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  • ‘They Were Conned’: How Reckless Loans Devastated a Generation of Taxi Drivers - The New York Times
    https://www.nytimes.com/2019/05/19/nyregion/nyc-taxis-medallions-suicides.html


    Mohammed Hoque with his three children in their studio apartment in Jamaica, Queens.

    May 19, 2019 - The phone call that ruined Mohammed Hoque’s life came in April 2014 as he began another long day driving a New York City taxi, a job he had held since emigrating from Bangladesh nine years earlier.

    The call came from a prominent businessman who was selling a medallion, the coveted city permit that allows a driver to own a yellow cab instead of working for someone else. If Mr. Hoque gave him $50,000 that day, he promised to arrange a loan for the purchase.

    After years chafing under bosses he hated, Mr. Hoque thought his dreams of wealth and independence were coming true. He emptied his bank account, borrowed from friends and hurried to the man’s office in Astoria, Queens. Mr. Hoque handed over a check and received a stack of papers. He signed his name and left, eager to tell his wife.

    Mr. Hoque made about $30,000 that year. He had no idea, he said later, that he had just signed a contract that required him to pay $1.7 million.

    Over the past year, a spate of suicides by taxi drivers in New York City has highlighted in brutal terms the overwhelming debt and financial plight of medallion owners. All along, officials have blamed the crisis on competition from ride-hailing companies such as Uber and Lyft.

    But a New York Times investigation found much of the devastation can be traced to a handful of powerful industry leaders who steadily and artificially drove up the price of taxi medallions, creating a bubble that eventually burst. Over more than a decade, they channeled thousands of drivers into reckless loans and extracted hundreds of millions of dollars before the market collapsed.

    These business practices generated huge profits for bankers, brokers, lawyers, investors, fleet owners and debt collectors. The leaders of nonprofit credit unions became multimillionaires. Medallion brokers grew rich enough to buy yachts and waterfront properties. One of the most successful bankers hired the rap star Nicki Minaj to perform at a family party.

    But the methods stripped immigrant families of their life savings, crushed drivers under debt they could not repay and engulfed an industry that has long defined New York. More than 950 medallion owners have filed for bankruptcy, according to a Times analysis of court records. Thousands more are barely hanging on.

    The practices were strikingly similar to those behind the housing market crash that led to the 2008 global economic meltdown: Banks and loosely regulated private lenders wrote risky loans and encouraged frequent refinancing; drivers took on debt they could not afford, under terms they often did not understand.

    Some big banks even entered the taxi industry in the aftermath of the housing crash, seeking a new market, with new borrowers.

    The combination of easy money, eager borrowers and the lure of a rare asset helped prices soar far above what medallions were really worth. Some industry leaders fed the frenzy by purposefully overpaying for medallions in order to inflate prices, The Times found.

    Between 2002 and 2014, the price of a medallion rose to more than $1 million from $200,000, even though city records showed that driver incomes barely changed.

    About 4,000 drivers bought medallions in that period, records show. They were excited to buy, but they were enticed by a dubious premise.

    What Actually Happened to New York’s Taxi DriversMay 28, 2019

    After the medallion market collapsed, Mayor Bill de Blasio opted not to fund a bailout, and earlier this year, the City Council speaker, Corey Johnson, shut down the committee overseeing the taxi industry, saying it had completed most of its work.

    Over 10 months, The Times interviewed 450 people, built a database of every medallion sale since 1995 and reviewed thousands of individual loans and other documents, including internal bank records and confidential profit-sharing agreements.

    The investigation found example after example of drivers trapped in exploitative loans, including hundreds who signed interest-only loans that required them to pay exorbitant fees, forfeit their legal rights and give up almost all their monthly income, indefinitely.

    A Pakistani immigrant who thought he was just buying a car ended up with a $780,000 medallion loan that left him unable to pay rent. A Bangladeshi immigrant said he was told to lie about his income on his loan application; he eventually lost his medallion. A Haitian immigrant who worked to exhaustion to make his monthly payments discovered he had been paying only interest and went bankrupt.

    Abdur Rahim, who is from Bangladesh, is one of several cab drivers who allege they were duped into signing exploitative loans. 
    It is unclear if the practices violated any laws. But after reviewing The Times’s findings, experts said the methods were among the worst that have been used since the housing crash.

    “I don’t think I could concoct a more predatory scheme if I tried,” said Roger Bertling, the senior instructor at Harvard Law School’s clinic on predatory lending and consumer protection. “This was modern-day indentured servitude.”

    Lenders developed their techniques in New York but spread them to Chicago, Boston, San Francisco and elsewhere, transforming taxi industries across the United States.

    In interviews, lenders denied wrongdoing. They noted that regulators approved their practices, and said some borrowers made poor decisions and assumed too much debt. They said some drivers were happy to use climbing medallion values as collateral to take out cash, and that those who sold their medallions at the height of the market made money.

    The lenders said they believed medallion values would keep increasing, as they almost always had. No one, they said, could have predicted Uber and Lyft would emerge to undercut the business.

    “People love to blame banks for things that happen because they’re big bad banks,” said Robert Familant, the former head of Progressive Credit Union, a small nonprofit that specialized in medallion loans. “We didn’t do anything, in my opinion, other than try to help small businesspeople become successful.”

    Mr. Familant made about $30 million in salary and deferred payouts during the bubble, including $4.8 million in bonuses and incentives in 2014, the year it burst, according to disclosure forms.

    Meera Joshi, who joined the Taxi and Limousine Commission in 2011 and became chairwoman in 2014, said it was not the city’s job to regulate lending. But she acknowledged that officials saw red flags and could have done something.

    “There were lots of players, and lots of people just watched it happen. So the T.L.C. watched it happen. The lenders watched it happen. The borrowers watched it happen as their investment went up, and it wasn’t until it started falling apart that people started taking action and pointing fingers,” said Ms. Joshi, who left the commission in March. “It was a party. Why stop it?”

    Every day, about 250,000 people hail a New York City yellow taxi. Most probably do not know they are participating in an unconventional economic system about as old as the Empire State Building.

    The city created taxi medallions in 1937. Unlicensed cabs crowded city streets, so officials designed about 12,000 specialized tin plates and made it illegal to operate a taxi without one bolted to the hood of the car. The city sold each medallion for $10.

    People who bought medallions could sell them, just like any other asset. The only restriction: Officials designated roughly half as “independent medallions” and eventually required that those always be owned by whoever was driving that cab.

    Over time, as yellow taxis became symbols of New York, a cutthroat industry grew around them. A few entrepreneurs obtained most of the nonindependent medallions and built fleets that controlled the market. They were family operations largely based in the industrial neighborhoods of Hell’s Kitchen in Manhattan and Long Island City in Queens.

    Allegations of corruption, racism and exploitation dogged the industry. Some fleet bosses were accused of cheating drivers. Some drivers refused to go outside Manhattan or pick up black and Latino passengers. Fleet drivers typically worked 60 hours a week, made less than minimum wage and received no benefits, according to city studies.

    Still, driving could serve as a path to the middle class. Drivers could save to buy an independent medallion, which would increase their earnings and give them an asset they could someday sell for a retirement nest egg.

    Those who borrowed money to buy a medallion typically had to submit a large down payment and repay within five to 10 years.

    The conservative lending strategy produced modest returns. The city did not release new medallions for almost 60 years, and values slowly climbed, hitting $100,000 in 1985 and $200,000 in 1997.

    “It was a safe and stable asset, and it provided a good life for those of us who were lucky enough to buy them,” said Guy Roberts, who began driving in 1979 and eventually bought medallions and formed a fleet. “Not an easy life, but a good life.”

    “And then,” he said, “everything changed.”

    – Before coming to America, Mohammed Hoque lived comfortably in Chittagong, a city on Bangladesh’s southern coast. He was a serious student and a gifted runner, despite a small and stocky frame. His father and grandfather were teachers; he said he surpassed them, becoming an education official with a master’s degree in management. He supervised dozens of schools and traveled on a government-issued motorcycle. In 2004, when he was 33, he married Fouzia Mahabub. -

    That same year, several of his friends signed up for the green card lottery, and their thirst for opportunity was contagious. He applied, and won.

    His wife had an uncle in Jamaica, Queens, so they went there. They found a studio apartment. Mr. Hoque wanted to work in education, but he did not speak enough English. A friend recommended the taxi industry.

    It was an increasingly common move for South Asian immigrants. In 2005, about 40 percent of New York cabbies were born in Bangladesh, India or Pakistan, according to the United States Census Bureau. Over all, just 9 percent were born in the United States.

    Mr. Hoque and his wife emigrated from Bangladesh, and have rented the same apartment in Queens since 2005.

    Mr. Hoque joined Taxifleet Management, a large fleet run by the Weingartens, a Russian immigrant family whose patriarchs called themselves the “Three Wise Men.”

    He worked 5 a.m. to 5 p.m., six days a week. On a good day, he said, he brought home $100. He often felt lonely on the road, and he developed back pain from sitting all day and diabetes, medical records show.

    He could have worked fewer shifts. He also could have moved out of the studio. But he drove as much as feasible and spent as little as possible. He had heard the city would soon be auctioning off new medallions. He was saving to buy one.

    Andrew Murstein, left, with his father, Alvin.CreditChester Higgins Jr./The New York Times
    In the early 2000s, a new generation took power in New York’s cab industry. They were the sons of longtime industry leaders, and they had new ideas for making money.

    Few people represented the shift better than Andrew Murstein.

    Mr. Murstein was the grandson of a Polish immigrant who bought one of the first medallions, built one of the city’s biggest fleets and began informally lending to other buyers in the 1970s. Mr. Murstein attended business school and started his career at Bear Stearns and Salomon Brothers, the investment banks.

    When he joined the taxi business, he has said, he pushed his family to sell off many medallions and to establish a bank to focus on lending. Medallion Financial went public in 1996. Its motto was, “In niches, there are riches.”

    Dozens of industry veterans said Mr. Murstein and his father, Alvin, were among those who helped to move the industry to less conservative lending practices. The industry veterans said the Mursteins, as well as others, started saying medallion values would always rise and used that idea to focus on lending to lower-income drivers, which was riskier but more profitable.

    The strategy began to be used by the industry’s other major lenders — Progressive Credit Union, Melrose Credit Union and Lomto Credit Union, all family-run nonprofits that made essentially all their money from medallion loans, according to financial disclosures.

    “We didn’t want to be the one left behind,” said Monte Silberger, Lomto’s controller and then chief financial officer from 1999 to 2017.

    The lenders began accepting smaller down payments. By 2013, many medallion buyers were not handing over any down payment at all, according to an analysis of buyer applications submitted to the city.

    “It got to a point where we didn’t even check their income or credit score,” Mr. Silberger said. “It didn’t matter.”

    Lenders also encouraged existing borrowers to refinance and take out more money when medallion prices rose, according to interviews with dozens of borrowers and loan officers. There is no comprehensive data, but bank disclosures suggest that thousands of owners refinanced.

    Industry veterans said it became common for owners to refinance to buy a house or to put children through college. “You’d walk into the bank and walk out 30 minutes later with an extra $200,000,” said Lou Bakalar, a broker who arranged loans.

    Yvon Augustin has been living with help from his children ever since he declared bankruptcy and lost his taxi medallion.

    Some pointed to the refinancing to argue that irresponsible borrowers fueled the crisis. “Medallion owners were misusing it,” said Aleksey Medvedovskiy, a fleet owner who also worked as a broker. “They used it as an A.T.M.”

    As lenders loosened standards, they increased returns. Rather than raising interest rates, they made borrowers pay a mix of costs — origination fees, legal fees, financing fees, refinancing fees, filing fees, fees for paying too late and fees for paying too early, according to a Times review of more than 500 loans included in legal cases. Many lenders also made borrowers split their loan and pay a much higher rate on the second loan, documents show.

    Lenders also extended loan lengths. Instead of requiring repayment in five or 10 years, they developed deals that lasted as long as 50 years, locking in decades of interest payments. And some wrote interest-only loans that could continue forever.

    “We couldn’t figure out why the company was doing so many interest-only loans,” said Michelle Pirritano, a Medallion Financial loan analyst from 2007 to 2011. “It was a good revenue stream, but it didn’t really make sense as a loan. I mean, it wasn’t really a loan, because it wasn’t being repaid.”

    Almost every loan reviewed by The Times included a clause that spiked the interest rate to as high as 24 percent if it was not repaid in three years. Lenders included the clause — called a “balloon” — so that borrowers almost always had to extend the loan, possibly at a higher rate than in the original terms, and with additional fees.

    Yvon Augustin was caught in one of those loans. He bought a medallion in 2006, a decade after emigrating from Haiti. He said he paid $2,275 every month — more than half his income, he said — and thought he was paying off the loan. But last year, his bank used the balloon to demand that he repay everything. That is when he learned he had been paying only the interest, he said.

    Mr. Augustin, 69, declared bankruptcy and lost his medallion. He lives off assistance from his children.

    During the global financial crisis, Eugene Haber, a lawyer for the taxi industry, started getting calls from bankers he had never met.

    Mr. Haber had written a template for medallion loans in the 1970s. By 2008, his thick mustache had turned white, and he thought he knew everybody in the industry. Suddenly, new bankers began calling his suite in a Long Island office park. Capital One, Signature Bank, New York Commercial Bank and others wanted to issue medallion loans, he said.

    Some of the banks were looking for new borrowers after the housing market collapsed, Mr. Haber said. “They needed somewhere else to invest,” he said. He said he represented some banks at loan signings but eventually became embittered because he believed banks were knowingly lending to people who could not repay.

    Instead of lending directly, the big banks worked through powerful industry players. They enlisted large fleet owners and brokers — especially Neil Greenbaum, Richard Chipman, Savas Konstantinides, Roman Sapino and Basil Messados — to use the banks’ money to lend to medallion buyers. In return, the owners and brokers received a cut of the monthly payments and sometimes an additional fee.

    The fleet owners and brokers, who technically issued the loans, did not face the same scrutiny as banks.

    “They did loans that were frankly insane,” said Larry Fisher, who from 2003 to 2016 oversaw medallion lending at Melrose Credit Union, one of the biggest lenders originally in the industry. “It contributed to the price increases and put a lot of pressure on the rest of us to keep up.”

    Evgeny Freidman, a fleet owner, has said he purposely overbid for taxi medallions in order to drive up their value.CreditSasha Maslov
    Still, Mr. Fisher said, Melrose followed lending rules. “A lot of people tend to blame others for their own misfortune,” he said. “If they want to blame the lender for the medallion going down the tubes the way it has, I think they’re misplaced.”

    Mr. Konstantinides, a fleet owner and the broker and lender who arranged Mr. Hoque’s loans, said every loan issued by his company abided by federal and state banking guidelines. “I am very sympathetic to the plight of immigrant families who are seeking a better life in this country and in this city,” said Mr. Konstantinides, who added that he was also an immigrant.

    Walter Rabin, who led Capital One’s medallion lending division between 2007 and 2012 and has led Signature Bank’s medallion lending division since, said he was one of the industry’s most conservative lenders. He said he could not speak for the brokers and fleet owners with whom he worked.

    Mr. Rabin and other Signature executives denied fault for the market collapse and blamed the city for allowing ride-hail companies to enter with little regulation. “It’s the City of New York that took the biggest advantage of the drivers,” said Joseph J. DePaolo, the president and chief executive of Signature. “It’s not the banks.”

    New York Commercial Bank said in a statement that it began issuing medallion loans before the housing crisis and that they were a very small part of its business. The bank did not engage in risky lending practices, a spokesman said.

    Mr. Messados said in an interview that he disagreed with interest-only loans and other one-sided terms. But he said he was caught between banks developing the loans and drivers clamoring for them. “They were insisting on this,” he said. “What are you supposed to do? Say, ‘I’m not doing the sale?’”

    Several lenders challenged the idea that borrowers were unsophisticated. They said that some got better deals by negotiating with multiple lenders at once.

    Mr. Greenbaum, Mr. Chipman and Mr. Sapino declined to comment, as did Capital One.

    Some fleet owners worked to manipulate prices. In the most prominent example, Evgeny Freidman, a brash Russian immigrant who owned so many medallions that some called him “The Taxi King,” said he purposefully overpaid for medallions sold at city auctions. He reasoned that the higher prices would become the industry standard, making the medallions he already owned worth more. Mr. Freidman, who was partners with Michael Cohen, President Trump’s former lawyer, disclosed the plan in a 2012 speech at Yeshiva University. He recently pleaded guilty to felony tax fraud. He declined to comment.

    As medallion prices kept increasing, the industry became strained. Drivers had to work longer hours to make monthly payments. Eventually, loan records show, many drivers had to use almost all their income on payments.

    “The prices got to be ridiculous,” said Vincent Sapone, the retired manager of the League of Mutual Taxi Owners, an owner association. “When it got close to $1 million, nobody was going to pay that amount of money, unless they came from another country. Nobody from Brooklyn was going to pay that.”

    Some drivers have alleged in court that lenders tricked them into signing loans.

    Muhammad Ashraf, who is not fluent in English, said he thought he was getting a loan to purchase a car but ended up in debt to buy a taxi medallion instead.

    Muhammad Ashraf, a Pakistani immigrant, alleged that a broker, Heath Candero, duped him into a $780,000 interest-only loan. He said in an interview in Urdu that he could not speak English fluently and thought he was just signing a loan to buy a car. He said he found out about the loan when his bank sued him for not fully repaying. The bank eventually decided not to pursue a case against Mr. Ashraf. He also filed a lawsuit against Mr. Candero. That case was dismissed. A lawyer for Mr. Candero declined to comment.

    Abdur Rahim, a Bangladeshi immigrant, alleged that his lender, Bay Ridge Credit Union, inserted hidden fees. In an interview, he added he was told to lie on his loan application. The application, reviewed by The Times, said he made $128,389, but he said his tax return showed he made about $25,000. In court, Bay Ridge has denied there were hidden fees and said Mr. Rahim was “confusing the predatory-lending statute with a mere bad investment.” The credit union declined to comment.

    Several employees of lenders said they were pushed to write loans, encouraged by bonuses and perks such as tickets to sporting events and free trips to the Bahamas.

    They also said drivers almost never had lawyers at loan closings. Borrowers instead trusted their broker to represent them, even though, unbeknown to them, the broker was often getting paid by the bank.

    Stan Zurbin, who between 2009 and 2012 did consulting work for a lender that issued medallion loans, said that as prices rose, lenders in the industry increasingly lent to immigrants.

    “They didn’t have 750 credit scores, let’s just say,” he said. “A lot of them had just come into the country. A lot of them just had no idea what they were signing.”

    The $1 million medallion
    Video
    Mrs. Hoque did not want her husband to buy a medallion. She wanted to use their savings to buy a house. They had their first child in 2008, and they planned to have more. They needed to leave the studio apartment, and she thought a home would be a safer investment.

    But Mr. Hoque could not shake the idea, especially after several friends bought medallions at the city’s February 2014 auction.

    One friend introduced him to a man called “Big Savas.” It was Mr. Konstantinides, a fleet owner who also had a brokerage and a lending company, Mega Funding.

    The call came a few weeks later. A medallion owner had died, and the family was selling for $1 million.

    Mr. Hoque said he later learned the $50,000 he paid up front was just for taxes. Mega eventually requested twice that amount for fees and a down payment, records show. Mr. Hoque said he maxed out credit cards and borrowed from a dozen friends and relatives.

    Fees and interest would bring the total repayment to more than $1.7 million, documents show. It was split into two loans, both issued by Mega with New York Commercial Bank. The loans made him pay $5,000 a month — most of the $6,400 he could earn as a medallion owner.

    Mohammed Hoque’s Medallion Loans Consumed Most of His Taxi Revenue
    After paying his two medallion loans and business costs, Mr. Hoque had about $1,400 left over each month to pay the rent on his studio apartment in Queens and cover his living expenses.

    Estimated monthly revenue $11,845

    Gas $1,500

    Income after expenses $1,400

    Vehicle maintenance $1,300

    Medallion loan 1 $4,114

    Insurance $1,200

    Car loan $650

    Credit card fees $400

    Medallion loan 2 $881

    Other work-related expenses $400

    By the time the deal closed in July 2014, Mr. Hoque had heard of a new company called Uber. He wondered if it would hurt the business, but nobody seemed to be worried.

    As Mr. Hoque drove to the Taxi and Limousine Commission’s downtown office for final approval of the purchase, he fantasized about becoming rich, buying a big house and bringing his siblings to America. After a commission official reviewed his application and loan records, he said he was ushered into the elegant “Taxi of Tomorrow” room. An official pointed a camera. Mr. Hoque smiled.

    “These are little cash cows running around the city spitting out money,” Mr. Murstein said, beaming in a navy suit and pink tie.

    He did not mention he was quietly leaving the business, a move that would benefit him when the market collapsed.

    By the time of the appearance, Medallion Financial had been cutting the number of medallion loans on its books for years, according to disclosures it filed with the Securities and Exchange Commission. Mr. Murstein later said the company started exiting the business and focusing on other ventures before 2010.

    Mr. Murstein declined numerous interview requests. He also declined to answer some written questions, including why he promoted medallions while exiting the business. In emails and through a spokesman, he acknowledged that Medallion Financial reduced down payments but said it rarely issued interest-only loans or charged borrowers for repaying loans too early.

    “Many times, we did not match what our competitors were willing to do and in retrospect, thankfully, we lost the business,” he wrote to The Times.

    Interviews with three former staffers, and a Times review of loan documents that were filed as part of lawsuits brought by Medallion Financial against borrowers, indicate the company issued many interest-only loans and routinely included a provision allowing it to charge borrowers for repaying loans too early.

    Other lenders also left the taxi industry or took precautions long before the market collapsed.

    The credit unions specializing in the industry kept making new loans. But between 2010 and 2014, they sold the loans to other financial institutions more often than in the previous five years, disclosure forms show. Progressive Credit Union, run by Mr. Familant, sold loans off almost twice as often, the forms show. By 2012, that credit union was selling the majority of the loans it issued.

    In a statement, Mr. Familant said the selling of loans was a standard banking practice that did not indicate a lack of confidence in the market.

    Several banks used something called a confession of judgment. It was an obscure document in which the borrower admitted defaulting on the loan — even before taking out any money at all — and authorized the bank to do whatever it wanted to collect.

    Larry Fisher was the medallion lending supervisor at Melrose Credit Union, one of the biggest lenders originally in the industry, from 2003 to 2016.
    Congress has banned that practice in consumer loans, but not in business loans, which is how lenders classified medallion deals. Many states have barred it in business loans, too, but New York is not among them.

    Even as some lenders quietly braced for the market to fall, prices kept rising, and profits kept growing.

    By 2014, many of the people who helped create the bubble had made millions of dollars and invested it elsewhere.

    Medallion Financial started focusing on lending to R.V. buyers and bought a professional lacrosse team and a Nascar team, painting the car to look like a taxi. Mr. Murstein and his father made more than $42 million between 2002 and 2014, disclosures show. In 2015, Ms. Minaj, the rap star, performed at his son’s bar mitzvah.

    The Melrose C.E.O., Alan Kaufman, had the highest base salary of any large state-chartered credit union leader in America in 2013 and 2015, records show. His medallion lending supervisor, Mr. Fisher, also made millions.

    It is harder to tell how much fleet owners and brokers made, but in recent years news articles have featured some of them with new boats and houses.

    Mr. Messados’s bank records, filed in a legal case, show that by 2013, he had more than $50 million in non-taxi assets, including three homes and a yacht.

    The bubble bursts

    At least eight drivers have committed suicide, including three medallion owners with overwhelming loans.
    The medallion bubble burst in late 2014. Uber and Lyft may have hastened the crisis, but virtually all of the hundreds of industry veterans interviewed for this article, including many lenders, said inflated prices and risky lending practices would have caused a collapse even if ride-hailing had never been invented.

    At the market’s height, medallion buyers were typically earning about $5,000 a month and paying about $4,500 to their loans, according to an analysis by The Times of city data and loan documents. Many owners could make their payments only by refinancing when medallion values increased, which was unsustainable, some loan officers said.

    City data shows that since Uber entered New York in 2011, yellow cab revenue has decreased by about 10 percent per cab, a significant bite for low-earning drivers but a small drop compared with medallion values, which initially rose and then fell by 90 percent.

    As values fell, borrowers asked for breaks. But many lenders went the opposite direction. They decided to leave the business and called in their loans.

    They used the confessions to get hundreds of judgments that would allow them to take money from bank accounts, court records show. Some tried to get borrowers to give up homes or a relative’s assets. Others seized medallions and quickly resold them for profit, while still charging the original borrowers fees and extra interest. Several drivers have alleged in court that their lenders ordered them to buy life insurance.

    Many lenders hired a debt collector, Anthony Medina, to seize medallions from borrowers who missed payments.

    The scars left on cabs after medallions were removed.

    Mr. Medina left notes telling borrowers they had to give the lender “relief” to get their medallions back. The notes, which were reviewed by The Times, said the seizure was “authorized by vehicle apprehension unit.” Some drivers said Mr. Medina suggested he was a police officer and made them meet him at a park at night and pay $550 extra in cash.

    One man, Jean Demosthenes, a 64-year-old Haitian immigrant who could not speak English, said in an interview in Haitian Creole that Mr. Medina cornered him in Midtown, displayed a gun and took his car.

    In an interview, Mr. Medina denied threatening anyone with a gun. He said he requested cash because drivers who had defaulted could not be trusted to write good checks. He said he met drivers at parks and referred to himself as the vehicle apprehension unit because he wanted to hide his identity out of fear he could be targeted by borrowers.

    “You’re taking words from people that are deadbeats and delinquent people. Of course, they don’t want to see me,” he said. “I’m not the bad guy. I’m just the messenger from the bank.”

    Some lenders, especially Signature Bank, have let borrowers out of their loans for one-time payments of about $250,000. But to get that money, drivers have had to find new loans. Mr. Greenbaum, a fleet owner, has provided many of those loans, sometimes at interest rates of up to 15 percent, loan documents and interviews showed.

    New York Commercial Bank said in its statement it also had modified some loans.

    Other drivers lost everything. Most of the more than 950 owners who declared bankruptcy had to forfeit their medallions. Records indicate many were bought by hedge funds hoping for prices to rise. For now, cabs sit unused.

    Jean Demosthenes said his medallion was repossessed by a man with a gun. The man denied that he was armed.

    Bhairavi Desai, founder of the Taxi Workers Alliance, which represents drivers and independent owners, has asked the city to bail out owners or refund auction purchasers. Others have urged the city to pressure banks to forgive loans or soften terms.

    After reviewing The Times’s findings, Deepak Gupta, a former top official at the United States Consumer Financial Protection Bureau, said the New York Attorney General’s Office should investigate lenders.

    Mr. Gupta also said the state should close the loophole that let lenders classify medallion deals as business loans, even though borrowers had to guarantee them with everything they owned. Consumer loans have far more disclosure rules and protections.

    “These practices were indisputably predatory and would be illegal if they were considered consumer loans, rather than business loans,” he said.

    Last year, amid eight known suicides of drivers, including three medallion owners with overwhelming loans, the city passed a temporary cap on ride-hailing cars, created a task force to study the industry and directed the city taxi commission to do its own analysis of the debt crisis.

    Earlier this year, the Council eliminated the committee overseeing the industry after its chairman, Councilman Rubén Díaz Sr. of the Bronx, said the Council was “controlled by the homosexual community.” The speaker, Mr. Johnson, said, “The vast majority of the legislative work that we have been looking at has already been completed.”

    In a statement, a council spokesman said the committee’s duties had been transferred to the Committee on Transportation. “The Council is working to do as much as it can legislatively to help all drivers,” the spokesman said.

    As of last week, no one had been appointed to the task force.

    On the last day of 2018, Mr. and Mrs. Hoque brought their third child home from the hospital.

    Mr. Hoque cleared space for the boy’s crib, pushing aside his plastic bags of T-shirts and the fan that cooled the studio. He looked around. He could not believe he was still living in the same room.

    His loan had quickly faltered. He could not make the payments and afford rent, and his medallion was seized. Records show he paid more than $12,000 to Mega, and he said he paid another $550 to Mr. Medina to get it back. He borrowed from friends, promising it would not happen again. Then it happened four more times, he said.

    Mr. Konstantinides, the broker, said in his statement that he met with Mr. Hoque many times and twice modified one of his loans in order to lower his monthly payments. He also said he gave Mr. Hoque extra time to make some payments.

    In all, between the initial fees, monthly payments and penalties after the seizures, Mr. Hoque had paid about $400,000 into the medallion by the beginning of this year.

    But he still owed $915,000 more, plus interest, and he did not know what to do. Bankruptcy would cost money, ruin his credit and remove his only income source. And it would mean a shameful end to years of hard work. He believed his only choice was to keep working and to keep paying.

    His cab was supposed to be his ticket to money and freedom, but instead it seemed like a prison cell. Every day, he got in before the sun rose and stayed until the sky began to darken. Mr. Hoque, now 48, tried not to think about home, about what he had given up and what he had dreamed about.

    “It’s an unhuman life,” he said. “I drive and drive and drive. But I don’t know what my destination is.”

    [Read Part 2 of The Times’s investigation: As Thousands of Taxi Drivers Were Trapped in Loans, Top Officials Counted the Money]

    Reporting was contributed by Emma G. Fitzsimmons, Suzanne Hillinger, Derek M. Norman, Elisha Brown, Lindsey Rogers Cook, Pierre-Antoine Louis and Sameen Amin. Doris Burke and Susan Beachy contributed research. Produced by Jeffrey Furticella and Meghan Louttit.

    Follow Brian M. Rosenthal on Twitter at @brianmrosenthal

    #USA #New_York #Taxi #Betrug #Ausbeutung

  • Faut-il avoir peur de la finance de l’ombre ?

    http://www.lemonde.fr/economie/article/2017/01/08/faut-il-avoir-peur-de-la-finance-de-l-ombre_5059493_3234.html

    Fonds d’investissement et assureurs empruntent et prêtent sans être soumis au même contrôle prudentiel que les banques. Cette finance parallèle fait-elle courir un risque ?

    Dix ans, déjà. La planète s’apprête à « fêter » en 2017 le dixième anniversaire de l’explosion de la bulle des subprimes, dont l’économie mondiale peine toujours à se relever. Depuis, gouvernements et autorités financières n’ont qu’une obsession : éviter une récidive. Les JP Morgan, Deutsche Bank ou BNP Paribas sont surveillés d’aussi près qu’un opéré du cœur en salle de réanimation. Des capteurs sont posés à chaque recoin de leur bilan afin de mesurer d’éventuelles tensions sur la liquidité, carences en fonds propres et poussées de fièvre sur les portefeuilles de risques.

    Le système financier en est-il plus sûr qu’auparavant ? Même pas. « Les risques globaux qui menacent la stabilité sont probablement aussi élevés que par le passé », analyse sans illusion un rapport publié le 16 novembre 2016 par le Groupe des Trente, très chic cénacle d’éminents anciens banquiers centraux ou régulateurs. Certes, les banques sont plus solides, mais il y a « une crainte que la menace sur la stabilité financière se soit déplacée des banques vers le “shadow banking” », pointe le cercle de réflexion.

    Cette « finance de l’ombre », ou finance parallèle, rappelle la célèbre publicité des années 1980 pour un soda « doré comme l’alcool », dont le « nom sonne comme un nom d’alcool », mais qui n’en est pas. Ces banques « Canada Dry » n’ont rien de secrètes. Ce sont des assureurs, des hedge funds, des fonds communs de créances ou encore des fonds monétaires, autant d’entités qui peuvent emprunter et prêter de l’argent, comme le feraient des banques, mais qui n’en sont pas et ne sont donc pas soumises au même contrôle prudentiel.



    Un rouage indispensable

    La palette est large et hétérogène. Cela va de Lendix, la plate-forme de financement participatif qui a octroyé 46 millions d’euros de prêts à des PME en 2016, à BlackRock, le premier gestionnaire d’actifs mondial, qui gérait plus de 5 100 milliards de dollars (4 827 milliards d’euros) au 30 septembre 2016, soit près de deux fois le PIB de la France ! En novembre 2015, le Conseil de stabilité financière – une instance basée à Bâle et chargée par le G20 de renforcer la solidité du système financier mondial – indiquait que cette finance de l’ombre, susceptible de « faire peser un risque sur la stabilité financière », atteignait 36 000 milliards de dollars en 2014, deux fois le premier PIB mondial, celui des Etats-Unis.

    Attention, toutefois, à ne pas sombrer dans la caricature. Au début du mois d’octobre 2016, les téléspectateurs de L’Emission politique, sur France 2, avaient eu la surprise de voir Jérôme Kerviel – le tradeur condamné pour une fraude ayant coûté près de 5 milliards d’euros à la Société générale – interpeller le candidat à la primaire de la droite, Alain Juppé, en ces termes : « Il n’y a aucune réglementation sur les techniques du shadow banking. »

    C’est faux. « Nous n’avons rien d’un électron libre », s’agace Thibault de Saint Priest, associé gérant du groupe financier Acofi, qui a collecté 2,3 milliards d’euros auprès d’investisseurs institutionnels pour distribuer des prêts. « Nous obéissons à une réglementation draconienne. En tant que société de gestion de portefeuilles, nous sommes extrêmement surveillés, à la fois par nos investisseurs et par l’Autorité des marchés financiers (AMF), qui contrôlent la compétence de nos équipes ou la qualité de nos systèmes. »

    Il ne faut pas l’oublier non plus, cette finance non bancaire constitue un rouage indispensable à l’économie, au moment où les établissements de crédit traditionnels, de plus en plus contraints par la réglementation prudentielle, affalent leur bilan et sont réticents à prêter aux entreprises. La politique monétaire ultra-accommodante menée par les banques centrales accentue le mouvement de transfert : dans un environnement de taux nuls, voire négatifs, les fonds de pension et assureurs raffolent des produits de dette d’entreprises, qui offrent encore de beaux rendements.

    C’est bien tout le paradoxe, les remèdes de la crise ont accentué le poids du shadow banking, qui avait pourtant été désigné comme le principal vecteur de contagion lors de la crise des subprimes. Le terme, inventé en 2007 par Paul McCulley, un économiste de Pimco, ciblait alors un circuit de financement très précis, celui du marché immobilier américain. Dans cette grande usine dans laquelle des prêts hypothécaires consentis aux ménages étaient recyclés en instruments financiers complexes, quasiment toute la chaîne de transformation échappait à la vigilance des régulateurs.

    Les experts avaient bien identifié la montée inquiétante d’instruments comme les dérivés de crédit, mais, faute de transparence, beaucoup pensaient qu’ils favorisaient une dispersion des risques, façon puzzle. Dès lors, si un défaut venait à se matérialiser, jugeaient ces optimistes, cela ­toucherait certes un grand nombre d’acteurs financiers, mais faiblement, et personne n’en mourrait…

    Cela ne s’est pas passé ainsi. D’abord, parce que le risque final s’est avéré beaucoup plus concentré que prévu sur certains acteurs, comme Bear Stearns ou Lehman Brothers. Ensuite parce que la vague de défaillances a provoqué, par effet domino, une crise de confiance aiguë qui a gelé le fonctionnement même des échanges entre banques. « S’il y a une leçon à retenir de la crise, c’est la vitesse à laquelle les apporteurs de crédit à court terme retirent leurs financements », a rappelé Daniel Tarullo, membre du Conseil des gouverneurs de la Réserve fédérale américaine.

    Recensement des acteurs systémiques

    Bonne nouvelle, « les formes de crédit qui ont joué un rôle complexe en 2007 ont presque disparu », souligne Adair Turner, l’ancien patron du régulateur financier britannique, qui a piloté ces travaux du Groupe des Trente. On ne devrait plus entendre parler des CDO (Collateralized Debt Obligations) et autres monstruosités qui ont contaminé les bilans des banques du monde entier. Les nouvelles formes d’intermédiation apparaissent moins risquées.

    La mauvaise nouvelle, c’est que d’autres poches de risques ont surgi.

    L’une des grandes préoccupations des experts porte sur la montée en puissance de la finance parallèle en Chine. Les entreprises des pays émergents ont emprunté à tour de bras, souvent en dollars, en court-circuitant les banques, souvent avec leur complicité. Que se passera-t-il quand les taux remonteront ? Dès 2010, le G20 réuni à Séoul demandait au Conseil de stabilité financière (Financial Stability Board, FSB) de s’attaquer aux risques qui se développent en dehors du système bancaire. « Le G20 des ministres des finances veut progresser vers une régulation plus stricte des marchés financiers, en particulier concernant le shadow banking », a de nouveau plaidé l’Allemagne, qui a pris, le 1er décembre 2016, la présidence tournante du G20.



    L’un des grands chantiers en cours vise à recenser les acteurs systémiques – dont une éventuelle défaillance serait de nature à entraîner un chaos planétaire par effet domino. Objectif : leur imposer des contraintes strictes de capital ou de reporting. Chacun garde en tête cette fameuse réunion d’urgence du 23 septembre 1998, dans le bureau du gouverneur de la Fed de New York. Les patrons des grandes banques d’investissement avaient été sommés de voler au secours du hedge fund LTCM, dont la faillite avait de grandes chances de provoquer un krach sur les marchés obligataires.

    Les grands assureurs ont bataillé dur pour y échapper mais le Conseil de stabilité financière a fini par établir une liste de 9 compagnies systémiques, où figure le français Axa. Les gérants d’actifs, en revanche, comme BlackRock, ont réussi à convaincre le bras armé du G20 qu’ils n’avaient pas besoin de renforcer leur capital, puisque le risque final de leurs portefeuilles est porté par les investisseurs.
    Le Conseil, toutefois, a émis en juin une liste de recommandations visant à renforcer notamment la liquidité de ces institutions. Les discussions sont loin d’être achevées avec les gérants d’actifs. Mais ceux-ci ne sont pas les seuls dans le collimateur. De façon ironique, BlackRock a d’ailleurs enjoint le FSB de s’intéresser de près à la solidité toute relative des chambres de compensation, acteurs essentiels pour le bon fonctionnement des marchés.

    Réglementation ou assouplissement

    En parallèle, les autorités financières américaines et européennes cherchent à réglementer activité par activité. En octobre, les Etats-Unis ont ainsi réformé les règles du jeu des fonds monétaires – qui représentent 2 700 milliards de dollars. En Europe, la nouvelle réglementation Marchés financiers et infrastructures (MIF 2) doit entrer en vigueur en janvier 2018. « Alors que MIF 1 n’imposait la transparence que sur les quelques milliers d’actions admises aux négociations sur un marché réglementé européen (environ 6 000), MIF 2 étend cette exigence à des centaines de milliers d’instruments financiers, en particulier obligataires et dérivés », indique l’AMF.

    Les écarts de liquidité sont surveillés comme le lait sur le feu. Est-il raisonnable pour des fonds d’offrir aux épargnants la possibilité de retirer à tout moment leurs capitaux, quand des mois sont souvent nécessaires, par exemple, pour vendre un immeuble ? Un début de panique a touché le Royaume-Uni, début juillet 2016, après le vote du Brexit, lorsque des grands acteurs de la gestion ont suspendu les rachats de parts dans leurs fonds consacrés à l’immobilier commercial britannique, en raison d’un « manque de liquidité immédiate ». L’affaire en est restée là. Mais en août 2007, l’assèchement soudain du marché secondaire des CDO avait incité BNP Paribas à geler les retraits sur trois de ses sicav monétaires, dont les portefeuilles regorgeaient de ces produits toxiques. Cette décision avait sonné officiellement le début de la crise financière…

    Bref, la route s’annonce longue et difficile. La volonté affichée par Donald Trump, dès son élection en novembre à la présidence des Etats-Unis, d’assouplir la loi Dodd-Frank a fait l’effet d’une douche froide. Cette réglementation votée en 2010, sous l’impulsion des démocrates, visait notamment à réduire les liens entre la finance parallèle et les banques, afin d’éviter que l’une ne contamine l’autre, comme ce fut le cas en 2007-2008.

    Sachant que les Etats-Unis représentent 40 % du shadow banking, cette position du président élu pourrait bien sonner le glas de la coopération mondiale en matière de régulation financière. Dans la foulée, les Européens et les Japonais ont fait bloc pour empêcher le Comité de Bâle, le régulateur bancaire international, de resserrer encore le carcan prudentiel imposé aux banques. Sur fond de guerre économique, aucune juridiction n’a envie de handicaper son propre système financier si les autres lâchent la bride. Ce n’est pourtant pas le moment de baisser la garde. Faute de quoi, la finance de l’ombre pourrait bien, à nouveau, faire trembler le monde.

    • Oui il faut avoir peur car c’est une ultime crise qui a déjà provoqué deux guerres mondiales la FED et les banquiers ont bien mis le pied à l’étrier aux Mussolini, Hitler, et autres petits dictateurs aussi aux Usa ou le fascisme est latent (Opération Paper-clips) les marchés décident souvent à la place des peuples a quelle sauce ils doivent être dévorés. N’oublions pas qu’en Europe de l’est des partis proto-fascistes ou fascistes sont installé au plus haut du pouvoir ...Exemple l’Ukraine avec le « maidan » défendu comme « révolution » mais en vérité une révolution provoquée avec l’aide de Georges Soros et CANVAS le milliardaire Kolomoisky se plaint alors qu’il a du sang sur les mains : https://blogs.mediapart.fr/segesta3756/blog/221216/igor-kolomoisky-ils-ont-fini-par-m-avoir Non le pauvre gars a tués des miliers d’ukrainiens, escroqué le FMI et autres banques centrale et il se plaint. Attention si vous pensez que c’est faux ce que je dis écrit je peux aussi vous fournir des preuves ...

  • Les loups de Wall Street rodent autour de Donald Trump

    http://www.lemonde.fr/economie/article/2016/11/21/apres-avoir-fustige-wall-street-et-les-lobbys-donald-trump-y-puise-ses-conse

    Des anciens de Goldman Sachs ou de fonds spéculatifs sont pressentis pour occuper des postes clés dans l’administration.

    Pendant des mois, Donald Trump s’est présenté comme le représentant de l’Amérique des travailleurs, loin des compromissions de « l’establishment » de Washington avec la finance et les lobbies. « Les gars des fonds spéculatifs s’en sont bien tirés », n’a cessé de marteler le magnat de l’immobilier devant ses supporteurs en parlant de la crise financière de 2008.

    Mais, depuis son élection, il semble que « ces gars-là » aient à nouveau le vent en poupe. En témoigne l’aréopage de conseillers qui constituent l’équipe de transition du président-élu, et dont certains vont former l’ossature du futur gouvernement. Selon des médias américains, certains noms pour des postes-clés de l’administration Trump doivent être annoncés en tout début de semaine.

    Steven Mnuchin est sans doute l’un des plus visibles actuellement. Celui que l’on présente comme le probable secrétaire au Trésor – c’est lui qui a supervisé les finances de la campagne du candidat républicain –, a fait l’essentiel de sa carrière à Wall Street. Après dix-sept ans chez Goldman Sachs, où son père était associé, ce diplômé de Yale a ensuite rejoint le secteur des fonds spéculatifs, avant de monter sa propre boutique, Dune Capital.
    L’un de ses principaux faits d’armes a consisté à aider une poignée d’investisseurs comme George Soros ou John Paulson à racheter, en 2009, IndyMac, une caisse d’épargne spécialisée dans les prêts hypothécaires à risques qui venait de faire faillite après la crise des subprimes.

    Placée dans un premier temps sous le contrôle du Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation, l’agence fédérale qui garantit les dépôts bancaires aux Etats-Unis, la société a été reprise par M. Mnuchin et ses associés pour 1,5 milliard de dollars et rebaptisée OneWest Bank.
    Wilbur Ross, le « roi de la faillite »
    Devenue « leader des saisies sur le segment des personnes âgées », elle a été revendue cinq ans plus tard pour 3,4 milliards de dollars, après qu’elle eut expulsé des dizaines de milliers d’Américains de leur maison. La banque est également accusée de discrimination raciale, selon Bloomberg.

    Autre vétéran de la crise des subprimes en plein reclassement, John Paulson. Ce patron de fonds spéculatif, qui a gagné des milliards de dollars quand le château de cartes du marché immobilier s’est effondré, a été propulsé conseiller économique de M. Trump.
    L’homme qui est pressenti pour devenir secrétaire au commerce, Wilbur Ross, est également une figure de Wall Street. A 78 ans, il est le fondateur d’un fonds d’investissement dans les entreprises non cotées (private equity), WL Ross and Co, dont la spécialité consiste à reprendre des entreprises en faillite pour les redresser.

    M. Ross a gagné son surnom de « roi de la faillite » en rachetant pour une bouchée de pain des fabricants d’acier, des entreprises textiles et des mines de charbon. Il les a ensuite revendues à bon prix après les avoir sévèrement restructurés en procédant, entre autres, à des milliers de licenciements.

    Des méthodes qui allèrent jusqu’à faire fi de la sécurité, comme dans la mine de Sago (Virginie-Occidentale), où les salariés n’avaient pas le droit de se syndiquer. En 2005, ce site a fait l’objet de 205 infractions à la réglementation en termes de sécurité, et, en janvier 2006, une explosion a tué une douzaine de mineurs. C’est lui qui pourrait être chargé de mettre en œuvre les barrières douanières censées faire revenir les emplois industriels aux Etats-Unis.

    Paul Atkins, le « Monsieur finance »

    Autre candidat potentiel à ce poste : Lewis Eisenberg, ex-associé chez Goldman Sachs, qui, après vingt ans, a été poussé à la démission à la suite d’une affaire de harcèlement sexuel. De son côté, Robert Mercer, patron du fonds spéculatif Renaissance Technologies, gros donateur pour la cause des conservateurs et actuellement en délicatesse avec le fisc à propos d’un redressement portant sur plusieurs milliards, a eu le plaisir de voir sa fille Rebekah intégrer l’équipe de transition.
    Elle y retrouve Paul Atkins, 58 ans, le « Monsieur finance » de cette équipe. Ce républicain, ex-membre de la Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) de 2002 à 2008, a toujours été un farouche adversaire de la régulation financière. Il était à l’époque très critique à propos des amendes infligées aux entreprises, estimant que ces sanctions n’aboutissaient qu’à punir les actionnaires. C’est lui qui est chargé de conseiller M. Trump sur les nominations à la Réserve fédérale (Fed, banque centrale) ou à la SEC. Il sera également à la manœuvre pour démanteler la loi Dodd-Frank sur la régulation financière, comme s’y est engagé le président-élu quelques jours après son élection.
    M. Atkins est actuellement à la tête d’un cabinet, Patomak Global Partners, qui conseille les institutions financières sur la façon de s’adapter aux nouvelles normes imposées par les régulateurs du secteur.

    En octobre, il a été nommé par un juge fédéral pour contrôler la Deutsche Bank sur la gestion de ses produits dérivés dans le cadre d’une sanction infligée par la CFTC, l’agence fédérale chargée de la régulation des Bourses. La banque allemande est par ailleurs le principal prêteur de la Trump Organization, l’entreprise du milliardaire.
    Les questions économiques sont chapeautées par David Malpass. Cet ancien conseiller de Ronald Reagan a été pendant quinze ans économiste en chef de la banque d’affaires Bear Stearns, qui a fait faillite en mars 2008.

    Donald Trump ne voit pas où est le problème

    En août 2007, dans une tribune parue dans le Wall Street Journal et intitulée « Ne paniquez pas à propos du marché du crédit », il écrivait : « Les marchés immobilier et de la dette ne sont pas une si grosse part de l’économie américaine et de la création d’emplois. L’économie est robuste et va croître solidement dans les prochains mois et peut-être les prochaines années. » On connaît la suite.
    Les lobbyistes ont aussi la part belle dans l’équipe de M. Trump. Comme Jeff Eisenach, qui a travaillé comme consultant chez le plus gros opérateur américain de télécommunications, Verizon, et qui est censé réfléchir à l’orientation de la Federal Communications Commission, l’autorité de régulation du secteur.

    Michael Catanzaro, qui a fait du lobbying pour les entreprises parapétrolières Halliburton ou Koch Industries et gros bailleur de fonds du Parti républicain, est le principal conseiller pour les questions énergétiques. Martin Whitmer, lui, a travaillé pour la National Asphalt Pavement Association, qui regroupe les fabricants d’asphalte. Il est désormais chargé des transports et des infrastructures auprès de M. Trump.

    Quant à Michael Torrey, il a longtemps conseillé l’American Beverage Association, le lobby des fabricants de boissons, et la Crop Insurance Bureau, un assureur agricole. Sa mission sera désormais de superviser les questions… agricoles.

    Au total, une vingtaine de lobbyistes sont à la manœuvre au sein de l’équipe de transition. Une situation que la sénatrice démocrate du Massachusetts, Elizabeth Warren, a dénoncée dans une lettre datée du 15 novembre et adressée à M. Trump. « Vous aviez promis que vous ne seriez pas aux mains “des donateurs, des intérêts particuliers et des lobbyistes qui ont corrompu nos politiques depuis déjà trop longtemps” et que vous alliez “assécher le marais” à Washington », rappelle-t-elle, constatant qu’il était « déjà en train d’échouer » en nommant « une kyrielle de banquiers de Wall Street, d’initiés de l’industrie et des lobbyistes au sein de [son] équipe de transition ».
    Mme Warren, qui souligne que « 72 % des Américains, démocrates comme républicains, pensent que “l’économie américaine est truquée au bénéfice des riches et des puissants” », appelle le président-élu à exclure ces personnes de son équipe.

    Donald Trump, lui, ne voit pas où est le problème. Lors d’une interview accordée le 13 novembre à la chaîne de télévision CBS, le milliardaire a expliqué qu’il était difficile de trouver des gens pour travailler avec le gouvernement sans qu’ils aient des liens avec les lobbys, estimant que Washington était, « dans sa totalité », un « énorme lobby ». Reste à savoir si ses électeurs seront convaincus par cette réponse.

  • A.G. Schneiderman Sues JPMorgan For Fraudulent Residential Mortgage-backed Securities Issued By Bear Stearns | Eric T. Schneiderman
    http://ag.ny.gov/press-release/ag-schneiderman-sues-jpmorgan-fraudulent-residential-mortgage-backed-securiti

    “This lawsuit will bring accountability for the misconduct that led to the crash of the housing market and the collapse of the American economy,” said Attorney General Schneiderman. “Our lawsuit demonstrates that there is one set of rules for all – no matter how big or powerful the institution may be – and that those rules will be enforced vigorously. We believe that this is a workable template for future actions against issuers of residential mortgage-backed securities that defrauded investors and cost millions of Americans their homes. We need real accountability for the illegal and deceptive conduct in the creation of the housing bubble in order to bring justice for New York’s homeowners and investors.”

    #banksters