• L’interview de Michael Oren, ancien ambassadeur d’Israël aux États-Unis (2009-2013), se termine mal :
    – toute la Palestine m’appartient, c’est mon héritage biblique depuis 3000 ans
    – pourtant vous êtes né à New York ?
    – je n’aime pas vos questions, cette interview est terminée…

    Michael Oren Cuts Short a Conversation About Israel

    Where did you get that right?

    It’s my heritage for three thousand years. It’s the same exact right I have from where I am talking to you. I am talking to you from Jaffa. I live in Jaffa. The same right I have to live in Jaffa I have in [the settlement] Beit El or Efrat, or in Hebron. Exact same right. Take away one right, the other right makes no sense. By the way, P.S., most of the lands of pre-1967 Israel are not even in the Bible. Haifa is not in the Bible; Tel Aviv is not in the Bible.

    O.K., I just want to understand this because I don’t want to misunderstand it. You are saying there are Palestinians living in various areas of the West Bank right now—

    There are, indeed.

    —which may or may not at some point become a state. But you are saying that, wherever they are living, they have less right to be there than you as a Jew born in New York.

    I didn’t say that. Don’t impute words to me I didn’t say.

    I’m sorry, I thought you just said that.

    No, I did not say that in any way. Listen, I don’t think I want to continue this interview. I don’t think this is a constructive interview.

  • Settlers ’executed’ a Palestinian, and the Israeli army covered it up, rights group reports - Israel News -

    Abed al-Muneim Abdel Fattah. Explained repeatedly to investigators that his son had no family or other problems and was never active in any group. Credit : Alex Levac

    It’s a very busy traffic circle on Highway 60, the major route in the West Bank, between the Hawara checkpoint and the Tapuah settlement intersection, not far from Nablus. As you drive toward the spot, which the Palestinians call Beita Circle and the settlers call Beitot Circle, garbage is piled up along the roadside. This is the industrial zone of the town of Hawara, where there is no industry other than garages and workers’ restaurants that look out onto the highway.

    On April 3, three men, all of them on the way to work, arrived at the traffic circle separately. Only two of them left the site alive. The third was shot to death. The B’Tselem Israeli human rights organization asserted this week that the shooting was an execution and that the Israel Defense Forces destroyed evidence and whitewashed the findings.

    It all happened in a flash. A little before 8:30 A.M., Mohammed Abdel Fattah arrived at the circle. He was 23 years old, married and the father of 7-month-old daughter, on the way from his apartment in his uncle’s house in the village of Beita to his job at the uncle’s brick factory in the village of Jama’in. He had apparently been traveling in a shared taxi. Eyewitnesses saw him standing by the side of the road and smoking two cigarettes, one after the other. What was going on in his mind? What was he planning? What made him act? We are unlikely to know.

    He then crossed the road, to the west. He stood on the shoulder, within touching distance of the vehicles proceeding from north to south, a few meters from the circle, where traffic has to slow down. The road was very busy at that time of the morning. He threw two or three stones, not very big ones, at passing cars, hitting no one.

    Even a visit to the home of Mohammed’s family did not provide an explanation for why he threw the stones. He was not a teenager and had never been arrested. He was married with a child, had a steady job and was on the way to work. A few days earlier he’d been to Israel for the first time in his life; together with his wife he visited Jerusalem and they later ate fish at a restaurant in Jaffa. Perhaps that trip holds the key to what drove the young married father to throw stones or try to stab a settler that morning.

    One of the cars he’d thrown a stone at stopped. It was a white Renault with a blue poster of the Union of Right-Wing Parties displayed in the rear window. The driver was Yehoshua Sherman, from the settlement of Elon Moreh, who was working as a field director for the Union of Right-Wing Parties during the election campaign, which had then entered its final week. A blurry video clip from a security camera shows Sherman’s car, which had been traveling from north to south, stopping. Fifteen seconds later, Sherman gets out of the car and apparently shoots Mohammed Abdel Fattah, who’s seen kneeling behind the vehicle. We don’t know what happened in those 15 seconds – the car blocks the view.

    In the meantime a truck with Israeli plates also stops and the driver gets out. B’Tselem field researchers Salma a-Deb’i and Abdulkarim Sadi cite witnesses as saying that they heard two shots. They think Sherman fired them before leaving his car. Abdel Fattah apparently tried to seek refuge behind a dumpster, which this week was still there, overflowing with refuse, at the edge of the road. A second video clip shows him lying on the road on his stomach, and being turned over onto his back by soldiers trying to ascertain if he was carrying explosives.

    According to the testimonies B’Tselem took from four people, who all saw similar things, the two drivers fired a number of shots from close range even after Abdel Fattah lay wounded on the ground. B’Tselem also claims the Israel Defense Forces deleted footage from security cameras in the area of the shooting of the wounded man. Israeli media reported that “a Palestinian terrorist was shot and subdued by two drivers after trying to stab a father and his daughter near Hawara, south of Nablus.”

    From the B’Tselem report, on its website: “At that point, Abdel Fattah was crouching among the dumpsters. Sherman approached him and fired several more shots at him. A truck driving along the road also stopped, and the driver got out. He came over to stand next to Sherman, and the two men fired several more shots at Abdel Fattah, who was lying wounded on the ground… Abdel Fattah succumbed to his wounds a short while later, at Beilinson Hospital in Israel.”

    One of the shots hit Khaled Hawajba, a young man who works in a nearby store, in the abdomen. He was treated in Rafidiya Hospital in Nablus and discharged a few days later.

    Minutes after the shooting by the two settlers, military jeeps arrived at the scene. The soldiers used stun grenades to disperse the crowd that had begun to gather at the site. According to B’Tselem, immediately afterward a group of about eight soldiers entered two of the nearby businesses to check their security cameras. They dismantled a digital video recorder in one of the stores and left. About 20 minutes later, the soldiers returned to the store, reinstalled the DVR and watched the footage.

    “Two soldiers filmed the screen with their mobile phones. They then erased the footage from the DVR and left,” the B’Tselem report states.

    In one of the clips that was uploaded to social networks in Israel, the photographer can be heard saying in Hebrew: “The terrorist tried to jump onto the Jew’s car and stab him. Our heroic soldiers eliminated him, may his name be blotted out. There are no casualties.”

    After the incident, Sherman told Srugim, a website that calls itself “the home site of the religious sector”: “At Beitot junction a terrorist with a knife jumped on the car and tried to open the door. I got out and as the terrorist tried to go around the car in my direction I subdued him with gunfire with the aid of another resident of a nearby settlement who was driving behind me.”

    The media reported that Sherman’s daughter was in the back seat; the allegation was that Abdel Fattah tried to open the car door and stab her. In the clip B’Tselem attached to its report, her father is seen moving relatively coolly toward the young man who is hiding behind the car. What happened there?

    The human rights group is convinced, on the basis of the accounts it collected, that the shooting continued from close range as the wounded man lay on the ground. Moreover, B’Tselem believes that the two drivers shot Abdel Fattah with no justification, after he had moved away from the car and was kneeling behind the dumpster. According to the organization, the security forces who arrived at the scene made no attempt to arrest the two settlers, quickly dispersed the Palestinians and then proceeded to go to the stores and delete the documentation of the event “to ensure that the truth never comes to light and the shooters would not face any charges or be held accountable in any way.”

    It was reported this week that the Samaria Regional Council has decided to award citations to the two settler-shooters.

    The IDF Spokesperson’s Unit this week sent Haaretz this response: “On April 3, 2019 there was an attempted stabbing attack at the Beitot junction, which is [within the purview of] the Samaria Division of the IDF Central Command. The terrorist was shot by citizens and subdued after he threw stones at Israeli cars and then approached one of the cars in order to perpetrate a stabbing attack in the area. At the site of the incident a knife used by the terrorist was found. We would like to point out that the cameras that were dismantled by the security forces as part of their investigation of the incident were returned to their owners. The incident is under investigation.”

    Khirbet Qeis. A small village below the town of Salfit, in the central West Bank, where Abdel Fattah’s parents live. His father, Abed al-Muneim Abdel Fattah, 50, is a night watchman in Ramallah, who has five other children in addition to Mohammed. The house is well kept. Mohammed, the eldest, completed high school, but “regrettably,” his father says, he did not pursue his studies and went to work. In October 2017, he married his cousin, Rada Awadala, from the village of Ein Ariq, near Ramallah, and their daughter Jawan was born last fall. They visited every second Friday, rotating weekends between Rada’s parents in Ein Ariq and Mohammed’s in Khirbet Qeis.

    On the last Friday of Mohammed’s life they were at the home of his in-laws. The next day, when he and Rada went on an organized tour to Jerusalem and Jaffa, they left Jawan with her maternal grandparents. When they got back, Rada went to her parents’ home to collect the baby and stayed there for a few days. Mohammed remained alone in their apartment in Beita, close to his place of work.

    Mohammed’s father was on the job in Ramallah the day his son died. A relative called to inform him that Mohammed had been wounded. Shortly afterward, a Shin Bet security service agent called and ordered him to come to the IDF base at Hawara, Abed tells us now. The agent informed him that his son had tried to stab a soldier and afterward corrected himself to say that his son had thrown stones. The father replied that it was unimaginable for his son to have done that.

    Abed was asked in his interrogation whether Mohammed had been active in any sort of movement, whether anyone had tried to persuade him to throw stones or carry out a stabbing attack, whether he suffered from mental problems or problems at home or at work, or whether perhaps he’d quarreled with his wife. The father replied that his son had no family or other problems and was never active in any group. The interrogator repeated the questions twice, then a third time.

    At this point Abed still didn’t yet know that his son was dead. The Shin Bet agent said he’d been wounded and taken to Beilinson Hospital in Petah Tikva. He recommended that Abed get in touch with the Palestinian District Coordination and Liaison Office to arrange an entry permit to visit his son in Israel. Finally the agent said to the father, “From now on, you and your children are under surveillance. Dir balak [Watch your step]. Take this as a warning, as a red light. Anyone who lifts his head – we’ll cut it off.”

    Abed was at the base in Hawara for nearly three hours. By the time he got home, almost the whole village had gathered next to his house, and he understood that his son was dead. The social networks said he had been killed by settlers.

    Why was he throwing stones, we asked. Abed: “I don’t believe he did anything like that. He was on the way to work. But even if he did, sometimes the settlers provoke people who are standing on the road, spit at them or curse them or try to run them over. Even if he threw stones, by then he wasn’t endangering anyone. After all, the law says that it’s forbidden to shoot someone who is lying on the ground. Arrest him. But why did you kill him?”

    Israel has not yet returned Mohammed Abdel Fattah’s body; all the family’s efforts to claim it have been rebuffed. His grave has already been dug in the village’s small cemetery. There’s a mound of earth there now, but the grave is empty.

  • ’The formation of an educated class must be averted’: How Israel marginalized Arabs from the start - Israel News -

    As early as 60 years ago, Israel’s political leadership gave up on the attempt to integrate the country’s Arabs and grant them equal citizenship. A document drawn up for an internal discussion in Mapai, the ruling party and forerunner of Labor, in September 1959, proposed the implementation of policy based on the following approach: “We should continue to exhaust all the possibilities [inherent in] the policy of communal divisiveness that bore fruit in the past and has succeeded in creating a barrier – even if at times artificial – between certain segments of the Arab population.”

    • Documents from Israel’s first decades reveal the leadership’s efforts to divide and alienate the Arab citizenry
      Adam Raz | Mar. 28, 2019 | 10:26 PM

      “There’s no place for illusions that this combination [of tactics] could turn the Arabs into loyal citizens, but over time it will reduce to some extent the open hostility and prevent its active expression.” – From a document containing recommendations for dealing with the Arab minority in Israel, September 1959, Labor Party Archives

      As early as 60 years ago, Israel’s political leadership gave up on the attempt to integrate the country’s Arabs and grant them equal citizenship. A document drawn up for an internal discussion in Mapai, the ruling party and forerunner of Labor, in September 1959, proposed the implementation of policy based on the following approach: “We should continue to exhaust all the possibilities [inherent in] the policy of communal divisiveness that bore fruit in the past and has succeeded in creating a barrier – even if at times artificial – between certain segments of the Arab population.”

      The assessment that the Arab public would never be loyal to the Jewish state remained entrenched in the following decade as well. For example, it underlay a lengthy document written by Shmuel Toledano, the Prime Minister’s Advisor on Arab affairs. In July 1965, the document served as the point of departure for a top-secret discussion between Toledano and the heads of the Shin Bet security service, the Mossad, the Israel Police, the Foreign Ministry and the Education Ministry (representatives of the Arab public weren’t invited).

      According to the document, “We must not demand from the Arab minority loyalty in the full sense of the word, to the point of identifying with the goals of a Jewish state (ingathering of the exiles and other values related to the national and religious way of life of the Jewish people). Such a demand is neither practical nor legitimate.” Instead, “We should strive for the Arabs’ passive acceptance of the state’s existence and for them to become law-abiding citizens.”

      These two documents address diverse issues having to do with the life of Israel’s Arab citizens. They help illuminate the state leadership’s official efforts to prevent the politicization of Arab society as well as its resistance to the emergence of a modern leadership among the country’s Arabs. These discussions were held, it bears noting, at a time when the majority of the Arab community in Israel (the exception being residents of Haifa and Jaffa) lived under a military regime – which was not lifted until 1966 – that included a permanent night curfew and a need for permits for traveling in the country.

      One item on the agenda of the 1965 discussion was the “Arab intelligentsia” in Israel. The document drawn up in that connection stated emphatically, “The formation of a broad educated class must be averted as far as possible.” Reason: An educated class tends to adopt “positions of radical leadership.” Accordingly, the document recommended “gradual solutions.” For example, “The entry of Arab students into institutions of higher learning should not be encouraged, but into professions and industries that hold the promise of appropriate employment.” The document elaborates: natural sciences and medicine – yes; humanities and law – no.

      The core of the Toledano document is its recommendation to block creation of political associations among the Arabs “in order to prevent the establishment of separate political entities on a national basis.” From the state’s point of view, the Arab electorate should manifest itself in the form of support for the Zionist parties. The latter, for their part, should open “their gates” to the Arabs and integrate them into their ranks “gradually and experimentally.”

      The grounds for this approach can be found in the 1959 document. It states that the policy of divisiveness pursued so far regarding the Arab population “has allowed the state, during the period of its existence, to prevent the consolidation of the Arab minority into a united bloc, and in large measure has given the leaders of each community an outlet to deal with their communal affairs instead of with general Arab affairs.”

      A perusal of the documents generates a feeling of sad irony. In the 1950s and ‘60s, the Israeli leadership acted vigorously to prevent the establishment of independent Arab political parties. The aim was to have slates of Arab candidates appended to the Zionist slates via “satellite parties,” and for Arab representatives to be guaranteed places in the parent parties. In other words, independent Arab parties conflicted with the establishment’s interests.

      Today, in contrast to the establishment’s position at the time, the Arab parties are independent entities, while the Zionist parties have hardly any Arab representatives. But this is an illusory reversal: Substantively, little has changed. Whereas the goal of integrating Arabs into the Zionist parties in the country’s first decades was intended to depoliticize the Arab community, their displacement from the big parties today only preserves the separation between the peoples and distances the Arab community from the centers of decision-making. If at the outset the Arabs were a fig leaf, today they have become a scapegoat.

      In opposition 70 years

      Even today, separation remains the underlying rationale of the near-absence of Arab MKs in the center-left parties. Not only does the current situation reflect the will of the parties’ leaders (which include parties that don’t even have a primary), at times they seem to be competing among themselves over who is most hostile to “the Arabs.” The Labor Party, for example, has shown in recent years that it has no interest in true activity by Arabs within it, and its slate of Knesset candidates doesn’t guarantee a realistic slot for an Arab representative. Similarly, among the first 40 places on the Kahol Lavan ticket, there is only one Druze woman, in 25th place.

      The Mapai document states that “stable rule in the country is inconceivable with most of the Arab minority in the opposition.” That evaluation has been refuted. The Arab public has been in the opposition for 70 years, lacking any real strength, even though this is not what most Arab citizens want. A survey commissioned by Haaretz before the 2015 election campaign found that 60 percent of the Arab community would like to join the government, and only half the respondents made this conditional on its being a left-wing government.

      The Arabs would like to play a concrete role in the decision- and policy-making processes. Electorally, this poses a threat to Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s rule. At the same time, it’s clear that his opponents are toeing the same line, explaining to the public that “the Arabs” are beyond the pale, and even factoring them into an equation of “neither Kahane nor Balad” – referring an unwillingness to contemplate either a coalition or even a blocking majorith with either the far-right Otzmat Yisrael party or the nationalist Arab party Balad.

      In this sense, keeping the peoples apart no longer necessitates segregation that’s maintained by ordinances and regulations. The military government may have been abolished, but its spirit still rules, on the right, in the center, on the left – everywhere.

  • Electro palestinienne : levant en poupe
    Guillaume Gendron, Libération, le 25 février 2019

    A l’occasion de la carte blanche donnée à Electrosteen à Paris, rencontre avec les figures majeures de « l’Arab Touch », une scène qui ne cesse de grandir et de s’exporter avec succès, donnant une visibilité inédite aux diverses facettes de l’identité palestinienne.

    Aux oreilles non arabisantes, le nom du club, Kabareet, sonne anodinement exotique. Confusion savamment pensée entre « cabaret » et le mot arabe pour « allumette ». Ce n’est pas tant que ce club soit un brasier mais plutôt une lueur : l’épicentre de la scène électronique palestinienne, ici à Haïfa, au nord d’Israël, dans cette ville mixte où les juifs vivent en haut de la colline et les Arabes au bord de la mer. Un refuge où tout le monde peut venir danser, boire et s’oublier. Y compris les Palestiniens de Cisjordanie entrés sans permis, parfois en escaladant les huit mètres de béton du mur de séparation.

    Nimbé dans une lumière pourpre, sous les voûtes d’une vieille bâtisse aux pierres apparentes, Ayed Fadel, cheveux ras à l’exception d’un luxuriant chignon de dreadlocks, annonce au micro le prochain DJ, venu spécialement de Londres. Le charismatique pilier du collectif Jazar Crew, maître des lieux, appelle la foule - piercée, tatouée, surlookée - à « s’aimer, à refuser le racisme, le sexisme et l’homophobie ». Dans une pièce attenante, à côté d’une tireuse à bière, Nasser Halahlih est d’humeur rétrospective. Ce lieu, ce n’est pas tant qu’il en avait rêvé, c’est que longtemps, il n’avait jamais songé qu’il puisse exister. « Il fallait un public, dit-il. Quand j’ai commencé, j’étais putain de seul. Il y a encore dix ans, avant le Jazar, t’aurais jamais pu ouvrir un tel endroit. Les choses ont beaucoup changé. »

    Nasser Halahlih, 37 ans (qui se produit le 1er mars à l’Institut du monde arabe (Paris Ve) dans le cadre des Arabofolies et de la carte blanche au projet « made in Palestine » Electrosteen) est souvent présenté comme le pionnier de cette scène palestinienne. Aussi protéiforme et éparpillée que soudée et cohérente, et désormais scrutée à l’échelle mondiale à l’heure où le microcosme techno se déchire sur la question du boycott culturel d’Israël. Le fiasco du Meteor Festival, en septembre, en a donné l’illustration flagrante, voyant la majorité des musiciens européens se retirer suite aux appels du collectif #DJsForPalestine, après des jours de débats houleux sur les réseaux.

    Bandes d’ados et raves sauvages
    Fils d’une figure du théâtre palestinien, Nasser Halahlih a grandi entre Nazareth et Haïfa, les deux grandes villes arabes d’Israël, avec un passeport affichant le chandelier à sept branches, comme tous ceux que l’Etat hébreu désigne comme la minorité « arabe-israélienne ». Les concernés se réfèrent généralement à eux-mêmes en tant que Palestiniens de « 48 », la date de création d’Israël. Et, du point de vue arabe, de la nakba (« la catastrophe »). Distinguo crucial, tant l’identité palestinienne est fragmentée - entre la diaspora, les réfugiés, les Gazaouis, les habitants de Cisjordanie sous occupation et donc « ceux de 48 ».

    Les années, l’isolation et la séparation des communautés ont creusé les différences sociales et culturelles, que ce mouvement cherche à enjamber, si ce n’est combler. D’où le nom du combo electro-pop emblématique de la diaspora, 47Soul (« l’âme de 47 »), quatuor faisant la navette entre la Jordanie et Londres et dont le tube de 2015 Intro to Shamstep (sham signifiant le Levant en arabe) constitue le climax des soirées de Ramallah à Jaffa (ville arabe accolée à Tel-Aviv). En 2018, The Guardian a même listé le shamstep comme l’un des sons de l’année.

    Les choses ainsi posées, Halahlih se gratte la tête et refait, à travers son parcours, l’archéologie du mouvement. Fan de rap, « comme tout le monde en Palestine dans les années 90-2000 », il s’inscrit à un atelier de DJing à 15 ans. Les autres participants sont juifs israéliens. Ils l’initient à la house, la trance, l’EDM. Les choses s’enchaînent : à Nazareth et Haïfa, il joue dans les mariages (« seule façon de vivre de la musique ici ») et s’aguerrit en parallèle à New York et Tel-Aviv. En 2008, il sort sur un label berlinois son premier EP, Checkpoint, avec le mur de séparation entre Israël et la Cisjordanie sur la pochette. « De la progressive psytrance », précise-t-il, même s’il se sent alors mal à l’aise dans ce milieu « bouffé par la drogue », sans référence à sa culture. « A l’époque, pour les Arabes, l’electro, c’était un truc tombé de l’espace, ils y pigeaient rien ! Partout, je cherchais des producteurs arabes et j’en trouvais jamais. »

    Cascades harmoniques
    Il finit par abandonner l’idée d’en vivre et part « bosser dans un bureau ». Jusqu’à ce que le Jazar Crew, à l’origine une bande d’ados de Haïfa organisant des raves sauvages, le sorte de sa retraite, au milieu des années 2010. Suivront les projets Fawda, en 2014 (des beats agrémentés d’oud électrifié et de slams politisés d’Ayed Fadel) et aujourd’hui Zenobia, en duo avec le claviériste Isam Elias, 27 ans. Halahlih espère en faire le « Daft Punk palestinien ». Moins de la mégalomanie qu’une volonté de se définir populaire et exigeant, audible partout mais fidèle au terreau originel. « Comme il y a eu la French Touch, voici l’Arab Touch, plaisante-t-il. Zenobia, c’était une reine, dont le royaume s’étendait de Palmyre jusqu’en Egypte. Le Levant, c’est notre ADN musical. Comme elle, on veut conquérir le monde et mélanger cet ADN à tous les genres, faire quelque chose sur lequel tu peux danser, du Brésil au Japon. »

    La formule de Zenobia se rattache à la mouvance electro-chaâbi, abusivement qualifiée de bande-son du printemps arabe et symbolisée par l’improbable trajectoire du chanteur de mariages syrien Omar Souleyman, devenu collaborateur de Diplo et adulé par les lecteurs de Pitchfork - Souleyman, de par son allégeance à Bachar al-Assad, est controversé au Moyen-Orient : le Jazar Crew, par exemple, refuse de jouer ses morceaux.

    Si, en live, Nasser Halahlih et Isam Elias revêtent un keffieh comme Souleyman, ils préfèrent citer le succès de 47Soul comme catalyseur de ce retour aux mélodies folkloriques. Pendant que Halahlih sculpte des nappes électroniques léchées, alternant vibe éthérée et kick martelant le rythme du dabké (la danse levantine du « coup de pied »), Elias laisse sa main droite de jazzeux marathonien broder en cascades les gammes mineures harmoniques, typiquement orientales, sur synthé acide. Le tandem, qui doit sortir un premier EP début avril, a signé à l’automne sur le label d’Acid Arab, duo français défricheur de l’orientalisme techno et ainsi aux premières loges pour voir le mouvement éclore.

    « Il y a toujours eu des gens qui faisaient du son dans les Territoires occupés, observe Guido Minisky d’Acid Arab. Mais longtemps, c’était plutôt des choses pas passionnantes autour de l’abstract hip-hop. La vague actuelle est plus popisante. Le risque serait qu’elle tombe dans les clichés avec la derbouka, les violonades et un sample de muezzin, mais eux cherchent à construire un truc intelligent, jouant de leurs codes culturels tout en adoptant une production moderne. C’est l’expertise qu’on leur apporte pendant qu’eux nous mettent à l’amende sur les mélodies au clavier. Quand il y a cette sincérité des deux côtés, Orient et Occident, on sort de la "recette" bête et méchante. »

    Ainsi, Acid Arab s’est aligné sur les convictions de cette scène émergente. A l’instar de Nicolas Jaar, icône électronique d’origine palestino-chilienne, les Français évitent désormais Tel-Aviv pour privilégier les clubs tenus par des « Palestiniens de 48 » ou dans les Territoires, sous l’égide du Jazar Crew. Las, leur premier concert à Ramallah en décembre a dû être annulé, les forces israéliennes ayant ce jour-là bouclé tous les accès au siège de l’Autorité palestinienne. Exemple des obstacles constitutifs de cet underground palestinien.

    Dynamique panarabe
    L’organisation l’été dernier d’un événement estampillé Boiler Room [1] à Ramallah, doublée du tournage d’un documentaire-manifeste, a achevé de mettre sur la carte sonique cette simili-capitale en Cisjordanie occupée, mal aimée mais berceau de créativité. Elle complète une sorte de triangle par-delà le mur et les check-points avec Haïfa et Jaffa - bien que ce dernier point soit en danger, le club phare Anna Loulou ayant récemment fermé, victime de la gentrification.

    La figure de proue est une jeune femme de 28 ans, Sama Abdulhadi, dite SAMA’ - sans doute l’étoile la plus brillante du mouvement, on pourra aussi l’entendre à l’IMA à Paris. Née en Jordanie et élevée dans une famille aisée à Ramallah, pianiste classique rompue à Chopin, la « première DJ de Palestine » a choisi une voie à l’opposé de l’electro-chaâbi. Sa techno sombre est dépouillée de références orientales (« cinq notes de oud sur un track, c’est pas de la musique arabe, c’est de la paresse », cingle-t-elle) et privilégie une sécheresse minérale. « J’ai découvert la techno à Beyrouth, pendant la Deuxième Intifada, raconte-t-elle. J’avais beaucoup de colère en moi, et ça m’a libérée. J’ai toujours mixé ce que je ressentais. Puis un jour, on m’a dit : "T’as un son berlinois." J’avais jamais mis les pieds en Allemagne… »

    Ingé-son nomade (formée en Grande-Bretagne, installée un temps au Caire et désormais partagée entre Paris et Ramallah), SAMA’ inscrit le mouvement dans une dynamique panarabe plus large, incluant l’Egypte et le Liban, mais ne perd pas de vue sa spécificité. « J’aime comparer cette musique à ce qui se jouait à Berlin avant la chute du Mur. En tant que Palestinien, où que tu sois, tu transportes le conflit. Pour moi, la techno, ce n’est pas une échappatoire liée aux drogues, mais plutôt quelque chose qui tient de la science-fiction : un lien avec le futur, un endroit sans politique, sans frontière, sans occupation. » Surtout, la musique lui a permis de créer des liens : « Avec les gars de Haïfa, de Jaffa, la diaspora, on est à nouveau une famille. »

    Au cœur du réacteur, le Jazar Crew joue les entremetteurs et les influenceurs. « A la base, la philosophie électronique a toujours été "rave against the machine", de Berlin à Detroit, prêche Ayed Fadel entre deux sets. Aujourd’hui, tu peux faire entendre le message palestinien en bookant SAMA’ dans ton festival ou en jouant à Kabareet. » Mais le plus important pour lui, c’est d’avoir créé « notre propre dancefloor. "Safe", ouvert à tous, même aux Israéliens. Du moins ceux qui respectent et comprennent que ce dancefloor vient autant de l’amour que de la colère ». Pour cette voix du mouvement, « il est très important que la scène électronique internationale comprenne que tout ne se limite plus à la bulle de Tel-Aviv, où le conflit est invisible. Cette bulle n’est pas underground, elle n’unit personne : elle ignore. Notre monde parallèle, lui, n’exclut pas : il montre qu’on peut faire les choses autrement. »

    [1] Collectif londonien qui organise de très suivies soirées branchées retransmises sur le Web.

    #Palestine #Sama #Musique #Musique_et_politique #Underground #Electro #Techno #Rap #Rave

    Sur le même sujet :

  • Israel’s Supreme Court, a place of deceit

    Court, a Place of Deceit
    East Jerusalem residents have learned that while justice may be meant to be seen, it’s not necessarily meant to be heard

    Ilana Hammerman
    Dec 05, 2018 2:39 AM

    “Go, and try to understand every word spoken in this chamber, which hover for a moment in its enormous space, before escaping to the sides and above through the many cracks in its walls,” I muttered to myself several weeks ago in Chamber C of Jerusalem’s Supreme Court.
    From those words I could decipher, I learned that in the case being heard there are people seeking to remain living in their homes and there are others who claim that the land under these homes belongs to them, and thus the homes as well. And some claim the destiny of the land is not the destiny of the homes. One belongs to so-and-so and his descendants, while the other belongs to another person and his issue. Plus, there are documents attesting one thing and others attesting to another. And there are documents related to this parcel of land but not to its neighbor.
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    I also understood that the petitioners representing the people seeking to stay in their homes – who are making legal arguments on their behalf, pleading persistently, shouting beneath the enormous domes – are wasting their time. For the destiny of the people who have sent them here has already been determined, and the Supreme Court, sitting on high, believes that it does not have the authority to discuss the evidence they bother to formulate in the Hebrew language that is not their own.
    It turns out that all the evidence was already discussed exhaustively in a lower court, which already ruled that the residents are themselves the trespassers. And because they delayed – the proceedings intended to get rid of them were unfortunately for them done without their knowledge – the statute of limitations applies to some of their lawsuits.
    This is not the first time that I have wondered whether the acoustic conditions in this chamber do not bear witness that while justice may be meant to be seen, it is not necessarily meant to be heard. Nor is it the first time that I have thought while sitting in it that perhaps it is better that way. For more than one of the details debated here lack content that should really interest human beings who have the brains to understand and the tools to take interest and learn the facts. And indeed, I know the facts well, and so this list will end with a decisive decision.

    On that fall day, November13, the Supreme Court discussed the fate of dozens of people who have lived for 64 years in Jerusalem’s Sheikh Jarrah neighborhood. Israeli law had made it possible for three Israeli associations – the Council of the Sephardi Community in Jerusalem, the Committee of Knesset Israel and Nahalat Shimon – to evict them from their homes and to replace them with other people.
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    The judges, after masquerading briefly while as people sincerely and innocently seeking to decide without bias between the attorneys wrangling at their feet, then began to play their true role. They obeyed the law, and with it the policy determining what the law is, and ruled against the petitioners, and in favor of the three associations; the appeal was denied.
    And what does Israeli law state, and in particular, what are its practical implications, what is the personal tragedy to which it condemns its victims? Because the law here serves to cover for usurpation and ideology, things are best explained simply without leaving this issue to legalists.
    A woman my age, sitting with me in her house, from which she is to be evicted, explained the story in simple terms, albeit it with agitation. Here is a summary: Her parents were born in Jaffa and raised there. She was born in the Yarmouk refugee camp in Syria, to which her family was expelled/fled in 1948. As part of a family reunification program, she went from there to Sheikh Jarrah to live with her husband, who also comes from a family of refugees from Jaffa. That family had been lucky enough to find temporary shelter with relatives in Jerusalem, and the Jordanian regime, the sovereign at the time, allocated her and other refugee families land in Sheikh Jarrah in 1954, and the UNRWA funded the construction of their homes.
    Some 40 members of her family, including her, her children and her grandchildren, live there. Meanwhile, they became subjects of Israel, which tripled the size of Jerusalem in 1967 and extended civilian law over all of it. According to that system of laws and to the decisions of the courts of the new sovereign, the entire compound in Sheikh Jarrah, where hundreds of families live, now belongs to those who made themselves the inheritors of the small Jewish community that had bought it during the Ottoman period.
    Therefore, this family, like its partners in misery who were already evicted and the dozens of others destined to be condemned in future cases – can expect soon to receive notice of an eviction date from the bailiff’s office. If they don’t leave of their own free will, they will be evicted by force in the dead of night. The woman who told me the story kept looking in my eyes, asking: “Perhaps you will tell me where we should go to now? Where to?”
    A week later, on November 21, the Supreme Court rejected the appeal of hundreds of other Jerusalem Palestinians – residents of Batan al-Hawa in the Silwan neighborhood. These residents are being harassed by other Israeli groups: Ateret Cohanim and Elad. Regarding this appeal as well, exacting hearings had already been held in Chamber C, and then too I really tried to grasp the legal thinness in their tale before they drift off through the traditional openings in the lofty dome. And this story also deserves being told in the language of man.
    It goes like this: At the end of the 19th century, merciful Jews bought a modest site in the village of Silwan, which then was outside Jerusalem, to build under cover of Ottoman law, a poorhouse for Yemenite Jews who couldn’t find a roof to live under in the holy city. Not many years later, the land was full of violent altercations and the poorhouse residents were forced to evacuate their homes. Years passed. They and their successors spread across the country.
    The country’s rulers changed three times, and self-proclaimed heir also arose: Atret Cohanim. It was clever in various ways – the time was the beginning of this century and Silwan had become a Jerusalem neighborhood crowded with tens of thousands of Palestinians, and the ruler was now the State of Israel – and demanded and received the inheritance from the Administrator General, who had received it from the state, which authorized him to determine what would be done with properties in Jerusalem that had once belonged to Jews. Based on this procedure, the courts in Israel awarded Ateret Cohanim rights to the compound in the heart of Silwan. And now justice will be done without pity.
    You can read in full how everything unfolded, if you want, in the 2015 investigative report published by Nir Hasson in this paper . It’s a tale spiced with bribes paid behind closed doors, people who were tempted to condemn their souls in order to attain a more comfortable life and, above all, the story of M, the resident of a West Bank settlement, whose hand is in everything but whose name it is forbidden to publish, lest it be to his detriment. The story does not end well or fairly, or even with finality, as the rejection of the petition makes clear – it just gets worse.
    Thus, you may want to go the trouble of visiting the neighborhood for yourself, in order to see the explosive and forlorn reality that the splendor of Chamber C in the Supreme Court swallowed in its entirety, like it swallowed the more modest site in Sheikh Jarrah. The law that rules here is the law of naked power. The military regime that embitters the lives of thousands to protect a few dozen Jews, who settled among the thousands in homes whose residents were already evicted, and to protect the stylized national park established next to them for the thousands of visitors streaming here. The sovereign here is the Elad organization. Thanks to its iniquities, you can see how the lives of thousands of Palestinians here are imprisoned and destroyed, and feel the cracks that are gaping in their residences because of the tunnel dug under them for the greater glory of Israel’s ideological archaeology.
    And if you don’t want to venture into areas unfamiliar to you and to your worldview, remain at home, but turn on your honest brain and the integrity of your heart. It will not take much to persuade you that all the legal hairsplitting that has for decades filled the courts of the Jewish-democratic state with hearings on the fate of the homes and lands of people in the territories conquered in 1967 collapses and is crushed like so much straw, in spite of the opposition by lawyers who continue to insist on defending human rights and serving as extras in an absurd farce. For one and only one law whispers yet thunders here behind the scenes, and only that one triumphs over this theater of deceit – the law of the godly promise written in a book that is thousands of years old: “For I give all the land that you see to you and your offspring forever” (Genesis 13:15).
    Thus, this and nothing else is the lesson: Until the statute of limitations is applied to this ancient law, there will be no justice here. For whether the god who made the promise still lives on high and watches his creatures in great sorrow from there, or whether he has been redeemed and died – here, on Earth, in this unholy land, the lives of tens of thousands of people are being destroyed and will be destroyed many times over, because of those who appointed themselves as the arm of power of the sole rulers.

  • À la veille de la visite de Netanyahou, l’UE s’apprête à célébrer la journée des droits humains avec le groupe anti occupation B’Tselem 5 décembre | Noa Landau pour Haaretz |Traduction SF pour l’AURDIP

    C’est une gifle pour Netanyahou : la nouvele ambassadrice de l’UE choisit d’organiser un événement officiel avec un groupe de défense des droits humains. Le ministère des Affaires étrangères dit que ce geste « est un crachat à la figure des Israéliens », tandis que le ministre tire à boulets rouges sur l’UE, disant qu’elle est de moins en moins utile.

    Des représentants de l’Union Européenne en Israël célébreront la journée internationale des droits humains, ce jeudi, avec l’organisation de défense des droits humains, B’Tselem. Lors de l’événement, conduit par la nouvelle ambassadrice de l’UE, Emmanuelle Giaufret, la présence d’une exposition de photos montrant 50 ans d’occupation par Israël a déclenché une condamnation féroce de la part d’Israël.

    L’exposition, intitulée « 50 ans » est actuellement ouverte au public au port de Jaffa à Tel Aviv. Elle montre des portraits de 50 Palestiniens nés en 1967, l’année de la prise de la Cisjordanie et de Gaza par Israël au terme de la guerre des six jours. La visite de cette exposition par d’autres diplomates étrangers en Israël est également attendue.

    Au début de la semaine prochaine, Netanyahou s’envolera pour Bruxelles pour une réunion exceptionnelle avec les 28 ministres des affaires étrangères des États membres de l’UE.

    En dehors du protocole, Netanyahou a été invité non pas par les canaux officiels mais par les représentants de la Lituanie à l’UE, un État relativement amical du point de vue de Netanyahou. Cet écart au protocole a énervé la ministre des affaires étrangères de l’UE, Federica Mogherini.

    Le porte-parole du ministère israélien des affaires étrangères, Emmanuel Nahshon, a déclaré : « Pour des raisons inconnues, les gens de l’UE croient toucher les Israéliens en leur crachant à la figure. Nous voyons une fois de plus les mêmes méthodes dédaigneuses qui consistent en prêches hypocrites, en moralisme condescendant, qui ne font qu’éloigner plutôt que rapprocher. C’est triste et inutile ».

    traduction en français de cet article

  • An Israeli Arab’s encounter with Jaffa’s finest

    ‘You’re suspected of stealing a motorcycle,’ one of the cops said as he beat me. I told him I owned the bike and I was the one who’d called the police, but he kept calling me ‘Mohammed” and two other cops started kicking me.

    Michael Mansour Aug 18, 2017
    read more:

    You never know how an evening might turn out that begins with an intimate dinner along the Israeli sea. The Manta Ray restaurant, located where Tel Aviv and Jaffa meet, was full on that Sunday evening three weeks ago, as it always is, with the elegant, international clientele that frequents it. The fish that I ordered was delicious and the atmosphere was serene. There was no hint I would end the evening wallowing in my own blood, humiliated and in restraints.
    Because I had drunk a little over dinner and the sun had not yet set, I decided to take a walk on the seafront promenade and leave my motorcycle at the restaurant, which I had driven there. A short time later I got a call from a friend who works there. “Michael, listen,” he said. “Your motorcycle isn’t here. I think it’s been stolen.”
    Because I was no longer near the restaurant, I called my brother, Peter, and asked him to go to Manta Ray. He rushed to the area and after talking to several passersby, told me that some of them had seen people dragging the motorcycle away.
    In the past, every time the pampered cats that hang around outside the café that I own in an expensive, mixed Arab-Jewish part of Jaffa spread themselves out on my motorcycle, I would get a notification from my alarm company. But this time, even though the cycle was dragged a considerable distance, I never heard from them. I called the company to notify them of the theft, but a short time later I was pleased to be informed that Peter had already found it — thrown on a sidewalk. My helmet was missing.
    I grabbed a cab and called the police to let them know that the motorcycle had been found, and I asked that they come to take fingerprints. It was already dark when I saw three men in civilian clothes approach me. In truth, I didn’t attach any particular importance to them. My sights were set in the distance, looking to see if the police were getting close.
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    The three men came closer and one of them started rushing at me. With great force, he knocked me to the ground, turned me over and handcuffed me. He identified himself as a policeman and started punching me in the back. Three or four other men showed up suddenly behind my brother, who was standing closer to the motorcycle. They pounced on him, handcuffed him and started hitting him. One of the men also called for reinforcements.

  • Palestinians clash with Israeli forces in Jaffa after local shot dead by police
    July 29, 2017 9:32 P.M. (Updated: July 29, 2017 9:35 P.M.)

    BETHLEHEM (Ma’an) — Palestinian citizens of Israel took to the streets in the Palestinian-majority city of Jaffa in Israel to protest against police brutality and racial profiling, after a man was shot dead in a police chase early Saturday morning, according to Israeli media reports.

    Another man was reportedly moderately wounded by gunfire during the police chase. According to Israeli police, the two fled the scene of a criminally-motivated shooting on Yefet Street in Jaffa on motorcycles and were shot while being pursued.

    Arab48 news reported that clashes broke out Saturday afternoon between outraged local protesters and Israeli police.

    Demonstrators denounced Israeli police for using excessive force with impunity, and vowed not to remain silent to prevent unjustified police killings from becoming normalized.

    A family member of the slain man, who was identified by Arab48 as 22-year-old Mahdi al-Saadi from Jaffa, told the news site that al-Saadi was killed “in cold blood” and posed no threat to police when he was shot dead. “They could have shot him in the foot and arrested him,” they said.

    Masked protesters reportedly closed the main road in Jaffa with burning tires and garbage containers and smashed a police car windshield, according to Israeli news site Ynet.

    Israeli police spokesperson Luba al-Samri wrote in a statement that a group of young men threw stones at police officers, and that two suspected stone throwers were detained.

    She said that as of Saturday evening, police continued to deploy heavily on Yefet street and the surrounding area to “maintain security and to respond to any possible scenario.”

    #Palestine_assassinée #Jaffa

    • Israeli police assault journalists, detain 8 Palestinians at funeral in Jaffa
      July 30, 2017 10:50 A.M. (Updated: July 30, 2017 10:50 A.M.)

      JERUSALEM (Ma’an) — Israeli police assaulted Israeli journalists and detained eight Palestinian citizens of Israel, six of them minors, as hundreds participated in a funeral march Saturday night in Jaffa city in southern Israel for 22-year-old Mahdi al-Saadi who was shot dead by police early Saturday morning.

      Mourners in the Palestinian-majority town condemned what they said was an unjustified killing. According to Israeli police, the man was suspected of taking part in a criminally-motivated shooting and was shot dead, alongside another who was shot and injured, in a police chase as the two allegedly fled on motorcycles.

      However, locals argued that al-Saadi posed no threat to Israeli police when he was fatally shot and that he could have been detained without using lethal force.

  • Palestinian priest: Oust PA and start civil disobedience – Middle East Monitor
    March 7, 2017

    Senior Christian Priest in Ramallah Monsignor Manuel Musallam yesterday severely criticised the Palestinian Authority (PA)’s security cooperation with Israel which has led to the death of tens of Palestinian resistance fighters in West Bank, Al-Resalah newspaper reported.

    In an interview with the paper, Musallam called on Palestinians in the occupied West Bank to oust the PA and start civil disobedience against it and the Israeli occupation.

    “Oust the PA, its security cooperation and the Oslo Accords which brought it,” he said.

    “Do not accept its role and start practical measures to get rid of the conceptions related to collaboration and tyranny,” he explained, “mass media has to run the population this way.”

    “The PA no longer represents our dreams and ambitions. We thought that it would bring justice, peace and rights to us, but it wasted everything.”

    Musallam stressed that every Palestinian must “get rid” of the PA and return to being “under occupation” in order to start working against the Israeli occupation again.

    “We attempted to protect ourselves from the Israeli occupation through the PA, but instead of this, it scared us, frightened us, stripped us of our arms and drowned our cause in the sea.”

    “The PA planted hate among the Palestinians and divided them. It wasted the conception of the big nation which means Palestine is from the river to the sea and Jaffa and Haifa are for us. It dropped the equation that all the land is for us.


  • Palestine : Nous continuerons à raconter notre histoire, et le pillage des œuvres d’art palestiniennes -
    par Samia Halaby | 17 octobre 2016

    Samia Halaby est née à Jérusalem en 1936 et elle a grandi à Jaffa. Elle vit à New York depuis 1951 où elle est reconnue comme un peintre abstrait de premier plan et une experte influente sur l’art palestinien et arabe. Elle travaille actuellement sur un livre de dessins qui documentent le massacre de Kfar Qasem, en 1956, lorsque 49 Palestiniens du village ont été assassinés par la police israélienne des frontières.

    Aucune entité n’a pillé l’art et la culture palestiniens comme l’entité israélienne l’a fait et continue de le faire. Ils ont fermé et confisqué d’innombrables expositions de peintures, et ils ont détérioré des tableaux en leur tirant dessus. Il suffit de faire quelques recherches, l’esprit ouvert, pour que tout ceci devienne évident. J’ai toujours espéré qu’ils aient au moins préservé ce qu’ils ont pris ; je rêve de trouver un entrepôt plein de belles peintures palestiniennes, une fois que nous aurons libéré la terre et créé l’égalité. Ce serait tellement triste qu’ils les aient détruites ou brûlées, comme ils l’ont fait avec d’autres expositions. Où est le contenu des studios des photographes et des peintres pleins de travaux soigneusement enveloppés et enfermés avant 1948, lorsque les gens fuyaient le terrorisme et pensaient qu’ils reviendraient dans quelques semaines ? Bien sûr personne n’a été autorisé à revenir et ces studios ont tous été pillés, et nous espérons que leur contenu a été caché, pas brûlé. Lorsque nous obtenons des passeports étrangers, et qu’enfin nous revenons visiter des maisons bien-aimées, nous les trouvons vidées de nos objets de valeur et pleines d’étrangers.

    Alors que j’écris cette lettre d’Allemagne où je me trouve pour superviser l’impression de mon livre, « Dessins sur le Massacre de Kafr Qassem », je me souviens de cet entretien avec l’artiste de premier plan de Kafr Qasem, qui a passé des années en prison à cause de son activisme contre l’horrible massacre qui a eu lieu dans son village en 1956. Il m’a dit que la police israélienne entrait souvent chez lui à l’improviste et confisquait ses dessins sur le massacre. Il m’a également dit que pendant qu’il était en prison, il n’osait pas faire de dessins sur le massacre, alors il dessinait en solidarité avec la lutte au Vietnam. Ils les ont tous confisqué également. Quand je lui ai dit qu’il devrait revenir et exigé leur restitution, il a répondu, avec des mots et un langage corporel poignants, qu’il ne pourrait jamais revenir dans un lieu de tant de douleurs. Les œuvres d’art d’un prisonnier politique qui a vécu le massacre de Kafr Qassem et a dessiné en solidarité avec le Vietnam sont des pièces inestimables de l’histoire palestinienne. Où sont toutes ces œuvres d’art pillées par Israël ?

    #israël #palestine #colonisation #destructions #démolition #occupation

  • 3 Palestinians shot dead after multiple attacks kill tourist, wound 12
    March 8, 2016 5:31 P.M. (Updated: March 8, 2016 9:25 P.M.)

    BETHLEHEM (Ma’an) — Three Palestinians were shot dead after they allegedly carried out separate attacks in Israel and occupied East Jerusalem, killing one American tourist and wounding at least 12 Israelis, on Tuesday afternoon and evening.

    In the first deadly encounter, shortly before 5 p.m., Israeli police spokesperson Luba al-Samri said a Palestinian man was shot dead after he allegedly stabbed and wounded an Israeli man near Petah Tikva, around seven miles east of Tel Aviv.

    Al-Samri said that an “Arab terrorist” stabbed a Jewish Israeli in his mid-30s “in the upper part of his body,” leaving him with light to moderate injuries.

    Israeli police forces arrived on the scene and shot dead the Palestinian, she said, adding that Israeli forces closed the area for investigation.

    Later, Israeli daily Haaretz identified the Palestinian as Abd Al-Rahman Radad , 17, from the Auja village in the eastern occupied West Bank district of Jericho.

    Minutes later, another Palestinian was shot dead after allegedly firing gunshots at Israeli police forces near Salah al-Din Street in occupied East Jerusalem, injuring two Israeli officers.

    Israeli police spokesperson Micky Rosenfeld said two Israeli policemen were wounded when a Palestinian shot them with an automatic weapon.

    A spokesperson for Hadassah hospital later said both Israeli officers had been hit in the head. One of them, aged 47, was in critical condition, fighting for his life, while the other, 31, was in moderate condition.

    Shortly after 6 p.m., Israeli police reported a third attack near the port in the Israeli city of Jaffa, with a Palestinian shot dead after he stabbed to death an American tourist and wounded at least nine Israelis.

    Israeli emergency services Magen David Adom (MDA) said five people were seriously injured and four moderately.

    A spokesperson said the Palestinian attacker had stabbed the Israelis while running along a path near the port.

    Israeli police later identified the Palestinian as a 22-year-old from the city of Qalqiliya in the occupied West Bank.

    However Haaretz reported that the 22-year-old had been identified as Bashar Masalha from the village of al-Zawiya in the Jenin district.

    The incidents followed a fourth deadly encounter on Tuesday, when a Palestinian woman was shot dead by Israeli border police officers after she allegedly attempted to stab them in Jerusalem’s Old City.


  • Les incidents persistent en Israël et dans les Territoires palestiniens - Moyen-Orient - RFI - Publié le 07-10-2015

    Hier soir, fait rarissime, des incidents se sont produits à Jaffa, au sud de Tel-Aviv. Des Arabes israéliens ont affronté la police au cours d’une manifestation, jetant aussi des pierres sur un bus. Trois policiers ont été blessés. La police accuse le mouvement islamique en Israël d’être derrière ces événements.

  • Une voiture saoudienne à Jaffa

    Jacky Hugi, le journaliste spécialiste des questions arabes de la Radio de l’Armée, a repéré une Mercedes garée près la Tour de l’Horloge de Jaffa avec une plaque d’immitriculation saoudienne, quelque chose de très inhabituel, si ce n’est de jamais vu en Israël. Il a rapidement sorti son appareil photo et a partagé l’image sur Twitter.


    Plus tard, un ami Facebook a informé Hugi qu’il avait parlé avec le conducteur de la voiture à Jérusalem, et qu’il avait appris qu’il était un homme d’affaires saoudien.


  • Netanyahu : #Israel preparing ’offensive’ to combat boycott calls
    By Barak Ravid | Jun. 7, 2015 | 12:20 PM

    Le message à faire passer est dans le pur style #foutage_de_gueule éhonté de Netanyahu,

    As far as those leading the boycott calls are concerned, the settlements in Judea and Samaria [West Bank] are not the focus of the conflict, but rather our settlements in Tel Aviv and Jaffa, in Haifa and Jerusalem,"


    “At the same time that we are trying to advance a diplomatic process, the Palestinians are pushing forward with steps against us in the United Nations and at the International Criminal Court in The Hague,”

    #Israël #bds

  • WHITE CITY, BLACK CITY: Architecture and War in Tel Aviv and Jaffa

    “The history of Tel Aviv, presented for a moment as an architectural history, can be seen as a part of a wider process in which the physical shaping of Tel Aviv and its political and cultural construction are intertwined, and plays a decisive role in the construction of the case, the alibi, and the apologetics of the Jewish settlement across the country.”
    —White City, Black City

    In 2004, the city of Tel Aviv was declared by UNESCO a World Heritage Site, an exemplar of modernism in architecture and town planning. Today, the Hebrew city of Tel Aviv gleams white against the desert sky, its Bauhaus-inspired architecture betraying few traces of what came before it: the Arab city of Jaffa.

    In White City, Black City, the Israeli architect and author Sharon Rotbard offers two intertwining narratives, that of colonized and colonizer. It is also a story of a decades-long campaign of architectural and cultural historical revision that cast Tel Aviv as a modernist “white city” emerging fully formed from the dunes while ignoring its real foundation—the obliteration of Jaffa.
    Rotbard shows that Tel Aviv was not, as a famous poem has it, built “from sea foam and clouds” but born in Jaffa and shaped according to its relation to Jaffa.
    His account is not only about architecture but also about war, destruction, Zionist agendas, erasure, and the erasure of the erasure.

  • Lieberman veut payer les Arabes israéliens pour qu’ils partent - L’Orient-Le Jour

    Le ministre israélien des Affaires étrangères Avigdor Lieberman propose que les Arabes israéliens soient incités par des mesures financières à quitter le pays et à s’installer dans un futur Etat palestinien.

    Dans un manifeste rendu public vendredi, le dirigeant ultranationaliste précise que les Palestiniens qui vivent à Jaffa et à Acre, sur la côte méditerranéenne, doivent être encouragés à partir s’ils en expriment le souhait.

    « Ces (Arabes israéliens) qui décident que leur identité est palestinienne pourront renoncer à la citoyenneté israélienne et déménager pour devenir des citoyens du futur Etat palestinien », écrit Lieberman dans ce manifeste intitulé « Nager à contre-courant », publié sur sa page Facebook et sur le site de son parti Israël Beïtenou ("Israël notre maison"). « Israël doit même les encourager à agir dans ce sens avec un système d’incitations économiques », poursuit le chef de la diplomatie israélienne.

  • Zion’s Rebel Daughter
    Gabriel Piterberg, New Left Review

    In another major paper at the time of the 1948 War, Arendt denounced the massacre of Deir Yassin and the killings in Jaffa and Haifa as deliberate measures of terror by the Revisionist wing of Zionism to drive the Arab populations out of Palestine. The building of a separate Jewish economy by the mainstream labour wing of Zionism—which had been its pride—she saw as the curse that made possible the expulsion of the Arabs (‘ almost 50 per cent of the country’s population ’) without loss to the Jews. In the Middle East, surrounded by a vastly larger Arab population, the result could only be a continual inner insecurity. ‘ A home that my neighbour does not recognize and respect is not a home. ’ The newly created state of Israel would be a land ‘ quite other than the dream of world Jewry, Zionist and non-Zionist’—an armed and introverted society, in which ‘political thought would centre around military strategy ’, degenerating into ‘ one of those small warrior tribes about whose possibilities and importance history has amply informed us since the days of Sparta ’, leaving the Arabs ‘ homeless exiles ’, and the Arab problem as ‘ the only real moral and political issue of Israeli politics ’.

  • Manifs pour la paix.....

    Jewish-Arab protest in Jaffa.18/07/14. « Jews & Arabs refuse to be enemies » hier, manifestation de juifs et d’arabes à Jaffa, Israël, pour la Paix. via : Elizabeth Tsurkov sur les banderoles ou cartons : « les juifs et les arabes refusent d’être ennemis ». Unique au monde ! En France, manisfester en faveur des palestiniens sera passible d’un an de prison à Paris, aujourd’hui le drapeau noir du jihad : traduc. (je pense qu’elle est exacte) : c’est la Chahada : « il n’y a de Dieu que Dieu et Mohamed est son prophète. » France = La manifestation pro-palestinienne interdite….Barbès (...)

  • Israël, la ségrégation au quotidien

    Pour la fin de l’année scolaire, Khaled Shakra, un enseignant du collège Ajial à Jaffa, voulait respecter la tradition et organiser une journée de détente pour ses vingt-cinq élèves, loin de la routine des devoirs ou des examens. Pour cet avant-goût des vacances, il avait choisi Superland, un parc situé à Rishon LeZion, une grande ville du centre du pays.

    Ce mardi matin, il téléphone donc pour réserver. « Pas de problème », affirme son interlocuteur, qui lui propose trois dates au choix, les 17, 18 et 19 juin. Après s’être mis d’accord sur le 18, le prof répond à des questions pour établir la fiche de réservation, et notamment le nom et l’adresse de son école. À l’autre bout du fil, le représentant de Superland comprend qu’il s’agit d’un établissement arabe israélien. Il met alors Khaled Shakra en attente, lequel, après un court laps de temps, se voit signifier, par un autre interlocuteur, que malheureusement il y a eu une erreur et que tout est complet durant les trois dates proposées. Quelques minutes plus tard, l’enseignant rappelle, en donnant cette fois un nom à consonance juive, Eyal, tout en affirmant qu’il veut réserver pour une organisation juive. Il se voit proposer les mêmes trois jours...

  • Renaud Girard du Figaro dénonce les néoconservateurs français de l’Elysées et du Quai d’Orsay sur le dossier iranien

    Dans son article « La carte turque de la diplomatie américaine » du 23 avril, Renaud Girard écrit que sur le dossier iranien la France

    semble hélas marginalisée

    En mai 2007, Ali Larijani, alors numéro trois du régime iranien, en charge du Nucléaire avait, dans une entretien au Figaro, proposé que la France joue un rôle d’intermédiaire sincère entre Washington et Téhéran. Cette offre avait été torpillée par un petit cla de diplomates néoconservateurs sévissant au Quai d’Orsay et à l’Elysée. A Washington cela fait longtemps que les néoconservateurs ont perdu toute influence dans un Département d’Etat qui s’apprête à confier à la Turquie ce beau rôle d’honest broker en Orient...

    La question est aussi de savoir si, aujourd’hui, avec un gouvernement socialiste, les néoconservateurs français ont perdu de l’influence sur le dossier iranien...

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