• Classement Forbes : Bezos reste l’homme le plus riche du monde, Bernard Arnault est 4e

    Pas de révolution au classement des personnes les plus riches du monde du magazine Forbes : le fondateur d’Amazon Jeff Bezos reste le numéro un devant Bill Gates et Warren Buffett. Mais l’année 2019 recèle tout de même des surprises : la chute de Zuckerberg, la remontée de Donald Trump (malgré une fortune inchangée)... Quant à Bernard Arnault, le patron de LVMH, il conforte sa position de première fortune française et quatrième mondiale.

    Le trio de tête du classement 2019 des personnes les plus riches de la planète de Forbes est identique à celui de 2018, avec Jeff Bezos, le patron d’Amazon, qui conserve sa première place en amassant près de 20 milliards de dollars supplémentaires pour une fortune estimée à 131 milliards de dollars. Il creuse ainsi l’écart avec le numéro deux, Bill Gates, cofondateur de Microsoft devenu philanthrope. A 63 ans, il a vu sa fortune augmenter plus modestement, pour atteindre 96,5 milliards de dollars, contre 90 milliards l’an dernier.

    Le troisième du classement est l’investisseur Warren Buffett, 88 ans, doyen du podium, même si sa réputation d’avoir le nez pour les bonnes affaires a pris un coup avec le plongeon fin février des bénéfices et de l’action du géant agroalimentaire Kraft Heinz, sur lequel il avait misé. Il voit ainsi sa fortune baisser de 1,5 milliard, à 82,5 milliards de dollars.

    Avec 14 représentants parmi les 20 premiers, les Américains dominent toujours ce classement mondial, qui rassemble quelque 2.100 milliardaires, dont la fortune cumulée s’élève à 8.700 milliards de dollars.

    La France compte tout de même deux représentants dans le top 20 : Bernard Arnault, président du groupe français LVMH, qui reste la 4e fortune planétaire et le Français le plus riche, avec une fortune estimée à 66,9 milliards d’euros (76 milliards de dollars). Et Françoise Bettencourt-Meyers, l’héritière de L’Oréal, classée 15e, qui est d’ailleurs la seule femme parmi les 20 premiers.

    Sur la troisième marche du podium français figure François Pinault, fondateur du groupe PPR aujourd’hui disparu, rival de LVMH dans le luxe avec Kering, qui a vu sa fortune estimée croître de près de 12% en un an à 26,1 milliards d’euros (29,7 milliards de dollars).

    Zuckerberg chute à la 8e place, miné par les déboires de Facebook
    Surprise de taille, le patron de Facebook Mark Zuckerberg tombe du 5e au 8e rang après avoir « perdu » près de 9 milliards de dollars.

  • Kraft Heinz, le géant du ketchup, dans la tourmente
    #Capitalisme prédateur

    Dans le cas de Kraft-Heinz, le rapprochement de 2 entreprise en bonne santé, cela s’est immédiatement traduit par la fermeture de 6 usines, la suppression de 5.000 postes et des coupes tous azimuts. Et la pratique est sans limite : pas plus de 100 cartes de visites pour les managers, pas plus de 200 photocopies pour les comptables, ou encore la division par 3 des dépenses de marketing dans un secteur agroalimentaire où la compétition est intense.

  • The Agrifood Atlas: how corporations are tightening their stranglehold on people’s food | Friends of the Earth Europe

    New research published today shows the dramatic impacts of the global food system being rapidly monopolised by ever-fewer, ever-larger corporations at every stage of the food chain. This alarming trend poses risks to consumer choice, jobs and working conditions and food production in the future, warn the authors of the Agrifood Atlas.

    Between 2015 and 2016, five of the largest 12 mergers between publicly-traded companies came in the agrifood sector, with a total value of almost US $500 billion.

    The authors raise concerns that the growing consolidation in the food chain is causing:

    Less consumer choice: increased monopolies are putting the food chain into even fewer hands. Almost half of all food sold in the EU comes from just ten supermarket chains and 50 food processing companies account for half of all global food sales. Only four companies produce 60% of the world’s baby food.
    A risk to future food production: merged agrifood corporations are driving industrialisation along the whole food chain, with 20% of the world’s agricultural land now degraded.
    Job cuts and low wages: The current wave of mergers in the processing industries – such as Kraft-Heinz and AB Inbev-SAB Miller – were driven by cost saving calculations, and led to thousands of job cuts.
    Price pressure through buyers’ cartels: Food retailers and processors put pressure on their suppliers, squeezing out smaller producers, and poor working conditions and low pay exist along the food chain. Around 80% of the global tea market is controlled by just three corporations.
    A situation where the poorest stay hungry despite an oversupply of food. The global harvest of edible crops is today equal to around 4,600 kcal per person per day – but more than half of this is lost in storage, via distribution, food waste and being fed to livestock.

    #atlas #cartographie #visualisation #alimentation #agriculture

  • What McDonald’s doesn’t want you to know about its ‘British’ beef | The Independent

    In a report in February, campaign group Mighty Earth revealed how land was being cleared to make way for soy plantations in the Brazilian Cerrado and Bolivian Amazon.

    Now, in a follow-up report, they said “large industrial farms” were still selling to major global food companies that supply household names like #McDonald’s, #Burger_King, #Dunkin’Donuts, #Kellogg’s and #Kraft_Heinz.

    #déforestation #forêt #soja #viande #Bolivie #Brésil

  • Edward Snowden’s Long, Strange Journey to Hollywood
    (Irina Alexander, August 2016)

    A long but interesting read about how Oliver Stone’s “Snowden” came to be.

    Oliver Stone, director
    Moritz Borman, the producer
    Anatoly Kucherena, Snowden’s Russian lawyer
    Ben Wizner, Snowden’s lawyer at the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU)

    On “Snowden,” he and Borman became so preoccupied with American government surveillance that they had their Los Angeles offices swept for bugs more than once.


    [Wizner said] that Snowden wasn’t profiting from Stone’s film in any way. “One hard-and-fast rule Ed always had was, I’m not selling my life rights,” Wizner said. Snowden’s participation in a Hollywood movie would only fuel the claims of his critics — that he was a narcissist eager to cash in. That said, Stone’s film would be seen by millions of people, which meant it could sway public opinion. “We were choosing between two bad options,” Wizner said.


    Wizner had negotiated veto control over any footage featuring Snowden in the film. After we spoke, the lawyer says he asked Borman to put that in writing. He also reiterated that if Stone took a reporter along, Snowden would not participate. Stone and I eventually reached a compromise: I wouldn’t observe the shoot, but I could still come and meet Kucherena.


    Anticipating a homesick Snowden, [Stone’s co-writer] hauled over a duffel bag packed with the stuff of Americana dreams: Kraft macaroni and cheese, Jell-O cups, Oreos, Pepperidge Farm cookies, Twizzlers, peanut butter, Spam, an Orioles baseball cap and a pair of Converse sneakers. “It was like delivering a care package to a kid at summer camp,” [he said.] He also slipped in a copy of “The Odyssey” translated by his grandfather “I thought it was appropriate, since Ed was on his own kind of odyssey trying to get home.”


    Wizner, who is 45, has been at the A.C.L.U. since 2001. Before Snowden, he tried to bring several suits to increase oversight over the intelligence community. Wizner likes to say that he spent a decade banging his head against a wall, and then Snowden came along and brought that wall down. Snowden had not only revealed the scope of the surveillance apparatus, but also that top government officials routinely misled the public about it. Since becoming Snowden’s advocate, Wizner has become a figure of not insignificant geopolitical importance. Those revelations have since formed a critical backdrop for legislative reforms, and there are few things that irritate Wizner more than claims that threaten to tarnish Snowden’s character and their common cause.

    It would not be a stretch to say that for Wizner, Kucherena has become a bit of a liability. Since 2013, the Russian lawyer has announced that Snowden landed a job at a major Russian website — news that turned out to not be true — and has supplied the news media with photos of his client enjoying his new life in Russia, attending an opera at the Bolshoi Theater and cheerfully hugging a dog named Rick. (Rick later turned out to be the dog of one of Kucherena’s friends). Now Kucherena had sold a novel to Stone, making it seem as if the director had to pay a Russian fixer to have access to Snowden — or worse, that Snowden was somehow under the lock and key of the Russian authorities, lent to Stone for a Hollywood movie.


    According to Wizner, [Snowden] leads a free existence in Russia, making appearances via live video and publishing op-eds against Russia’s human rights violations. “I think people are inclined to believe that Russia would never let him stay there unless he was paying for it in some way,” Wizner said. “But it’s just not true. Not only is he not cooperating, but he’s actually being critical.”


    Oliver Stone, Edward Snowden, Anatoly Kucherena and Kieran Fitzgerald in Kucherena’s office in Moscow.

    The shoot took place at Kucherena’s dacha. The day went long. Stone’s idea was to interview Snowden and capture an affecting moment that would give the film its dramatic ending. But the first takes were stiff. “Ed is used to answering questions on a level of intelligence,” Stone said. “But I was interested in the emotional, which is difficult for him.”


    “Suddenly this little creature comes teetering in — so fragile, so lovely, such a charming, well-­behaved, beautiful little man,” the cinematographer, Anthony Dod Mantle, told me. “He’s like an old soul in a very young body. He’s got fingers like violins.” Filming Snowden reminded Mantle of shooting other men with outsize reputations and slight builds. “It’s like Bono or Al Pacino,” he added. “Those guys are teeny-­weenies. But if you isolate him into a frame, he can be as big as anybody else.”


    Convinced that making the film on American soil would be too risky, Stone decided to film in Germany, where Borman was able to score some tax subsidies. With roughly 140 script pages to shoot in 54 days, the crew sprinted from Munich to Washington, to Hawaii, to Hong Kong, and then back to Munich. Often, Mantle wouldn’t get to see locations before he had to film in them. To cut costs, the suburbs of Munich had to stand in for rural Maryland and Virginia, with German extras cast as Americans. “Thank God the Germans act like Americans,” Stone said.

    The production itself resembled a covert operation, with a code name (“Sasha” had stuck) and elaborate security protocols. Worried that “Sasha” would be of interest to the N.S.A., Borman and Stone avoided discussing production details by phone or email — “It was all handwritten notes and long walks in the park,” Borman said — and kept the script on air-­gapped computers, ones that have never been connected to the internet. If it had to be mailed, Borman would mix up the pages into four packages, which he would send with four different couriers to four different addresses. “Maybe nobody gave a [expletive],” Borman told me. “Or maybe the N.S.A. is laughing at us like, ‘Look at those idiots — of course we copied everything that came through DHL and FedEx!”


    In the spring of 2014, Stone flew to Berlin and met with Poitras. The meeting did not go well. According to Poitras, Stone proposed that she delay the release of “Citizenfour,” which she was then in the middle of editing, to time up with his film. “Because his film would be the real movie — because it’s a Hollywood movie,” Poitras told me. “Obviously I wasn’t interested in doing that. To have another filmmaker ask me to delay the release of my film was — well, it was somewhat insulting.”


    If Poitras had a strong reaction to Stone’s proposal, it was because she had already been hounded by Sony. After the studio optioned Greenwald’s book, Poitras says Sony asked to buy her life rights — an offer she declined. Sony suggested that she come on as a consultant, but when the contract arrived, it stipulated that the studio would have access to Poitras’s tapes and notebooks. “So I’d already gone through that when Oliver came in trying to position himself,” she said.


    Stone was right about Gordon-­Levitt. His performance is not an interpretation so much as a direct replica of the whistle-­blower’s even demeanor and intonation. Quinto plays Greenwald with such intensity that he appears perpetually enraged. Melissa Leo’s Poitras is in turn warm and protective, almost maternal.


    Snowden’s N.S.A. boss is unsubtly named Corbin O’Brian, after the antagonist in Orwell’s “1984.” “Most Americans don’t want freedom,” O’Brian tells Snowden. “They want security.


    Snowden’s many storytellers all tell a similar hero narrative. But if Greenwald’s account is about journalism, Poitras’s is a subtle and artful character study and Kucherena’s is an attempt at the Russian novel — a man alone in a room, wrestling with his conscience — Stone’s is the explicit blockbuster version, told in high gloss with big, emotional music and digestible plot points that will appeal to mass audiences. As Wizner wisely anticipated, it is the narrative most likely to cement Snowden’s story in Americans’ minds.


    Snowden declined to comment for this article, but Stone told me he had seen the film and liked it. At a screening at Comic-­Con a few months later, Snowden would beam in via satellite to give his somewhat wary approval. “It was something that made me really nervous,” he said of Stone’s film. “But I think he made it work.”


    Gordon-­Levitt was so moved by Snowden’s story that he donated most of his salary from the film to the A.C.L.U. and used the rest to collaborate with Wizner on a series of videos about democracy.

  • A letter to the German left - Laurie Penny
    Cette lettre de la féministe et marxiste britannique Laurie Penny prend de l’importance depuis l’entartement par des activistes du mouvement anti-allemand (Antideutsche) de la politicienne de gauche Sarah Wagenknecht. Les Antideutsche sont une petite secte radicale qui s’active surtout au sein des organisations de jeunesse des verts et dans les milieux politiques autonomes. Ils défendent des positions pro-Israel et pro-USA et traitent d’antisemite chaque personne qui ose critiquer la politique de ces états. En revendiquant de faire partie de la gauche il créent beaucoup de confusion parmi les jeunes gens de gauche qui sont tous des ennemis fervents de l’antisemitisme. Un regard plus précis y découvre des bribes de l’idéologie néolibérale et de la théorie du totalitarisme.

    Ce tracte distribué par les Antideutsche identifie Sarah Wagenknecht et l’extrémiste de droite Beatrix von Storch comme représentantes de la même politique xénophobe.

    A letter to the German left:

    Tonight, with days to go before I was due to get on a plane to give a series of fiction readings in Germany, my publisher contacted me to let me know that certain people on the German left were calling me Anti-Semitic. This is because I support people’s right to boycott Israeli products and services as a protest against the ongoing occupation of Gaza and the West Bank. It is, I would say, an unnerving experience for a foreigner of Jewish descent like myself to open up Twitter and find German people comparing you to Hitler.

    At first, I was deeply offended, angry and upset. But rather than start flinging more accusations around, I think it would be useful to explain my position and ask what it is in our respective histories that brought us to this topsy-turvy place.

    I am not German. I still speak very little of the language, and for that I can only apologise and say: ich versuche zu lernen. But I have come to understand that the German left is unique in Europe for its pro-Zionist stance, for its insistence on supporting the military actions of the Israeli state no matter what. And I can understand why.

    German is a country haunted by its own history, and part of that history involves the mass murder of millions of Jews. That is both an unavoidable fact and a terrible legacy for succeeding generations to grapple with. Moreover, the resurgent far-right in Germany remains, as I understand it, violently anti-Israel (this is not the case in the UK - in fact, the now-disbanded fascist English Defence League carried Israeli flags as recently as 2011). So while I do not share the German left’s position on Zionism, I utterly support their right to hold that position.

    I can see how Germans of good conscience would feel deep discomfort at refusing to eat an Israeli avocado, whatever the arguments about Israel and Judaism not being the same thing. There is simply too much history, too recent and too bloody, for that to be a neutral choice to make. If I were German, I would certainly feel the same.

    I have always admired the capacity of the German people to interrogate their own history. It is certainly a welcome break from Britain, where schoolchildren are still taught to think uncritically about our imperial past. And sometimes I wonder if this is is not why Germany is today such a progressive cultural powerhouse - because Germans are not nostalgic for a lost golden age, they believe more in the future than they do in the past. Despite the rise of right-wing groups like AfD, that remains my overwhelming impression of Germany as a visitor.

    I admire the young German left for the rigour of their self-scrutiny, their determination to break with history and make amends as they see fit. But here’s the important bit. Not everyone has the same cultural history - and it is offensive at best and actively culturally imperialist at worst to suggest that we all behave as if we do.

    I deeply resent the implication that simply because my books are published in Germany I should be required to behave as if my ancestors might have been implicated in anti-Semitic genocide. In fact, my ancestors were the victims of anti-Semitic genocide several times over. That’s a history that affects my own politics and my own life choices just as much as yours affects you.

    It means something very different for a British Jew to support a peaceful boycott of Israeli goods than it does for a German of Christian descent to support the same boycott. I understand that, so I’d like you to try to understand that when Israel carries out military assaults on the open prison of Gaza in the name of Jewish people worldwide, and of our families who fled oppression, that gives me an extra reason to oppose those attacks.

    It would be ridiculous to claim that the wider European left is never anti-Semitic. As a half-Jewish person with a non-Jewish name, I have occasionally been invited into the conversations British leftists have about Jews when they think Jews aren’t listening. There are certainly those within the pro-Palestine movement who use anti-Semitic language, and there are also anti-Semites and racists with no love for the Palestinian people who have co-opted strategies like BDS for their own ends.

    The language of anti-Semitism has become more acceptable in recent years as Europe and America drift inexorably to the right. For years now I have been harassed by racists online - even my Wikipedia page is regularly vandalised by Anti-Semites. And last week I had my first experience of Anti-Semitic bullying on public transport in London. In fact, racism and xenophobia of all kinds are becoming mainstream as the migration crisis tears up the map of European political assumptions - so right now it is more vital than it it has been for decades for all progressives and anti-racists to stand together.

    I remain proud of my Jewish ancestry, and I will continue to stand against Anti-Semitism. It is possible to do so whilst thinking critically about the military actions of the Israeli state and pushing for ceasefire, as many Jews and Israelis are doing all all over the world today. I don’t condemn those on the German left who hold the opposite opinion, as long as they show the rest of us the same understanding. History places different demands on us all, which is just one more reason for approaching each other, at this difficult time for the global left, with compassion and tolerance, rather than condemnation.

    My politics are international, intersectional, feminist, anti-racist and anti-capitalist. The more I learn about the world, the more I understand about how the history of violence informs our present politics, whoever we are. I believe the German left has every right to interrogate its current and past attitude to the Jewish people. But it is not the job of the German left to tell Jews around the world what political opinions they should hold - and it never will be.

    Traduction allemande de la lettre de Laurie Penny

    Pseudo-linke Neocons – die Antideutschen und die Linke
    Une interview avec Jules Jamal El-Khatib à propos des Antideutsche et de leur acte d’agression contre Sarah Wagenkecht

    Lassen Sie mich mit einem Verweis auf zwei Autoren antworten, die die sogenannten „intellektuellen Prämissen“ dieser Antideutschen bereits vor Jahren seziert und widerlegt haben. Michael Sommer und Susann Witt-Stahl schreiben:

    „Der Faschismus war eine antikapitalistische Revolte, und die Naziterroristen des NSU sind ein Erbe des real existierenden Sozialismus. Diese und andere Ergebnisse der heutigen Faschismusdebatte muten – gelinde gesagt – irritierend an. Was aber ist der Faschismus? Der Streit darüber ist so alt wie er selbst. Und ebenso lange gilt, was der Faschismusforscher Reinhard Opitz Mitte der 1970er Jahre festhielt: ‚Die Diskussion um den Faschismusbegriff ist alles andere als eine abseitig akademische Debatte. Sie ist ein Teil des politisch-ideologischen Kampfes zwischen den antidemokratischen und den demokratischen Kräften.‘ (…)

    Friedrich August von Hayek – einer der exponiertesten Vertreter des Neoliberalismus – schrieb 1944 in seinem Buch ‚Der Weg zur Knechtschaft‘, der Grund für den Sieg des Faschismus liege gerade nicht in einer ‚kapitalistischen Reaktion gegen das Fortschreiten des Sozialismus‘. ‚Im Gegenteil‘, meinte er, ‚die Kraft, die diese Gedanken zur Macht brachte, kam vielmehr gerade aus dem sozialistischen Lager. Sicherlich verhalf ihnen nicht die Bourgeoisie, sondern gerade das Fehlen einer starken Bourgeoisie zur Macht.“

    #Allemagne #politique #fascisme #antisemitisme #gauche #extrême_droite

  • Nestle, PepsiCo and others use public funds to develop harmful snacks | Society | The Guardian

    Snack food and confectionery companies, including Nestlé and PepsiCo, are paid substantial government subsidies to help them make products that will damage the nation’s health, according to charities involved in heart attack prevention and obesity.

    Mondelez, which split from Kraft and owns the Cadbury’s brand, was given nearly £638,000 by Innovate UK – formerly known as the Technology Strategy Board – from 2013 to 2015 to help the multinational giant develop a process to distribute nuts and raisins more regularly in its chocolate bars.

    Nestlé received more than £487,000 to invent an energy-efficient machine for making chocolate, while PepsiCo was awarded £356,000 to help develop new ways of drying potatoes and vegetables to make crisps.

    The Coronary Prevention Group, in association with the World Obesity Federation, says government money should not be spent on initiatives that will produce unhealthy snack foods and worsen the country’s serious obesity and disease problems.

    #subventions #mal_bouffe #alimentation #santé

  • Le gendarme des aliments trop laxiste | Presseurop (français)

    L’Autorité européenne de sécurité des aliments (EFSA) décide de ce qui est autorisé dans nos assiettes. Censée protéger les consommateurs, elle est aujourd’hui de plus en plus contestée en raison des liens étroits qu’elle entretient avec l’industrie agro-alimentaire.

    Le président du groupe scientifique de l’EFSA, Albert Flynn, est personnellement employé par le géant américain Kraft. Jiri Ruprich, membre du conseil d’administration de l’#EFSA, était également employée jusqu’en mars 2011 par Danone en République tchèque. Enfin, Carlo Agostini, membre du groupe de travail de l’EFSA, est régulièrement rétribué par des sociétés comme Nestlé, Danone, Heinz, Hipp, Humana et Mead Johnson à titre de conférencier.

    Ainsi, Albert Flynn est également membre du comité scientifique du groupe de pression International Life Sciences Institute Europe où l’on retrouve également des entreprises comme Monsanto, Coca-Cola, Nestlé, Unilever, Danone, Bayer et Kraft. Plusieurs experts de l’EFSA occupent même des fonctions au sein de cet institut inscrit sur la liste noire de l’Organisation mondiale de la santé (OMS).

    #conflit_d'intérêt #alimentation #agribusiness #santé