying power or government by operating through or with an underground, auxiliary or guerrilla force in a denied area” in the pursuit of various security-related strategic objectives.

    While the United States and Iran are both practitioners of unconventional warfare par excellence, they primarily tend to do so with obvious and longer-term strategic allies, i.e. the anti-Taliban Northern Alliance fighters in Afghanistan, and various Shia militias in post-2003 Iraq.

    In contrast, Israel has always shown a remarkable willingness to form short-term tactical partnerships with forces and entities explicitly hostile to its very existence, as long as that alliance is able to offer some kind of security-related benefits.

    The best example of this is Israel’s decision to arm Tehran during the Iran-Iraq War, despite the Islamic Republic of Iran’s strong anti-Zionist rhetoric and foreign policy. During the 1980s, Iraq remained Jerusalem’s primary conventional (and arguably existential) military threat. Aiding Tehran to continue fighting an attritional war against Baghdad reduced the risk the latter posed against Israel.

    Similarly, throughout the civil war in Yemen in the 1960s, Israel covertly supported the royalist Houthi forces fighting Egyptian-backed republicans. Given Egypt’s very heavy military footprint in Yemen at the time (as many as a third of all Egyptian troops were deployed to the country during this period), Israelis reasoned that this military attrition would undermine their fighting capacity closer to home, which was arguably proven by Egypt’s lacklustre performance in the Six Day War.

    Although technically not unconventional warfare, Israel long and openly backed the South Lebanon Army, giving it years of experience in arming, training, and mentoring a partner indigenous force.

    More recently, though, Israel’s policy of supporting certain anti-Assad rebel groups remains consistent with past precedents of with whom and why it engages in unconventional warfare. Israel’s most pressing strategic concern and potential threat in Syria is an Iranian encroachment onto its northern border, either directly, or through an experienced and dangerous proxy such as Hezbollah, key to the Assad regime’s survival.

    For a number of reasons, Israel committing troops to overt large-scale operations in Syria to prevent this is simply unfeasible. To this end, identifying and subsequently supporting a local partner capable of helping Israel achieve this strategic goal is far more sensible, and realistic.

    Open source details of Israel’s project to support anti-Assad rebel groups are sparse, and have been since the outbreak of the Syrian civil war.

    Reports of this first arose towards the end of 2014, and one described how United Nations officials had witnessed Syrian rebels transferring injured patients to Israel, as well as “IDF soldiers on the Israeli side handing over two boxes to armed Syrian opposition members on the Syrian side.” The same report also stated that UN observers said they saw “two IDF soldiers on the eastern side of the border fence opening the gate and letting two people enter Israel.”

    Since then, a steady stream of similar reports continued to detail Israeli contacts with the Syrian rebels, with the best being written and researched by Elizabeth Tsurkov. In February, 2014 she wrote an outstanding feature for War On The Rocks, where she identified Liwaa’ Fursan al-Jolan and Firqat Ahrar Nawa as two groups benefiting from Israeli support, named Iyad Moro as “Israel’s contact person in Beit Jann,” and stated that weaponry, munitions, and cash were Israel’s main form of military aid.

    She also describes how Israel has supported its allied groups in fighting local affiliates of Islamic State with drone strikes and high-precision missile attacks, strongly suggesting, in my view, the presence of embedded Israeli liaison officers of some kind.

    A 2017 report published by the United Nations describes how IDF personnel were observed passing supplies over the Syrian border to unidentified armed individuals approaching them with convoys of mules, and although Israel claims that these engagements were humanitarian in nature, this fails to explain the presence of weaponry amongst the unidentified individuals receiving supplies from them.

    Writing for Foreign Policy in September 2018, Tsurkov again detailed how Israel was supporting the Syrian rebel factions, stating that material support came in the form of “assault rifles, machine guns, mortar launchers and transport vehicles,” which were delivered “through three gates connecting the Israeli-occupied Golan Heights to Syria - the same crossings Israel used to deliver humanitarian aid to residents of southern Syria suffering from years of civil war.” She also dates this support to have begun way back in 2013.

    The one part of Israel’s involvement in the Syrian Civil War which has been enthusiastically publicised, though, has been its ongoing humanitarian operations in the Golan. Dubbed “Operation Good Neighbor,” this was established in June 2016, and its stated aim is to “provide humanitarian aid to as many people as possible while maintaining Israel’s policy of non-involvement in the conflict.”

    Quite clearly, this is - at least in parts - a lie, as even since before its official commencement, Israel was seemingly engaging with and supporting various anti-Assad factions.

    Although Operation Good Neighbor patently did undertake significant humanitarian efforts in southern Syria for desperate Syrian civilians (including providing free medical treatment, infrastructure support, and civilian aid such as food and fuel), it has long been my personal belief that it was primarily a smokescreen for Israel’s covert unconventional warfare efforts in the country.

    Although it may be argued that deniability was initially necessary to protect Israel’s Syrian beneficiaries who could not be seen to be working with Jerusalem for any number of reasons (such as the likely detrimental impact this would have on their local reputation if not lives), this does not justify Israel’s outright lying on the subject. Instead, it could have mimicked the altogether more sensible approach of the British government towards United Kingdom Special Forces, which is simply to restate their position of not commenting, confirming, or denying any potentially relevant information or assertions.

    Israel is generous in its provision of humanitarian aid to the less fortunate, but I find it impossible to believe that its efforts in Syria were primarily guided by altruism when a strategic objective as important as preventing Iran and its proxies gaining a toehold on its northern border was at stake.

    Its timing is interesting and telling as well. Operation Good Neighbor was formally put in place just months after the Assad regime began its Russian-backed counter-offensive against the rebel factions, and ceased when the rebels were pushed out of southern Syria in September 2018.

    But it’s not as if that September there were no longer civilians who could benefit from Israeli humanitarian aid, but an absence of partners to whom Israel could feasibly directly dispatch arms and other supplies. Although Israel did participate in the rescue of a number of White Helmets, this was done in a relatively passive manner (allowing their convoy to drive to Jordan through Israeli territory), and also artfully avoided escalating any kind of conflict with the Assad’s forces and associated foreign allies.

    Popular opinion - both in Israel and amongst Diaspora Jews - was loud and clear about the ethical necessity of protecting Syrian civilians (especially from historically-resonant gas attacks). But it’s unlikely this pressure swung Israel to intervene in Syria. Israel already had a strong interest in keeping Iran and its proxies out southern Syria, and that would have remained the case, irrespective of gas attacks against civilians.

    Although Israel has gone to great lengths to conceal its efforts at unconventional warfare within the Syrian civil war, it need not have. Its activities are consistent with its previous efforts at promoting strategic objectives through sometimes unlikely, if not counter-intuitive, regional partners.

    Perhaps the reason why Eisenkot admitted that this support was taking place was because he knew that it could not be concealed forever, not least since the fall of the smokescreen provided by Operation Good Neighbor. But the manner in which Israel operated may have longer-term consequences.

    Israel is unlikely to change how it operates in the future, but may very well find future potential tactical partners less than willing to cooperate with it. In both southern Lebanon and now Syria, Israel’s former partners have found themselves exposed to dangers borne out of collaboration, and seemingly abandoned.

    With that kind of history and record, it is likely that unless they find themselves in desperate straits, future potential partners will think twice before accepting support from, and working with, Israel.

    For years, Israel has religiously adhered to the official party line that the country’s policy was non-intervention, and this has now been exposed as a lie. Such a loss of public credibility may significantly inhibit its abilities to conduct influence operations in the future.

    Daniel J. Levy is a graduate of the Universities of Leeds and Oxford, where his academic research focused on Iranian proxies in Syria, Lebanon, Iraq and Palestine. He lives in the UK and is the Founding Director of The Ortakoy Security Group. Twitter: @danielhalevy

    #IsraelSyrie

  • #Colonies israéliennes : #TripAdvisor, #Airbnb, #booking.com et #Expedia impliqués - Amnesty International France
    https://www.amnesty.fr/responsabilite-des-entreprises/actualites/colonies-israeliennes--tripadvisor-airbnb-booking.com

    La politique d’#Israël, qui consiste à installer des civils israéliens dans des territoires palestiniens occupés, viole le #droit international humanitaire et constitue un #crime de #guerre.

    Malgré cela, ces quatre entreprises continuent de mener des activités dans les colonies, y compris #Jérusalem-Est, et tirent #profit de cette situation illégale.

  • UPDATE: Palestinian teen shot dead by Israeli forces for alleged stab attempt
    Jan. 30, 2019 11:13 A.M. (Updated: Jan. 30, 2019 2:39 P.M.)
    http://www.maannews.com/Content.aspx?ID=782391

    BETHLEHEM (Ma’an) — Israeli security forces shot and killed a Palestinian teen at the al-Zaayim checkpoint, on a road that leads to the entrance of the illegal Israeli settlement of Maale Adumim, east of occupied Jerusalem, on Wednesday morning.

    Hebrew-language news sites reported that Israeli soldiers deployed at the checkpoint opened fire at a Palestinian teen who was allegedly wielding a knife and running towards them.

    The Palestinian Ministry of Health identified the killed teen as 16-year-old Samah Zuheir Mubarak , a resident from Ramallah City.

    An Israeli police spokesperson said in a statement that the Palestinian teen attempted to stab one of the Israeli soldiers situated at the checkpoint, when security forces intervened and opened fire.

    The teen was critically injured, however, succumbed to her injuries within a few minutes.

    No injuries were reported among Israelis.

    #Palestine_assassinée

    • Soldiers Kill A Palestinian Teenage Girl Near Jerusalem
      January 31, 2019 1:04 AM
      http://imemc.org/article/soldiers-kill-a-palestinian-teenage-girl-near-jerusalem

      Israeli soldiers shot and killed, Wednesday, a Palestinian teenage girl, only 16 years of age, at the Zaim military roadblock, east of occupied Jerusalem, reportedly after she “attempted to stab them.”

      The Israeli Police claimed that the child, Samah Zoheir Mubarak, 16, was carrying her schoolbag when she “pulled a knife and attempted to stab the soldiers,” when the officers fired several live rounds at her and killed her.

      Furthermore, the police later abducted Samah’s father, and moved him to the al-Maskobiyya interrogation center in Jerusalem.

      Media sources said the Samah was wearing an Islamic Niqab, and that the soldiers ordered her to uncover her face, but she refused before the soldiers shot and killed her, alleging that she attempted to stab them.

      She was walking in an area of the military roadblock only designated for vehicles and not pedestrians when she was fatally shot from a close range. The Border Police examined her schoolbag, which was filled with books, and school stationary.

      Samah was left bleeding on the ground and died from her wounds. She is from Nusseirat in Gaza, but her family moved to Umm ash-Sharayet neighborhood in the central West Bank city of Ramallah, and was an eleven-grade school student.

      It is worth mentioning that Samah has just returned from Mecca, in Saudi Arabia, a few days ago, after performing pilgrimage.

    • 36 Days After Killing Her, Israeli Army Transfer Corpse Of Child To Her Family
      March 9, 2019 9:37 AM
      http://imemc.org/article/36-days-after-killing-her-israeli-army-transfer-corpse-of-child-to-her-family

      The Israeli Authorities handed, late of Friday evening, the corpse of a Palestinian child to her family, 36 days after killing her and holding her body.

      Media sources in Ramallah said the soldiers delivered the corpse of Samah Zoheir Mubarak, 16, to the Palestinian Red Crescent, before it was sent to a local hospital.

      Her body was transferred from the Israeli side to the Palestinians at the Ofar military roadblock, west of Ramallah, in central West Bank.

      It is worth mentioning that Mubarak was killed by Israeli soldiers, on January 30 2019, after the soldiers claimed that she attempted to stab them.

  • Les géants du tourisme en ligne tirent profit de « crimes de guerre » en Cisjordanie, accuse Amnesty - L’Orient-Le Jour
    https://www.lorientlejour.com/article/1155100/les-geants-du-tourisme-en-ligne-tirent-profit-de-crimes-de-guerre-en-

    Environ 430.000 colons israéliens vivent une coexistence souvent conflictuelle avec plus de 2,5 millions de Palestiniens en Cisjordanie, occupée depuis 1967 par Israël tandis qu’environ 200.000 Israéliens résident à Jérusalem-Est occupée et annexée.

    Les colonies construites par Israël en Cisjordanie sont considérées comme illégales par la communauté internationale, qui les voit comme l’un des principaux obstacles à la paix. Le gouvernement israélien conteste cette vision.

    Comme c’est joliment dit ! C’est moi qui souligne en me demandant qui sont les personnes qui rédigent ce genre de texte à l’AFP ou ailleurs...

    #palestine #novlangue

  • À Jérusalem-Est, le tombeau de la discorde
    Par Thierry Oberlé Cyrille Louis Publié le 28/01/2019
    http://www.lefigaro.fr/international/2019/01/28/01003-20190128ARTFIG00206--jerusalem-est-le-tombeau-de-la-discorde.php

    REPORTAGE - Après huit années de fermeture, la France envisage de rouvrir ce site funéraire situé au cœur d’un quartier palestinien de la Ville sainte, auquel certains groupes ultraorthodoxes réclament le droit d’accéder pour y prier. (...)

  • Deuxième réunion entre Israël et le Groupe Visegrad à Jérusalem occupée
    Samedi 12/Janvier/2019
    https://french.palinfo.com/news/2019/1/12/Deuxi-me-r-entre-Isra-l-et-le-Groupe-Visegrad-J-rusalem-occup-e

    Le Premier ministre israélien, Benjamin Netanyahu, se prépare à organiser un sommet entre la puissance occupante et les pays de la Visegrad dans la ville occupée de Jérusalem au milieu du mois prochain, la deuxième réunion en un an et demi.

    Le journal israélien « Israel Hume » a révélé que le Premier ministre israélien Benjamin Netanyahu se prépare à organiser un sommet politique, « afin de faire pression pour faire face aux décisions européennes contestées par Israël, en particulier sur les questions palestiniennes et iraniennes ».

    Le sommet, qui comprend la Pologne, la Hongrie, la Slovaquie et la République tchèque, devrait se tenir le 19 février prochain, selon le journal, qui a confirmé que le Groupe des Quatre (Visegrad) comportait des divergences concernant les politiques interne et externe de l’UE.

    Netanyahu s’emploie à renforcer les relations israéliennes avec ces pays afin de constituer un outil permettant de faire pression sur l’Union européenne dans le cadre des décisions hostiles à Tel Aviv.

    #IsraelVisegrad

  • Toward a democratic, not Jewish, state

    A civil alternative to the right’s doctrines – one God, one people, one land and one leader – is urgently needed, and whoever has the courage and inspiration to stand at this front will win it all
    Avraham Burg
    Jan 25, 2019 1
    Haaretz.com

    https://www.haaretz.com/opinion/.premium-toward-a-democratic-not-jewish-state-1.6872815

    The spirit in the election atmosphere is the spirit of the time, the insane Netanyahu spirit. That’s the wind blowing in the sails of his fervid supporters and defining his rivals. He is asking for the voters’ confidence to do more of the same and his opponents say “Just not Bibi.”
    Haaretz Weekly Ep. 13Haaretz

    For 35 years Israel has had no opposition. We have no experience and memories of alternative thinking anymore. There is nobody to offer a different kind of hope at the end of all the despair.

    >> Read more: Meretz leader Zandberg shines as stand-up comic in celebrity roast that showcased her party’s sad reality ■ The war that will decide Israel’s future won’t involve airstrikes, tanks or missiles

    Many years ago I contended for the leadership of the Labor Party, which at the time was stuck in the mire of the national unity government. It was characterized by no governance and little unity. That is exactly where the destruction of democracy and the nationalization of the political discourse, together with its turn to ultra-nationalism, began.

    At the time I planned to take Labor out of the government, to turn it into a civil alternative to the right’s doctrines – one God, one people, one land and one leader. I was told then: Your ideas are premature. Today I’m telling us all: In a moment it will be too late. Because this is exactly what is urgently needed, even more than before.

    In this sense Avi Gabbay is absolutely right to make the public commitment he is making – not to join Netanyahu’s next government. But this is an empty commitment. It deals with title and status, not with content. To replace Netanyahuism one must present a comprehensive, complete worldview.

    The right of recent years stands on five legs: sowing of fear, Jewish supremacy, abandonment of Western values, systematic weakening of the institutions of law and divisiveness.
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    After so many years of such thorough indoctrination it’s not enough to say “I won’t sit in the same government with him.” It must be self-evident – what’s needed is to “turn from evil.” But what does it mean to “do good,” what is the ideological content that will heal Israel from Netanyahu’s curse?

    The renewal of Israel must stand on a foundation of civil equality. There is no other supreme value capable of uniting the variety of our identities, with absolute commitment to a democratic way of life. To achieve it we must set up a coalition for civil equality including various parties, movements and interests, all of which have one ultimate goal: changing Israeli discourse from ethnic domination to equal citizenship for all. The coalition’s agenda should include:

    Redefining Israel from “a Jewish-democratic state” to “a constitutional democracy in which part of the Jewish people has established its sovereignty, and which belongs to all its citizens.”
    Proposing a civil constitution including complete civil equality, secularizing the public sphere, separating state from religion, a fair distribution of public resources and decent, fair “rules of the game.”
    Significantly minimizing the Law of Return and closing all the automatic fast tracks granted on the basis of (at times dubious) genetic connection to the Jewish collective.
    Changing the Israeli security concept, from the obsessive amassing of power to the constant striving for long-term political arrangements, including with the Palestinian people.
    Waiving the monopolies and privileges of Israel and the Jews between the Jordan River and the sea. Turning it into a shared space as much as possible, in which every person is entitled to the same rights and every nation has the right to self-determination and confederate partnership in every walk of life.
    Implementing a policy of affirmative action and justice to redress past iniquities to the excluded and discriminated-against populations in Israel, centering on the Arab population, until the goals of civil equality are met.

    Yes, all these things mean a painful parting from the Jewish comfort and supremacy zones. It’s a dramatic evolution from the ideas of 1948 and 1967 to a new model of society, in a world of populistic madness stretching from Washington to Ankara and from Moscow to Balfour Street in Jerusalem.

    Anyone who has the courage and inspiration to stand at this front, and is ready to pay the price, will win it all. And make all of us winners.

  • Israeli police shoot, kill Palestinian in Jerusalem
    Jan. 26, 2019 10:07 A.M. (Updated: Jan. 26, 2019 10:07 A.M.)
    http://www.maannews.com/Content.aspx?ID=782354

    JERUSALEM (Ma’an) — A Palestinian man was shot and killed by Israeli police during a high-speed chase, on predawn Saturday, near the Damascus Gate in the Old City of Jerusalem, in the central occupied West Bank.

    The Israeli police said in a statement that they opened fire towards a suspicious vehicle near the Damascus Gate in Jerusalem under the pretext of posing a threat to members of the Israeli police situated in the area.

    The statement added that the Palestinian was a West Bank resident and entered Jerusalem without an Israeli entry permit.

    Palestinian security sources identified the killed Palestinian as Riyad Muhammad Hamad Shamasneh , from the Qatanna village, northwest of the Jerusalem district.

    #Palestine_assassinée

    • Israel returns body of killed Palestinian to family
      Jan. 30, 2019 11:42 A.M. (Updated: Jan. 30, 2019 12:18 P.M.)
      http://www.maannews.com/Content.aspx?id=782392

      RAMALLAH (Ma’an) — The Israeli authorities returned the body of a killed Palestinian, on Tuesday evening, near the Ofer detention center in western Ramallah City in the occupied central West Bank.

      A Ma’an reporter confirmed that Israel returned the body of Riyad Shamasneh, from the Qatanna village northwest of Jerusalem, to his family.

      Shamasneh was shot and killed by Israeli police following a high-speed chase, on predawn Saturday, near Damascus Gate in the Old City of Jerusalem.

      Shamasneh’s body was taken to the Forensic Medicine Department at the Al-Quds University for an autopsy.

      Funeral procession for Shamasneh is planned to take place on Wednesday afternoon in Qatanna.

  • Activists block Israeli ’Apartheid Road’ near Jerusalem
    Jan. 23, 2019 5:38 P.M.
    http://www.maannews.com/Content.aspx?ID=782336

    RAMALLAH (Ma’an) — Palestinian, Israeli and international activists shut down the recently opened “Apartheid Road” near Jerusalem, which separates Palestinian and Israeli drivers by a wall, on Wednesday.

    The Popular Struggle Coordination Committees (PSCC) said, in a press release, that dozens of activists closed the gates to the newly opened road.

    Israeli forces detained two protesters, while four others were injured as they (Israeli forces) attempted to re-open the road for traffic.

    Israeli Public Security Minister Gilad Erdan called the highway “an example of the ability to create coexistence between Israelis and Palestinians while guarding (against) the existing security challenges.”

    The Palestinian Authority (PA) denounced the opening of the “Apartheid Road” and said, “It’s a shame on the international community to see an apartheid regime being established and deepened without doing anything to stop it.”

    The road, divided in the middle by a high concrete wall; the road’s western side serves Palestinians who cannot enter Jerusalem, whereas its eastern side serves Israeli settlers, is the first road to have a wall along its entire length, dividing Palestinian and Israeli drivers, however, the West Bank has many segregated roads.

    ““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““

    Israeli Soldiers Abduct A Palestinian And An Australian Peace Activist In Jerusalem
    January 23, 2019


    http://imemc.org/article/israeli-soldiers-abduct-a-palestinian-and-an-australian-peace-activist-in-jer

    Israeli soldiers abducted, Wednesday, a Palestinian and an Australian peace activist during a nonviolent protest near Anata town, northeast of occupied East Jerusalem.

    Palestinian, Israeli and international peace activists were nonviolently protesting the new Jewish-only, ‘Apartheid Road’, built on Palestinian lands near Anata town.

    The protesters carried Palestinian flags and chanted for ending Israel’s segregation and apartheid policies against the indigenous Palestinians in their homeland, before the soldiers fired many concussion grenades at them, and assaulted several nonviolent protesters. The soldiers then abducted one Palestinian and one Australian. (...)

  • Incroyable, encore une fois, le New-York Times va à l’encontre de ses positions sioniste (peut-être est-ce que c’est fait pour faire chier Trump ?) et publie cette tribune :

    Time to Break the Silence on Palestine
    Michelle Alexander, The New-York Times, le 19 janvier 2019
    https://www.nytimes.com/2019/01/19/opinion/sunday/martin-luther-king-palestine-israel.html

    And so, if we are to honor King’s message and not merely the man, we must condemn Israel’s actions: unrelenting violations of international law, continued occupation of the West Bank, East Jerusalem, and Gaza, home demolitions and land confiscations. We must cry out at the treatment of Palestinians at checkpoints, the routine searches of their homes and restrictions on their movements, and the severely limited access to decent housing, schools, food, hospitals and water that many of them face.

    We must not tolerate Israel’s refusal even to discuss the right of Palestinian refugees to return to their homes, as prescribed by United Nations resolutions, and we ought to question the U.S. government funds that have supported multiple hostilities and thousands of civilian casualties in Gaza, as well as the $38 billion the U.S. government has pledged in military support to Israel.

    And finally, we must, with as much courage and conviction as we can muster, speak out against the system of legal discrimination that exists inside Israel, a system complete with, according to Adalah, the Legal Center for Arab Minority Rights in Israel, more than 50 laws that discriminate against Palestinians — such as the new nation-state law that says explicitly that only Jewish Israelis have the right of self-determination in Israel, ignoring the rights of the Arab minority that makes up 21 percent of the population.

    Michelle Alexander est une avocate, professeure, spécialiste du racisme aux Etats-Unis. En 2017, elle a reçu le Prix Martin Luther King de l’Université de l’Ohio. Dans cet article elle revient justement sur Martin Luther King qui eut le courage de dénoncer la guerre du Vietnam, pour dire qu’il est temps aujourd’hui de dénoncer la situation en Palestine...

    #Palestine #USA #Michelle_Alexander #Guerre #Martin_Luther_King #Occupation #Droit_au_retour #Apartheid #BDS #New-York_Times