• Reminder: Israel is still holding a Palestinian lawmaker as political prisoner indefinitely - Palestinian lawmaker Khalida Jarrar has been incarcerated in an Israeli jail without a trial for 20 months. Another period of ‘administrative detention’ will soon expire. Will she come home?
    Gideon Levy and Alex Levac Feb 14, 2019 5:20 PM

    Ghassan Jarrar, the husband of Khalida Jarrar, holds a portrait of her on April 2, 2015 at their home in the West Bank city of Ramallah.AFP PHOTO / ABBAS MOMANI

    Ghassan Jarrar says his life is meaningless without Khalida. In his office at the children’s toys and furniture factory he owns in Beit Furik, east of Nablus, its chairs upholstered with red fake fur, the face of the grass widower lights up whenever he talks about his wife. She’s been incarcerated in an Israeli prison for 20 months, without trial, without being charged, without evidence, without anything. In two weeks, however, she could be released, at long last. Ghassan is already busy preparing himself: He knows he’s liable to be disappointed again, for the fourth successive time.

    Khalida Jarrar is Israel’s No. 1 female political prisoner, the leader of the inmates in Damon Prison, on Mt. Carmel, and the most senior Palestinian woman Israel has jailed, without her ever having been convicted of any offense.

    The public struggle for her release has been long and frustrating, with more resonance abroad than in Israel. Here it encounters the implacable walls of the occupation authorities and the startling indifference of Israeli public opinion: People here don’t care that they’re living under a regime in which there are political prisoners. There is also the silence of the female MKs and the muteness of the women’s organizations.

    Haaretz has devoted no fewer than five editorials demanding either that evidence against her be presented or that she be released immediately. To no avail: Jarrar is still in detention and she still hasn’t been charged.

    She’s been placed in administrative detention – that is, incarceration without charges or a trial – a number of times: She was arrested for the first time on April 15, 2015 and sentenced to 15 months in jail, which she served. Some 13 months after she was released from that term, she was again put under administrative detention, which kept getting extended, for 20 consecutive months, starting in mid-2017: two stints of six months each, and two of four months each.

    The latest arbitrary extension of her detention is set to end on February 28. As usual, until that day no one will know whether she is going to be freed or whether her imprisonment will be extended once again, without explanation. A military prosecutor promised at the time of the previous extension that it would be the last, but there’s no way to know. Typical of the occupation and its arbitrariness.

    In any event, Ghassan is repainting their house, replacing air conditioners and the water heater, hanging new curtains, planting flowers in window boxes, ordering food and sweets in commercial quantities, and organizing a reception at one checkpoint and cars to await her at two other checkpoints – you can never know where exactly she will be released. A big celebration will take place in the Catholic church of Ramallah, which Ghassan has rented for three days on the last weekend of the month. Still, it’s all very much a matter of if and when.

    Reminder: On April 2, 2015, troops of the Israel Defense Forces raided the Jarrar family’s home in El Bireh, adjacent to Ramallah, and abducted Khalida, a member of the Palestinian Legislative Council.

    She was placed in administrative detention. In the wake of international protests over Israel’s arrest without charges of a lawmaker who was elected democratically, the occupation authorities decided to try her. She was indicted on 12 counts, all of them utterly grotesque, including suspicion of visiting the homes of prisoners’ families, suspicion of attending a book fair and suspicion of calling for the release of Ahmad Saadat, a leader of the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine who has been in prison for years.

    The charge sheet against Jarrar – an opponent of the occupation, a determined feminist and a member of the Palestine Liberation Organization’s executive committee – will one day serve as the crushing proof that there is not even the slightest connection between “military justice” and actual law and justice.

    We saw her in the military court at Ofer base in the summer of 2015, proud and impressive, as her two daughters, Yafa and Suha, who returned from their studies in Canada after their mother’s arrest, wept bitterly with their father on the back benches of the courtroom. No one remained indifferent when the guards allowed the two daughters to approach and embrace their mother, in a rare moment of grace and humanity, as their father continued to cry in the back. It was a scene not easily forgotten.

    Three months ago, she was transferred, along with the other 65 female Palestinian prisoners, from the Sharon detention facility where she’d been incarcerated to Damon, where the conditions are tougher: The authorities in Damon aren’t experienced in dealing with women and their special needs, Ghassan says. The showers are separate from the cells, and when a prisoner is menstruating, the red fluid flows into the yard and embarrasses the women. But at the same time, he says, the prison authorities are treating Khalida’s health situation well: She suffers from a blood-clotting problem and needs weekly medications and tests, which she receives regularly in her cell.

    “You are my sweetheart” is inscribed on some of the synthetic-fur toys in the production room in Beit Furik. There are dolls of Mickey Mouse and of other characters from the cartoon world, sporting bold colors, along with padded rocking chairs and lamps for children’s rooms, all designed by Ghassan and all bespeaking sweet innocence and creativity. He’s devoted much less time to his factory since his wife’s incarceration. Of the 19 employees he had, only seven remain, one of whom, a deaf woman, is his outstanding worker. It’s a carpentry shop, an upholstery center and a sewing workshop all under one roof. Ghassan sells most of his products to Israel, although he’s been denied entry to the country for years.

    Now his mind is focused on his wife’s release. The last time he visited her in prison was a month ago, 45 minutes on a phone through armor-plated glass. During her months in prison, Jarrar became an official examiner of matriculation exams for the Palestinian Education Ministry. The exam papers are brought to the prison by the International Red Cross. Among others that she has graded were Ahed Tamimi and her mother, Nariman. Ahed called Ghassan this week to ask when Khalida’s release was expected. She calls her “my aunt.”

    The clock on the wall of Ghassan’s office has stopped. “Everything is meaningless for me without Khalida,” he says. “Life has no meaning without Khalida. Time stopped when Khalida was arrested. Khalida is not only my wife. She is my father, my mother, my sister and my friend. I breathe Khalida instead of air. Twenty months without meaning. My work is also meaningless.”

    A business call interrupts this love poem, which is manifestly sincere and painful. What will happen if she’s not released, again? “I will wait another four months. Nothing will break me. I don’t let anything break me. That is my philosophy in life. It has always helped me.”

    Ghassan spent 10 years of his life in an Israeli prison, too. Like his wife, he was accused of being active in the PFLP.

    In the meantime, their older daughter, Yafa, 33, completed her Ph.D. in law at the University of Ottawa, and is clerking in a Canadian law firm. Suha, 28, returned from Canada, after completing, there and in Britain, undergraduate and master’s degrees in environmental studies. She’s working for the Ramallah-based human rights organization Al-Haq, and living with her father.

    Both daughters are mobilized in the public campaign to free their mother, particularly by means of the social networks. Khalida was in jail when Yafa married a Canadian lawyer; Ghassan invited the whole family and their friends to watch the wedding ceremony in Canada on a large screen live via the Internet. Ghassan himself is prohibited from going abroad.

    During Khalida’s last arrest, recalls her husband, IDF soldiers and Shin Bet security service agents burst into the house by force in the dead of night. They entered Suha’s room and woke her up. He remembers how she shouted, panic-stricken at the sight of the rifles being brandished by strange men in her bedroom wearing black masks, and how the soldiers handcuffed her from behind. As Ghassan replays the scene in his mind and remembers his daughter’s shouts, he grows distraught, as if it had happened this week.

    Not knowing know what the soldiers were doing to her there, and only hearing her shouts, he tried to come to his daughter’s rescue, he recalls. He says he was almost killed by the soldiers for trying to force his way into Suha’s bedroom.

    After the soldiers took Khalida, preventing Ghassan from even kissing her goodbye, despite his request – he discovered his daughter, bound by plastic handcuffs. After he released her, she wanted to rush into the street to follow the soldiers and her captive mother. He blocked her, and she went to the balcony of the house and screamed at them hysterically, cries of unfettered fury.

    Last Saturday was Khalida’s 56th birthday. It wasn’t the first birthday she’d spent in prison, maybe not the last, either. Ghassan’s face positively glows when he talks about his wife’s birthday. He belongs to a WhatsApp group called “Best Friends” that is devoted to Khalida, where they posted his favorite photograph of her, wearing a purple blouse and raising her arms high in the courtroom of the Ofer facility. The members of the group congratulated him. Umar quoted a poem about a prisoner who is sitting in his cell in complete darkness, unable even to see his own shadow. Hidaya wrote something about freedom. Khamis wrote a traditional birthday greeting, and Ghassan summed up, “You are the bride of Palestine, renewing yourself every year. You are the crown on my head, al-Khalida, eternal one.”


  • Une rave a Ramallah : Comment la musique underground rassemble les Palestiniens
    Megan Townsend, The Independent, le 2 février 2019

    Seule DJ Palestinienne à tenir une séance en solo à Boiler Room, Sama a fait des vagues depuis juin parce qu’elle utilise des synthés inspirés des sonorités de Détroit et de Berlin.

    Je la rencontre après un show à Paris, où elle vit depuis début 2018. Elle insiste pour dire que les fêtes en Europe ne sont pas mieux que celles de chez elle. « La façon de danser et l’énergie des gens dans une fête en Palestine sont aussi chaudes que dans une fête à Berlin. La seule différence, c’est que le nombre de personnes est très inférieur et le lieu beaucoup plus petit. Dans la techno, je trouve généralement que l’ambiance et l’énergie des gens sont les mêmes dans le monde entier. » Pour Sama, la décision de s’installer à Paris tenait moins au fait de s’engager dans la techno qu’elle avait découverte à 19 ans à Ramalah que pour pouvoir éviter les couvre-feux qui rendent les fêtes difficiles.

    Sur Sama et le documentaire Palestine Underground (2018) :

    #Palestine #Sama #Muqataa #Musique #Musique_et_politique #Underground #Electro #Techno #Rap #Rave

  • Palestinian teen hiking with friends was killed in Israeli army ambush. He posed no danger
    Gideon Levy, Alex Levac | Feb. 1, 2019

    The soldiers hid behind the tallest oak tree in the valley. That’s where the six teenagers were headed, as they descended from their town, Silwad, northeast of Ramallah, into the deep, steep valley to hang out together on that Friday afternoon. On the way, they bought potato chips, sunflower seeds and chocolate, and they planned to boil water for tea over a campfire. Suddenly, without warning, a gunshot rang out. The teens had no idea where it came from. Ayman collapsed, rolling over and landing on his back. A bullet had sliced through his chest from the left, below his neck, and exited from his hip. When Mohammed tried to approach, to pull him out of the line of fire, another shot rang out. Mohammed was hit in the arm and ran for his life.

    Ayman lay on the ground, dying.

    The firing grew more intense. The shooters emerged from the ambush site behind the oak tree. They were joined by two more soldiers who came out of an Isuzu jeep parked on the other side of Highway 60. Bursts of automatic gunfire, aimed at the teens who were fleeing for their lives, echoed through the valley. The group rushed up the hill on which Silwad – meaning “above the wadi” in Arabic – is perched.

    That evening, the Israel Defense Forces returned Ayman Hamad ’s body to his family. He was 17 years old and was buried the next day in the town.

    Not far away, on that same day, last Saturday, January 26, settlers from the outpost of Adei Ad, and/or soldiers who joined them – it is still not clear – killed Hamdi Na’asan , 38, as he was plowing his field next to his village, Al-Mughayyir. Last weekend was particularly lethal for the Palestinians. Four of them were killed by Israelis, in the Gaza Strip, Jerusalem and the West Bank.

    It was raining when we visited Silwad on Monday, and the killing field in the valley that separates the town from Highway 60 was draped in thick fog. Through the fog a stunning view could be made out – of olive trees, the towering oak and the verdant valley. The last house in town, on the wadi’s edge, belongs to Qadura Fares, head of the Palestinian Prisoners Club, a former cabinet minister and prisoner. Fares, fluent in Hebrew, is one of the more impressive leaders in the Palestinian Authority, an associate and good friend of the jailed Palestinian leader Marwan Barghouti.

    The Silwad community center – above which looms the turret of the local mosque that locals say is the tallest in Palestine – had been turned into a venue of mourning and condolences. The dead teenager was a relative of Fares’, who, in an elegant wool coat, was among those welcoming the guests who had come to comfort the family. Next to him was the bereaved father, Ahmed Hamad, 44, a metalworker who once had four daughters and two sons. Now, he has four daughters and one son.

    According to the dead teen’s history teacher, Aouni Fares, Ayman, a high-school senior, was well-informed and knew a lot about the Nakba, the Palestinians’ suffering and the history of the occupation that began in 1967. Ahmed Hamad says his son promised him that he would always be proud of him. Ayman’s uncle Mohammed Othman was the first fatal casualty in Silwad during the first intifada; two other uncles, Akram Hamad and Rifat Hamad, are serving life sentences in Israeli prisons.

    Last Friday morning, Ayman had coffee with his father and then attended prayers in the mosque. At midday the family drove to its olive grove in the valley for a picnic, not far from the place where their firstborn would be killed a few hours later. The weather was ideal, under the winter sun, and Ayman was in high spirits, the mourners recall. The family ate stuffed vegetables prepared by the mother, Inas; Ayman cleared away the dishes.

    When they got home, around 2:30 P.M., Ayman asked his father, who was driving to the nearby village of Rammun to shop, for money to buy snacks; he was given 20 shekels ($5.60). At the end of the day, two shekels would be found in the teen’s cellphone case.

    Almost every Friday they would head out to the valley, Ayman and his buddies, all of them about the same age. There, amid the olive trees, about a kilometer or two from their homes, is the local gathering place.

    When they arrived, the group split up. Ayman and two friends went on ahead, the other three stayed behind for some reason. Later on some of the eyewitnesses, among them the wounded Mohammed Hamad, would say that the group did not throw any stones, although one authoritative source admitted that they had. Iyad Hadad, a field researcher for the Israeli human rights organization B’Tselem, noted that Ayman was shot at around 4:30 that afternoon – almost Shabbat – so there were certainly no religious settlers’ cars on Highway 60 at the time. Candle-lighting time in the nearby settlements was 4:31 P.M. in Beit El, 4:40 P.M. in Shiloh and 4:49 P.M. in Ofra.

    Many questions remain about what happened this week, and they are very disturbing – even if stones were thrown. The Israel Defense Forces soldiers shot Ayman Hamad from a distance of between 50 and 100 meters, from which he could not have posed any threat. When he was shot, he was also more than 100 meters from the highway, again a distance from which no stone could have hurt anyone traveling on the road. The soldiers fired live ammunition from an ambush with no prior warning, hitting him directly in the chest. They shot to kill, of that there’s no doubt. A teenager, a high-school student, who maybe did throw stones (which hurt no one), or maybe didn’t throw stones, was executed. The soldiers went on shooting even after they had hit him. Fortunately, they didn’t kill anyone else.

    The IDF Spokesman’s Unit made do with a laconic, dry response to Haaretz’s query, one that only raises additional questions: “A Military Police investigation has been launched into the matter, and at its conclusion the findings will be conveyed for further examination to the office of the military advocate general.” We’re unlikely to hear any more about this incident – either about the conclusion of the “investigation” or about a trial of those deemed responsible for the killing of the teen from Silwad.

    After the incident, the wounded Mohammed Hamad made his way into town, where he was taken to the local clinic and from there by ambulance to the Government Hospital in Ramallah. Ayman was still on the ground, with the soldiers gathered around him. A Palestinian ambulance driver who happened to pass by and saw what was going on offered to evacuate Ayman, but the soldiers told him to leave. It’s not clear whether Ayman was still alive at that point. Mohammed said he saw him take a few heavy breaths before he himself fled the scene, as did the third one in their group. The other teens were far off and didn’t see what was going on.

    After almost an hour, after an Israeli ambulance evacuated Ayman, the soldiers left the site. The boy was taken to a military guard tower next to the nearby village of Ein Yabroud, where an intensive care ambulance arrived, lingered for about 10 minutes and then drove off, according to the testimonies. Ayman was apparently already dead.

    In the meantime, one of the friends phoned Ayman’s father to report that his son had been wounded and was with the soldiers. A few minutes later, he called back to say that Ayman had not been wounded, only arrested. Then Qadura Fares phoned to tell Ahmed to drop everything in Rammun and get back to Silwad fast. When Ahmed reached Fares’ house, he saw the crowd that had gathered there, among them his brother, Suheil, who was weeping bitterly, and he realized what had happened.

    Fares meanwhile contacted the District Coordination and Liaison unit in order to get Ayman’s body back; at about 7:30 that evening, the family were instructed to go to the military base at Beit El to retrieve the body. At the Government Hospital in Ramallah, where they brought the body, Ahmed saw the bullet’s entry hole in his son’s chest and the exit wound in the hip.

    While we are visiting, Mohammed Hamad, the survivor of the shooting, enters the community center. His entire arm is bandaged. This is his first encounter with Ahmed since the incident. The teenager had undergone surgery in the Government Hospital shortly after arriving there, but walked out the next day, against his doctors’ instructions, to attend Ayman’s funeral.

    Mohammed is clearly still in a state of shock. Ayman, he relates, walked about 30 meters ahead of the rest of the group toward his family’s olive grove. He denies that they threw stones. After Ayman collapsed on the ground, Mohammed says he saw that he was still moving his fingers, even as blood spilled out of his chest, but doesn’t remember anything else because he was then shot himself. At first, he didn’t feel anything as he was fleeing for his life, with bullets whistling around him. He didn’t feel any pain until a few minutes later. Now he tells us he’ll have to return to the hospital in a few days for additional surgery.

  • Les diplomates de l’UE s’inquiètent de la « discrimination juridique systématique » en Cisjordanie
    Par Piotr Smolar - 1erfévrier 2019

    Dans un rapport confidentiel, les chefs de mission européens à Jérusalem et Ramallah décrivent la différence de traitements entre colons et Palestiniens sans en tirer de conséquences pratiques.

    Les rapports sur l’occupation israélienne en Cisjordanie, publiés depuis des décennies, pourraient remplir plusieurs bibliothèques. Mais celui transmis fin juillet 2018 par les chefs de mission de l’Union européenne (UE) à Jérusalem et à Ramallah, dont Le Monde a eu connaissance, sort de l’ordinaire. Nullement destiné à une diffusion large, il devait nourrir la réflexion du Service européen pour l’action extérieure et des Etats membres.

    Sans surprise, le constat est accablant. Mais aucune conséquence n’en a été tirée à ce jour par l’UE, paralysée par ses dissensions internes. (...)

  • UPDATE: Palestinian teen shot dead by Israeli forces for alleged stab attempt
    Jan. 30, 2019 11:13 A.M. (Updated: Jan. 30, 2019 2:39 P.M.)

    BETHLEHEM (Ma’an) — Israeli security forces shot and killed a Palestinian teen at the al-Zaayim checkpoint, on a road that leads to the entrance of the illegal Israeli settlement of Maale Adumim, east of occupied Jerusalem, on Wednesday morning.

    Hebrew-language news sites reported that Israeli soldiers deployed at the checkpoint opened fire at a Palestinian teen who was allegedly wielding a knife and running towards them.

    The Palestinian Ministry of Health identified the killed teen as 16-year-old Samah Zuheir Mubarak , a resident from Ramallah City.

    An Israeli police spokesperson said in a statement that the Palestinian teen attempted to stab one of the Israeli soldiers situated at the checkpoint, when security forces intervened and opened fire.

    The teen was critically injured, however, succumbed to her injuries within a few minutes.

    No injuries were reported among Israelis.


    • Soldiers Kill A Palestinian Teenage Girl Near Jerusalem
      January 31, 2019 1:04 AM

      Israeli soldiers shot and killed, Wednesday, a Palestinian teenage girl, only 16 years of age, at the Zaim military roadblock, east of occupied Jerusalem, reportedly after she “attempted to stab them.”

      The Israeli Police claimed that the child, Samah Zoheir Mubarak, 16, was carrying her schoolbag when she “pulled a knife and attempted to stab the soldiers,” when the officers fired several live rounds at her and killed her.

      Furthermore, the police later abducted Samah’s father, and moved him to the al-Maskobiyya interrogation center in Jerusalem.

      Media sources said the Samah was wearing an Islamic Niqab, and that the soldiers ordered her to uncover her face, but she refused before the soldiers shot and killed her, alleging that she attempted to stab them.

      She was walking in an area of the military roadblock only designated for vehicles and not pedestrians when she was fatally shot from a close range. The Border Police examined her schoolbag, which was filled with books, and school stationary.

      Samah was left bleeding on the ground and died from her wounds. She is from Nusseirat in Gaza, but her family moved to Umm ash-Sharayet neighborhood in the central West Bank city of Ramallah, and was an eleven-grade school student.

      It is worth mentioning that Samah has just returned from Mecca, in Saudi Arabia, a few days ago, after performing pilgrimage.

  •  » Israeli Soldiers Kill One Palestinian, Injure 30, Near Ramallah
    IMEMC News - January 26, 2019 6:39 PM

    Israeli soldiers killed, Saturday, one Palestinian and injured at least 30 others, after a group of illegal colonialist settlers attempted to invade the northern part of the al-Mughayyir village, east of the central West Bank city of Ramallah, and were intercepted by the villagers.

    The Palestinian Health Ministry said the Palestinian, identified as Hamdi Taleb Sa’ada Na’san , 38, was shot with a live round in his back, and the bullet was logged in the upper abdomen.

    The Palestinian was rushed to Palestine Medical Complex, in Ramallah, but died from his very serious wounds.

    The soldiers also injured at least thirty other Palestinians, among them six who were shot with live fire, including one who suffered a very serious injury.

    One of the wounded Palestinians was shot with a live round in his mouth, before he was rushed to the Istishari hospital, in Ramallah, in a moderate-but-stable condition.


    A Palestinian Civilian Killed by Israeli Settlers

    At approximately 15:30 on Saturday, 26 January 2019, a group of Israeli settlers moved into al-Moghayer village, northeast of Ramallah, and rioted on the streets while opening fire at several houses; 2 of them belonged to Jamal ‘Ali al-Na’asan and ‘Abdullah al-Na’asan, breaking all the houses’ windows.
    Meanwhile, dozens of Palestinian young men gathered to throw stones, empty bottles and Molotov Cocktails at them. In response, the settlers immediately and randomly fired a barrage of bullets, wounding Hamdi Taleb al-Na’asan (38) with a bullet that entered his lower back, hit the lungs and then exited from the chest. As a result, Hamdi fell on the ground and was immediately taken via an ambulance belonging to the Palestine Red Crescent Society (PRCS) to Palestine Medical Complex in Ramallah, where his death was declared in the ED due to arriving in a very critical condition.

    Following that, the Israeli forces moved into the village to provide protection for settlers and opened fire at the Palestinian protestors. As a result, 22 civilians were wounded with bullets and shrapnel; 8 of them were taken to the Palestine Medical Complex, 6 were taken to the Istishari Arab Hospital in al-Rihan Suburb, north of Ramallah, and 8 were taken to the medical center in nearby Termes’aya village. It should be mentioned that Hamdi al-Na’asan was a former prisoner in the Israeli jails, where he served an 8-year sentence. He was also married with 4 children; the youngest is only 1 year old.


    • Welcome to the Palestine Circus
      Gideon Levy Jan 27, 2019 3:38 AM

      A lethal weekend for Palestinians — four killed, from Rafah in the Gaza Strip to Ramallah in the West Bank — ended Saturday with the death of a farmer in his olive orchard, in the central West Bank village of Al-Mughayyir.

      It was the afternoon. Hamdi Na’asan and a few fellow villagers were about to finish tilling their fine olive orchard, downhill from the virulent outpost of Adei Ad. It is plowing season and the farmers were turning over the earth on their beautifully terraced orchard. At around 4 P.M., a group of armed settlers approached from the direction of Adei Ad and began attacking them in an effort to chase them off their land.

      That is the routine here in the land of the outposts, especially in Al-Mughayyir. I was in the village last week, and I saw the still and bleeding remains of 25 olive trees planted 35 years ago, cut down by electric saws, tree after tree, on Friday January 11, three days before the Jewish holiday of Tu Bishvat, sometimes called Jewish Arbor Day.

      Footprints led to the Mevo Shiloh outpost, whose residents took over a half-abandoned army barracks on the hill above Al-Mughayyir’s fields. For the past two months, villagers had gathered every Friday at their land to demand the removal of Mevo Shiloh. Its settlers graze their flocks on the village’s land and have carried out so-called price tag attacks in the village, vandalizing cars.

      On Saturday they came from Adei Ad. A few days before, villagers said they had somehow learned to live with Adei Ad, and their problem was with Mevo Shilo. This weekend it became clear to them that it was a choice between plague and cholera. One week the evil came from the east, from Mevo Shilo, a week later from the north, Adei Ad — a rotation of hate crimes coming from the outposts. You should have seen the fear of the residents as we drove to their orchards last week as we approached Mevo Shilo, to see the atmosphere of threats and terror with which they live.

      After the settlers came down and attacked them, the farmers phoned for help. They were utterly helpless: The army will always side with the settlers, of course. The residents also called the Palestinian liaison bureau but didn’t get any help. Military forces arrived, and soldiers and settlers began shooting live ammunition toward the farmers.

      Villagers deny claims that the settlers were attacked by farmers. Anyone familiar with the Shiloh Valley knows how difficult, impossible really, it is to believe such claims. The settlers descend upon fields that aren’t theirs for the sole purpose of evicting residents from their land and striking fear. That’s the aim, that’s the goal.

      The farmers and villagers who rushed to help them fled south, toward the village, as soldiers and settlers fired first tear gas, that enveloped the homes, and then live ammunition. They shot at them as they fled. Na’asan was shot in the back. The Israel Defense Forces said Saturday night that he was shot by a settler. It took an hour to bring him to the government hospital in Ramallah. An additional 15 villagers were wounded. Nine were admitted to the Ramallah hospital; three needed surgery.

      The view from Al-Mughayyir is gorgeous this time of year, a fertile valley, cultivated amazingly. Brown earth sprouting blossoming olive orchards and green fields. And here are the photographs of Na’asan’s death: His dead face and closed eyes, the small hole in his back, near his spine. He was 38, a father of four, a relative of Abed al Hai Na’asan, the owner of the orchard whose trees were cut down, with whom we went last week to witness the damage and his pain.

      Thus fell the village’s first victim since the start of its popular protest, and he will probably not be the last.

    • UN Mladenov condemns Israeli settler killing of Palestinian father
      Jan. 27, 2019 12:36 P.M. (Updated: Jan. 27, 2019 1:08 P.M.)

      BETHLEHEM (Ma’an) — The United Nations Special Coordinator for the Middle East Peace Process, Nikolay Mladenov, condemned in a tweet the Israeli settlers’ killing of a Palestinian father during an attack on al-Mughayyir village, on Saturday.

      Mladenov posted in a tweet, “Today’s violence in al-Mughayyir is shocking and unacceptable!”

      He added, “Israel must put an end to settler violence & bring those responsible to justice.”

      “My thoughts and prayers go out to the family of the #Palestinian man killed and those injured… All must condemn violence, stand up to terror,” he stressed.

    • Hamdi Naasan, un père de quatre enfants, assassiné par les colons
      Annelies Keuleers - 28 janvier 2019 – Al-Jazeera – Traduction : Chronique de Palestine

      Nikolay Mladenov, l’envoyé des Nations Unies au Moyen-Orient, appelle Israël à traduire en justice les assassins du Palestinien Hamdi Naasan.

      L’envoyé de l’ONU au Moyen-Orient a qualifié le meurtre d’un Palestinien par les colons israéliens en Cisjordanie occupée de « choquant et inacceptable ».

      Nikolay Mladenov a appelé dimanche Israël à « mettre fin à la violence des colons et à traduire les responsables en justice ».

      Hamdi Naasan, âgé de 38 ans, a succombé à ses blessures samedi près du village d’Al Mugheir après que des colons israéliens de la colonie illégale d’Adei Ad, située à proximité, aient tiré des coups de feu.

      Selon le ministère palestinien de la Santé, Naasan aurait reçu une balle de fusil dans le dos. Selon l’agence de presse Maan, au moins 30 autres Palestiniens ont été blessés, dont six par des tirs à balles réelles.

      Des milliers de personnes se sont rassemblées dans le village d’al-Mugheir pour assister aux funérailles de Naasan.

      L’armée israélienne a temporairement empêché les personnes en deuil d’atteindre le lieu de sépulture en érigeant un barrage routier entre l’autoroute et une route menant au village. Lors d’un affrontement qui a suivi, l’armée israélienne a kidnappé deux adolescents palestiniens.

  • » Israeli Soldiers Kill A Palestinian Teen Near Ramallah
    IMEMC News - January 26, 2019 3:41 AM

    Israeli soldiers killed, on Friday evening, a Palestinian teen, only 17 years of age, from Silwad town, east of the central West Bank city of Ramallah, and wounded another Palestinian, in addition to moderately injuring a young man in ar-Reesan Mountain area, west of Ramallah.

    Palestinian medical sources said a soldier, stationed in a fortified military tower, shot Ayman Ahmad Othman Hamed , 17, from Silwan town, with a live round in his chest.

    The soldier was in the fortified military tower, which was installed by the army near Ein Yabrud nearby village.

    After shooting the Palestinian, several soldiers surrounded him, and later allowed Red Crescent medics to approach him. His corpse was then moved to Palestine Medical Complex in Ramallah.

    The soldiers also shot young man with a live round in his arm, before he was rushed to a hospital.


  • Israeli police shoot, kill Palestinian in Jerusalem
    Jan. 26, 2019 10:07 A.M. (Updated: Jan. 26, 2019 10:07 A.M.)

    JERUSALEM (Ma’an) — A Palestinian man was shot and killed by Israeli police during a high-speed chase, on predawn Saturday, near the Damascus Gate in the Old City of Jerusalem, in the central occupied West Bank.

    The Israeli police said in a statement that they opened fire towards a suspicious vehicle near the Damascus Gate in Jerusalem under the pretext of posing a threat to members of the Israeli police situated in the area.

    The statement added that the Palestinian was a West Bank resident and entered Jerusalem without an Israeli entry permit.

    Palestinian security sources identified the killed Palestinian as Riyad Muhammad Hamad Shamasneh , from the Qatanna village, northwest of the Jerusalem district.


    • Israel returns body of killed Palestinian to family
      Jan. 30, 2019 11:42 A.M. (Updated: Jan. 30, 2019 12:18 P.M.)

      RAMALLAH (Ma’an) — The Israeli authorities returned the body of a killed Palestinian, on Tuesday evening, near the Ofer detention center in western Ramallah City in the occupied central West Bank.

      A Ma’an reporter confirmed that Israel returned the body of Riyad Shamasneh, from the Qatanna village northwest of Jerusalem, to his family.

      Shamasneh was shot and killed by Israeli police following a high-speed chase, on predawn Saturday, near Damascus Gate in the Old City of Jerusalem.

      Shamasneh’s body was taken to the Forensic Medicine Department at the Al-Quds University for an autopsy.

      Funeral procession for Shamasneh is planned to take place on Wednesday afternoon in Qatanna.

  • Activists block Israeli ’Apartheid Road’ near Jerusalem
    Jan. 23, 2019 5:38 P.M.

    RAMALLAH (Ma’an) — Palestinian, Israeli and international activists shut down the recently opened “Apartheid Road” near Jerusalem, which separates Palestinian and Israeli drivers by a wall, on Wednesday.

    The Popular Struggle Coordination Committees (PSCC) said, in a press release, that dozens of activists closed the gates to the newly opened road.

    Israeli forces detained two protesters, while four others were injured as they (Israeli forces) attempted to re-open the road for traffic.

    Israeli Public Security Minister Gilad Erdan called the highway “an example of the ability to create coexistence between Israelis and Palestinians while guarding (against) the existing security challenges.”

    The Palestinian Authority (PA) denounced the opening of the “Apartheid Road” and said, “It’s a shame on the international community to see an apartheid regime being established and deepened without doing anything to stop it.”

    The road, divided in the middle by a high concrete wall; the road’s western side serves Palestinians who cannot enter Jerusalem, whereas its eastern side serves Israeli settlers, is the first road to have a wall along its entire length, dividing Palestinian and Israeli drivers, however, the West Bank has many segregated roads.


    Israeli Soldiers Abduct A Palestinian And An Australian Peace Activist In Jerusalem
    January 23, 2019

    Israeli soldiers abducted, Wednesday, a Palestinian and an Australian peace activist during a nonviolent protest near Anata town, northeast of occupied East Jerusalem.

    Palestinian, Israeli and international peace activists were nonviolently protesting the new Jewish-only, ‘Apartheid Road’, built on Palestinian lands near Anata town.

    The protesters carried Palestinian flags and chanted for ending Israel’s segregation and apartheid policies against the indigenous Palestinians in their homeland, before the soldiers fired many concussion grenades at them, and assaulted several nonviolent protesters. The soldiers then abducted one Palestinian and one Australian. (...)

  • Palestine Underground, super documentaire d’une demi heure de Jessica Kelly, sur la scène underground en Palestine (48 et 67), la musique électro, techno, rap etc., entre autres avec Sama (2018)

    Et, à propos de Sama :

    SAMA : «  On venait de Ramallah, Bethléem, Jéricho, Gaza  »
    Eric Carpentier, So Foot, le 15 janvier 2019

    Figure centrale de la nouvelle scène électronique palestinienne, SAMA’ fait bouger les têtes et les lignes de la techno. Mais ce qu’elle préfère, c’est encore le football. La preuve : elle a fait partie de la première équipe nationale féminine de Palestine. Entretien avec une pionnière.

    Il y a vraiment de la politique dans le football, ça va main dans la main dès qu’on parle d’équipes nationales. Surtout dans le cas palestinien. Il y a deux ans environ, l’Arabie saoudite ne voulait pas venir jouer en Palestine, ils nous ont demandé d’aller jouer en Jordanie. Il y avait toute une discussion autour de ça. Alors qu’on voulait juste jouer au foot ! Donc il y a cet aspect-là, mais aussi l’aspect collectif, communautaire du football. Ça crée une atmosphère, tu peux voir des gens d’horizons différents se réunir. Et ça, déjà, c’est politique. Il y a cette idée d’aller au combat ensemble.

    Sama - The Beating Wound (2014)

    #Palestine #Sama #Muqataa #Musique #Musique_et_politique #Underground #Electro #Techno #Rap #Rave #Football

  • Expanding the limits of Jewish sovereignty: A brief history of Israeli settlements - Israel News
    Gideon Levy and Alex Levac Jan 11, 2019 –

    At the end of the day, we stood above the ditch that holds the road designated for Palestinians who want to travel from an enclave of three West Bank villages – Biddu, Beit Surik and Qatannah – to Ramallah. Above that road, Israeli vehicles sped smoothly along Highway 443, the high road to the capital, without the drivers even seeing the segregation road below, which is hemmed in by iron fencing and barbed wire. The Israelis on the expressway above, the Palestinians on the subterranean route below: a picture that’s worth a thousand words. Israel dubs these separation routes “fabric-of-life roads.” It sounds promising but in reality these byways are just another, monstrous product of the apartheid system.

    A few hundred meters away, in Givon Hahadasha (New Givon) – and like the settlement, enclosed on all sides by iron fencing and spiky wire, and complete with electronic cameras and an electric gate – is the home of the Agrayeb family. Here the occupation looms at its most grotesque: a Palestinian family cut off from its village (Beit Ijza) in the quasi-prison of the enclave and left to live in this house-cage in the heart of a settlement, a situation that the High Court of Justice of the region’s sole democracy has termed acceptably “proportional harm.” At the conclusion of an instructive tour, the tunnel and the cage, Highway 443 and New Givon, the “proportional harm” and the “fabric-of-life roads” all spark grim, utterly depressing thoughts here in the realm of apartheid. The thoughts that arose in late afternoon on a cold, stormy winter day will long haunt us.

    Since the anti-occupation organization Breaking the Silence was founded in 2004, it has led hundreds of study tours to Hebron and to the South Hebron Hills, in which tens of thousands of Israelis and others have taken part. The tours, which draw about 5,000 participants a year, are aimed at the gut, and no one returns indifferent from the ghostly population-transfer quarter in Hebron or from the land of the caves whose inhabitants have been dispossessed, in the South Hebron Hills. Now the NGO is launching a new tour, analytical and insightful, of the central West Bank, which focuses on the history of the occupation from its inception down to our time.

    Yehuda Shaul, 36, one of the founders of Breaking the Silence, a former Haredi and an ex-combat soldier, worked for about a year and a half planning the tour, writing the texts and preparing the maps, drawing on some 40 books about the settlements and other materials found while burrowing in archives. Shaul is a superb guide along the trails of the occupation – businesslike and brimming with knowledge, not given to sloganizing. He is committed and determined but also bound by the facts, and he is articulate in Hebrew and English. His tour is currently in the pilot stage, before its official launch in a few months.

    A day in the Ramallah subdistrict, from the Haredi settlement of Modi’in Ilit to the home of the young Palestinian activist Ahed Tamimi, in the village of Nabi Saleh, from the region of the Allon Plan to the fabric-of-life scheme – during this seven-hour journey, an unvarnished picture emerges: The goals of the occupation were determined immediately after the 1967 war. Every Israeli government since, without exception, has worked to realize them. The aim: to prevent the establishment of any Palestinian entity between the Jordan River and the Mediterranean Sea, by carving up the West Bank and shattering it into shards of territory. The methods have varied, but the goal remains unwavering: eternal Israeli rule.


  • The roundabout revolutions

    The history of these banal, utilitarian instruments of traffic management has become entangled with that of political uprising, #Eyal_Weizman argues in his latest book

    This project started with a photograph. It was one of the most arresting images depicting the May 1980 #Gwangju uprising, recognised now as the first step in the eventual overthrow of the military dictatorship in South Korea. The photograph (above) depicts a large crowd of people occupying a roundabout in the city center. Atop a disused fountain in the middle of the roundabout a few protestors have unfurled a South Korean flag. The roundabout organised the protest in concentric circles, a geometric order that exposed the crowd to itself, helping a political collective in becoming.

    It had an uncanny resonance with events that had just unfolded: in the previous year a series of popular uprisings spread through Tunisia, Egypt, Bahrain, #Oman, Yemen, Libya, and Syria. These events shared with Gwangju not only the historical circumstances – they too were popular protests against military dictatorships – but, remarkably, an urban-architectural setting: many of them similarly erupted on roundabouts in downtown areas. The history of these roundabouts is entangled with the revolutions that rose from them.

    The photograph of the roundabout—now the symbol of the “liberated republic” – was taken by #Na_Kyung-taek from the roof of the occupied Provincial Hall, looking toward Geumnam-ro, only a few hours before the fall of the “#Gwangju_Republic”. In the early morning hours of the following day, the Gwangju uprising was overwhelmed by military force employing tanks and other armed vehicles. The last stand took place at the roundabout.

    The scene immediately resonates with the well-known photographs of people gathering in #Tahrir_Square in early 2011. Taken from different high-rise buildings around the square, a distinct feature in these images is the traffic circle visible by the way it organises bodies and objects in space. These images became the symbol of the revolution that led to the overthrow of President Hosni Mubarak in February 2011 – an event described by urban historian Nezar AlSayyad as “Cairo’s roundabout revolution”. But the Gwangju photograph also connects to images of other roundabouts that erupted in dissent in fast succession throughout the Middle East. Before Tahrir, as Jonathan Liu noted in his essay Roundabouts and Revolutions, it was the main roundabout in the capital of Tunisia – subsequently renamed Place du 14 Janvier 2011 after the date on which President Zine el-Abidine Ben Ali was forced to flee the country. Thousands of protesters gathered at the roundabout in Tunis and filled the city’s main boulevard.

    A main roundabout in Bahrain’s capital Manama erupted in protests shortly after the overthrow of Mubarak in Egypt. Its central traffic island became the site of popular protests against the government and the first decisive act of military repression: the protests were violently broken up and the roundabout itself destroyed and replaced with a traffic intersection. In solidarity with the Tahrir protests, the roundabouts in the small al-Manara Square in Ramallah and the immense Azadi Square in Tehran also filled with protesters. These events, too, were violently suppressed.

    The roundabouts in Tehran and Ramallah had also been the scenes of previous revolts. In 2009 the Azadi roundabout in Iran’s capital was the site of the main protests of the Green Movement contesting President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad’s reelection. Hamid Dabashi, a literature professor at Columbia University and one of the most outspoken public intellectuals on these revolutions, claims that the Green Movement was inspirational for the subsequent revolutionary wave in the Arab world. In Palestine, revolt was a permanent consequence of life under occupation, and the al-Manara roundabout was a frequent site of clashes between Palestinian youth and the Israeli military. The sequence of roundabout revolutions evolved as acts of imitation, each building on its predecessor, each helping propel the next.

    Roundabouts were of course not only exhilarating sites of protest and experiments in popular democracy, but moreover they were places where people gathered and risked their life. The Gwangju uprising is, thus, the first of the roundabout revolutions. Liu wrote: “In all these cases, the symbolism is almost jokingly obvious: what better place to stage a revolution, after all, then one built for turning around?” What better way to show solidarity across national borders than to stage protests in analogous places?

    Why roundabouts? After all, they are banal, utilitarian instruments of traffic management, certainly not prone to induce revolutionary feeling. Other kinds of sites – squares, boulevards, favelas, refugee camps – have served throughout history as the setting for political protest and revolt. Each alignment of a roundabout and a revolution has a specific context and diverse causes, but the curious repetition of this phenomenon might give rise to several speculations. Urban roundabouts are the intersection points of large axes, which also puts them at the start or end of processions.

    Occupying a roundabout demonstrates the power of tactical acupuncture: it blocks off all routes going in and out. Congestion moves outward like a wave, flowing down avenues and streets through large parts of the city. By pressuring a single pivotal point within a networked infrastructure, an entire city can be put under siege (a contemporary contradistinction to the medieval technique of surrounding the entire perimeter of a city wall). Unlike public squares, which are designed as sites for people to gather (therefore not interrupting the flow of vehicular traffic) and are usually monitored and policed, roundabout islands are designed to keep people away. The continuous flow of traffic around them creates a wall of speeding vehicles that prohibits access. While providing open spaces (in some cities the only available open spaces) these islands are meant to be seen but not used.

    Another possible explanation is their symbolic power: they often contain monuments that represent the existing regime. The roundabouts of recent revolutions had emblematic names – Place du 7 Novembre 1987, the date the previous regime took power in Tunisia; “Liberty” (Azadi), referring to the 1979 Iranian Revolution; or “Liberation” (Tahrir), referring to the 1952 revolutions in Egypt. Roundabout islands often had statues, both figurative and abstract, representing the symbolic order of regimes. Leaders might have wished to believe that circular movement around their monuments was akin to a form of worship or consent. While roundabouts exercise a centripetal force, pulling protestors into the city center, the police seek to generate movement in the opposite direction, out and away from the center, and to break a collective into controllable individuals that can be handled and dispersed.

    The most common of all centrifugal forces of urban disorganisation during protests is tear gas, a formless cloud that drifts through space to disperse crowds. From Gwangju to Cairo, Manama to Ramallah, hundreds of tear-gas canisters were used largely exceeding permitted levels in an attempt to evict protesters from public spaces. The bodily sensation of the gas forms part of the affective dimension of the roundabout revolution. When tear gas is inhaled, the pain is abrupt, sharp, and isolating. The eyes shut involuntary, generating a sense of disorientation and disempowerment.

    Protestors have found ways to mitigate the toxic effects of this weapon. Online advice is shared between activists from Palestine through Cairo to Ferguson. The best protection is offered by proper gas masks. Improvised masks made of mineral water bottles cut in half and equipped with a filter of wet towels also work, according to online manuals. Some activists wear swim goggles and place wet bandanas or kaffiyehs over their mouths. To mitigate some of the adverse effects, these improvised filters can be soaked in water, lemon juice, vinegar, toothpaste, or wrapped around an onion. When nothing else is at hand, breathe the air from inside your shirt and run upwind onto higher ground. When you have a chance, blow your nose, rinse your mouth, cough, and spit.
    #révolution #résistance #giratoire #carrefour #rond-point #routes #infrastructure_routière #soulèvement_politique #Corée_du_Sud #printemps_arabe #Egypte #Tunisie #Bahreïni #Yémen #Libye #Syrie #Tahrir

    Du coup : #gilets_jaunes ?

    @albertocampiphoto & @philippe_de_jonckheere

    This project started with a photograph. It was one of the most arresting images depicting the May 1980 #Gwangju uprising, recognised now as the first step in the eventual overthrow of the military dictatorship in South Korea. The photograph (above) depicts a large crowd of people occupying a roundabout in the city center. Atop a disused fountain in the middle of the roundabout a few protestors have unfurled a South Korean flag. The roundabout organised the protest in concentric circles, a geometric order that exposed the crowd to itself, helping a political collective in becoming.

    –-> le pouvoir d’une #photographie...

    signalé par @isskein

    ping @reka

  • Chronique du cinéma palestinien : la renaissance d’un cinéma sans État
    Lou Mamalet, Middle East Eye, le 3 novembre 2018

    Quand il s’agit de définir les contours du cinéma palestinien, la réponse n’est jamais évidente. Il est en effet complexe de délimiter les frontières d’un art sans État. Le cinéma palestinien est un territoire fragmenté qui s’ancre dans différents espaces temporels et géographiques, conséquence d’un passé intrinsèquement lié à l’exil et à la dispersion.

    Malgré les difficultés économiques de cette industrie en quête permanente de financement, elle continue de porter à l’écran ceux que l’on a essayé de rendre invisibles, notamment à travers une nouvelle vague de jeunes réalisateurs, tels Rakan Mayasi ou Muayad Alayan , qui se sont fait remarquer lors de festivals de films internationaux.

    Début du XIX e siècle : premiers pas du cinéma palestinien

    Les prémices du cinéma palestinien remontent au début du XX e siècle, à l’occasion d’une visite du roi d’Arabie saoudite Ibn Saoud en Palestine en 1935. Accompagné par le mufti de Jérusalem Amin al-Husseini, son périple est immortalisé par Ibrahim Hassan Sirhan, réalisateur palestinien autodidacte, qui filme l’événement avec un appareil de fortune acheté à Tel Aviv.

    Sirhan s’associe plus tard à Jamal al-Asphar, un autre réalisateur palestinien, avec qui il filme The Realized Dreams (« les rêves réalisés »), un documentaire de 45 minutes sur les orphelins palestiniens.

    Considérés comme les pères fondateurs du cinéma palestinien, Sirhan et Asphar sont les premiers autochtones à faire des films en Palestine ; les premières images du pays avaient jusqu’alors été tournées par les frères Lumières ou d’autres sociétés européennes empreintes d’une forte dimension orientaliste, se contentant de dépeindre des sujets folkloriques et traditionnels.

    Dix ans plus tard, Ibrahim Hassan Sirhan ouvre le premier studio de production cinématographique en Palestine avec Ahmad al-Kalini, un compatriote ayant étudié le cinéma au Caire. Le duo produira plusieurs longs métrages, dont aucune trace ne demeure de nos jours, comme la majeure partie des réalisations de cette époque.

    La déclaration Balfour en 1917 et la création de l’État d’Israël trente ans plus tard dessinent cependant un autre destin pour le cinéma palestinien. En 1948, plus de 700 000 Palestiniens sont forcés à l’exil lors de la Nakba (« catastrophe »), assénant un coup dur à la production cinématographique palestinienne. Le peuple est traumatisé et doit faire face à une nouvelle situation, ne laissant derrière lui presqu’aucun document. C’est le commencement d’une longue période de silence cinématographique de plus de deux décennies.

    Fin des années 1960, début des années 1970 : le cinéma de la révolution

    Ce mutisme prend fin en 1968, après la défaite arabe de la guerre des Six Jours (la Naksa) et ses conséquences politiques : l’occupation israélienne de la Cisjordanie, de Jérusalem-Est et de Gaza.

    Cette tragédie renforce le statut de l’Organisation de libération de la Palestine (OLP) et d’autres institutions palestiniennes, qui sont alors perçues comme les derniers symboles d’espoir et de résistance arabe. Sous leurs auspices, un nouveau cinéma militant apparaît afin de documenter la lutte palestinienne et la vie des réfugiés dans les camps.

    Certains réalisateurs palestiniens ayant étudié à l’étranger rejoignent ainsi les rangs de l’OLP à Amman, puis à Beyrouth. Parmi eux, Sulafa Jadallah Mirsal, une jeune photographe palestinienne qui a étudié au Caire. Dans sa cuisine, elle monte une unité photographique avec des équipements basiques et se focalise sur les photographies des martyrs de guerre.

    En 1968, son travail est transféré à Amman où se situe le siège du Fatah, principal parti de l’OLP dirigé par Yasser Arafat, et pour la première fois, un département de photographie est créé.

    Elle est très rapidement rejointe par deux réalisateurs palestiniens : Mustafa Abu Ali , qui a par ailleurs travaillé avec Jean-Luc Godard sur son film Ici et ailleurs (1974), et Hani Jawharieh, avec qui elle mettra en place la première Unité du film palestinien (PFU).

    Ils sortent en 1969 No to a Peace Solution (« Non à une solution de paix »), un film de vingt minutes qui documente les manifestations de civils contre la solution de paix proposée par le secrétaire d’État américain de l’époque William Rogers.

    Suite au conflit entre l’OLP et le roi Hussein de Jordanie qui débouche, en 1970, sur les événements de Septembre noir , l’organisation de Yasser Arafat doit quitter la Jordanie et se relocalise au Liban. Durant cette période, plus de 60 documentaires sont tournés malgré les difficultés économiques et le début de la guerre civile libanaise, comme With our Souls and our Blood (« avec nos âmes et notre sang »), qui narre les massacres de septembre 1970.

    On assiste alors à l’accélération d’une prise de conscience de l’importance du cinéma et des images comme outil politique dans la promotion des idéaux révolutionnaires de la cause palestinienne.

    En 1974, est ainsi produit par Mustafa Abu Ali They Do Not Exist (« ils n’existent pas »), un documentaire dépeignant la vie des Palestiniens dans un camp de réfugiés du Sud-Liban et dont le titre est inspiré des déclarations négationnistes de Golda Meir (Première ministre israélienne de l’époque) au sujet des Palestiniens.

    Comme l’explique à Middle East Eye Hanna Atallah, réalisateur palestinien et directeur de FilmLab Palestine , une association qui supporte l’industrie cinématographique palestinienne, « Il s’agissait de construire un récit-réponse à celui des Israéliens, de trouver une alternative au discours selon lequel la Palestine était une terre sans habitants uniquement peuplée de bédouins. Les Israéliens ont vite compris qu’écrire l’histoire était un instrument politique, chose que les Palestiniens n’avaient pas réalisée jusqu’alors ».

    Un outil politique qui nécessite de centraliser les œuvres réalisées, ce à quoi s’attèle Mustafa Abu Ali en créant l’Archive du film palestinien en vue de réunir les efforts des réalisateurs palestiniens du monde entier et de préserver l’identité palestinienne en donnant une certaine reconnaissance à son cinéma.

    Cette archive contient une vaste quantité de documents sur le siège de Beyrouth, les batailles des fédayins, mais aussi des interviews de politiciens et d’intellectuels. Malheureusement, elle disparaîtra lors de l’invasion du Liban par Israël en 1982.

    Des efforts seront toutefois déployés par plusieurs réalisateurs – comme Monica Maurer, cinéaste allemande ayant autrefois opéré au sein de l’Unité du film palestinien de l’OLP, et l’artiste palestinienne Emily Jacir – afin de restaurer et digitaliser les rushes de cette période, à l’instar de ceux de Tel al-Zaatar , un film sur le siège du camp de réfugiés palestiniens du même nom à Beyrouth par les milices chrétiennes, initialement filmé par le cinéaste libanais Jean Khalil Chamoun et le Palestinien Mustafa Abu Ali.

    Une période également documentée dans Off Frame a.k.a. Revolution Until Victory (2016) de Mohanad Yaqubi, cinéaste palestinien et fondateur de Idiom , une société de production basée à Ramallah. Après un long travail de recherche dans le monde entier, Yaqubi est parvenu à exhumer des images d’archives inédites montrant le travail de cinéastes militants durant les années 60-70, un résultat qui réfléchit aussi sur la lutte palestinienne dans sa représentation d’elle-même et la réappropriation de son récit à travers l’établissement de l’Unité du film palestinien.

    1980-1990 : cinéma indépendant et réalisme social

    Les années 1980-1990 sont particulièrement difficiles pour les Palestiniens. Face à la persistance de l’occupation israélienne et à l’échec des tentatives de paix, les nouvelles générations commencent à perdre espoir en l’avenir. La crise économique, le chômage et l’augmentation des colonies dans les territoires occupés sont autant de facteurs qui précipitent l’éclatement de la première Intifada , le 9 décembre 1987.

    Un tournant politique qui marque aussi l’avènement d’une nouvelle génération de réalisateurs palestiniens ayant étudié à l’étranger. D’un cinéma de la révolution, principalement militant et documentaire, on passe alors au récit de la vie sous occupation et de la résistance.

    Parmi eux, Michel Khleifi , qui revient dans sa ville natale de Nazareth, en Galilée, après avoir passé dix ans en Belgique. Il produit son premier long métrage, Fertile Memory (mémoire fertile), en 1980, une fiction empruntant au documentaire qui raconte l’histoire de deux femmes palestiniennes dont l’une est forcée de travailler dans une entreprise de textile israélienne après avoir vu sa terre expropriée par Israël.

    Cette nouvelle vague est également représentée par les œuvres de Mai Masri , une réalisatrice palestinienne qui a grandi à Beyrouth et étudié à San Francisco. Dans Wild Flowers : Women of South Lebanon (1987), réalisé avec Jean Khalil Chamoun, elle filme la vie de femmes libanaises résistant durant l’occupation militaire israélienne du Sud Liban.

    Après les accords d’Oslo en 1993, on assiste à une certaine désillusion de la société palestinienne, qui se ressent à l’écran. Le cinéma s’éloigne de l’esprit révolutionnaire des années 1970 et de la nostalgie des années 1980 pour migrer vers un réalisme social traitant des problèmes que rencontrent les Palestiniens dans leur vie quotidienne.

    Comme le souligne Hanna Atallah, « Il n’est plus question de la vision romanesque et fantasmée de la Palestine perdue, avec ses champs d’orangers et d’oliviers. On parle du quotidien, des check-points et du mur ».

    Une situation tragique souvent tournée au ridicule par les réalisateurs, à l’instar d’Elia Suleiman, qui se met toujours en scène dans ses films comme observateur passif du délitement de l’identité palestinienne.

    Avec Chronique d’une disparition (1996), il dresse un portrait caustique de la réalité palestinienne sous occupation, entre anecdotes personnelles et discours politique sur Israël. Dans Intervention divine (2002), il raconte les déboires d’un couple de Palestiniens qui, pour se voir, l’un vivant à Jérusalem-Est et l’autre à Ramallah, doit se donner rendez-vous dans un terrain vague proche du check-point.

    Des difficultés de l’occupation aussi décrites par Rashid Masharawi. Qu’il s’agisse de Couvre-feu , description de celui imposé à son village de la bande de Gaza pendant 40 jours en 1993 (film qui lui fait gagner le prix UNESCO au festival de Cannes 1993), de L’Attente , qui suit Ahmad, un réalisateur faisant passer des auditions dans différents camps de réfugiés du Proche-Orient afin de constituer la troupe du futur théâtre palestinien (2006), ou de L’Anniversaire de Leïla (2008), qui raconte les obstacles d’un juge forcé de devenir chauffeur de taxi, le réalisateur évoque la douleur d’un peuple qui doit subir un état d’apartheid.

    Des années 2000 à nos jours : nouvelle vague et changement de récit

    Depuis les années 2000, si la politique reste en toile de fond des films palestiniens, elle n’est plus nécessairement au cœur du sujet, faisant place à des fictions au ton décalé et aux intrigues inattendues.

    De nouveaux thèmes sont abordés par de jeunes réalisateurs qui explorent la complexité de la réalité palestinienne, tels les écarts de perception entre les Palestiniens restés sur place et ceux revenus après avoir commencé une nouvelle vie à l’étranger ou encore les différences intergénérationnelles.

    C’est le cas de Wajib – L’invitation au mariage d’Annemarie Jacir (2017) , un long métrage qui illustre avec humour et tendresse la situation palestinienne à travers le regard de deux générations. Alors que le fils reproche au père d’inviter un ami juif, qu’il suspecte de travailler pour les services de renseignement israéliens, au mariage de sa sœur, le père en veut à son fils d’être en couple avec la fille d’un membre de l’OLP à qui il reproche de ne pas se soucier du sort des Palestiniens.

    Autre exemple, Love, Theft and Other Entanglements (« Amours, larcins et autres complications », 2015) des frères Muayad et Rami Musa Alayan, une fable absurde aux allures de western qui met en scène les aventures au milieu des milices palestiniennes et des services d’intelligence israéliens d’un petit magouilleur palestinien qui espère pouvoir se payer un visa de sortie du pays en volant une voiture appartenant à un Israélien et qui se retrouve enfermé dans le coffre de la voiture volée avec le soldat israélien qu’il a kidnappé.

    Des œuvres qui n’hésitent donc pas à utiliser l’humour et le symbolisme pour dénoncer le quotidien tragique des Palestiniens sous occupation, à l’instar de The Wanted 18 (« les dix-huit fugitives »), film d’animation intégrant des images d’archives qui raconte l’histoire vraie de Palestiniens du village de Beit Sahour, en Cisjordanie, tentant de maintenir clandestinement une industrie de vaches laitières pendant la première Intifada. Réalisé par Amer Shomali et Paul Cowan, le film a reçu le prix du meilleur documentaire au Festival du film d’Abou Dabi.

    Les courts-métrages ne font pas exception à la règle. En témoigne Farawaleh (« fraises »), la dernière création de la jeune réalisatrice palestinienne Aida Kaadan, lauréate du festival Palest’In & Out 2018, qui décrit l’épopée de Samir, responsable d’un magasin de chaussures à Ramallah qui n’a jamais vu la mer et qui décide, pour accomplir son rêve, de traverser la frontière israélienne parmi des ouvriers du bâtiment palestiniens.

    Un autre court-métrage, réalisé par le cinéaste Rakan Mayasi, raconte pour sa part l’histoire d’un couple palestinien qui, pour faire un enfant, décide de sortir clandestinement du sperme de la prison israélienne où l’époux purge sa peine. Bonboné (« bonbon ») a cumulé les prix de festivals (notamment meilleur scénario au Festival du court-métrage méditerranéen de Tanger , meilleur film au Twin Cities Arab Film Festival ).

    Bien que jamais très loin, la politique est devenue le personnage secondaire de ces nouvelles fictions qui font la part belle aux Palestiniens et à leur histoire, laquelle n’est plus cantonnée à une simple quête identitaire. The Reports on Sarah and Saleem , de Muayad Alayan, présenté au Festival des cinémas arabes de l’Institut du monde arabe en juillet dernier, retrace ainsi une histoire d’adultère banale entre une juive israélienne et un livreur palestinien, qui se transforme en affaire politique.

    Un changement de paradigme dans les intrigues regretté par certains, qui y voient une perte des valeurs propres à la cause palestinienne, comme l’explique à MEE Mohanad Yaqubi.

    « Le cinéma palestinien doit rester militant et engagé dans son essence. Avant, les réalisateurs parlaient un langage commun : celui du droit au retour. Aujourd’hui, l’identité palestinienne est dissoute et perd en force, alors que faire partie du peuple palestinien, c’est appartenir à une lutte pour l’auto-indépendance, que le cinéma doit soutenir », estime-t-il.

    Une mission pour l’avenir de cette industrie qui a su se renouveler sur la forme et sur le fond, malgré une situation politique stagnante....

    #Palestine #Cinéma

  • Israeli forces shoot, kill Palestinian teen in al-Bireh
    Dec. 21, 2018 11:46 A.M. (Updated: Dec. 21, 2018 2:46 P.M.)

    RAMALLAH (Ma’an) — Israeli forces shot and killed a Palestinian teen, on Thursday night, at the Beit El checkpoint north of al-Bireh City in the central occupied West Bank.

    A Ma’an reporter said that the Palestinian Liaison identified the teen as Qassem Muhammad Ali al-Abbasi , 17, from the Silwan town in East Jerusalem.

    Initial reports said that the driver of a Palestinian vehicle attempted to drive into the checkpoint before Israeli soldiers opened fire critically injuring him.

    However, al-Abbasi’s friends who were with him in the vehicle refuted the Israeli claim, saying that the four of them were heading to Nablus City, in the northern West Bank, but when the road to Nablus was closed they turned back to cross via the Beit El checkpoint.

    Muhammad Hani al-Abbasi added that they went into the wrong road when arriving at Beit El and suddenly realized they were inside an illegal Israeli settlement, “as we attempted to go back to the main road we were chased by either Israeli soldiers or settlers, we could barely see as there were not enough lights and it was very dark, they were about ten kilometers far from our vehicle, we kept going and we were between two settlements.”

    Al-Abbasi continued to say, “We were surrounded, they randomly opened fire at us, we did not stop, we kept going fast, the vehicle’s glass broke and the tires were punctured.”

    He added that one of their friends, Mahmoud al-Abbasi, then started shouting “Qassem… Qassem” as Qassem was in a very difficult condition.

    Al-Abbasi added that they called an ambulance before Israeli forces arrived and forced them out of the vehicle, “But Qassem did not move and we told them to get him an ambulance.”


    • Al-Abbasi family demands investigation into killing of 17-year-old son
      Dec. 21, 2018 1:50 P.M

      JERUSALEM (Ma’an) — The al-Abbasi family from Silwan in occupied East Jerusalem demanded, on Friday, that an investigation be immediately opened in the circumstances of the shooting and killing their 17-year-old son, Qassem Muhammad al-Abbasi, by Israeli forces near the Beit El checkpoint in the central occupied West Bank, late Thursday.

      In a press conference held by the family, on Friday morning, family elder Moussa al-Abbasi, said that what happened to Qassem is murder, and demanded an investigation into the details of the shooting.

      Al-Abbasi added that the family demanded an autopsy, and that the body of Qassem be returned so that the family can have a funeral and burial for their son.

    • Israel To Autopsy the Corpse Of Qassem Abasi
      December 22, 2018

      Salwa Hammad, the coordinator of the Palestinian National Committee for Retrieving Bodies of Martyrs, said that Israel has decided to autopsy the corpse of Qassem al-Abasi, 17, who was killed by Israeli soldiers on December 20th, 2018.

      Hammad said that Qassem’s corpse would likely be handed back to his family for burial Sunday.

      Karim Jubran, the head of the field office of Israeli Information Center for Human Rights in the Occupied Territories (B’Tselem), said that the investigations Israel sometimes carries out after killing Palestinians cannot be trusted, and only aim at burying the truth.

      He added that the experience B’Tselem had in similar previous cases revealed that Israel conducts these alleged investigations in order to prevent international parties and organizations from conducting them.(...)

  • Face à une recrudescence de la violence en Cisjordanie, l’Autorité palestinienne est sous pression
    Middle East Eye | Zena Tahhan | 18 décembre 2018

    RAMALLAH, Territoires palestiniens occupés (Cisjordanie) – Après une semaine de fusillades au volant et d’attaques au couteau, de meurtres de Palestiniens commis par les forces israéliennes, de raids militaires, d’arrestations et de démolitions, l’incertitude persiste quant aux conséquences politiques et sécuritaires de cet épisode pour la Cisjordanie occupée.

    Tandis qu’Israël a attribué les différentes attaques au Hamas, des analystes interrogés par Middle East Eye expliquent que ces incidents ont impliqué des assaillants isolés et reflètent plutôt les tensions entre Palestiniens de Cisjordanie, qui ont atteint un point critique.

    Selon eux, l’Autorité palestinienne (AP), qui gouverne la Cisjordanie depuis plus de deux décennies, est de plus en plus proche d’un tournant critique et sera contrainte de procéder à des changements audacieux pour rester en place.

    « Ces événements me rappellent la première Intifada. Il y a eu de nombreuses attaques individuelles, mais la colère est généralisée », a indiqué à Middle East Eye Mohammad Daraghmeh, analyste politique basé à Ramallah. « Les gens ont perdu tout espoir. Ce n’est pas le Hamas, c’est le peuple. » (...)

    Le 17 novembre 2018

    Copies à
    M. Antonio Guterrez, Secrétaire général des Nations Unies
    Mme Audrey Azoulay, Directrice générale de l’UNESCO


    Réunie en Comité exécutif à Ramallah (Palestine), la Fédération Internationale des Journalistes (FIJ), première organisation mondiale représentant 600.000 journalistes dans 146 pays du monde, a organisé une action de solidarité samedi 17 novembre à 12 heures, envers les journalistes palestiniens et son affilié le Palestinian Journalists Syndicate (PJS).
    Après avoir répondu à la presse durant quelques minutes, les dirigeants mondiaux de la FIJ et quelques journalistes palestiniens ont défilé pacifiquement sur plusieurs centaines de mètres dans la rue, vers le checkpoint Qalandia. A environ cent mètres de ce point important d’entrée de Jérusalem, l’armée israélienne, sans aucune sommation et sans aucune discussion, a lancé une dizaine de tirs de grenades lacrymogènes vers le cortège, blessant au passage à l’épaule l’un des membres du comité exécutif de la FIJ et menant plusieurs autres jusqu’à l’étouffement. Sans esprit belliqueux et toujours en Territoire palestinien, la délégation de la FIJ a rebroussé chemin, tentant d’échapper aux gaz israéliens.

    La FIJ exige urgemment du Premier ministre israélien des réponses après ces agressions physiques, à ces atteintes à la liberté d’expression et à la liberté de mouvement.

    Aucun état démocratique digne de ce nom ne peut agir ainsi.

    Fondée en 1926, la Fédération internationale des journalistes condamne fermement le gouvernement israélien après ces attaques militaires et exige des explications.

    La FIJ exhorte enfin le Premier ministre à reconnaître la qualité de journalistes aux membres de la Fédération, détenteurs de la carte de presse internationale, la seule accréditation internationale reconnue dans 145 pays du monde. Sauf en Israël.

    A Ramallah, le samedi 17 novembre 2018.

    #Palestine #Journalistes #FIJ

  • Palestinian teen shot, killed by Israeli forces in al-Bireh
    Dec. 14, 2018 5:39 P.M. (Updated: Dec. 14, 2018 5:55 P.M.)

    RAMALLAH (Ma’an) — A 16-year-old Palestinian was shot and killed by Israeli forces during clashes that erupted in the al-Jalazun refugee camp north of al-Bireh in the central occupied West Bank, on Friday evening.

    The Palestinian Ministry of Health confirmed that a Palestinian from the al-Jalazun refugee camp arrived to the Palestine Medical Center in a critical condition.

    Sources added that the teen was injured with live bullets in the abdomen.

    The ministry identified the killed teen as Mahmoud Youssef Nakhleh.

    Israeli forces opened fire at the teen from a very close range; from less than 10 meters away.

    Israeli soldiers attempted to detain Nakhleh afterwards, however, Palestinian Red Crescent paramedics were able to take him and transfer him to the Palestine Medical Center after having to quarrel Israeli soldiers for more than 30 minutes.

    Nakhleh was later pronounced dead at the hospital.


    • After Shooting a Palestinian Teen, Israeli Troops Dragged Him Around – and Chased an Ambulance Away

      A Palestinian from the Jalazun refugee camp was shot in the back and died after soldiers kept him from receiving medical care
      Gideon Levy and Alex Levac Dec 20, 2018

      What goes through the head of soldiers, young Israelis, after they shoot an unarmed Palestinian teenager in the back with live ammunition, prevent him from getting medical treatment, move him around, putting him on the ground and then picking him up again – and chase away an ambulance at gunpoint? For 15 minutes, the Israel Defense Forces soldiers carried the dying Mahmoud Nakhle , pulling him by his hands and feet, it’s not clear why or where, before allowing him to be evacuated. They had already shot him and wounded him badly. He was dying. Why not let the Palestinian ambulance that arrived at the site rush him to the hospital and possibly save his life? Nakhle died from a bullet in his liver and loss of blood. He was two weeks after his 18th birthday, the only son of parents who are descendants of refugees, and he lived in the Jalazun refugee camp adjacent to Ramallah, in the West Bank.

      Nakhle was killed last Friday, December 14.

      Getting to Jalazun took a long time this week; it was a long and stressful trip. Overnight, terror attacks and other sights of the intifada had returned simultaneously: innumerable surprise checkpoints, such as we hadn’t seen for years; long lines of Palestinian vehicles, forced to wait for hours; drivers emerging from their cars and waiting in desperation by the side of the road, anger and frustration etched on their faces; roads blocked arbitrarily, with people signaling each other as to which was open and which was closed; some cars making their way cross-country via boulder-strewn areas and dirt paths to bypass the roadblocks, until those options, too, were sealed off by the army. And also aggressive, edgy, frightened soldiers, carrying weapons that threatened just about anyone who made a move near them.

      Welcome back to the days of the intifada, welcome to a trip into the past: Even if only for a moment, the West Bank this week regressed 15 years, to the start of the millennium.

      The wind blows cold at the Jalazun camp. A throng of thousands of children and teenagers is streaming down the road, heading home from their schools run by UNRWA, the United Nations refugee agency. The two schools, one for boys and one for girls, are situated at the camp’s entrance, on both sides of the main Ramallah-Nablus road. We were here a year and a half ago, after IDF soldiers shot up a car stolen from Israel when it stopped outside the settlement of Beit El, spraying it with at least 10 rounds, and killing two of its passengers. About half a year ago, we returned to the camp to meet Mohammed Nakhle, the bereaved father of 16-year-old Jassem, one of those fatalities. The father cried through our entire meeting, even though this was a year after he had lost Jassem.

      Mahmoud Nakhle, who was killed last week, was a relative of Jassem’s.

      Last Friday, there was stone throwing in the valley between Jalazun’s boys’ school and the first houses of Beit El, across the way. The soldiers fired tear-gas canisters and rubber-coated bullets at the young Palestinians. Quite a few of the camp’s residents have been killed at this spot, which has become a main arena of the struggle against the large, veteran settlement that looms through every window in poverty-stricken, overcrowded Jalazun, situated below.

      The stone throwing had slowed down in the afternoon and had just about stopped when an IDF force, arriving in two vehicles, began chasing after the youths, who were now on their way back to the camp, at about 4 P.M. The latter numbered about 15 teens, aged 14 to 18. Suddenly the soldiers started shooting, using live ammunition – even as calm was apparently about to be restored. A video clip, one of several that captured the event, shows the soldiers walking along the road and firing into the air.

      The wail of an ambulance slashes the air now, as we stand at the site of the incident with Iyad Hadad, a field investigator for the Israeli human-rights organization B’Tselem, who collected testimony from eyewitnesses. Nakhle chose to return home by way of a dirt path that passes above the camp. The soldiers ran after him and one of them shot him once, in the lower back. Nakhle fell to the ground, bleeding.

      The occupant of the first-floor apartment in the closest building in Jalazun, just meters from the site of the incident, heard the shot, the groans and a call for help. She assumed someone had been wounded, but wasn’t sure where or who he was. From her window she saw a group of soldiers standing in a circle, though she couldn’t see the wounded person who lay on the ground between them. A second eyewitness saw one soldier nudge Nakhle with his foot, apparently to see if the teen was still alive. They then pulled up his shirt and pulled down his pants, apparently to check whether the stone-throwing youth was a dangerous, booby-trapped terrorist. As the video accounts show, he was left lying like that, exposed in his blue underwear. The woman from the apartment rushed out to summon help, but the soldiers fired toward her to drive her off. One bullet struck her husband’s car.

      The soldiers lifted Nakhle up and carried him a few dozen meters from where he’d fallen, laying him down at the side of the road. One of the eyewitnesses related that they carried him “like you haul a slaughtered sheep.” The video clip shows them carrying him not in the prescribed way for moving someone who is seriously wounded, but by his hands and his feet, his back sagging.

      Before the soldiers shot at the first eyewitness – whose identity is known to the B’Tselem investigator – to scare her off, she shouted at them to let the wounded person be and to allow him to be taken to hospital in an ambulance. “Leave him alone, do you want to kill him… give him aid.” She also shouted at the soldiers that she was his mother – apparently hoping that the lie would stir pity in them – but to no avail. In the video shot by her daughter on her cell phone, the woman sounds overwrought, gasping for breath as she cries out, “In God’s name, call an ambulance!”

      After five to seven minutes, the soldiers again lifted Nakhle, once more by his extremities, and carried him a few dozen meters more, in the direction of the main road, and again laid him by the roadside. A Palestinian ambulance that had arrived at the scene was chased off by the soldiers, who threatened the driver with their rifles. As far as is known, the soldiers did not give Nakhle any sort of medical aid. The woman from the house again shouted, now from her window: “In God’s name, let the ambulance take him away.” But still to no avail.

      It was only after a quarter of an hour, during which Nakhle continued to bleed, that the soldiers allowed an ambulance to be summoned. A video clip shows Nakhle raising one hand limply to the back of his neck, proof that he was still alive. Half-naked, he’s placed on a stretcher and put in the ambulance, which speeds off, its siren wailing, to the Government Hospital in Ramallah.

      The teen apparently breathed his last en route, arriving at the hospital with no pulse. Attempts were made to resuscitate him in the ER and to perform emergency surgery, but after half an hour, he was pronounced dead. Dr. Muayad Bader, a physician in the hospital, wrote on the death certificate that Mahmoud Nakhle died from loss of blood after a bullet entered his lower back, struck his liver and hit a main artery, damaging other internal organs.

      A group of children is now standing at the site where Nakhle fell, practicing stone throwing on the way back from school. They hurl the stones to the ground in a demonstrative fit of anger. In the mourning tent that was erected in the courtyard of the camp, adorned with huge posters of the deceased, the men sit, grim-faced, with the bereaved father, Yusuf Nakhle, 41, in the center. Disabled from birth, he is partially paralyzed in his left arm and leg. We asked him to tell us about Mahmoud’s life.

      “What life? He hadn’t yet lived his life, they robbed him of his life,” he replies softly. Mahmoud attended school until the 10th grade and then studied electrical engineering at a professional college in Qalandiyah. He completed his studies and afterward a year of apprenticeship, and was waiting to find a job as an electrician. His father was waiting for him to help provide for the family. Yusuf is a technician at a pharmaceuticals company in Bir Zeit, near Ramallah. He and his wife, Ismahan, 45, have two more daughters, aged 14 and 4. Mahmoud was their only son.

      In response to an inquiry, the IDF Spokesman’s Office gave Haaretz the following statement this week: “On December 14, 2018, there was a violent disturbance adjacent to Jalazun, during which dozens of Palestinians threw rocks at IDF soldiers. The soldiers responded with demonstration-dispersal measures.

      “During the disturbance, a Palestinian holding a suspicious object approached one of the soldiers. The soldier fired at him. Later, it was reported that the Palestinian had been killed. The Military Police have launched an investigation into the incident. Upon its completion, the findings will be transferred to the military advocate general’s office.”

      The spokesman’s office did not respond to a question regarding the denial of medical assistance to Mahmoud Nahle.

      Last Friday, the hours passed normally in the home of Nakhle family in the Jalazun camp. Breakfast, a shower; the son asks his father if he needs anything before going out around midday. Never to return. At 4:30, Yusuf’s brother called to inform him that his son had been wounded and was in the Government Hospital. By the time his father arrived, Mahmoud had been pronounced dead.

      “We are human beings and it is our right to live and to look after our children. We too have feelings, like all people,” says Rabah, Mahmoud’s uncle, the brother of his father. Yusuf has watched the video clips that document the shooting and the hauling of his dying son dozens of times, over and over. Ismahan can’t bring herself to look at them.

  • 2 Israelis killed, 2 critically injured in shooting attack in Ramallah
    Dec. 13, 2018 11:50 A.M. (Updated: Dec. 13, 2018 12:30 P.M.)

    RAMALLAH (Ma’an) — Two Israeli soldiers were killed and another two critically injured in a shooting attack, reportedly carried out by Palestinians, east of al-Bireh City in the central occupied West Bank, on Thursday noon.

    Initial reports said that an armed Palestinian opened fire, from a passing vehicle, targeting a group of Israeli soldiers, who were setting up a flying checkpoint at the entrance of the illegal settlement of Ofra.

    The official Israeli army radio station reported that an armed Palestinian, who stepped out of his vehicle, opened fire towards Israelis, was shot.

    Earlier on Thursday, Israeli forces shot and killed a Palestinian who carried out a stabbing attack in Jerusalem, injuring two Israeli police officers.

    On predawn Thursday, Israel executed a Palestinian attack suspect while inside a house in a Nablus-area refugee camp.

    Israeli forces also killed a Palestinian, late Wednesday, who had carried out a shooting attack earlier this week.


  • Israeli forces shoot, kill Palestinian attacker
    Dec. 13, 2018 10:49 A.M. (Updated : Dec. 13, 2018 12:23 P.M.)

    RAMALLAH (Ma’an) — A 29-year-old Palestinian was shot and killed by Israeli forces, on late Wednesday, near Surda village, north of the central occupied West Bank district of Ramallah.

    The Israeli army announced that Saleh Amer Saleh al-Barghouth i, 29, a resident from Kobar village, in Ramallah district, was shot and killed by Israeli special forces.

    Earlier this week, al-Barghouthi carried out a drive-by shooting attack near the illegal Israeli settlement of Ofra, injuring seven Israeli settlers, including a 21-year-old pregnant woman, who was in critical condition and delivered the baby prematurely in an emergency procedure.


    • Undercover Israeli Forces Kill A Palestinian Taxi Driver Near Ramallah
      December 13, 2018 2:33 AM

      Undercover Israeli soldiers assassinated, on Wednesday evening, a Palestinian Taxi driver, near Surda village, north of the central West Bank city of Ramallah; the army claimed the Palestinian was allegedly “involved” in the shooting targeting colonialist settlers, last Sunday.

      The slain Palestinian has been identified as Saleh Omar Saleh Barghouthi , 29; eyewitnesses said he was driving his taxi when the undercover Israeli soldiers, driving an old commercial Mercedes, ambushed him, and opened fire at him, before abducting him while he was still alive, but severely injured and bleeding.

      The army later said the Palestinian died from his wounds in a hospital in occupied Jerusalem.

      Eyewitnesses said that the taxi remained in the middle of the road, after the soldiers shot Saleh, and added that a young man, identified as Wa’ad Barghouthi, tried to remove it from the road, but the undercover forces attacked and abducted him too.

      Eyewitnesses said the undercover soldiers instantly opened fire at the car after ambushing it, in what appeared to be a clear assassination, not an attempt to abduct and imprison him.

      The soldiers also abducted Ala’ Tarifi, who owns the Taxi company, when he tried to ask about Saleh’s condition.

    • B’Tselem investigation: al-Barghouthi was shot point-blank
      Jan. 31, 2019 12:01 P.M. (Updated: Jan. 31, 2019 12:01 P.M.)

      JERUSALEM (Ma’an) — An investigation by B’Tselem found that, contrary to official Israeli statements, Saleh al-Barghouthi did not try to flee or run anyone over, nor could he have tried: two security vehicles were blocking the taxi he was driving at either end, and he was surrounded by some 10 security personnel who shot him point-blank – an operation resembling an extrajudicial killing. Official attempts to sanction the killing in retrospect ensure no one will be held accountable.

      A statement on the investigation said that “On 12 December 2018, at around 6:30 P.M., two Israeli security vehicles blocked the path of a taxi driving along the main road of Surda, a Palestinian village in Ramallah District. Driving the taxi was Saleh al-Barghouthi, 28, husband and father of a 5-year-old boy from the village of Kobar, which lies north of Ramallah. About ten personnel, including Special Police Unit officers, got out of the vehicles, surrounded the taxi and shot al-Barghouthi point-blank. They then pulled the wounded al-Barghouthi out of the taxi, handcuffed him and drove away with him. The IDF notified the family that al-Barghouthi had been critically injured in the incident and died in hospital. According to the Shin Bet (ISA), al-Barghouthi, who was an operative with Hamas’ military wing, was suspected of involvement in the drive-by shooting that took place on 9 December 2018 at the hitch-hiking post near the settlement of Ofra, north of Ramallah. Seven Israelis were injured in the attack, including Shira Ish-Ran, who was seven months pregnant and delivered of her baby in hospital. The baby boy, Amiad Israel Ish-Ran, died three days later.” (...)

  • Des Israéliens blessés par balles en Cisjordanie (armée)

    Jérusalem - Plusieurs Israéliens ont été blessés par balles dimanche dans une attaque près de la colonie d’Ofra, dans le nord de la Cisjordanie occupée, a annoncé l’armée israélienne dans un communiqué.

    Parmi les victimes, une femme enceinte a été grièvement blessée, selon une porte-parole d’un hôpital de Jérusalem.

    « Les tirs ont été effectués à partir d’une voiture palestinienne en direction de civils qui se trouvaient à une station de bus », a indiqué l’armée.

    « Des soldats ont tiré en direction de la voiture qui s’est éloignée et les forces de sécurité poursuivent le véhicule », a-t-elle ajouté dans le communiqué.

    • In video - 7 Israeli settlers injured in shooting near Ofra settlement
      Dec. 10, 2018 10:13 A.M. (Updated: Dec. 10, 2018 12:48 P.M.)

      RAMALLAH (Ma’an) — Seven Israeli settlers were injured, on Sunday evening, during a drive-by shooting near the illegal Israeli settlement of Ofra, in the central occupied West Bank district of Ramallah.

      According to Hebrew-language news outlets, a speeding vehicle opened fire towards a group of Israeli settlers, who were waiting at a bus stop, injuring seven of them.

      Among the seven injured was a 21-year-old pregnant woman, who was in critical condition and underwent surgery, during which the baby was delivered prematurely in an emergency procedure.
      Additionally, Israeli Justice Minister, Ayelet Shaked, called on Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu to legalize the illegal settlement of Ofra following the shooting that occurred in the area.

  • Paris demande la levée du blocus israélien imposé à Gaza -

    Le Premier ministre français Edouard Philippe a appelé vendredi à la « levée du blocus israélien » imposé à la bande de Gaza ainsi qu’à la réconciliation des deux mouvements palestiniens rivaux. « Il n’y aura pas de paix sans une solution durable pour Gaza, qui passe par la réconciliation interpalestinienne et par la levée du blocus israélien », a-t-il déclaré à l’issue d’un entretien avec le Premier ministre palestinien Rami Hamdallah. (...)

    • Palestine signs 10 cooperation agreements with France
      Dec. 8, 2018 11:01 A.M. (Updated: Dec. 8, 2018 12:27 P.M.)

      RAMALLAH (Ma’an) — Palestine and France signed 10 cooperation agreements, on Friday, during a visit by Palestinian Prime Minister Rami Hamdallah to Paris and his meeting with his French counterpart, Edouard Philippe.

      Palestinian Foreign Minister Riyad al-Malki, along with his French counterpart, Jean-Yves Le Drian, signed 10 cooperation agreements in education, budget, local governance, civil defense, environment, water, agriculture and developing the private sector.

      Meanwhile, Hamdallah attended a joint press conference with Philippe, where he thanked France for its support for Palestine and its support for the two-state solution.

      Hamdallah said, "As I expressed in our discussions with Prime Minister Philippe today, we are grateful for the French positions which demonstrate strong commitments to deepen and develop our partnership and cooperation and I would like to emphasize that this is also our commitment.”

      He said that the meeting of the joint French-Palestinian ministerial committee in Paris is important for promoting cooperation between their two countries and its peoples.

      Hamdallah said that French support was vital for developing the Palestinian economy and strengthening government institutions through capacity building, particularly in areas such as health, education, agricultural and water, among others.

  • Comment le plus grand festival de films de Palestine défie les murs, les barrages routiers et le manque de moyens
    6 décembre | Melanie Goodfellow pour Screen Daily | Traduction Michel Basileo

    Comment créer un festival national du film dans un pays morcelé et étouffé par le manque de financement ? Screen Daily rend visite aux « Palestine Cinema Days ».

    La cinquième édition des « Palestine Cinema Days » - le plus grand festival de cinéma de Palestine - s’est déroulée en octobre avec un programme généreux de projections de 60 titres, réparties dans les villes de Ramallah, Bethléem et Naplouse, ainsi qu’à Jérusalem et dans la Bande de Gaza déchirée par une situation conflictuelle.

    L’événement a été lancé par le Filmlab Palestine de Ramallah en 2014 afin d’encourager les jeunes Palestiniens à s’emparer du cinéma pour témoigner de leur vécu, de construire une structure de production et de promouvoir une culture du cinéma. « Les Palestiniens ont principalement accès au cinéma par le biais de chaînes de télévision par satellite, qui ont tendance à diffuser des films commerciaux hollywoodiens », explique Hanna Atallah, directeur artistique du Filmlab Palestine. « Au début, il n’y avait q’une poignée d’invités, principalement nos amis. Nous leur disions : "Viens, puis fais marcher le bouche à oreille." »

    L’édition de cette année accueillait les deuxièmes Rencontres du Film Palestinien (PFM), animées par le cinéaste Muayad Alayan, qui a récemment réalisé le film « The reports on Sarah and Saleem » plusieurs fois primé. Ces rencontres présentaient des projets de longs métrages locaux, dont sept avaient participé à un atelier proposé par « l’European Audiovisual Entrepreneurs » (EAVE) organisé à Ramallah en mars dernier. (...)


  • Territoires palestiniens occupés : des journalistes internationaux malmenés
    RFI - Publié le 18-11-2018 - Avec notre correspondante à Ramallah,Marine Vlahovic

    La Fédération internationale des journalistes, qui représente plus de 180 syndicats et 600 000 journalistes dans le monde entier, tient ce week-end une réunion de son comité exécutif à Ramallah, la capitale de l’Autorité palestinienne. Au cours d’une manifestation samedi 17 novembre pour demander la liberté de circulation, la délégation a été accueillie par des nuages de gaz lacrymogènes aux abords du checkpoint israélien de Qalandiya. Une agression inacceptable pour cette fédération et qui illustre les conditions de travail difficiles pour les journalistes locaux dans les Territoires palestiniens occupés.

    Munis de leur seule carte de presse que les journalistes se sont dirigés vers le checkpoint de Qalandiya, l’un des plus importants barrages militaires israéliens de Cisjordanie occupée, avant d’être accueillis par une salve de grenades lacrymogènes, sans aucune sommation de l’armée.

    Une agression physique « gratuite », dénonce le Belge Philippe Leruth, président de la Fédération internationale des journalistes : « Nous étions une trentaine, et nous avancions pacifiquement. On criait certains slogans comme "Liberté de la presse", "Les journalistes ne sont pas des terroristes", etc. J’ai couvert beaucoup de manifestations, et d’habitude la police intervient et dit :"Vous arrêtez, vous n’allez pas plus loin". Ici, pas du tout, on a entendu des détonations et les premières explosions de gaz lacrymogènes se sont produites. Depuis très longtemps les journalistes palestiniens nous informent de ce qu’ils vivent, mais quand vous l’expérimentez sur le terrain ça prend un tout autre relief. »(...)

  • » Palestinian Dies From Serious Wounds He Suffered Two Weeks Ago Near Ramallah
    IMEMC News - November 11, 2018 3:47 AM

    The Palestinian Health Ministry in Ramallah, in central West Bank, has reported that a young man died, Saturday, from serious wounds he suffered two weeks earlier, when Israeli soldiers fired live rounds at Palestinians, protesting the illegal annexation of their lands, near Ramallah.

    The Palestinian, identified as Mohammad Ibrahim Shreiteh , 28, was from al-Mazra’a al-Gharbiyya village, northwest of Ramallah.

    He suffered a serious injury on October 26, 2018, when the soldiers attacked nonviolent protesters marching in the an-Na’lan area, against the illegal annexation of their lands, especially since the soldiers and colonialist settlers are trying to confiscate large areas, including public park.

    The Ministry said Shreiteh shot with a live round in the head, and also sustained in the chest and limbs.


  • Violin maker in #Palestine brings sweet sounds to troubled landscape | World news | The Guardian

    t is said that the hardest thing you can do with a violin is play Paganini.

    But for Palestine’s foremost luthier, fixing instruments in refugee camps and using music to bring people together in a divided region comes a close second.

    Shehada Shalalda, 28, is thought to be the only professional sanie kaman, or violin maker, in Palestine. The other luthiers in Palestine specialise in Arab instruments.

    Thirteen years ago he was an unremarkable high school student growing up in the old quarter of Ramallah when he heard the aching strains of a single violin wafting up from a newly-opened music school. He was mesmerised and in that moment his life changed.

    #violon #musique #palestine