#coût

couteau-pyrenees.com coutellerie artisanale catalane Pallares solsona cuisine poche acier forgé - YouTube
▻https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ImNNUq9xJmk

Brèves explications d’affûtage de couteau . C’est pas très dur quand même

#couteau #affûtage #outil
J’ai eu l’explication en direct cet aprem, je poste la vidéo qui va avec pour si j’oublie.

The business of building walls

Thirty years after the fall of the Berlin Wall, Europe is once again known for its border walls. This time Europe is divided not so much by ideology as by perceived fear of refugees and migrants, some of the world’s most vulnerable people.

https://i.imgur.com/b8FDo6k.png https://i.imgur.com/2Bpog4L.png

Who killed the dream of a more open Europe? What gave rise to this new era of walls? There are clearly many reasons – the increasing displacement of people by conflict, repression and impoverishment, the rise of security politics in the wake of 9/11, the economic and social insecurity felt across Europe after the 2008 financial crisis – to name a few. But one group has by far the most to gain from the rise of new walls – the businesses that build them. Their influence in shaping a world of walls needs much deeper examination.

This report explores the business of building walls, which has both fuelled and benefited from a massive expansion of public spending on border security by the European Union (EU) and its member states. Some of the corporate beneficiaries are also global players, tapping into a global market for border security estimated to be worth approximately €17.5 billion in 2018, with annual growth of at least 8% expected in coming years.

▻https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=CAuv1QyP8l0&feature=emb_logo

It is important to look both beyond and behind Europe’s walls and fencing, because the real barriers to contemporary migration are not so much the fencing, but the vast array of technology that underpins it, from the radar systems to the drones to the surveillance cameras to the biometric fingerprinting systems. Similarly, some of Europe’s most dangerous walls are not even physical or on land. The ships, aircrafts and drones used to patrol the Mediterranean have created a maritime wall and a graveyard for the thousands of migrants and refugees who have no legal passage to safety or to exercise their right to seek asylum.

This renders meaningless the European Commission’s publicized statements that it does not fund walls and fences. Commission spokesperson Alexander Winterstein, for example, rejecting Hungary’s request to reimburse half the costs of the fences built on its borders with Croatia and Serbia, said: ‘We do support border management measures at external borders. These can be surveillance measures. They can be border control equipment...But fences, we do not finance’. In other words, the Commission is willing to pay for anything that fortifies a border as long as it is not seen to be building the walls themselves.

This report is a sequel to Building Walls – Fear and securitization in the European Union, co-published in 2018 with Centre Delàs and Stop Wapenhandel, which first measured and identified the walls that criss-cross Europe. This new report focuses on the businesses that have profited from three different kinds of wall in Europe:

The construction companies contracted to build the land walls built by EU member states and the Schengen Area together with the security and technology companies that provide the necessary accompanying technology, equipment and services;

The shipping and arms companies that provide the ships, aircraft, helicopters, drones that underpin Europe’s maritime walls seeking to control migratory flows in the Mediterranean, including Frontex operations, Operation Sophia and Italian operation Mare Nostrum;
And the IT and security companies contracted to develop, run, expand and maintain EU’s systems that monitor the movement of people – such as SIS II (Schengen Information System) and EES (Entry/Exit Scheme) – which underpin Europe’s virtual walls.

Booming budgets

The flow of money from taxpayers to wall-builders has been highly lucrative and constantly growing. The report finds that companies have reaped the profits from at least €900 million spent by EU countries on land walls and fences since the end of the Cold War. The partial data (in scope and years) means actual costs will be at least €1 billion. In addition, companies that provide technology and services that accompany walls have also benefited from some of the steady stream of funding from the EU – in particular the External Borders Fund (€1.7 billion, 2007-2013) and the Internal Security Fund – Borders Fund (€2.76 billion, 2014-2020).

EU spending on maritime walls has totalled at least €676.4 million between 2006 to 2017 (including €534 million spent by Frontex, €28.4 million spent by the EU on Operation Sophia and €114 million spent by Italy on Operation Mare Nostrum) and would be much more if you include all the operations by Mediterranean country coastguards. Total spending on Europe’s virtual wall equalled at least €999.4m between 2000 and 2019. (All these estimates are partial ones because walls are funded by many different funding mechanisms and due to lack of data transparency).

This boom in border budgets is set to grow. Under its budget for the next EU budget cycle (2021–2027) the European Commission has earmarked €8.02 billion to its Integrated Border Management Fund (2021-2027), €11.27bn to Frontex (of which €2.2 billion will be used for acquiring, maintaining and operating air, sea and land assets) and at least €1.9 billion total spending (2000-2027) on its identity databases and Eurosur (the European Border Surveillance System).
The big arm industry players

Three giant European military and security companies in particular play a critical role in Europe’s many types of borders. These are Thales, Leonardo and Airbus.

Thales is a French arms and security company, with a significant presence in the Netherlands, that produces radar and sensor systems, used by many ships in border security. Thales systems, were used, for example, by Dutch and Portuguese ships deployed in Frontex operations. Thales also produces maritime surveillance systems for drones and is working on developing border surveillance infrastructure for Eurosur, researching how to track and control refugees before they reach Europe by using smartphone apps, as well as exploring the use of High Altitude Pseudo Satellites (HAPS) for border security, for the European Space Agency and Frontex. Thales currently provides the security system for the highly militarised port in Calais. Its acquisition in 2019 of Gemalto, a large (biometric) identity security company, makes it a significant player in the development and maintenance of EU’s virtual walls. It has participated in 27 EU research projects on border security.
Italian arms company Leonardo (formerly Finmeccanica or Leonardo-Finmeccanica) is a leading supplier of helicopters for border security, used by Italy in the Mare Nostrum, Hera and Sophia operations. It has also been one of the main providers of UAVs (or drones) for Europe’s borders, awarded a €67.1 million contract in 2017 by the European Maritime Safety Agency (EMSA) to supply them for EU coast-guard agencies. Leonardo was also a member of a consortium, awarded €142.1 million in 2019 to implement and maintain EU’s virtual walls, namely its EES. It jointly owns Telespazio with Thales, involved in EU satellite observation projects (REACT and Copernicus) used for border surveillance. Leonardo has participated in 24 EU research projects on border security and control, including the development of Eurosur.
Pan-European arms giant Airbus is a key supplier of helicopters used in patrolling maritime and some land borders, deployed by Belgium, France, Germany, Greece, Italy, Lithuania and Spain, including in maritime Operations Sophia, Poseidon and Triton. Airbus and its subsidiaries have participated in at least 13 EU-funded border security research projects including OCEAN2020, PERSEUS and LOBOS.
The significant role of these arms companies is not surprising. As Border Wars (2016), showed these companies through their membership of the lobby groups – European Organisation for Security (EOS) and the AeroSpace and Defence Industries Association of Europe (ASD) – have played a significant role in influencing the direction of EU border policy. Perversely, these firms are also among the top four biggest European arms dealers to the Middle East and North Africa, thus contributing to the conflicts that cause forced migration.

Indra has been another significant corporate player in border control in Spain and the Mediterranean. It won a series of contracts to fortify Ceuta and Melilla (Spanish enclaves in northern Morocco). Indra also developed the SIVE border control system (with radar, sensors and vision systems), which is in place on most of Spain’s borders, as well as in Portugal and Romania. In July 2018 it won a €10 million contract to manage SIVE at several locations for two years. Indra is very active in lobbying the EU and is a major beneficiary of EU research funding, coordinating the PERSEUS project to further develop Eurosur and the Seahorse Network, a network between police forces in Mediterranean countries (both in Europe and Africa) to stop migration.

Israeli arms firms are also notable winners of EU border contracts. In 2018, Frontex selected the Heron drone from Israel Aerospace Industries for pilot-testing surveillance flights in the Mediterranean. In 2015, Israeli firm Elbit sold six of its Hermes UAVs to the Switzerland’s Border Guard, in a controversial €230 million deal. It has since signed a UAV contract with the European Maritime Safety Agency (EMSA), as a subcontractor for the Portuguese company CEIIA (2018), as well as contracts to supply technology for three patrol vessels for the Hellenic Coast Guard (2019).
Land wall contractors

Most of the walls and fences that have been rapidly erected across Europe have been built by national construction companies, but one European company has dominated the field: European Security Fencing, a Spanish producer of razor wire, in particular a coiled wire known as concertinas. It is most known for the razor wire on the fences around Ceuta and Melilla. It also delivered the razor wire for the fence on the border between Hungary and Serbia, and its concertinas were installed on the borders between Bulgaria and Turkey and Austria and Slovenia, as well as at Calais, and for a few days on the border between Hungary and Slovenia before being removed. Given its long-term market monopoly, its concertinas are very likely used at other borders in Europe.

Other contractors providing both walls and associated technology include DAT-CON (Croatia, Cyprus, Macedonia, Moldova, Slovenia and Ukraine), Geo Alpinbau (Austria/Slovenia), Indra, Dragados, Ferrovial, Proyectos Y Tecnología Sallén and Eulen (Spain/Morocco), Patstroy Bourgas, Infra Expert, Patengineeringstroy, Geostroy Engineering, Metallic-Ivan Mihaylov and Indra (Bulgaria/Turkey), Nordecon and Defendec (Estonia/Russia), DAK Acélszerkezeti Kft and SIA Ceļu būvniecības sabiedrība IGATE (Latvia/Russia), Gintrėja (Lithuania/Russia), Minis and Legi-SGS(Slovenia/Croatia), Groupe CW, Jackson’s Fencing, Sorhea, Vinci/Eurovia and Zaun Ltd (France/UK).

In many cases, the actual costs of the walls and associated technologies exceed original estimates. There have also been many allegations and legal charges of corruption, in some cases because projects were given to corporate friends of government officials. In Slovenia, for example, accusations of corruption concerning the border wall contract have led to a continuing three-year legal battle for access to documents that has reached the Supreme Court. Despite this, the EU’s External Borders Fund has been a critical financial supporter of technological infrastructure and services in many of the member states’ border operations. In Macedonia, for example, the EU has provided €9 million for patrol vehicles, night-vision cameras, heartbeat detectors and technical support for border guards to help it manage its southern border.
Maritime wall profiteers

The data about which ships, helicopters and aircraft are used in Europe’s maritime operations is not transparent and therefore it is difficult to get a full picture. Our research shows, however, that the key corporations involved include the European arms giants Airbus and Leonardo, as well as large shipbuilding companies including Dutch Damen and Italian Fincantieri.

Damen’s patrol vessels have been used for border operations by Albania, Belgium, Bulgaria, Portugal, the Netherlands, Romania, Sweden and the UK as well as in key Frontex operations (Poseidon, Triton and Themis), Operation Sophia and in supporting NATO’s role in Operation Poseidon. Outside Europe, Libya, Morocco, Tunisia and Turkey use Damen vessels for border security, often in cooperation with the EU or its member states. Turkey’s €20 million purchase of six Damen vessels for its coast guard in 2006, for example, was financed through the EU Instrument contributing to Stability and Peace (IcSP), intended for peace-building and conflict prevention.

The sale of Damen vessels to Libya unveils the potential troubling human costs of this corporate trade. In 2012, Damen supplied four patrol vessels to the Libyan Coast Guard, sold as civil equipment in order to avoid a Dutch arms export license. Researchers have since found out, however, that the ships were not only sold with mounting points for weapons, but were then armed and used to stop refugee boats. Several incidents involving these ships have been reported, including one where some 20 or 30 refugees drowned. Damen has refused to comment, saying it had agreed with the Libyan government not to disclose information about the ships.

In addition to Damen, many national shipbuilders play a significant role in maritime operations as they were invariably prioritised by the countries contributing to each Frontex or other Mediterranean operation. Hence, all the ships Italy contributed to Operation Sophia were built by Fincantieri, while all Spanish ships come from Navantia and its predecessors. Similarly, France purchases from DCN/DCNS, now Naval Group, and all German ships were built by several German shipyards (Flensburger Schiffbau-Gesellschaft, HDW, Lürssen Gruppe). Other companies in Frontex operations have included Greek company, Motomarine Shipyards, which produced the Panther 57 Fast Patrol Boats used by the Hellenic Coast Guard, Hellenic Shipyards and Israel Shipyards.

Austrian company Schiebel is a significant player in maritime aerial surveillance through its supply of S-100 drones. In November 2018, EMSA selected the company for a €24 million maritime surveillance contract for a range of operations including border security. Since 2017, Schiebel has also won contracts from Croatia, Denmark, Iceland, Italy, Portugal and Spain. The company has a controversial record, with its drones sold to a number of countries experiencing armed conflict or governed by repressive regimes such as Libya, Myanmar, the UAE and Yemen.

Finland and the Netherlands deployed Dornier aircraft to Operation Hermes and Operation Poseidon respectively, and to Operation Triton. Dornier is now part of the US subsidiary of the Israeli arms company Elbit Systems. CAE Aviation (Luxembourg), DEA Aviation (UK) and EASP Air (Netherlands) have all received contracts for aircraft surveillance work for Frontex. Airbus, French Dassault Aviation, Leonardo and US Lockheed Martin were the most important suppliers of aircraft used in Operation Sophia.

The EU and its member states defend their maritime operations by publicising their role in rescuing refugees at sea, but this is not their primary goal, as Frontex director Fabrice Leggeri made clear in April 2015, saying that Frontex has no mandate for ‘proactive search-and-rescue action[s]’ and that saving lives should not be a priority. The thwarting and criminalisation of NGO rescue operations in the Mediterranean and the frequent reports of violence and illegal refoulement of refugees, also demonstrates why these maritime operations should be considered more like walls than humanitarian missions.
Virtual walls

The major EU contracts for the virtual walls have largely gone to two companies, sometimes as leaders of a consortium. Sopra Steria is the main contractor for the development and maintenance of the Visa Information System (VIS), Schengen Information System (SIS II) and European Dactyloscopy (Eurodac), while GMV has secured a string of contracts for Eurosur. The systems they build help control, monitor and surveil people’s movements across Europe and increasingly beyond.

Sopra Steria is a French technology consultancy firm that has to date won EU contracts worth a total value of over €150 million. For some of these large contracts Sopra Steria joined consortiums with HP Belgium, Bull and 3M Belgium. Despite considerable business, Sopra Steria has faced considerable criticism for its poor record on delivering projects on time and on budget. Its launch of SIS II was constantly delayed, forcing the Commission to extend contracts and increase budgets. Similarly, Sopra Steria was involved in another consortium, the Trusted Borders consortium, contracted to deliver the UK e-Borders programme, which was eventually terminated in 2010 after constant delays and failure to deliver. Yet it continues to win contracts, in part because it has secured a near-monopoly of knowledge and access to EU officials. The central role that Sopra Steria plays in developing these EU biometric systems has also had a spin-off effect in securing other national contracts, including with Belgium, Bulgaria, Czech Republic, Finland, France, Germany, Romania and Slovenia GMV, a Spanish technology company, has received a succession of large contracts for Eurosur, ever since its testing phase in 2010, worth at least €25 million. It also provides technology to the Spanish Guardia Civil, such as control centres for its Integrated System of External Vigilance (SIVE) border security system as well as software development services to Frontex. It has participated in at least ten EU-funded research projects on border security.

Most of the large contracts for the virtual walls that did not go to consortia including Sopra Steria were awarded by eu-LISA (European Union Agency for the Operational Management of Large-Scale IT Systems in the Area of Freedom, Security and Justice) to consortia comprising computer and technology companies including Accenture, Atos Belgium and Morpho (later renamed Idema).
Lobbying

As research in our Border Wars series has consistently shown, through effective lobbying, the military and security industry has been very influential in shaping the discourse of EU security and military policies. The industry has succeeded in positioning itself as the experts on border security, pushing the underlying narrative that migration is first and foremost a security threat, to be combatted by security and military means. With this premise, it creates a continuous demand for the ever-expanding catalogue of equipment and services the industry supplies for border security and control.

Many of the companies listed here, particularly the large arms companies, are involved in the European Organisation for Security (EOS), the most important lobby group on border security. Many of the IT security firms that build EU’s virtual walls are members of the European Biometrics Association (EAB). EOS has an ‘Integrated Border Security Working Group’ to ‘facilitate the development and uptake of better technology solutions for border security both at border checkpoints, and along maritime and land borders’. The working group is chaired by Giorgio Gulienetti of the Italian arms company Leonardo, with Isto Mattila (Laurea University of Applied Science) and Peter Smallridge of Gemalto, a digital security company recently acquired by Thales.

Company lobbyists and representatives of these lobby organisations regularly meet with EU institutions, including the European Commission, are part of official advisory committees, publish influential proposals, organise meetings between industry, policy-makers and executives and also meet at the plethora of military and security fairs, conferences and seminars. Airbus, Leonardo and Thales together with EOS held 226 registered lobbying meetings with the European Commission between 2014 and 2019. In these meetings representatives of the industry position themselves as the experts on border security, presenting their goods and services as the solution for ‘security threats’ caused by immigration. In 2017, the same group of companies and EOS spent up to €2.65 million on lobbying.

A similar close relationship can be seen on virtual walls, with the Joint Research Centre of the European Commission arguing openly for public policy to foster the ‘emergence of a vibrant European biometrics industry’.
A deadly trade and a choice

The conclusion of this survey of the business of building walls is clear. A Europe full of walls has proved to be very good for the bottom line of a wide range of corporations including arms, security, IT, shipping and construction companies. The EU’s planned budgets for border security for the next decade show it is also a business that will continue to boom.

This is also a deadly business. The heavy militarisation of Europe’s borders on land and at sea has led refugees and migrants to follow far more hazardous routes and has trapped others in desperate conditions in neighbouring countries like Libya. Many deaths are not recorded, but those that are tracked in the Mediterranean show that the proportion of those who drown trying to reach Europe continues to increase each year.

This is not an inevitable state of affairs. It is both the result of policy decisions made by the EU and its member states, and corporate decisions to profit from these policies. In a rare principled stand, German razor wire manufacturer Mutanox in 2015 stated it would not sell its product to the Hungarian government arguing: ‘Razor wire is designed to prevent criminal acts, like a burglary. Fleeing children and adults are not criminals’. It is time for other European politicians and business leaders to recognise the same truth: that building walls against the world’s most vulnerable people violates human rights and is an immoral act that history will judge harshly. Thirty years after the fall of the Berlin Wall, it is time for Europe to bring down its new walls.

►https://www.tni.org/en/businessbuildingwalls

#business #murs #barrières_frontalières #militarisation_des_frontières #visualisation #Europe #UE #EU #complexe_militaro-industriel #Airbus #Leonardo #Thales #Indra #Israel_Aerospace_Industries #Elbit #European_Security_Fencing #DAT-CON #Geo_Alpinbau #Dragados #Ferrovial, #Proyectos_Y_Tecnología_Sallén #Eulen #Patstroy_Bourgas #Infra_Expert #Patengineeringstroy #Geostroy_Engineering #Metallic-Ivan_Mihaylov #Nordecon #Defendec #DAK_Acélszerkezeti_Kft #SIA_Ceļu_būvniecības_sabiedrība_IGATE #Gintrėja #Minis #Legi-SGS #Groupe_CW #Jackson’s_Fencing #Sorhea #Vinci #Eurovia #Zaun_Ltd #Damen #Fincantieri #Frontex #Damen #Turquie #Instrument_contributing_to_Stability_and_Peace (#IcSP) #Libye #exernalisation #Operation_Sophia #Navantia #Naval_Group #Flensburger_Schiffbau-Gesellschaft #HDW #Lürssen_Gruppe #Motomarine_Shipyards #Panther_57 #Hellenic_Shipyards #Israel_Shipyards #Schiebel #Dornier #Operation_Hermes #CAE_Aviation #DEA_Aviation #EASP_Air #French_Dassault_Aviation #US_Lockheed_Martin #murs_virtuels #Sopra_Steria #Visa_Information_System (#VIS) #données #Schengen_Information_System (#SIS_II) #European_Dactyloscopy (#Eurodac) #GMV #Eurosur #HP_Belgium #Bull #3M_Belgium #Trusted_Borders_consortium #économie #biométrie #Integrated_System_of_External_Vigilance (#SIVE) #eu-LISA #Accenture #Atos_Belgium #Morpho #Idema #lobby #European_Organisation_for_Security (#EOS) #European_Biometrics_Association (#EAB) #Integrated_Border_Security_Working_Group #Giorgio_Gulienetti #Isto_Mattila #Peter_Smallridge #Gemalto #murs_terrestres #murs_maritimes #coût #chiffres #statistiques #Joint_Research_Centre_of_the_European_Commission #Mutanox

Pour télécharger le #rapport :

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déjà signalé par @odilon ici :
▻https://seenthis.net/messages/809783
Je le remets ici avec des mots clé de plus

ping @daphne @marty @isskein @karine4

Flexibiliser le travail et produire des vies illégales

En France, l’#ubérisation trouve des ressources dans les migrations. Ce phénomène est ici analysé et décrit par un ressortissant de Guinée qui vit à Grenoble depuis 2016, co-auteur d’une recherche-création entre géographie, art et droit.

Si les migrations vers l’Europe et la France occupent les discours politiques et médiatiques, leurs modalités d’exploitation par le travail y sont bien moins évoquées. Les vies rendues illégales constituent une réserve de #main-d’œuvre exploitable et hyperflexible, dans un contexte précisément de flexibilisation et d’ubérisation du travail, notamment par le développement des applis de VTC ou de #livraison. Dans leurs travaux portant sur les liens entre migrations et travail, Sandro Mezzadra et Brett Neilson précisent que « la flexibilité, qui fabrique de la #précarité, est devenue la norme », tandis que les migrations forment « un terrain crucial d’expérimentation pour de nouvelles formes de "capture" du travail ».

Cette exploitation du travail en #France, de vies rendues illégales, s’inscrit dans des formes d’exploitations plus larges de la force de travail, notamment d’entreprises européennes et françaises en Guinée pour l’extraction de ressources minières, qui entraînent des destructions sociales et environnementales et des migrations. Autrement dit, les liens entre migrations et exploitation de la force de travail se comprennent depuis un continuum qui dépasse très largement les frontières nationales, et s’inscrit dans des rapports en grande partie hérités de la #colonisation.

#Pathé_Diallo, ressortissant de Guinée qui réside à Grenoble depuis 2016, décrit cette relation entre migration, exploitation et ubérisation dans le cadre d’une œuvre de création et de recherche intitulée Bureau des dépositions (1), à laquelle participent plusieurs géographes.

« C’est un cercle vicieux »

« Les Etats font exprès de ne pas délivrer des papiers à tout le monde pour que d’autres puissent exploiter les #sans-papiers dans des conditions difficiles, sur certains #chantiers ou dans les sites touristiques de ski en montagne, ou dans les travaux de #ménage. Depuis quelques mois à Grenoble, des personnes exploitées et sans papiers font de la #livraison de nourriture sur des #vélos. Ils sont mal payés et la cible de #Uber et des Etats, qui autorisent que le #droit_du_travail soit réduit à rien. C’est comme si les personnes donnaient toute leur énergie pour ne rien avoir.

« C’est comme dans le domaine de la #sécurité. Dans la sécurité, c’est 12 voire 15 euros de l’heure pour la nuit. Celui qui te sous-traite va te payer 7 ou 8 euros par heure. Toi tu es sur le terrain. C’est parfois mieux que rester toute la journée à ne rien faire. Dans l’attente des papiers, beaucoup deviennent fous. Etre exploité devient préférable pour ne pas rester assis, passer toute la journée sans rien faire pendant des années, sans savoir quand le papier viendra. Ce sont les Etats et les entreprises qui se servent de la #main-d’œuvre qui sont responsables, en n’autorisant pas à travailler. C’est un #cercle_vicieux : pour se régulariser, il faut du travail ; pour avoir du travail, il faut des papiers.

« Créer un syndicat sans-papiers permettrait de réduire le taux de chômage. En France, la #clandestinisation des travailleurs permet de réduire le #coût_du_travail, aux bénéfices des patrons et de leurs sous-traitants qui ainsi échappent à l’impôt.

« Il faut respecter l’homme. C’est l’homme qui fait le papier, pas le papier qui fait l’homme.

« L’exploitation des sans-papiers en Europe entre en écho avec l’exploitation de la main-d’œuvre dans les #mines en #Guinée. Ce sont les mêmes personnes qui exploitent et ce sont les mêmes personnes qui sont exploitées. Un mineur d’or ou de bauxite, en Guinée, peut parvenir à rejoindre la France pour travailler dans des conditions plus précaires encore que la mine. Dans les mines, les patrons sont souvent étrangers. Tout ce qui est exploitable en Guinée est exporté en tant que matière première à l’extérieur : Canada, Etats-Unis, pays d’Europe, comme la France, l’Allemagne… Dans la mine, il y a beaucoup de pollution, qui entraîne des maladies : sinusite, cancer du foie… La poussière mélangée aux produits chimiques crée des colonnes de plusieurs kilomètres, ce qui pollue les cours d’eau. L’eau est puisée par les populations. Les employés des mines ne sont pas bien payés. »

https://medias.liberation.fr/photo/1243491-afp_1jg5o0jpg.jpg?modified_at=1570026937&width=960#.jpg

ping @albertocampiphoto @reka @karine4

Il #business dell’accoglienza? Non è quello che immaginate

Il business dell’accoglienza non è quel di cui hanno parlato per anni alcuni esponenti politici che oggi fanno parte della maggioranza di governo. Non esattamente. O meglio, con il passare dei mesi scopriamo che fare affari sulla pelle dei migranti, a prescindere da quanto questi siano accolti in maniera dignitosa, potrebbe poi non essere qualcosa di riprovevole per il governo in carica. Partiamo da lontano e poi scopriamo perché.

Nel 1979, negli Stati Uniti, una legge legalizzò la possibilità di affidare le carceri in appalto a privati. Il primo Stato ad approfittarne fu il Texas nel 1989, gli Stati che avevano approvato una qualche forma di privatizzazione erano trenta e i detenuti rinchiusi in carceri private erano diventati 140mila. Gli ultimi dati disponibili sul sito del Bureau of Justice statistics indicano come nel 2011 le persone rinchiuse in carceri private fossero l’8,2% del totale del quasi milione e seicentomila detenuti negli Stati Uniti contro il 7,9 dell’anno precedente – 6,7% del totale dei carcerati statali e 18% di quelli federali. Negli Usa le carceri private ha significato cosi più alti, condizioni di detenzione peggiori e anche tassi di incarcerazione più alti – per delle ragioni collegate direttamente al sistema degli appalti. Ma fermiamoci qua, che quello degli Stati Uniti è solo un esempio e qui parliamo di Italia ed Europa.

Cosa c’entra tutto questo con l’Italia, l’immigrazione e il razzismo? Semplice: la nuova concezione del sistema di accoglienza delle persone che chiedono asilo nel nostro Paese, quelle in attesa di sapere che destino avranno, quelle in attesa di essere identificate (e così via) sembra richiamare il sistema di detenzione privato americano, appaltato a soggetti privati. Questo almeno è quanto spiega bene un dossier pubblicato dal periodico Valori nel quale si racconta della potenziale cessione a multinazionali del sistema di accoglienza. Spieghiamo citando Valori:

Il giro di vite governativo sul sistema di accoglienza di migranti, rifugiati e richiedenti asilo imposto dal Decreto Sicurezza ha già prodotto un sicuro vincitore: il gruppo privato elvetico ORS. La società, controllata dal private equity londinese Equistone Partners, gestisce da anni decine di centri per migranti in Svizzera, Austria e Germania e il 22 agosto scorso ha annunciato ufficialmente il suo arrivo in Italia. Il contesto legale plasmato da Matteo Salvini non potrebbe essere più favorevole. Il drastico ridimensionamento del sistema Sprar in favore dei CAS, gestiti dai privati, rappresenta un’occasione troppo ghiotta. Grandi centri di massa, improntati al risparmio (almeno in apparenza) e orientati al profitto.

La società lavora in Austria, dove però il governo in carica sta pensando di riassumere in house il sistema di accoglienza per due ragioni: appaltare fa diminuire i costi per persona ma fa crescere quelli complessivi e l’accoglienza è di pessimo livello. I centri gestiti da ORS sono infatti spesso sovraffollati e in un caso questo ha portato a una denuncia da parte di Amnesty International. Nel 2015 a Traiskirchen, centro pensato per 1800 persone, ne dormivano 4500, alcuni all’aperto. In Germania e Norvegia operano invece la Homecare e la Hero Norge AS, che a loro volta hanno visto calare i profitti (per ragioni collegate alla chiusura della rotta balcanica) e che neppure sono nuove a scandali. Ospiti della Homecare sono morti durante risse e altri hanno denunciato maltrattamenti. Trentuno dipendenti sono sotto processo in Renania.

Il modello, insomma, non è dei migliori. Anzi: non c’è luogo del pianeta dove la privatizzazione del sistema carcerario o di accoglienza abbia generato risparmi o una maggiore qualità del servizio. Di solito, vale negli Stati Uniti come in Austria, succede che queste società abbiano una grande capacità di condizionare le scelte politiche. Negli Stati Uniti investendo pesantemente in lobbying, in Austria offrendo lavoro ad ex politici dei partiti di governo.

Torniamo all’Italia. Perché Valori avverte del pericolo che sistemi come quello austriaco vengano adottati da noi? In parte abbiamo risposto con la citazione qui sopra: la ORS ha aperto una sede legale nel nostro Paese. E la ragione risiede nella riorganizzazione del sistema di accoglienza voluta dal governo. La chiusura dei CARA (Centri di accoglienza per richiedenti asilo) come Castelnuovo di Porto e l’abolizione del permesso di protezione umanitaria, che ha generato (e genererà) l’espulsione dalle strutture di accoglienza di migliaia di persone non è frutto della voglia di migliorare i servizi o di colpire quello che viene definito “il business dei rifugiati”. Probabilmente una parte degli ospiti dei CARA che ne hanno titolo verranno inviati negli Sprar che nel frattempo vengono svuotati da chi, grazie al Decreto sicurezza, non ha più le carte in regola per risiedervi.

Obbiettivo del Decreto sicurezza è quello di avere dei centri grandi, non pensati per l’integrazione e l’accoglienza ma semplicemente come parcheggi di persone che sono in attesa di conoscere il loro destino. Che, nella mente di chi ha concepito le nuove leggi, sono per la maggior parte dei millantatori che dicono di aver diritto allo status di rifugiato pur essendo migranti economici. La conseguenza è che questi non necessitano di servizi volti a facilitare l’inclusione sociale, perché nella maggior parte finiranno con l’essere espulsi. Falso, ma utile a distruggere un sistema di accoglienza diffusa, quello degli Sprar, che stava lentamente cominciando a funzionare. I nuovi centri saranno quindi, leggiamo ancora sul dossier di Valori (e abbiamo scritto varie volte anche noi):

Più grandi, senza gare pubbliche e con un sistema che, pur avendo costi medi inferiori, farà spendere di più allo Stato. E per i migranti non ci sarà alcun obiettivo di integrazione e un destino certo di emarginazione sociale. Saranno così i centri di “accoglienza” versione Salvini: il ministro degli Interni punta a renderli sempre più simili a strutture di detenzione. Ma il nuovo sistema costerà meno alle casse pubbliche? Basta leggere i numeri ufficiali per dire di no. Nelle strutture del Sistema di Protezione per i Richiedenti Asilo e Rifugiati (il cosiddetto SPRAR), mediamente, un migrante costa circa 6.300 euro per i 6 mesi in cui mediamente resta in uno SPRAR. In un Centro di Accoglienza Straordinaria (i cosiddetti CAS) da 10 a 14mila. A rivelarlo sono i documenti ufficiali depositati dall’Associazione Nazionale Comuni Italiani (ANCI) alla commissione Affari Costituzionali della Camera.

Con la possibile gestione dell’accoglienza da parte dei grandi privati il business dell’accoglienza è dunque destinato a crescere, non a diminuire. Non solo, gli scandali che in questi anni hanno investito le organizzazioni che gestivano i centri, svelando corruzione e cattivi servizi, sono in buona parte colpa dello Stato. Perché? Perché spesso le assegnazioni sono state fatte ad affidamento diretto, senza gara, e perché le prefetture non facevano controlli. Non solo: i tempi di permanenza dovuti ai tempi lunghi di esame delle domande di asilo, ha reso più lunga la permanenza nei centri dei richiedenti asilo e, di conseguenza, fa crescere i costi. Anche da questo punto di vista, insomma, il Decreto sicurezza non è buono. Non per i migranti e i richiedenti asilo, non per i diritti umani e neppure per le casse pubbliche e la lotta alla corruzione.

http://www.cronachediordinariorazzismo.org/wp-content/uploads/Schermata-2019-02-04-alle-17.59.32.png

ping @isskein

Fewer asylum seekers paid welfare benefits in Germany

The number of asylum seekers receiving benefits decreased considerably in 2018. According to the Federal Statistical Office of Germany, the number went down by 12%.

A total of 411,000 asylum seekers were making use of asylum benefits by the end of 2018 — 58,000 fewer people than was the case at the end of 2017. In 2015, at the height of the so-called refugee crisis, those receiving asylum benefit had reached nearly a million.

In addition to fewer recipients, the overall expenses incurred by the government in relation to asylum seekers’ benefit also declined. Germany spent less than 4.87 billion euros on asylum seekers in 2018, which marks a fall of 17% in total. Furthermore, the state also benefited from recouping over 200 million euros in refunded benefits which had previously been distributed.

▻https://www.infomigrants.net/en/post/19538/fewer-asylum-seekers-paid-welfare-benefits-in-germany
#welfare_state #Allemagne #réfugiés #asile #migrations #statistiques #chiffres #Etat_providence #coût #bénéfice #économie

ping @_kg_

Les universités suisses paient 70 millions aux éditeurs scientifiques, mais veulent les faire plier

Les institutions suisses dépensent plus de 70 millions de francs par an pour accéder aux articles publiés dans les revues scientifiques. Alors que l’open access gagne du terrain, la mainmise des éditeurs commerciaux sur la diffusion de travaux de recherche est toujours plus contestée. Universités, bibliothèques et chercheurs se sont alliés pour négocier avec les grandes maisons d’édition. Mais à peine lancées, les discussions prennent déjà du retard.

Pourquoi c’est important. Les trois principaux éditeurs scientifiques, #Elsevier, #Wiley et #Springer Nature, publient des milliers de revues, parmi lesquelles certaines des plus prestigieuses : Cell, The Lancet, Nature. Ils bénéficient d’un #monopole sur leurs produits qui leur permet d’imposer des augmentations annuelles de prix de l’ordre de 4% à 8%. Une situation difficilement tenable pour leurs abonnés qui essaient tant bien que mal de contenir ces coûts.

▻https://www.heidi.news/articles/les-universites-suisses-paient-70-millions-aux-editeurs-scientifiques-mais-v
#édition_scientifique #université #savoir #prix #coût #science
#paywall

Ventimiglia : sempre più caro e pericoloso il viaggio dei migranti al confine Italia-Francia

Confine Francia-Italia: migranti fermati, bloccati, respinti

I respingimenti sono stati monitorati uno ad uno dagli attivisti francesi del collettivo della Val Roja “#Kesha_Niya” (“No problem” in lingua curda) e dagli italiani dell’associazione Iris, auto organizzati e che si danno il cambio in staffette da quattro anni a Ventimiglia per denunciare gli abusi.

Dalle 9 del mattino alle 20 di sera si piazzano lungo la frontiera alta di #Ponte_San_Luigi, con beni alimentari e vestiti destinati alle persone che hanno tentato di attraversare il confine in treno o a piedi. Migranti che sono stati bloccati, hanno passato la notte in un container di 15 metri quadrati e infine abbandonati al mattino lungo la strada di 10 km, i primi in salita, che porta all’ultima città della Liguria.

Una pratica, quella dei container, che le ong e associazioni Medecins du Monde, Anafé, Oxfam, WeWorld e Iris hanno denunciato al procuratore della Repubblica di Nizza con un dossier il 16 luglio. Perché le persone sono trattenute fino a 15 ore senza alcuna contestazione di reato, in un Paese – la Francia – dove il Consiglio di Stato ha stabilito come “ragionevole” la durata di quattro ore per il fermo amministrativo e la privazione della libertà senza contestazioni. Dall’inizio dell’anno i casi sono 18 mila, scrive il Fatto Quotidiano che cita dati del Viminale rilasciati dopo la richiesta di accesso civico fatta dall’avvocata Alessandra Ballerini.

Quando sia nato Sami – faccia da ragazzino sveglio – è poco importante. Più importante è che il suo primo permesso di soggiorno in Europa lo ha avuto a metà anni Duemila. All’età di 10 anni. Lo mostra. È un documento sloveno. A quasi 20 anni di distanza è ancora ostaggio di quei meccanismi.

A un certo punto è stato riportato in Algeria – o ci è tornato autonomamente – e da lì ha ottenuto un visto per la Turchia e poi la rotta balcanica a piedi. Per provare a tornare nel cuore del Vecchio Continente. Sami prende un foglio e disegna le tappe che ha attraversato lungo la ex Jugoslavia. Lui è un inguaribile ottimista. Ci riproverà la sera stessa convinto di farcela.

Altri sono in preda all’ansia di non riuscire. Come Sylvester, nigeriano dell’Edo State, vestito a puntino nel tentativo di farsi passare da turista sui treni delle Sncf – le ferrovie francesi. È regolare in Italia. Ha il permesso di soggiorno per motivi umanitari, oggi abolito da Salvini e non più rinnovabile.

«Devo arrivare in Germania perché mi aspetta un lavoro come operaio. Ma devo essere lì entro ottobre. Ho già provato dal Brennero. Come faccio a passare?», chiede insistentemente.

Ventimiglia: le nuove rotte della migrazione

Il flusso a Ventimiglia è cambiato. Rispetto ai tunisini del 2011, ai sudanesi del 2015, ma anche rispetto all’estate del 2018. Nessuno, o quasi, arriva dagli sbarchi salvo sporadici casi, mostrando plasticamente una volta di più come la cosiddetta crisi migratoria in Europa può cambiare attori ma non la trama. Oggi sono tre i canali principali: rotta balcanica; fuoriusciti dai centri di accoglienza in Italia in seguito alle leggi del governo Conte e ai tagli da 35 a 18-21 euro nei bandi di gare delle Prefetture; persone con la protezione umanitaria in scadenza che non lavorano e non possono convertire il permesso di soggiorno. Questa la situazione in uscita.

In entrata dalla Francia si assiste al corto circuito del confine. Parigi non si fida dell’Italia, pensa che non vengano prese le impronte digitali secondo Dublino e inserite nel sistema #Eurodac. Perciò respinge tutti senza badare ai dettagli, almeno via treno. Incluse persone con i documenti che devono andare nelle ambasciate francesi del loro Paese perché sono le uniche autorizzate a rilasciare i passaporti.

Irregolari di lungo periodo bloccati in Italia

In mezzo ci finiscono anche irregolari di lungo periodo Oltralpe che vengono “rastrellati” a Lione o Marsiglia e fatti passare per nuovi arrivi. Nel calderone finisce anche Jamal: nigeriano con una splendida voce da cantante, da nove mesi in Francia con un permesso di soggiorno come richiedente asilo e in attesa di essere sentito dalla commissione. Lo hanno fermato gli agenti a Breil, paesotto di 2 mila anime di confine, nella valle della Roja sulle Alpi Marittime. Hanno detto che i documenti non bastavano e lo hanno espulso.

Da settimane gli attivisti italiani fanno il diavolo a quattro con gli avvocati francesi per farlo rientrare. Ogni giorno spunta un cavillo diverso: dichiarazioni di ospitalità, pec da inviare contemporaneamente alle prefetture competenti delle due nazioni. Spesso non servono i muri, basta la burocrazia.

Italia-Francia: passaggi più difficili e costosi per i migranti

Come è scontato che sia, il “proibizionismo” in frontiera non ha bloccato i passaggi. Li ha solo resi più difficili e costosi, con una sorta di selezione darwiniana su base economica. In stazione a Ventimiglia bastano due ore di osservazione da un tavolino nel bar all’angolo della piazza per comprendere alcune superficiali dinamiche di tratta delle donne e passeurs. Che a pagamento portano chiunque in Francia in automobile. 300 euro a viaggio.

Ci sono strutture organizzate e altri che sono “scafisti di terra” improvvisati, magari per arrotondare. Come è sempre stato in questa enclave calabrese nel nord Italia, cuore dei traffici illeciti già negli anni Settanta con gli “spalloni” di sigarette.

Sono i numeri in città a dire che i migranti transitato, anche se pagando. Nel campo Roja gestito dalla Croce Rossa su mandato della Prefettura d’Imperia – l’unico rimasto dopo gli sgomberi di tutti gli accampamenti informali – da gennaio ci sono stabilmente tra le 180 e le 220 persone. Turn over quasi quotidiano in città di 20 che escono e 20 che entrano, di cui un minore.

Le poche ong che hanno progetti aperti sul territorio frontaliero sono Save The Children, WeWorld e Diaconia Valdese (Oxfam ha lasciato due settimane fa), oltre allo sportello Caritas locale per orientamento legale e lavorativo. 78 minori non accompagnati da Pakistan, Bangladesh e Somalia sono stati trasferiti nel Siproimi, il nuovo sistema Sprar. Il 6 e il 12 luglio, all’una del pomeriggio, sono partiti due pullman con a bordo 15 e 10 migranti rispettivamente in direzione dell’hotspot di Taranto. È stato trasferito per errore anche un richiedente asilo a cui la polizia ha pagato il biglietto di ritorno, secondo fonti locali.

Questi viaggi sono organizzati da Riviera Trasporti, l’azienda del trasporto pubblico locale di Imperia e Sanremo da anni stabilmente con i conti in rosso e che tampona le perdite anche grazie al servizio taxi per il ministero dell’Interno: 5 mila euro a viaggio in direzione dei centri di identificazione voluti dall’agenda Europa nel 2015 per differenziare i richiedenti asilo dai cosiddetti “migranti economici”.
A Ventimiglia vietato parlare d’immigrazione oggi

A fine maggio ha vinto le elezioni comunali Gaetano Scullino per la coalizione di centrodestra, subentrando all’uscente Pd Enrico Ioculano, oggi consigliere di opposizione. Nel 2012, quando già Scullino era sindaco, il Comune era stato sciolto per mafia per l’inchiesta “La Svolta” in cui il primo cittadino era accusato di concorso esterno. Lui era stato assolto in via definitiva e a sorpresa riuscì a riconquistare il Comune.

La nuova giunta non vuole parlare di immigrazione. A Ventimiglia vige un’ideologia. Quella del decoro e dei grandi lavori pubblici sulla costa. C’è da completare il 20% del porto di “Cala del Forte”, quasi pronto per accogliere i natanti.

«Sono 178 i posti barca per yacht da 6,5 a oltre 70 metri di lunghezza – scrive la stampa del Ponente ligure – Un piccolo gioiello, firmato Monaco Ports, che trasformerà la baia di Ventimiglia in un’oasi di lusso e ricchezza. E se gli ormeggi sono già andati a ruba, in vendita nelle agenzie immobiliari c’è il complesso residenziale di lusso che si affaccerà sull’approdo turistico. Quarantaquattro appartamenti con vista sul mare che sorgeranno vicino a un centro commerciale con boutique, ristoranti, bar e un hotel». Sui migranti si dice pubblicamente soltanto che nessun info point per le persone in transito è necessario perché «sono pochi e non serve».

Contemporaneamente abbondano le prese di posizione politiche della nuova amministrazione locale per istituire il Daspo urbano, modificando il regolamento di polizia locale per adeguarsi ai due decreti sicurezza voluti dal ministro Salvini. Un Daspo selettivo, solo per alcune aree della città. Facile immaginare quali. Tolleranza zero – si legge – contro accattonaggio, improperi, bivacchi e attività di commercio abusivo. Escluso – forse – quello stesso commercio abusivo in mano ai passeurs che libera la città dai migranti.

▻https://www.osservatoriodiritti.it/2019/07/24/ventimiglia-migranti-oggi-bloccati-respinti-francia-situazione/amp
#coût #prix #frontières #asile #migrations #Vintimille #réfugiés #fermeture_des_frontières #France #Italie #danger #dangerosité #frontière_sud-alpine #push-back #refoulement #Roya #Vallée_de_la_Roya

–----------

Quelques commentaires :

Les « flux » en sortie de l’Italie, qui entrent en France :

Oggi sono tre i canali principali: rotta balcanica; fuoriusciti dai centri di accoglienza in Italia in seguito alle leggi del governo Conte e ai tagli da 35 a 18-21 euro nei bandi di gare delle Prefetture; persone con la protezione umanitaria in scadenza che non lavorano e non possono convertire il permesso di soggiorno. Questa la situazione in uscita.

#route_des_Balkans et le #Decrét_Salvini #Decreto_Salvini #decreto_sicurezza

Pour les personnes qui arrivent à la frontière depuis la France (vers l’Italie) :

In entrata dalla Francia si assiste al corto circuito del confine. Parigi non si fida dell’Italia, pensa che non vengano prese le impronte digitali secondo Dublino e inserite nel sistema Eurodac. Perciò respinge tutti senza badare ai dettagli, almeno via treno. Incluse persone con i documenti che devono andare nelle ambasciate francesi del loro Paese perché sono le uniche autorizzate a rilasciare i passaporti.
(...)
In mezzo ci finiscono anche irregolari di lungo periodo Oltralpe che vengono “rastrellati” a Lione o Marsiglia e fatti passare per nuovi arrivi.

#empreintes_digitales #Eurodac #renvois #expulsions #push-back #refoulement
Et des personnes qui sont arrêtées via des #rafles à #Marseille ou #Lyon —> et qu’on fait passer dans les #statistiques comme des nouveaux arrivants...
#chiffres

Coût du passage en voiture maintenant via des #passeurs : 300 EUR.

Et le #business des renvois de Vintimille au #hotspot de #Taranto :

Il 6 e il 12 luglio, all’una del pomeriggio, sono partiti due pullman con a bordo 15 e 10 migranti rispettivamente in direzione dell’hotspot di Taranto. È stato trasferito per errore anche un richiedente asilo a cui la polizia ha pagato il biglietto di ritorno, secondo fonti locali.

Questi viaggi sono organizzati da #Riviera_Trasporti, l’azienda del trasporto pubblico locale di Imperia e Sanremo da anni stabilmente con i conti in rosso e che tampona le perdite anche grazie al servizio taxi per il ministero dell’Interno: 5 mila euro a viaggio in direzione dei centri di identificazione voluti dall’agenda Europa nel 2015 per differenziare i richiedenti asilo dai cosiddetti “migranti economici”.

–-> l’entreprise de transport reçoit du ministère de l’intérieur 5000 EUR à voyage...

Fées et gestes : #femmes_pyrénéennes, un statut social exceptionnel en Europe
de #Isaure_GRATACOS

https://i.imgur.com/SJUUnjY.png

▻https://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/bpt6k33455636.texteImage
#Pyrénées #livre #statut #femmes #montagne

ping @mad_meg

Référence trouvée dans le numéro zéro de la revue Nunatak :
▻https://seenthis.net/messages/795974

Dans l’#histoire oubliée, celle des femmes l’est à un degré supplémentaire. Il fallut attendre l’ouvrage de la béarnaise Isaure Gratacos en 1987, "Femmes pyrénéennes, un statut social exceptionnel en Europe", pour révéler le rôle fondamental des femmes dans l’ouest pyrénéen, pays de ‘‘l’aînesse absolue’’ où dans la #propriété, la #transmission se faisait par les femmes ‘‘les #aïreteras’’ si une femme était l’aînée. Ce qui en faisait le chef de la maisonnée, et quand elle se mariait, le mari prenait son #nom à elle. Elle siégeait aux assemblées de vallées, avec le même #droit_de_vote que tous les membres. Ainsi ces femmes pyrénéennes votaient depuis des siècles, alors que la France ne connaîtra que le suffrage universel masculin jusqu’à 1945. Ce statut, comme tous les #droits_coutumiers, dégénéra au fil du temps. Cet air de #liberté était sensible dans tous les aspects de la #vie_féminine, et dès la jeunesse. Il faudra l’action combinée à la fin du XIXè siècle de l’#Église et de l’#État, venus tard ici pour venir à bout de pratiques comme les #veillées_amoureuses, les #rites_sexuels dans des lieux déterminés près des villages, les #mariages à l’essai, etc. Isaure Gratacos raconte qu’elle a recueilli des témoignages sur une ‘‘coutume encore pratiquée en #Ariège dans les années 1920’’ : « C’était une #coutume que les jeunes filles se promènent en groupe de 8 ou 10. Elles espéraient rencontrer un jeune homme seul. Les hommes mariés étaient laissé en paix. Même les jeunes hommes du village étaient épargnés. Mais si un étranger se rencontrait dans un endroit solitaire, les jeunes filles se précipitaient sur lui et se conduisaient comme les filles du Pacifique, sauf qu’on ne le tuait jamais. » Cette pratique, qu’I. Gratacos compare à celles des ‘‘#filles_du_Pacifique’’, plonge dans les profondeurs de la #ritualité_païenne. Et il faudrait parler de cet univers spirituel des montagnards, de leurs chants, leurs contes, leurs danses, leurs rites, intimement liés à leur vie quotidienne elle-même imprégnée des travaux et des jours, mais aussi de la fréquentation des mystères de leur haut pays, tout près des étoiles et des profondeurs de la terre.

#invisibilisation #in/visibilité

The hard facts behind deportation regimes

Many countries have created deportation strategies that bring danger, despair and death. Why do we tolerate this? The answer is ungrounded fear of foreigners, of economic consequences and of crime. Many politicians raise our fears by painting irrational images and dehumanizing migrants and refugees. At the same time it is proven over and over that the deportation system doesn’t work. Walls, fences and even the fear of deportation don’t influence people’s mobility. War and desperate economic circumstances do. Funded by the European Research Council, anthropologist Barak Kalir studied the huge deportation systems, how they work, and the impact they have. He calls for an honest public debate about deportation in western liberal states.

▻https://www.youtube.com/watch?time_continue=110&v=hGf_dQWgXkk

https://i.imgur.com/aKDKhhp.png https://i.imgur.com/yfHYInY.png https://i.imgur.com/yfz3WlG.png https://i.imgur.com/HxLmT3L.png

ping @karine4 @isskein

Carbonalyser – Adoptez cette extension pour 🦊 Firefox (fr)
▻https://addons.mozilla.org/fr/firefox/addon/carbonalyser

En tant qu’internautes, nous connaissons peu voire pas du tout notre impact environnemental. Avec l’extension de navigateur Carbonalyser, on peut estimer cet impact, et notamment voir le poids de la consommation de vidéos. L’équivalence entre les émissions de CO2 de la navigation internet et des kilomètres parcourus en voiture est particulièrement déstabilisant : on arrive souvent à un bon kilomètre en à peine un quart d’heure de navigation.

Richard Hanna, développeur et animateur du podcast technologie.net, développeur de Carbonalyser

#cout_écologique #vidéo #streaming #Carbonalyser #firefox #extension

Le coût écologique faramineux du streaming vidéo
▻https://www.lesechos.fr/tech-medias/medias/le-cout-ecologique-faramineux-du-streaming-video-1038436

Le record absolu de chaleur en France battu, et ça ne devrait pas s’arrêter
▻https://www.mediapart.fr/journal/international/280619/le-record-absolu-de-chaleur-en-france-battu-et-ca-ne-devrait-pas-s-arreter

Le record absolu de température en France a été battu vendredi, avec 45,1 °C relevés à Villevieille (Gard). Selon l’Organisation météorologique mondiale, la vague de chaleur qui touche actuellement l’Europe « correspond parfaitement » aux phénomènes extrêmes liés à l’impact des émissions des gaz à effet de serre. L’agence prévoit une année 2019 parmi les plus chaudes jamais enregistrées.

#CLIMAT #coût,_inondations,_dérèglement_climatique,_réchauffement_climatique,_incendies,_Climat,_sécheresse,_Christian_Aid

https://static.mediapart.fr/etmagine/default/files/2019/06/28/rts2jlus.jpg

Chômage, mirages, naufrages
▻https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Jlv2pN8_8SI

Ah, les chanceux qui ne font rien de leur journée ! Ils « profitent » ! Et donc nécessairement ils « abusent » ! Fainéants, parasites, inadaptés, oisifs : les privés d’emplois souffrent de tous les préjugés. Toutes ces idées reçues qui permettent de détourner le regard face à la grande pauvreté qui prend place quand le travail s’efface. Et si on osait imaginer qu’en fait, non ce n’était pas forcément « un peu de leur faute » ? Si on osait penser que tout le monde devrait avoir une place dans la société - même les accidentés, même les moins performants ? Si on osait se dire que la solution au chômage se trouve moins dans le contrôle et la répression que dans le changement de notre regard ? Source : #DATAGUEULE 90 - (...)

The Iraqi and Syrian refugees using body-mapping to share their stories

What does it mean to flee one’s country and undertake the dangerous journey to Europe? What does it mean to suddenly lose everything and be forced to live in a different country? A new home, new school, new friends and a totally new life? To what extent does it influence family lives and the family unit as such? These are questions that a new research project, based at the University of Birmingham and funded by the British Academy, is tackling. The focus is not only on the changes occurring within refugee families, but equally on the impact of the influx of refugees on the host society.

We use art as a research method to allow Iraqi and Syrian women and men to express their thoughts and feelings, on both their refugee journey and their new lives in their host countries. Fleeing one’s country puts enormous pressure and stress on an individual, both emotionally and physically. Using the artistic technique of body mapping proved to be very useful in this project, as it allowed participants to embody the emotional and psychological pain caused by their refugee experiences through art. Holding a paint brush, painting and being taught by a renowned artist, in this instance Rachel Gadsden, were for the majority of the participants a new experience. It provided them with a feeling of pride, achievement and self-fulfilment, at a time when they needed it the most. But what are they painting? How are they expressing their experiences? How do they portray themselves? What do they say about their new lives? Do their own narratives confirm widespread notions of their ‘vulnerability’?

https://www.thebritishacademy.ac.uk/sites/default/files/refugee-art.jpg

Decades of displacement

Saddam Hussein’s decades of authoritarian rule in Iraq, the continuous political instability caused by his fall in 2003 and the rise of the so-called Islamic State (ISIS) in 2014 has forced over three million Iraqis to flee their country since the 1980s. Since the outbreak of the Syrian civil war in 2011, Syrians have become one of the largest groups of refugees, with more than five million civilians forced to flee to neighbouring Middle Eastern countries and to Europe. Many Iraqi and Syrian refugees have headed to Europe directly and settled in countries such as Germany or the UK, others went through multi-local trajectories of displacement in so-called ‘transit countries’ such as Jordan.

Syrian and Iraqi societies are to a significant extent tribal and patriarchal in nature, with familial or community-based social networks often serving to protect their members. However, these networks may be disrupted or disappear entirely during a migration process, leaving women and children in particular in extremely vulnerable situations, unprotected by their family networks. Women, as well as children, very often find themselves in the most subservient and marginal positions, making them vulnerable to abuse and violence, inflicted either by social and religious communities or the state. Human trafficking operations have played a central role in facilitating immigration. In such circumstances, human traffickers who bring migrants across borders abuse women and children and force them into sexually exploitive occupations, or subject them to physical and sexual abuse themselves. Tackling violence against women and girls is one of the UK government’s most important goals. The UK’s aid report in 2015 highlights explicitly the challenges the UK faces regarding the conflict in Iraq and Syria and the need to support peace and stability abroad, in order to secure social and political stability in the UK. The UK government is working extensively towards implementing the ‘No One Behind Promise’, which strives to achieve gender equality, prioritise the empowerment of girls and women and end violence against them, within war zones, such as in Syria and Iraq, and during migration processes in particular.

Women are often limited to gender-specific narratives of female vulnerability within patriarchal social structures. Without neglecting the fact that women are more affected by and subject to sexual and gender-based violence, the over 150 women we talked and worked with in our projects so far have another story to tell. In our art workshops, these women used art and body-mapping to express their powerful stories of resilience, endurance and survival.

Gender roles in a time of war and instability

https://www.thebritishacademy.ac.uk/sites/default/files/refugee-sewing.jpg

“I never worked with fabric, but I learnt how to produce the most amazing clothes for women’s engagement and wedding parties. I go around clothing shops in the city and try to sell them. Now I have my own network of buyers. I earn more money now than my husband used to earn. He passed away five years ago and left me with three children to feed. Yes, they call me sharmuta – a slut – because I go around male merchants in town to see whether they would buy my products. I don’t sleep with them. I only sell them my dresses. I don’t do anything wrong. Therefore, I will not stop. I cannot stop. I have children to feed. The problem is not me – the problem is their dirty thinking, only because I am a woman and a good-looking one too [laughing].”

The young Iraqi widow above was not the only female refugee in Jordan, the UK or in Germany who struggles with social stigmatisations and sexual harassment, on the way to and from work as well as in the workplace. Women’s independence is very often violently attacked, verbally and physically, in order to control women’s lives, bodies and sexuality. Refugee women’s pending legal status, their socio-economic integration and the degree of their security within the host environment change long-held values on family structures and socio-cultural expectations on gender roles. They also influence women and men’s own understanding of their roles which, in most cases, represents a shift from their traditional gender roles within their families. Women and men’s roles in family and society inevitably change in time of war and forced migration and society needs to adapt to this development. In order to achieve sustainable change in society’s perception, both men and women need to be socialised and equipped to understand these societal changes. This does not solely apply to the refugee communities, but also to the host communities, who are also influenced by the presence of these newcomers.

Through stitching fabric onto their body map paintings or adding pictures of the food they cook to sell on the canvases, women express their attempts to survive. Through art, women can portray how they see themselves: strong in enduring the hardship, without neglecting the challenges they face. “I want to show the world out there that we are not poor victims. One woman like us is better and stronger than 100 men,” as one Iraqi in Germany explains. Another Syrian in the UK emphasised women’s resilience, saying “wherever we fall we will land straight. I want to paint my head up for these politicians to know that nothing will bend us”.

Women in our art workshops see the production of their artwork and the planned art exhibitions as an opportunity to provide a different narrative on Muslim refugee women. It provided them with a space to articulate the challenges they faced, during and after their refugee journey, but also to create a bridge between the refugee communities and the host community. The artwork produced in the workshops helped to facilitate community bonding, integration and above all, as one Syrian in Jordan explains, “a better understanding of what we really are”.
▻https://www.thebritishacademy.ac.uk/blog/summer-showcase-2019-iraqi-syrian-refugees-body-mapping
#corps #cartographie #cartoexperiment #réfugiés #réfugiés_syriens #réfugiés_irakiens #asile #migrations #couture #femmes #genre #dessin
ping @reka

From dialysis to hospitals, U.S. health care is full of monopolies - Axios
▻https://www.axios.com/health-care-costs-monopolies-competition-hospitals-9839f396-c95d-4792-b106-66

https://images.axios.com/kxwFfFnkUBS30c-vRZO8Ja7ibGc=/0x0:2400x1350/1920x1080/2019/06/10/1560157404995.png

The big picture: This is a trend that’s happening at every level.

Hospital systems continue to merge with each other and gobble up doctors’ practices, which lets them charge more for the care they provide.

Insurers and pharmacy benefit managers are also merging, and are now on track to bring in more revenue than the tech industry’s biggest powerhouses.

#etats-unis #santé /#coûts #monopole

Un #barrage suisse sème le chaos en #Birmanie

L’#Upper_Yeywa, un ouvrage hydroélectrique construit par le bureau d’ingénierie vaudois #Stucky, va noyer un village dont les habitants n’ont nulle part où aller. Il favorise aussi les exactions par l’armée. Reportage.

Le village de #Ta_Long apparaît au détour de la route en gravier qui serpente au milieu des champs de maïs et des collines de terre rouge, donnant à ce paysage un air de Toscane des tropiques. Ses petites demeures en bambou sont encaissées au fond d’un vallon. Les villageois nous attendent dans la maison en bois sur pilotis qui leur sert de monastère bouddhiste et de salle communale. Nous sommes en terre #Shan, une ethnie minoritaire qui domine cette région montagneuse dans le nord-est de la Birmanie.

« Je préférerais mourir que de partir, lance en guise de préambule Pu Kyung Num, un vieil homme aux bras recouverts de tatouages à l’encre bleue. Je suis né ici et nos ancêtres occupent ces terres depuis plus d’un millénaire. » Mais Ta Long ne sera bientôt plus.

Un barrage hydroélectrique appelé Upper Yeywa est en cours de construction par un consortium comprenant des groupes chinois et le bureau d’ingénierie vaudois Stucky à une vingtaine de kilomètres au sud-ouest, sur la rivière #Namtu. Lors de sa mise en service, prévue pour 2021, toutes les terres situées à moins de 395 mètres d’altitude seront inondées. Ta Long, qui se trouve à 380 mètres, sera entièrement recouvert par un réservoir d’une soixantaine de kilomètres.

« La construction du barrage a débuté en 2008 mais personne ne nous a rien dit jusqu’en 2014, s’emporte Nang Lao Kham, une dame vêtue d’un longyi, la pièce d’étoffe portée à la taille, à carreaux rose et bleu. Nous n’avons pas été consultés, ni même informés de son existence. » Ce n’est que six ans après le début des travaux que les villageois ont été convoqués dans la ville voisine de #Kyaukme par le Ministère de l’électricité. On leur apprend alors qu’ils devront bientôt partir.

Pas de #titres_de_propriété

En Birmanie, toutes les #terres pour lesquelles il n’existe pas de titres de propriété – ainsi que les ressources naturelles qu’elles abritent – appartiennent au gouvernement central. Dans les campagnes birmanes, où la propriété est communautaire, personne ne possède ces documents. « Nous ne quitterons jamais notre village, assure Nang Lao Kham, en mâchouillant une graine de tournesol. Nous sommes de simples paysans sans éducation. Nous ne savons rien faire d’autre que cultiver nos terres. »

Le gouvernement ne leur a pas proposé d’alternative viable. « Une brochure d’information publiée il y a quelques années parlait de les reloger à trois kilomètres du village actuel, mais ce site est déjà occupé par d’autres paysans », détaille Thum Ai, du Shan Farmer’s Network, une ONG locale. Le montant de la compensation n’a jamais été articulé. Ailleurs dans le pays, les paysans chassés de leurs terres pour faire de la place à un projet d’infrastructure ont reçu entre six et douze mois de salaire. Certains rien du tout.

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Ta Long compte 653 habitants et 315 hectares de terres arables. Pour atteindre leurs vergers, situés le long de la rivière Namtu, les villageois empruntent de longues pirogues en bois. « La terre est extrêmement fertile ici, grâce aux sédiments apportés par le fleuve », glisse Kham Lao en plaçant des oranges et des pomélos dans un panier en osier.

Les #agrumes de Ta Long sont connus loin à la ronde. « Mes fruits me rapportent 10 800 dollars par an », raconte-t-elle. Bien au-delà des maigres 3000 dollars amassés par les cultivateurs de riz des plaines centrales. « Depuis que j’ai appris l’existence du barrage, je ne dors plus la nuit, poursuit cette femme de 30 ans qui est enceinte de son troisième enfant. Comment vais-je subvenir aux besoins de mes parents et payer l’éducation de mes enfants sans mes #vergers ? »

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Cinq barrages de la puissance de la Grande Dixence

La rivière Namtu puise ses origines dans les #montagnes du nord de l’Etat de Shan avant de rejoindre le fleuve Irrawaddy et de se jeter dans la baie du Bengale. Outre l’Upper Yeywa, trois autres barrages sont prévus sur ce cours d’eau. Un autre, le Yeywa a été inauguré en 2010. Ces cinq barrages auront une capacité de près de 2000 mégawatts, l’équivalent de la Grande Dixence.

Ce projet s’inscrit dans le cadre d’un plan qui a pour but de construire 50 barrages sur l’ensemble du territoire birman à l’horizon 2035. Cela fera passer les capacités hydroélectriques du pays de 3298 à 45 412 mégawatts, selon un rapport de l’International Finance Corporation. Les besoins sont immenses : seulement 40% de la population est connectée au réseau électrique.

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L’Etat y voit aussi une source de revenus. « Une bonne partie de l’électricité produite par ces barrages est destinée à être exportée vers les pays voisins, en premier lieu la #Chine et la #Thaïlande, note Mark Farmaner, le fondateur de Burma Campaign UK. Les populations locales n’en bénéficieront que très peu. » Près de 90% des 6000 mégawatts générés par le projet Myitsone dans l’Etat voisin du Kachin, suspendu depuis 2011 en raison de l’opposition de la population, iront à la province chinoise du Yunnan.

Les plans de la Chine

L’Upper Yeywa connaîtra sans doute un sort similaire. « Le barrage est relativement proche de la frontière chinoise, note Charm Tong, de la Shan Human Rights Foundation. Y exporter son électricité représenterait un débouché naturel. » L’Etat de Shan se trouve en effet sur le tracé du corridor économique que Pékin cherche à bâtir à travers la Birmanie, entre le Yunnan et la baie du Bengale, dans le cadre de son projet « #Belt_&_Road ».

Le barrage Upper Yeywa y est affilié. Il compte deux entreprises chinoises parmi ses constructeurs, #Yunnan_Machinery Import & Export et #Zhejiang_Orient_Engineering. Le suisse Stucky œuvre à leurs côtés. Fondé en 1926 par l’ingénieur Alfred Stucky, ce bureau installé à Renens est spécialisé dans la conception de barrages.

Il a notamment contribué à l’ouvrage turc #Deriner, l’un des plus élevés du monde. Il a aussi pris part à des projets en #Angola, en #Iran, en #Arabie_saoudite et en #République_démocratique_du_Congo. Depuis 2013, il appartient au groupe bâlois #Gruner.

Le chantier du barrage, désormais à moitié achevé, occupe les berges escarpées de la rivière. Elles ont été drapées d’une coque de béton afin d’éviter les éboulements. De loin, on dirait que la #montagne a été grossièrement taillée à la hache. L’ouvrage, qui fera entre 97 et 102 mètres, aura une capacité de 320 mégawatts.

Son #coût n’a pas été rendu public. « Mais rien que ces deux dernières années, le gouvernement lui a alloué 7,4 milliards de kyats (5 millions de francs) », indique Htun Nyan, un parlementaire local affilié au NLD, le parti au pouvoir de l’ancienne Prix Nobel de la paix Aung San Suu Kyi. Une partie de ces fonds proviennent d’un prêt chinois octroyé par #Exim_Bank, un établissement qui finance la plupart des projets liés à « Belt & Road ».

Zone de conflit

Pour atteindre le hameau de #Nawng_Kwang, à une vingtaine de kilomètres au nord du barrage, il faut emprunter un chemin de terre cabossé qui traverse une forêt de teck. Cinq hommes portant des kalachnikovs barrent soudain la route. Cette région se trouve au cœur d’une zone de #conflit entre #milices ethniques.

Les combats opposent le #Restoration_Council_of_Shan_State (#RCSS), affilié à l’#armée depuis la conclusion d’un cessez-le-feu, et le #Shan_State_Progress_Party (#SSPP), proche de Pékin. Nos hommes font partie du RCSS. Ils fouillent la voiture, puis nous laissent passer.

Nam Kham Sar, une jeune femme de 27 ans aux joues recouvertes de thanaka, une pâte jaune que les Birmans portent pour se protéger du soleil, nous attend à Nawng Kwang. Elle a perdu son mari Ar Kyit en mai 2016. « Il a été blessé au cou par des miliciens alors qu’il ramenait ses buffles », relate-t-elle. Son frère et son cousin sont venus le chercher, mais les trois hommes ont été interceptés par des soldats de l’armée régulière.

« Ils ont dû porter l’eau et les sacs à dos des militaires durant plusieurs jours, relate-t-elle. Puis, ils ont été interrogés et torturés à mort. » Leurs corps ont été brûlés. « Mon fils avait à peine 10 mois lorsque son papa a été tué », soupire Nam Kham Sar, une larme coulant le long de sa joue.

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Vider les campagnes ?

La plupart des hameaux alentour subissent régulièrement ce genre d’assaut. En mai 2016, cinq hommes ont été tués par des soldats dans le village voisin de Wo Long. L’armée a aussi brûlé des maisons, pillé des vivres et bombardé des paysans depuis un hélicoptère. En août 2018, des villageois ont été battus et enfermés dans un enclos durant plusieurs jours sans vivres ; d’autres ont servi de boucliers humains aux troupes pour repérer les mines.

Les résidents en sont convaincus : il s’agit d’opérations de #nettoyage destinées à #vider_les_campagnes pour faire de la place au barrage. « Ces décès ne sont pas des accidents, assure Tun Win, un parlementaire local. L’armée cherche à intimider les paysans. » Une trentaine de militaires sont stationnés en permanence sur une colline surplombant le barrage, afin de le protéger. En mars 2018, ils ont abattu deux hommes circulant à moto.

Dans la population, la colère gronde. Plusieurs milliers de manifestants sont descendus dans la rue à plusieurs reprises à #Hsipaw, la ville la plus proche du barrage. Les habitants de Ta Long ont aussi écrit une lettre à la première ministre Aung San Suu Kyi, restée sans réponse. En décembre, une délégation de villageois s’est rendue à Yangon. Ils ont délivré une lettre à sept ambassades, dont celle de Suisse, pour dénoncer le barrage.

« L’#hypocrisie de la Suisse »

Contacté, l’ambassadeur helvétique Tim Enderlin affirme n’avoir jamais reçu la missive. « Cette affaire concerne une entreprise privée », dit-il, tout en précisant que « l’ambassade encourage les entreprises suisses en Birmanie à adopter un comportement responsable, surtout dans les zones de conflit ».

La Shan Human Rights Foundation dénonce toutefois « l’hypocrisie de la Suisse qui soutient le #processus_de_paix en Birmanie mais dont les entreprises nouent des partenariats opportunistes avec le gouvernement pour profiter des ressources situées dans des zones de guerre ».

La conseillère nationale socialiste Laurence Fehlmann Rielle, qui préside l’Association Suisse-Birmanie, rappelle que l’#initiative_pour_des_multinationales_responsables, sur laquelle le Conseil national se penchera jeudi prochain, « introduirait des obligations en matière de respect des droits de l’homme pour les firmes suisses ». Mardi, elle posera une question au Conseil fédéral concernant l’implication de Stucky dans le barrage Upper Yeywa.

Contactée, l’entreprise n’a pas souhaité s’exprimer. D’autres sociétés se montrent plus prudentes quant à leur image. Fin janvier, le bureau d’ingénierie allemand #Lahmeyer, qui appartient au belge #Engie-Tractebel, a annoncé qu’il se retirait du projet et avait « rompu le contrat » le liant au groupe vaudois.

▻https://www.letemps.ch/monde/un-barrage-suisse-seme-chaos-birmanie
#Suisse #barrage_hydroélectrique #géographie_du_plein #géographie_du_vide #extractivisme
ping @aude_v @reka

Le #budget de l’#UE pour #2020 : la Commission centre sa proposition sur l’emploi, la croissance et la #sécurité

Je mets ici uniquement ce qui concerne #frontières #migrations #réfugiés :

Renforcer la sécurité et la #solidarité dans l’UE et au-delà

Nombreux sont les défis européens qui ne connaissent pas de frontières. L’UE a recouru à plusieurs reprises à toute la flexibilité possible dans le budget pour faire face aux catastrophes, relever les défis de la migration et renforcer ses #frontières_extérieures. En mobilisant ses différents instruments, le budget 2020 de l’UE continuera à investir dans la solidarité et la sécurité en Europe et au-delà :

- 420,6 millions € (+34,6 % par rapport à 2019) en faveur de l’#Agence_européenne_de garde-frontières_et_de garde-côtes (#Frontex), à la suite de l’accord dégagé en mars 2019 par le Parlement européen et le Conseil en vue de la mise en place d’un #corps_permanent de 10’000 garde-frontières d’ici à 2027 ;

- 560 millions € pour les personnes dans le besoin en #Syrie ainsi que pour les #réfugiés et leurs communautés d’accueil dans la région. Il s’agit de la réponse budgétaire à un engagement pris lors de la conférence de Bruxelles III sur l’avenir de la Syrie en 2019 (le budget de l’UE pour 2019 prévoit déjà 2,01 milliards € de financements en faveur de la Syrie) ;
- la poursuite du soutien du développement du système d’entrée/sortie, du système européen d’information et d’autorisation concernant les voyages, de la version modernisée du système d’information Schengen et du Fonds européen pour le développement durable, l’objectif global étant d’améliorer l’#interopérabilité des #systèmes_d'information de l’Union afin de préserver la sécurité de ses citoyens.

▻http://europa.eu/rapid/press-release_IP-19-2809_fr.htm
#EU #Europe #coût

ping @karine4

#Métaliste sur les articles publiés sur seenthis et qui traitent des #coûts des #expulsions...

2019, #France :
▻https://seenthis.net/messages/785519

2019, #Suisse :
▻https://seenthis.net/messages/752500
#renvois_Dublin
#renvois #asile #migrations #réfugiés

2018, France :
▻https://seenthis.net/messages/685243

2017, #Europe (#EU #UE) :
▻https://seenthis.net/messages/627980
▻https://seenthis.net/messages/601023

2017, #Italie :
▻https://seenthis.net/messages/627099

2016, #UK #Angleterre :
▻https://seenthis.net/messages/525051

2015, Suisse :
▻https://seenthis.net/messages/387607

2015, #Espagne :
►https://seenthis.net/messages/353583

2015, France :
▻https://seenthis.net/messages/382279

2014, #Australie :
▻https://seenthis.net/messages/282782

2014, #Belgique :
▻https://seenthis.net/messages/234972

2013, France :
▻https://seenthis.net/messages/156778

#déboutés #expulsions #renvois #asile #migrations #réfugiés #business

Et il y en a peut-être que j’oublie...

@karine4 @isskein @i_s_ @reka

Immigration : le vrai #coût des expulsions

Les expulsions d’étrangers en situation irrégulière ont coûté 500 millions d’euros à l’Etat en 2018. Selon un rapport parlementaire, inciter un immigré au retour grâce à une aide financière coûte près de six fois moins cher qu’un retour par la force.

Le dossier est ultrasensible. La question des étrangers en situation irrégulière en France, et surtout le coût de leur reconduite à la frontière, peut rapidement enflammer les débats. D’autant que le nombre d’expulsions forcées n’a jamais été aussi élevé depuis dix ans. Et leur coût pour les finances publiques a représenté la bagatelle d’un demi-milliard d’euros l’an dernier. De quoi aiguiser l’intérêt des députés en charge de la mission Asile-Immigration-Intégration, dont l’enveloppe globale annuelle pour l’Etat est d’1,7 milliard d’euros.

Dans le cadre du Printemps de l’évaluation, ces élus ont décidé de passer au peigne fin la politique d’expulsion. Avec un double objectif : contrôler l’action du gouvernement et identifier des leviers d’économie.

Jean-Noël Barrot (MoDem) et Alexandre Holroyd (LREM) ont donc toqué à la porte des ministères concernés - Intérieur, Justice, Quai d’Orsay, etc. - pour récolter des chiffres précis. Le Parisien-Aujourd’hui en France dévoile en exclusivité leur rapport, présenté jeudi en commission des finances. Il livre un bilan rigoureux des expulsions en France, qu’il s’agisse de retours aidés, c’est-à-dire consentis et accompagnés d’une aide financière, ou d’éloignements forcés, quand la personne est reconduite par des policiers ou des gendarmes.
Augmenter le montant de l’aide ?

Contraires aux idées reçues, ses conclusions sont sans appel : les expulsions forcées, très majoritaires (entre 70 et 80 % des raccompagnements), coûtent plus de six fois plus cher qu’un retour aidé dans le pays d’origine. En moyenne, 13 800 euros contre 2 500 euros. Nos voisins européens sont nombreux à favoriser les retours aidés.

http://s1.lprs1.fr/images/2019/06/05/cea8149e-86ff-11e9-98c3-656ddaa712da_1.jpg

Mais ces derniers sont-ils efficaces ? Dans son rapport de 2016, la Cour des comptes relevait qu’avec « l’adhésion de la Roumanie et de la Bulgarie le 1er juin 2007, de nombreux Roms repartis dans ces deux pays avec une aide au retour humanitaire (revenaient) en France et (faisaient) parfois des allers-retours pour percevoir plusieurs fois l’allocation de 300 euros ».

http://s1.lprs1.fr/images/2019/06/05/e95b4b1c-86ff-11e9-98c3-656ddaa712da_1.jpg

Aujourd’hui, ce scénario n’est plus possible. Car depuis 2018, les ressortissants des pays membres de l’Union européenne n’ont plus accès à l’aide au retour. Et ce pécule ne peut être perçu qu’une seule fois. De quoi peser en faveur des retours aidés ? « Ce dispositif fonctionne de manière satisfaisante », observe Jean-Noël Barrot. « Et pour certaines destinations, si l’on augmente l’enveloppe, les retours dans les pays d’origine sont en hausse ». L’Afghanistan, le Pakistan, la Chine, l’Irak et le Soudan pourraient faire partie de ces pays à cibler.

Faut-il donc multiplier les retours aidés, quitte à augmenter le montant de l’aide ? « Notre travail était de fournir une estimation précise, répond prudemment Alexandre Holroyd. Désormais, c’est une décision politique. » Les deux députés envisagent de déposer une proposition de résolution dans les jours qui viennent pour inviter le gouvernement à statuer.

–
▻http://www.leparisien.fr/societe/immigration-le-vrai-cout-des-expulsions-05-06-2019-8086461.php
#France #expulsions #renvois #asile #migrations #réfugiés #business
ping @isskein @karine4 @daphne @marty

Sunk Costs. The border wall is more expensive than you think.

When the federal government builds a border wall, the taxpayer foots two bills. First, there’s the cost to get the thing built, a figure proclaimed in presidential budget requests and press accounts. And second, there’s a slew of concealed costs — expenditures that hide in general operations budgets, arise from human error or kick in years down the line. In the Trump era, those twin outlays combine to make the wall outlandishly expensive.

Excluding the hidden costs, Trump’s wall is running taxpayers a cool $25 million per mile, up nearly fourfold from just a decade ago. To understand why, it helps to know a little border history. In 1907, the U.S. government took possession of a 60-foot-wide strip of land along the U.S.-Mexico border from California to New Mexico as a buffer zone against smuggling. During his second term, George W. Bush built much of his border wall on this government-owned land. But in Texas, the vast majority of border real estate is privately owned, forcing the government to seize property all along the Rio Grande if it wants to build a barrier. That extra burden is a main reason the Lone Star State hosts a small fraction of existing border fence.

Then there’s the terrain. For example, in Starr County, an unfenced swath of South Texas that’s high on Customs and Border Protection’s priority list, Trump plans to build on the Rio Grande’s craggy, erosion-prone bank — an engineering challenge that adds millions of dollars per mile. As CBP spokesperson Rick Pauza wrote in an email to the Observer: “Every mile of border is different, and therefore there is no one-size-fits-all cost per mile.” In addition, taxpayers today are buying the luxury edition of the wall: a structure that’s up to 12 feet taller than the Bush-era fence and buffered by a 150-foot “enforcement zone.”

But all that’s only part of the story. Not included in the $25 million-per-mile figure is a suite of hidden expenses. Among them:

Routine Maintenance and Operation. Border barriers are potent political symbols. They’re also physical structures that accumulate debris, degrade and break over time. In 2009, CBP estimated that operating and maintaining $2.4 billion worth of fencing, along with associated roads and technology, would cost $3.5 billion over 20 years — almost 50 percent more than the original cost.

Breaches. Depending on design, border fences can be cut through using either bolt cutters or power tools. From 2010 to 2015, fencing was breached 9,287 times, according to the Government Accountability Office. At an average repair cost of $784, the government spent $7.3 million patching those holes in the wall. And the more new wall, the more breaches.

Waste. In November 2011, the Department of Homeland Security’s Office of Inspector General issued a scathing report regarding procurement of steel for the border fence. “CBP purchased more steel than needed, incurred additional storage costs, paid interest on late payments, and approved a higher-priced subcontractor, resulting in additional expenditures of about $69 million,” the report read.

Department of Justice Litigation. Every time landowners refuse to sell their land for the wall, the Department of Justice must take them to court. According to a 2012 planning document prepared by the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers, that legal process costs about $90,000 per tract of land. In sparsely populated Starr County — where property has been passed down for hundreds of years, often without legal record — almost every case must go to court to determine ownership. That money is unaccounted for in congressional appropriations for the wall; it comes instead from the DOJ’s general budget.

Advertising. When the DOJ wants to take Texans’ property for the wall, the agency must sometimes issue notice to potential heirs in the local newspapers. So far, a DOJ spokesperson said, the agency has done so three times in the Rio Grande Valley — cramming many cases into a single publication. Each instance cost the DOJ about $100,000. At a November court hearing in McAllen, a DOJ attorney lamented the state of local media. “We have one person or corporation who owns both papers — so we can’t really negotiate,” he said. “So it’s a large expenditure.”

https://www.texasobserver.org/wp-content/uploads/2017/05/2017_06-border_wall-hidalgo-wildlife_preserve-jreel-759x506.jpg

Notes anthropologiques (XXXV)

Georges Lapierre

▻https://lavoiedujaguar.net/Notes-anthropologiques-XXXV

L’Idée et son devenir (I)

Ces notes anthropologiques ne sont qu’une maigre exploration de l’humain, une contribution limitée et brouillonne à sa connaissance ; elles forment l’ébauche d’une investigation, sans plus. Elles demandent à être reprises avec plus de constance et de profondeur. Dans ces notes, le sujet ne se distingue pas de son objet ; il ne cherche pas à se différencier de ce qui constitue l’objet de son investigation. Le sujet n’est rien d’autre qu’un moment de l’humain, le résultat en chair, en os et en esprit d’un monde, et ce monde est celui de l’humain. Le sujet qui pense et qui écrit est une actualisation momentanée de l’humain, c’est ainsi que le sujet et l’objet de sa réflexion ne se distinguent pas. Dans une civilisation de l’argent — et l’argent n’est que le mode d’expression dominant de la pensée (ou, si l’on veut, de l’humain) —, le sujet a été enfanté par l’argent, il est l’enfant de l’argent, qu’il le veuille ou non. L’argent est sa dimension humaine (ou, plus surement, inhumaine), sa vérité, en quelque sorte — ce qu’ont du mal à accepter ceux qui se consacrent aux sciences dites humaines, psychiatres, sociologues et anthropologues, historiens ou autres philosophes. Se tenir à l’écart de cette implication c’est une façon de tenir le monde à l’écart de sa critique (...)

#anthropologie #Antonin_Artaud #Van_Gogh #échange #Maurice_Godelier #coutume #don #potlatch #valeur #Marx #Nouvelle-Guinée #Davos #aliénation #bien_commun

Le lent #déclin des #classes_moyennes dans les économies industrialisées (Marie Charrel, Le Monde, 10.04.19)
▻https://www.lemonde.fr/economie/article/2019/04/10/le-lent-declin-des-classes-moyennes-dans-les-economies-industrialisees_54485

Selon un rapport de l’OCDE, publié mercredi, les mutations de l’#emploi, l’#automatisation ou la hausse du #coût_du_logement expliquent cette détérioration.

#Paywall

Aux #Etats-Unis, le nombre de #travailleurs de plus de 85 ans grimpe en flèche - Capital.fr
►https://www.capital.fr/entreprises-marches/aux-etats-unis-le-nombre-de-travailleurs-de-plus-de-85-ans-grimpe-en-fleche-

https://cap.img.pmdstatic.net/fit/http.3A.2F.2Fprd2-bone-image.2Es3-website-eu-west-1.2Eamazonaws.2Ecom.2Fcap.2F2018.2F07.2F12.2F95615ba5-8ac9-421d-a39b-de0552264869.2Ejpeg/1200x630/background-color/ffffff/quality/70/aux-etats-unis-le-nombre-de-travailleurs-de-plus-de-85-ans-grimpe-en-fleche-1297716.jpg

Article de juillet 2018

Exactement, « 4,4 % de cette classe d’âge continue à travailler, contre 2,6 % en 2006 », précise un article du Washington Post. Le papier explique que cela concerne 255 000 Américains qui occupent toutes sortes d’#emplois comme « brigadiers, fermiers, éleveurs ou encore camionneurs ».

Un triste constat qui touche toutes les régions des Etats-Unis et qui a débuté juste après la crise économique de 2008. La plupart des papys et mamies concernés le font, évidemment, par nécessité : « Le #coût des soins de #santé ayant augmenté très rapidement ces dernières années et les petites #retraites n’ayant pas suivi », rappelle RFI. Les travailleurs #seniors sont plus nombreux à occuper des postes peu physiques, tels que « la gestion et les ventes », explique le Washington Post. Une minorité travaille malgré tout dans la fabrication et la construction.

#leadership

Quand l’#Union_europeénne se met au #fact-checking... et que du coup, elle véhicule elle-même des #préjugés...
Et les mythes sont pensés à la fois pour les personnes qui portent un discours anti-migrants ("L’UE ne protège pas ses frontières"), comme pour ceux qui portent des discours pro-migrants ("L’UE veut créer une #forteresse_Europe")...
Le résultat ne peut être que mauvais, surtout vu les pratiques de l’UE...

Je copie-colle ici les mythes et les réponses de l’UE à ce mythe...

https://i.imgur.com/Bu79q2z.png

https://i.imgur.com/IaBFoED.png

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https://i.imgur.com/tGXBkhH.png

▻https://ec.europa.eu/home-affairs/sites/homeaffairs/files/what-we-do/policies/european-agenda-migration/20190306_managing-migration-factsheet-debunking-myths-about-migration_en.p
#préjugés #mythes #migrations #asile #réfugiés
#hypocrisie #on_n'est_pas_sorti_de_l'auberge
ping @reka @isskein

The government of Hungary spent €216 million on propaganda and fearmongering in the past 8 years

The Hungarian government spent 69.3 billion Hungarian forints (approximately €216 million at today’s exchange rate) on propaganda and fearmongering in the past eight years. Our infographics also reveal that taxpayer money spent on spreading these messages is growing every year. Also, the companies that do the work and receive all this money (media outlets, outdoor advertising companies) are all owned by businessmen close to the government – except for one.

https://d357ur41rhr3vp.cloudfront.net/wp-content/uploads/sites/6/2019/01/allamihirdnyito.jpg

▻https://english.atlatszo.hu/2019/01/11/the-government-of-hungary-spent-e216-million-on-propaganda-and-fear
#Hongrie #propagande #budget #prix #coût #visualisation #infographie #où_vont_les_impôts #anti-Soros