Hacker sentenced to 18 months imprisonment for accessing Microsoft, Nintendo servers
▻https://www.gamesindustry.biz/articles/2019-03-29-hacker-sentenced-to-18-months-imprisonment-for-accessing-m
Security researcher shared access to internal servers via IRC, hacked Nintendo servers while on bail for accessing Microsoft
Guide to Web Authentication
▻https://webauthn.guide
The Web Authentication API (also known as WebAuthn) is a specification written by the W3C and FIDO, with the participation of Google, Mozilla, Microsoft, Yubico, and others. The API allows servers to register and authenticate users using public key cryptography instead of a password.
Système d’authentification basé sur une clé publique/privée et non plus sur un mot de passe (enfin !). Reste quand même le problème du stockage de la clé privée et son transfert entre les différents terminaux d’un utilisateur...
Prévu pour permettre la fédération d’identité côté utilisateur, c’est potentiellement le futur pour l’authentification web (?) Reste à savoir si les grandes plate-forme et les utilisateurs vont s’en emparer ou si ça ne sera qu’une tentative de plus (comme le moribond OpenID par ex)...
Voir aussi :
– la doc de l’API sur MDN (en anglais) : ▻https://developer.mozilla.org/en-US/docs/Web/API/Web_Authentication_API
– une démo jouable (POC) avec code source et débogueur : ▻https://webauthn.org
– une implémentation javascript + node.js : ▻https://github.com/fido-alliance/webauthn-demo avec un explication détaillée : ▻https://slides.com/fidoalliance/jan-2018-fido-seminar-webauthn-tutorial#/25
– la recommandation du W3C : ▻https://www.w3.org/TR/webauthn
– la compatibilité des navigateurs : ▻https://www.caniuse.com/#feat=webauthn
#WebAuthn #authentification #API #openid #SPIP #web_dev #auth
Les #gilets_jaunes vus de New York...
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Driving was already expensive in France when in January 2018 the government of President Emmanuel Macron imposed a tax that raised the price of diesel fuel by 7.6 centimes per liter and of gasoline by 3.8 centimes (about 9 and 4 cents, respectively); further increases were planned for January 2019. The taxes were an attempt to cut carbon emissions and honor the president’s lofty promise to “Make Our Planet Great Again.”
Priscillia Ludosky, then a thirty-two-year-old bank employee from the Seine-et-Marne department outside Paris, had no choice but to drive into the city for work every day, and the cost of her commute was mounting. “When you pay regularly for something, it really adds up fast, and the increase was enormous,” she told me recently. “There are lots of things I don’t like. But on that I pushed.” In late May 2018, she created a petition on Change.org entitled Pour une Baisse des Prix du Carburant à la Pompe! (For a reduction of fuel prices at the pump!)
Over the summer Ludosky’s petition—which acknowledged the “entirely honorable” aim of reducing pollution while offering six alternative policy suggestions, including subsidizing electric cars and encouraging employers to allow remote work—got little attention. In the fall she tried again, convincing a radio host in Seine-et-Marne to interview her if the petition garnered 1,500 signatures. She posted that challenge on her Facebook page, and the signatures arrived in less than twenty-four hours. A local news site then shared the petition on its own Facebook page, and it went viral, eventually being signed by over 1.2 million people.
Éric Drouet, a thirty-three-year-old truck driver and anti-Macron militant also from Seine-et-Marne, created a Facebook event for a nationwide blockade of roads on November 17 to protest the high fuel prices. Around the same time, a fifty-one-year-old self-employed hypnotherapist named Jacline Mouraud recorded herself addressing Macron for four minutes and thirty-eight seconds and posted the video on Facebook. “You have persecuted drivers since the day you took office,” she said. “This will continue for how long?” Mouraud’s invective was viewed over six million times, and the gilets jaunes—the yellow vests, named for the high-visibility vests that French drivers are required to keep in their cars and to wear in case of emergency—were born.
Even in a country where protest is a cherished ritual of public life, the violence and vitriol of the gilets jaunes movement have stunned the government. Almost immediately it outgrew the issue of the carbon taxes and the financial burden on car-reliant French people outside major cities. In a series of Saturday demonstrations that began in mid-November and have continued for three months, a previously dormant anger has erupted. Demonstrators have beaten police officers, thrown acid in the faces of journalists, and threatened the lives of government officials. There has been violence on both sides, and the European Parliament has condemned French authorities for using “flash-ball guns” against protesters, maiming and even blinding more than a few in the crowds. But the gilets jaunes have a flair for cinematic destruction. In late November they damaged parts of the Arc de Triomphe in Paris; in early January they commandeered a forklift and rammed through the heavy doors of the ministry of state—the only time in the history of the Fifth Republic that a sitting minister had to be evacuated from a government building.
The gilets jaunes are more than a protest. This is a modern-day jacquerie, an emotional wildfire stoked in the provinces and directed against Paris and, most of all, the elite. French history since 1789 can be seen as a sequence of anti-elite movements, yet the gilets jaunes have no real precedent. Unlike the Paris Commune of 1871, this is a proletarian struggle devoid of utopian aspirations. Unlike the Poujadist movement of the mid-1950s—a confederation of shopkeepers likewise opposed to the “Americanization” of a “thieving and inhuman” state and similarly attracted to anti-Semitic conspiracy theories—the gilets jaunes include shopkeepers seemingly content to destroy shop windows. There is an aspect of carnival here: a delight in the subversion of norms, a deliberate embrace of the grotesque.
Many have said that the gilets jaunes are merely another “populist movement,” although the term is now so broad that it is nearly meaningless. Comparisons have been made to the Britain of Brexit, the United States of Donald Trump, and especially the Italy of Cinque Stelle. But the crucial difference is that the gilets jaunes are apolitical, and militantly so. They have no official platform, no leadership hierarchy, and no reliable communications. Everyone can speak for the movement, and yet no one can. When a small faction within it fielded a list of candidates for the upcoming European parliamentary elections in May, their sharpest opposition came from within: to many gilets jaunes, the ten who had put their names forward—among them a nurse, a truck driver, and an accountant—were traitors to the cause, having dared to replicate the elite that the rest of the movement disdains.
Concessions from the government have had little effect. Under mounting pressure, Macron was forced to abandon the carbon tax planned for 2019 in a solemn televised address in mid-December. He also launched the so-called grand débat, a three-month tour of rural France designed to give him a better grasp of the concerns of ordinary people. In some of these sessions, Macron has endured more than six hours of bitter criticisms from angry provincial mayors. But these gestures have quelled neither the protests nor the anger of those who remain in the movement. Performance is the point. During the early “acts,” as the weekly demonstrations are known, members refused to meet with French prime minister Édouard Philippe, on the grounds that he would not allow the encounter to be televised, and that sentiment has persisted. Perhaps the most telling thing about the gilets jaunes is the vest they wear: a symbol of car ownership, but more fundamentally a material demand to be seen.
Inequality in France is less extreme than in the United States and Britain, but it is increasing. Among wealthy Western countries, the postwar French state—l’État-providence—is something of a marvel. France’s health and education systems remain almost entirely free while ranking among the best in the world. In 2017 the country’s ratio of tax revenue to gross domestic product was 46.2 percent, according to statistics from the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD)—the highest redistribution level of any OECD country and a ratio that allows the state to fight poverty through a generous social protection system. Of that 46.2 percent, the French government allocated approximately 28 percent for social services.
“The French social model is so integrated that it almost seems a natural, preexisting condition,” Alexis Spire, a sociologist of inequality at the École des Hautes Études en Sciences Sociales, told me recently. A number of the gilets jaunes I met said that despite the taxes they pay, they do not feel they benefit from any social services, since they live far from urban centers. But anyone who has ever received housing assistance, a free prescription, or sixteen weeks of paid maternity leave has benefited from the social protection system. The effect of redistribution is often invisible.
And yet the rich in France have gotten much richer. Between 1983 and 2015, the vast majority of incomes in France rose by less than one percent per year, while the richest one percent of the population saw their incomes rise by 100 percent after taxes. According to World Bank statistics, the richest 20 percent now earns nearly five times as much as the bottom 20 percent. This represents a stark shift from the Trente Glorieuses, France’s thirty-year economic boom after World War II. As the economist Thomas Piketty has pointed out, between 1950 and 1983, most French incomes rose steadily by approximately 4 percent per year; the nation’s top incomes rose by only one percent.
What has become painfully visible, however, is the extent of the country’s geographical fractures. Paris has always been the undisputed center of politics, culture, and commerce, but France was once also a country that cherished and protected its vibrant provincial life. This was la France profonde, a clichéd but genuinely existing France of tranquil stone villages and local boulangeries with lines around the block on Sundays. “Douce France, cher pays de mon enfance,” goes the beloved song by the crooner Charles Trenet. “Mon village, au clocher aux maisons sages.” These days, the maisons sages are vacant, and the country boulangeries are closed.
The story is familiar: the arrival of large multinational megastores on the outskirts of provincial French towns and cities has threatened, and in many cases asphyxiated, local businesses.1 In the once-bustling centers of towns like Avignon, Agen, Calais, and Périgueux, there is now an eerie quiet: windows are often boarded up, and fewer and fewer people are to be found. This is the world evoked with a melancholy beauty in Nicolas Mathieu’s novel Leurs enfants après eux, which won the Prix Goncourt, France’s most prestigious literary prize, in 2018.
The expansion since the 1980s of France’s high-speed rail network has meant that the country’s major cities are all well connected to Paris. But there are many small towns where the future never arrived, where abandoned nineteenth-century train stations are now merely places for teenagers to make out, monuments of the way things used to be. In these towns, cars are the only way people can get to work. I met a fifty-five-year-old truck and taxi driver named Marco Pavan in the Franche-Comté in late November. What he told me then—about how carbon taxes can seem like sneers from the Parisian elite—has stayed with me. “Ask a Parisian—for him none of this is an issue, because he doesn’t need a car,” Pavan said. “There’s no bus or train to take us anywhere. We have to have a car.” I cited that remark in a Washington Post story I filed from Besançon; in the online comments section, many attacked the movement for what they saw as a backward anti-environmentalism—missing his point.
Few have written as extensively as the French geographer Christophe Guilluy on la France périphérique, a term he popularized that refers both to the people and the regions left behind by an increasingly globalized economy. Since 2010, when he published Fractures françaises, Guilluy has been investigating the myths and realities of what he calls “the trompe l’oeil of a peaceful, moderate, and consensual society.” He is one of a number of left-wing French intellectuals—among them the novelist Michel Houellebecq, the historian Georges Bensoussan, and the essayist Michel Onfray—who in recent years have argued that their beloved patrie has drifted into inexorable decline, a classic critique of the French right since 1789. But Guilluy’s decline narrative is different: he is not as concerned as the others with Islamist extremism or “decadence” broadly conceived. For him, France’s decline is structural, the result of having become a place where “the social question disappears.”
Guilluy, born in Montreuil in 1964, is something of a rarity among well-known French intellectuals: he is a product of the Paris suburbs, not of France’s storied grandes écoles. And it is clear that much of his critique is personal. As a child, Guilluy, whose family then lived in the working-class Paris neighborhood of Belleville, was forcibly relocated for a brief period to the heavily immigrant suburb of La Courneuve when their building was slated to be demolished in the midst of Paris’s urban transformation. “I saw gentrification firsthand,” he told Le Figaro in 2017. “For the natives—the natives being just as much the white worker as the young immigrant—what provoked the most problems was not the arrival of Magrebis, but that of the bobos.”
This has long been Guilluy’s battle cry, and he has focused his intellectual energy on attacking what he sees as the hypocrisy of the bobos, or bourgeois bohemians. His public debut was a short 2001 column in Libération applying that term, coined by the columnist David Brooks, to French social life. What was happening in major urban centers across the country, he wrote then, was a “ghettoization by the top of society” that excluded people like his own family.
Guilluy crystallized that argument in a 2014 book that won him the ear of the Élysée Palace and regular appearances on French radio. This was La France périphérique: comment on a sacrifié les classes populaires, in which he contended that since the mid-1980s, France’s working classes have been pushed out of the major cities to rural communities—a situation that was a ticking time bomb—partly as a result of rising prices. He advanced that view further in 2016 with La Crépuscule de la France d’en haut—now translated into English as Twilight of the Elites: Prosperity, the Periphery, and the Future of France—a pithy screed against France’s bobo elite and what he sees as its shameless embrace of a “neoliberal,” “Americanized society” and a hollow, feel-good creed of multicultural tolerance. In 2018, one month before the rise of the gilets jaunes, he published No Society, whose title comes from Margaret Thatcher’s 1987 comment that “there is no such thing as society.”
In Guilluy’s view, an immigrant working class has taken the place of the “native” working class in the banlieues on the outskirts of major cities. This native class, he argues, has been scattered throughout the country and become an “unnoticed presence” that France’s elite has “made to disappear from public consciousness” in order to consolidate its grip on power. Cities are now the exclusive preserve of the elites and their servants, and what Guilluy means by “no society” is that the visible signs of class conflict in urban daily life have vanished. This is his trompe l’oeil: rich, insulated Parisians have convinced themselves that everything is fine, while those who might say otherwise are nowhere near. “The simmering discontent of rural France has never really been taken seriously,” he writes in Twilight of the Elites.
Since November, much of the French press has declared that Guilluy essentially predicted the rise of the gilets jaunes. They seem, after all, a fulfillment of his prophecy about “the betrayal of the people” by the elites, even if he is always elusive about who exactly “the people” are. While critiques from the movement have remained a confused cloud of social media invective, Guilluy has served as its de facto interpreter.
No Society puts into words what many in the gilets jaunes have either struggled or refused to articulate. This is the hazy middle ground between warning and threat: “The populist wave coursing through the western world is only the visible part of a soft power emanating from the working classes that will force the elites to rejoin the real movement of society or else to disappear.”
For now, however, there is just one member of the elite whom the gilets jaunes wish would disappear, and calls for his violent overthrow continue even as the movement’s momentum subsides.
An intense and deeply personal hatred of Macron is the only unifying cry among the gilets jaunes. Eighteen months before the uprising began, this was the man who captured the world’s imagination and who, after populist victories in Britain and the United States, had promised a French “Third Way.” Yet the Macronian romance is already over, both at home and abroad.
To some extent, the French always turn against their presidents, but the anger Macron elicits is unique. This is less because of any particular policy than because of his demeanor and, most of all, his language. “Mr. Macron always refused to respond to us,” Muriel Gautherin, fifty-three, a podiatrist who lives in the Paris suburbs, told me at a December march on the Champs-Élysées. “It’s he who insults us, and he who should respond.” When I asked her what she found most distasteful about the French president, her answer was simple: “His words.”
She has a point. Among Macron’s earliest actions as president was to shave five euros off the monthly stipends of France’s Aide personalisée au logement (APL), the country’s housing assistance program. Around the same time, he slashed France’s wealth tax on those with a net worth of at least €1.3 million—a holdover from the Mitterand era.
Macron came to office with a record of unrelentingly insulting the poor. In 2014, when he was France’s economic minister, he responded to the firing of nine hundred employees (most of them women) from a Breton slaughterhouse by noting that some were “mostly illiterate.” In 2016 he was caught on camera in a heated dispute with a labor activist in the Hérault. When the activist gestured to Macron’s €1,600 suit as a symbol of his privilege, the minister said, “The best way to afford a suit is to work.” In 2018 he told a young, unemployed gardener that he could find a new job if he merely “crossed the street.”
Yet nothing quite compares to the statement Macron made in inaugurating Station F, a startup incubator in the thirteenth arrondissement of Paris, housed in a converted rail depot. It is a cavernous consulate for Silicon Valley, a soaring glass campus open to all those with “big ideas” who can also pay €195 a month for a desk and can fill out an application in fluent English. (“We won’t consider any other language,” the organization’s website says.) Google, Amazon, and Microsoft all have offices in it, and in a city of terrible coffee, the espresso is predictably fabulous. In June 2017 Macron delivered a speech there. “A train station,” he said, referring to the structure’s origins, “it’s a place where we encounter those who are succeeding and those who are nothing.”
This was the moment when a large percentage of the French public learned that in the eyes of their president, they had no value. “Ceux qui ne sont rien” is a phrase that has lingered and festered. To don the yellow vest is thus to declare not only that one has value but also that one exists.
On the whole, the gilets jaunes are not the poorest members of French society, which is not surprising. As Tocqueville remarked, revolutions are fueled not by those who suffer the most, but by those whose economic status has been improving and who then experience a sudden and unexpected fall. So it seems with the gilets jaunes: most live above the poverty line but come from the precarious ranks of the lower middle class, a group that aspires to middle-class stability and seeks to secure it through palliative consumption: certain clothing brands, the latest iPhone, the newest television.
In mid-December Le Monde profiled a young couple in the movement from Sens in north-central France, identified only as Arnaud and Jessica. Both twenty-six, they and their four children live in a housing project on the €2,700 per month that Arnaud earns as a truck driver, including more than €1,000 in government assistance. According to statistics from France’s Institut national de la statistique et des études économiques (Insée), this income places them right at the poverty line for a family of this size, and possibly even slightly below it. But the expenses Arnaud and Jessica told Le Monde they struggled to pay included karate lessons for their oldest son and pet supplies for their dog. Jessica, who does not work, told Le Monde, “Children are so mean to each other if they wear lesser brands. I don’t want their friends to make fun of them.” She said she had traveled to Paris for gilet jaune protests on three separate weekends—journeys that presumably cost her money.
Readers of Le Monde—many of them educated, affluent, and pro-Macron—were quick to attack Arnaud and Jessica. But the sniping missed their point, which was that they felt a seemingly inescapable sense of humiliation, fearing ridicule everywhere from the Élysée Palace to their children’s school. They were explaining something profound about the gilets jaunes: the degree to which the movement is fueled by unfulfilled expectations. For many demonstrators, life is simply not as they believed it would be, or as they feel they deserve. There is an aspect of entitlement to the gilets jaunes, who are also protesting what the French call déclassement, the increasing elusiveness of the middle-class dream in a society in which economic growth has not kept pace with population increase. This entitlement appears to have alienated the gilets jaunes from immigrants and people of color, who are largely absent from their ranks and whose condition is often materially worse.2 “It’s not people who don’t have hope anymore, who don’t have a place to live, or who don’t have a job,” Rokhaya Diallo, a French activist for racial equality, told me recently, describing the movement. “It’s just that status they’re trying to preserve.”
The gilets jaunes have no substantive ideas: resentment does not an ideology make. They remain a combustible vacuum, and extremist agitators on the far right and the far left have sought to capitalize on their anger. Both Marine Le Pen of the recently renamed Rassemblement National and Jean-Luc Mélenchon of the left-wing La France Insoumise have tried hard to channel the movement’s grassroots energy into their own political parties, but the gilets jaunes have so far resisted these entreaties. The gilets jaunes also found themselves at the center of a diplomatic spat: in early February Italy’s deputy prime minister, Luigi Di Maio, met with two of their members on the outskirts of Paris in a jab at Macron. Two days later, France withdrew its ambassador to Rome for the first time since 1940, but the gilets jaunes have not attempted to exploit this attention for their own political gain. Instead there was infighting—a Twitter war over who had the right to represent the cause abroad and who did not.
The intellectual void at the heart of an amorphous movement can easily fill with the hatred of an “other.” That may already be happening to the gilets jaunes. Although a careful analysis by Le Monde concluded that race and immigration were not major concerns in the two hundred most frequently shared messages on gilet jaune Facebook pages between the beginning of the movement and January 22, a number of gilets jaunes have been recorded on camera making anti-Semitic gestures, insulting a Holocaust survivor on the Paris metro, and saying that journalists “work for the Jews.” Importantly, the gilets jaunes have never collectively denounced any of these anti-Semitic incidents—a silence perhaps inevitable for a movement that eschews organization of any kind. Likewise, a thorough study conducted by the Paris-based Fondation Jean Jaurès has shown the extent to which conspiracy theories are popular in the movement: 59 percent of those surveyed who had participated in a gilet jaune demonstration said they believed that France’s political elites were encouraging immigration in order to replace them, and 50 percent said they believed in a global “Zionist” conspiracy.
Members of the movement are often quick to point out that the gilets jaunes are not motivated by identity politics, and yet anyone who has visited one of their demonstrations is confronted with an undeniable reality. Far too much attention has been paid to the symbolism of the yellow vests and far too little to the fact that the vast majority of those who wear them are lower-middle-class whites. In what is perhaps the most ethnically diverse society in Western Europe, can the gilets jaunes truly be said to represent “the people,” as the members of the movement often claim? Priscillia Ludosky, arguably the first gilet jaune, is a black woman. “It’s complicated, that question,” she told me. “I have no response.”
The gilets jaunes are also distinctly a minority of the French population: in a country of 67 million, as many as 282,000 have demonstrated on a single day, and that figure has consistently fallen with each passing week, down to 41,500 during “Act 14” of the protest on February 16. On two different weekends in November and December, other marches in Paris—one for women’s rights, the other against climate change—drew far bigger crowds than the gilets jaunes did. But the concerns of this minority are treated as universal by politicians, the press, and even the movement’s sharpest critics. Especially after Trump and Brexit, lower-middle-class and working-class whites command public attention even when they have no clear message.
French citizens of color have been protesting social inequality for years without receiving any such respect. In 2005 the killing of two minority youths by French police in the Paris suburb of Clichy-sous-Bois ignited a string of violent uprisings against police brutality, but the government declared an official state of emergency instead of launching a grand débat. In 2009, the overseas departments of Guadeloupe and Martinique saw a huge strike against the high cost of living—a forty-four-day uprising that also targeted fuel prices and demanded an increase to the minimum wage. In 2017 an almost identical protest occurred in French Guiana, another French overseas department, where residents demonstrated against household goods that were as much as 12 percent more expensive than they were in mainland France, despite a lower minimum wage. The French government was slow to respond in both of these instances, while the concerns of the gilets jaunes have resulted in a personal apology from the president and a slew of concessions.
Guilluy, whose analysis of la France périphérique ultimately fails to grapple significantly with France’s decidedly peripheral overseas territories, does not shy away from the question of identity. He sees a racial element to the frustrations of la France périphérique, but he does not see this as a problem. Some of the most frustrating moments in his work come when he acknowledges but refuses to interrogate white working-class behavior that seems to be racially motivated. “Public housing in outlying communities is now a last resort for workers hoping to be able to go on living near the major cities,” he writes in Twilight of the Elites, describing the recent astronomic rise in France’s urban real estate prices. “These projects, mostly occupied by immigrant renters, are avoided by white French-born workers. Barring some utterly unforeseeable turn of events, their expulsion from the largest urban centers will be irreversible.” It would not diminish Guilluy’s broader point about la France périphérique if he acknowledged that victims of structural changes can also be intolerant.
Guilluy also regularly recycles anxieties over immigration, often from controversial theorists such as Michèle Tribalat, who is associated with the idea of le grand remplacement, the alleged “great replacement” of France’s white population by immigrants from North and Sub-Saharan Africa. In making his case about “the demographic revolution in process,” Guilluy has been accused of inflating his statistics. France, he wrote in Fractures françaises, “welcomes a little less than 200,000 legal foreigners every year.” But these claims were attacked by Patrick Weil, a leading French historian of immigration, who noted in his book Le sens de la République (2015) that Guilluy failed to consider that a large number of those 200,000 are temporary workers, students who come and go, and others of “irregular” status. Guilluy has not responded to these criticisms, and in any case his rhetoric has since grown more radical. In No Society he writes, “Multiculturalism is, intrinsically, a feeble ideology that divides and weakens.”
Whether the gilets jaunes will eventually come to agree with him is a crucial question. Like Guilluy, they are responding to real social conditions. But if, following Guilluy’s lead, they ultimately resort to the language of race and ethnicity to explain their suffering, they will have chosen to become a different movement altogether, one in which addressing inequality was never quite the point. In some ways, they have already crossed that line.
On the afternoon of Saturday, February 16, the prominent French intellectual Alain Finkielkraut got out of a taxi on the Boulevard Montparnasse. A crowd of gilets jaunes noticed him and began hurling anti-Semitic insults. The scene, recorded on video, was chilling: in the center of Paris, under a cloudless sky, a mob of visibly angry men surrounded a man they knew to be Jewish, called him a “dirty Zionist,” and told him, “go back to Tel Aviv.”
Finkielkraut’s parents were Polish refugees from the Holocaust. He was born in Paris in 1949 and has become a fixture in French cultural life, a prolific author, a host of a popular weekly broadcast on France Culture, and a member of the Académie Française, the country’s most elite literary institution. In the words of Macron, who immediately responded to the attack, he “is not only an eminent man of letters but the symbol of what the Republic affords us all.” The irony is that Finkielkraut—another former leftist who believes that France has plunged into inexorable decline and ignored the dangers of multiculturalism—was one of the only Parisian intellectuals who had supported the gilets jaunes from the beginning.
I spoke to Finkielkraut after the attack, and he explained that the gilets jaunes had seemed to him the evidence of something authentic. “I saw an invisible France, neglected and forgotten,” he said. “Wearing fluorescent yellow vests in order to be visible—of being a ‘somewhere’ as opposed to an ‘anywhere,’ as Goodhart has said—seemed to me an absolutely legitimate critique.” The British journalist David Goodhart, popular these days in French right-wing circles, is the author of The Road to Somewhere (2017), which sees populist anger as the inevitable response to the widening gulf between those “rooted” in a particular place and cosmopolitans at home anywhere. “France is not a ‘start-up nation,’” Finkielkraut told me. “It can’t be reduced to that.”
Finkielkraut said that the attack was a sign that the reasonable critiques orginally made by the gilets jaunes had vanished, and that they had no real future. “I think the movement is in the process of degradation. It’s no longer a social movement but a sect that has closed in on itself, whose discourse is no longer rational.”
Although the Paris prosecutor has opened an investigation into his attackers, Finkielkraut has not pressed charges. He told me that the episode, as violent as it was, did not necessarily suggest that all those who had worn yellow vests in recent months were anti-Semites or extremists. “Those who insulted me were not the nurses, the shopkeepers, or the small business owners,” he said, noting that he doubted he would have experienced the same prejudice at the roundabouts, the traffic circles across the country where gilets jaunes protesters gathered every Saturday. In a sense, these were the essence of the movement, which was an inchoate mobilization against many things, but perhaps none so much as loneliness. The roundabouts quickly became impromptu piazzas and a means, however small, of reclaiming a spirit of community that disappeared long ago in so many French towns and villages.
In Paris, where the remaining gilets jaunes have now focused most of their energy, the weekly protests have become little more than a despicable theater filled with scenes like the attack on Finkielkraut. There is no convincing evidence that those still wearing yellow vests are troubled by the presence of bigotry in their ranks. What is more, many gilets jaunes now seem to believe that pointing out such prejudice is somehow to become part of a government-backed conspiracy to turn public opinion against them.
Consider, for instance, a February 19 communiqué released in response to the attack on Finkielkraut from La France en Colère, one of the movement’s main online bulletins. “For many days, the government and its friends in the national media seem to have found a new technique for destabilizing public opinion and discrediting the Gilets Jaunes movement,” it begins. “We denounce the accusations and the manipulations put in place by this government adept at fake news.” But this is all the communiqué denounces; it does not address the anti-Semitic violence to which Finkielkraut was subjected, nor does it apologize to a national figure who had defended the movement when few others of his prominence dared to do the same.
A month after our last conversation, I called Priscillia Ludosky back, to see if she had any reaction to the recent turn of events in the movement her petition had launched. She was only interested in discussing what she called the French government’s “systematic abuse to manipulate public opinion.” She also believes that a government-media conspiracy will stop at nothing to smear the cause. “If there was one person who ever said something homophobic, it was on the front page of every newspaper,” she told me.
In the days after the attack, Finkielkraut lamented not so much the grim details of what had happened but the squandered potential of a moment that has increasingly descended into paranoid feverishness. As he told me: “This was a beautiful opportunity to reflect on who we are that’s been completely ruined.”
▻https://www.nybooks.com/articles/2019/03/21/low-visibility-france-gilet-jaunes
L’un des meilleurs articles en anglais sur les Gilets Jaunes, à mon avis. Et merci de l’avoir mis en entier #paywall
Autres articles #gilets_jaunes #france en #anglais :
►https://seenthis.net/messages/752711
►https://seenthis.net/messages/752886
Référence : Twilight of the Elites : Prosperity, the Periphery, and the Future of France, traduction de Le Crépuscule de la France d’en Haut, de Christophe Guilluy
Christophe Guilluy a peut-être « prédit » les Gilets Jaunes, mais il s’est trompé quand il a supposé que ce serait un mouvement principalement anti-immigration...
Je crois que c’est la théorie de Christophe Guilluy ça, non ?
Microsoft scrub Notch references from Minecraft
▻https://www.gamesindustry.biz/articles/2019-03-28-microsoft-scrub-notch-references-from-minecraft
Platform holder distances itself from controversial creator
Bootstrapping a vcpkg-based cmake project in Visual Studio—Sumant Tambe
▻http://isocpp.org/feeder/?FeederAction=clicked&feed=All+Posts&seed=http%3A%2F%2Fisocpp.org%2Fblog%2F2
You can do it.
Bootstrapping a vcpkg-based cmake project in Visual Studio by Sumant Tambe
From the article:
After the last week’s 2019 Microsoft MVP Summit, I decided to give Microsoft vcpkg a shot. I’ve a cmake project at work and we target Linux using the Hunter package manager. So vcpkg had been on the back-burner for me...
#News,_Product_News,
COMMENT INTERNET EST DEVENU UN ESPACE POLITIQUE EN DISPUTE
▻https://lvsl.fr/comment-internet-devenu-un-espace-politique-en-dispute
Durant cette dernière seconde, alors que vous avez à peine terminé la première ligne de cet article, 8174 tweets et 8500 commentaires sur Facebook ont déjà été postés, 69 191 recherches sur Google et 3 333 appels sur Skype ont déjà été réalisés, 75 304 vidéos sur YouTube ont été visionnées et 2 723 944 e-mails ont été envoyés. Voilà le cadre de l’Internet d’aujourd’hui, qui en plus d’offrir à l’esprit humain des activités cognitives infinies, se déploie également vers un potentiel inégalé d’accumulation de profit (...)
#Apple #Google #Microsoft #Amazon #Facebook #YouTube #algorithme #manipulation #domination #bénéfices #[fr]Règlement_Général_sur_la_Protection_des_Données_(RGPD)[en]General_Data_Protection_Regulation_(GDPR)[nl]General_Data_Protection_Regulation_(GDPR) #solutionnisme #web (...)
##[fr]Règlement_Général_sur_la_Protection_des_Données__RGPD_[en]General_Data_Protection_Regulation__GDPR_[nl]General_Data_Protection_Regulation__GDPR_ ##surveillance ##GAFAM ##marketing ##profiling ##FCC
Lionel Astruc : « À travers sa fondation, Bill Gates contourne l’État et s’achète du pouvoir »
▻https://www.franceinter.fr/emissions/l-interview/l-interview-16-mars-2019
Le journaliste a enquêté sur la fondation du patron de Microsoft et de sa femme. La fondation Bill et Melinda Gates, dont l’intention affichée est de lutter contres les inégalités, investirait dans des activités "peu éthiques" et "nourrirait les fléaux contre lesquels elle prétend lutter". Écoutez cette interview... #ogm et produits phyto de #monsanto, investissement dans le pétrole, la malbouffe,... — Permalink
#journalism Apocalypse and Tech trends with Christina Warren of #microsoft
▻https://hackernoon.com/journalism-apocalypse-and-tech-trends-with-christina-warren-of-microsoft
Journalism Apocalypse and Tech Trends with Christina Warren of MicrosoftEpisode 32 of the Hacker Noon Podcast: An interview with Christina Warren, former journalist at #mashable and #gizmodo, who currently works for Microsoft.Listen to the interview on iTunes, or Google Podcast, or watch on YouTube.In this episode Trent Lapinski Christina Warren discuss journalism, fake news, and what’s happening at the big tech companies.“This is what the news media struggles with, is that people don’t trust them, even though very often the mainstream media, in my opinion, isn’t out to mislead people and push an agenda. I think most working reporters are out to report the truth.”“Microsoft is evolving and understands that it is not the past anymore. We ultimately want to build tools that developers can use (...)
La bataille des Lobbies européens autour de la directive Copyright
▻https://lvsl.fr/la-bataille-des-lobbies-europeens-autour-de-la-directive-copyright
La proposition de directive du Parlement européen et du Conseil sur le droit d’auteur dans le marché unique numérique sort de sa phase de négociation et aborde sa dernière ligne droite : celle des adoptions par les deux co-législateurs que sont le Conseil européen et le Parlement européen. Depuis sa création, la proposition de directive cristallise les passions. État des lieux des jeux d’influence et des tractations européennes opérées sur ce texte depuis son entrée en négociation en septembre 2018. Il (...)
#Société_Belge_des_Auteurs,Compositeurs_et_Editeurs(SABAM) #Google #Alphabet #Microsoft #DailyMotion #Facebook #Reddit #YouTube #algorithme #ContentID #législation #GAFAM #web #surveillance #copyright #filtrage #lobbying #CJUE #Creatives_Commons (...)
##Société_Belge_des_Auteurs,Compositeurs_et_Editeurs__SABAM ##European_Digital_Rights ##LaQuadratureduNet ##Wikileaks
The Old New Thing
Raymond Chen
Il est majoritairement tiré de 20 ans de ce blog :
▻https://devblogs.microsoft.com/oldnewthing
#ux #uxdesign #informatique
Cuphead will bring Xbox Live to Switch
▻https://www.gamesindustry.biz/articles/2019-03-20-cuphead-will-bring-xbox-live-to-switch
Microsoft plans to add features from its online service to Nintendo’s platform with a post-launch update to StudioMDHR game
Google lance son nouveau service de cloud gaming « Stadia »
▻https://www.crashdebug.fr/informatik/94-20mn-par-jour-a-dit-le-docteur/15804-google-lance-son-nouveau-service-de-cloud-gaming-stadia
Une idée qui à la base est Française, et que Google et Microsoft viennent de copier...
Le géant américain profite de la GDC 2019 pour officialiser son nouveau service de cloud gaming.
Conformément aux attentes, Google officialise son nouveau service de cloud gaming. Baptisé Stadia, il sera disponible "auprès de 2 milliards d’utilisateurs de Chrome dans le monde". Dès le début de la conférence Google a mis l’accent sur la possibilité de basculer d’une plateforme à une autre tout en continuant à jouer, sans aucune latence. Le présentateur est passé d’un PixelBook sous Chrome OS, vers un Pixel 3 XL sous Android, puis un PC sous Windows 10 et enfin un téléviseur équipé d’un Chromecast Ultra. Le jeu en question tourne en 1080p à 60 fps directement depuis les centres de données (...)
Il y a toujours des entreprises qui cherchent à privatiser des mots du langage courant
▻https://www.numerama.com/pop-culture/472279-il-y-a-toujours-des-entreprises-qui-cherchent-a-privatiser-des-mots
La nouvelle compilation hebdomadaire des dérives de la propriété intellectuelle est là, toujours préparée par Lionel Maurel et Thomas Fourmeux, spécialistes de la question du copyright. Cette semaine, le Copyright Madness revient une entreprise qui pense qu’un mot anglais lui appartient, tandis qu’une autre revendique un droit de propriété sur le mot tuteur. Et enfin, Foxconn a l’air de se ficher de Microsoft. Bonne lecture et à la semaine prochaine ! Copyright Madness Charité. L’an dernier, l’auteur (...)
//c2.lestechnophiles.com/www.numerama.com/content/uploads/2016/02/savoir.jpg
L’intelligence artificielle : un instrument de puissance ?
▻https://www.arte.tv/fr/videos/083964-008-A/le-dessous-des-cartes
Depuis la mise au point de la machine à décrypter les messages d’Alan Turing, l’intelligence artificielle a fait de gigantesques progrès. Elle se décline aujourd’hui en logiciels pour traders, en robots ménagers, en assistants numériques, et demain, sans doute, en voitures autonomes. Tour d’horizon des États et des géants du numérique qui ont pris la mesure des formidables enjeux de (...)
#Alibaba #Apple #Google #Microsoft #Tencent #Xiaomi #Alibaba.com #Amazon #Baidu #Facebook #Xiaonei #algorithme #bracelet #CCTV #domotique #drone #élections #manipulation #biométrie #données #militarisation #BigData #marketing #surveillance #vidéo-surveillance #Five_Eyes (...)
Study finds a potential risk with self-driving cars: failure to detect dark-skinned pedestrians - Vox
▻https://www.vox.com/future-perfect/2019/3/5/18251924/self-driving-car-racial-bias-study-autonomous-vehicle-dark-skin
/apios/Img_data/cache-buster-1550741789/11/083964-008-A_2670198.jpg)
If you’re a person with dark skin, you may be more likely than your white friends to get hit by a self-driving car, according to a new study out of the Georgia Institute of Technology. That’s because automated vehicles may be better at detecting pedestrians with lighter skin tones.
The authors of the study started out with a simple question: How accurately do state-of-the-art object-detection models, like those used by self-driving cars, detect people from different demographic groups? To find out, they looked at a large dataset of images that contain pedestrians. They divided up the people using the Fitzpatrick scale, a system for classifying human skin tones from light to dark.
The researchers then analyzed how often the models correctly detected the presence of people in the light-skinned group versus how often they got it right with people in the dark-skinned group.
The study’s insights add to a growing body of evidence about how human bias seeps into our automated decision-making systems. It’s called algorithmic bias.
The most famous example came to light in 2015, when Google’s image-recognition system labeled African Americans as “gorillas.” Three years later, Amazon’s Rekognition system drew criticism for matching 28 members of Congress to criminal mugshots. Another study found that three facial-recognition systems — IBM, Microsoft, and China’s Megvii — were more likely to misidentify the gender of dark-skinned people (especially women) than of light-skinned people.
Facebook’s Data Deals Are Under Criminal Investigation
▻https://www.nytimes.com/2019/03/13/technology/facebook-data-deals-investigation.html
Federal prosecutors are conducting a criminal investigation into data deals Facebook struck with some of the world’s largest technology companies, intensifying scrutiny of the social media giant’s business practices as it seeks to rebound from a year of scandal and setbacks. A grand jury in New York has subpoenaed records from at least two prominent makers of smartphones and other devices, according to two people who were familiar with the requests and who insisted on anonymity to discuss (...)
#Apple #Microsoft #Sony #Facebook #smartphone #données #BigData #marketing
#internet vs #blockchain Revolution : Early Successful Products (Part 1)
▻https://hackernoon.com/internet-vs-blockchain-revolution-early-successful-products-part-1-2207f
This article is part of the Internet vs Blockchain Revolution Series. If you are interested in reading the other articles, check out this post.The early successful products during the Internet and Blockchain Revolution were the ones that abstracted the technicalities of the technology and provided convenience to the early adopters. This article will go over the origin of the Internet and discuss some of the products that quickly became popular during the early technological cycle.Time Magazine Cover: The Information SuperHighway (1993), Coming Soon to Your TV ScreenInterestingly in the early days of the Internet, the large firms, including Microsoft and Comcast, had a wrong focus and believed that the future was on TV and the Information SuperHighway, the idea of an interactive Smart (...)
Xbox Live is coming to iOS and Android, but not Switch (yet)
▻https://www.gamesindustry.biz/articles/2019-03-14-xbox-live-is-coming-to-ios-and-android-but-not-switch-yet
GDC 2019: Microsoft reveals new cloud services and packages for games studios
Jouer à ses jeux Steam sur Xbox One et Android, c’est désormais possible !
▻https://www.tomshardware.fr/jouer-a-ses-jeux-steam-sur-xbox-one-et-android-cest-desormais-possible
Microsoft réduit encore l’écart qui sépare le PC de sa console.
#consoles #jeux-video #microsoft
https://cdn.tomshardware.fr/content/uploads/sites/3/2019/03/screenshot-2019-03-14-microsoft-now-lets-you-stream-pc-games-to-an-xbox-one-and-use-a-controller.png 
https://cdn.tomshardware.fr/content/uploads/sites/3/2019/03/screenshot-2019-03-14-microsoft-now-lets-you-stream-pc-games-to-an-xbox-one-and-use-a-controller-150x150.png
Microsoft corrige son correctif par un nouveau !
▻https://www.tomshardware.fr/microsoft-corrige-son-correctif-par-un-nouveau
Il réduisait notamment les performances pour certains jeux.
The Heavy-Hitting #utah #tech Summit
▻https://hackernoon.com/the-heavy-hitting-utah-tech-summit-da6e57277b90?source=rss----3a8144eabf
Stewart Butterfield, Steve Young and Mitt Romney were among the speakers.“Avatar.” “Man of Steel.” “The Avengers.”Jarom Sidwell worked on digital visuals for each of those blockbusters and others.But he was far — far — from the only biggie to speak at the Silicon Slopes Summit 2018 in Salt Lake City, “the largest tech event in Utah history,” SS Executive Director Clint Betts said.Among others, the summit saw Ryan Smith, the CEO of Qualtrics, whose clients (numbering more than 8,500) include Microsoft, Healthcare.gov, CBS, Yahoo!, and The Washington Post; Todd Pedersen, Vivint CEO; Omar Johnson, former Beats by Dre chief marketing officer; Dave Elkington, InsideSales.com founder; Josh James, Domo CEO; Aaron Skonnard, Pluralsight CEO; and Jim Swartz and David Fialkow, investors in documentaries, (...)
Le Monde : la fracture éditoriale
Comment le journalisme militant met en péril le contrat de confiance avec les lecteurs
▻https://www.france-medias.fr/images/pdf/LeMonde-LaFactureEditoriale.pdf
Une (violente) attaque de la dérive « radicale » du Monde sur une ligne éditoriale anti-macroniste. Étude menée par France-Médias, ▻https://www.france-medias.fr/informations site publié par La station Web ▻https://www.societe.com/societe/la-station-web-454011107.html
Le travail d’investigation mené pour cette étude a duré environ 10 semaines et cible les périodes du 1er juillet 2018 au 20 février 2019, a consisté à étudier près de 190 Unes du site lemonde.fr, notamment via le site waybackmachine.org, à observer les choix éditoriaux et rédactionnels mis en oeuvre, à (re)lire 220 articles par le moteur de recherche multimédia du site lemonde.fr, à analyser près de 400 photos, à identifier les outils et moyens de communication utilisés pour diffuser l’information, à répertorier et analyser 3.500 commentaires d’abonné(e)s et de lecteurs du Monde.
Organisée en 6 parties, l’étude consacre les 3 premières à des événements marquants de l’actualité puis les 3 suivantes à une réflexion plus large sur la ligne éditoriale du Monde, aux malaises observés dans le lectorat puis, finalement, aux solutions envisageables pour restaurer une confiance durable. Notons que les pistes de réflexion et solutions proposées, même si elles se destinent au Monde en premier lieu, peuvent être éventuellement valables auprès d’autres médias de presse écrite.
En outre, nous mentionnerons que malgré nos demandes, ni le directeur du Monde (Monsieur Fenoglio) ni le directeur de la publication (Mr Bronner) n’ont souhaité répondre aux questions, interrogations et constats soulevés par cette étude.
Notons enfin que celle-ci a été réalisée de manière entièrement bénévole, sans subvention ni publicité et n’est liée à aucune institution, entreprise, parti politique ou groupe de pression. Elle se veut citoyenne dans son orientation et dans ses finalité(s).
le sommaire
I. L’affaire Benalla
II. La crise des gilets jaunes
III. La Une du magazine « M »
IV. La ligne éditoriale en question(s) V. Un lectorat déboussolé
VI. Les solutions envisageables
Le traitement [de l’affaire Benalla] du monde.fr en chiffres
L’analyse des Unes et des surfaces de visibilité (au dessus de la ligne de regard dite « ligne de flottaison »), du site lemonde.fr, a de quoi impressionner. Du 18 juillet 2018 au 30 août 2018, l’affaire occupe 85% des Unes et 88% de l’espace majeur de visibilité.
A titre de comparaison, cela représente environ 2,5 fois la couverture dédiée aux attentats terroristes de Paris en novembre 2015 (perpétrées notamment au Bataclan) ou encore 2 fois plus que l’affaire DSK, à périmètres équivalents (durée du traitement et intensité de la visibilité). Cette intensité médiatique est également supérieure au total de tous les candidats à la présidentielle de 2017 réunis, sur une période comparable (de 6 semaines).
Jamais aucun événement géopolitique, politique ou économique n’aura disposé d’une telle surface de visibilité médiatique depuis le lancement du site lemonde.fr en 1996.
« L’affaire Bennalla a disposé de 2,5 fois plus de visibilité que la couverture dédiée aux attentats de Paris en novembre 2015 »
Sur les éléments à notre disposition, on peut également affirmer qu’aucun des grands sites d’information en ligne européen (El Pais en Espagne, le Frankfurter allgemeine en Allemagne ou Le Times en Angleterre) n’a jamais consacré une place aussi importante au traitement d’une seule information au cours des 10 dernières années.
La couverture du Brexit, à titre d’exemple, par le site Internet du Times (thetimes.co.uk), a représenté une visibilité inférieure de 40% à celle de l’affaire Benalla par lemonde.fr (à temps et périmètre équivalents).
à propos du traitement des GJ
Le poids des photos : mouvement d’ampleur et violences policières
Les photos mises en ligne sur lemonde.fr relèvent bien évidemment de la ligne éditoriale et traduisent, le plus souvent, la volonté du journaliste et ou de la rédaction de mettre l’accent sur un phénomène.
Sur environ 400 photos étudiées (photos principales d’article et photos insérées à l’intérieur des contenus), 2 orientations dominent : l’impression d’un mouvement d’ampleur d’une part et des violences policières omniprésentes d’autre part.
[…]
La police (beaucoup) plus blâmée que les manifestants violents
D’une façon générale, les articles du monde.fr ont relaté à la fois les violences des manifestants mais aussi celles de certains policiers. A plusieurs reprises néanmoins, le choix de la rédaction du Monde a été de plutôt de mettre en avant les dérapages policiers et plus rarement les violences des manifestants.
2 histoires, 2 identités et un mélange explosif
Pour de nombreux lecteurs, l’objectif d’une partie des articles du Monde n’est pas de les informer de façon neutre et objective mais plutôt de leur présenter une vision orientée et idéologique ; une finalité spécieuse éloignée des règles déontologiques dont se prévaut la direction du journal.
On doit déjà se rappeler que l’identité des 2 éditions du Monde est fondamentalement différente. Pendant plus de 10 ans, les 2 rédactions (« papier » et numérique) ont cohabité sans se côtoyer, chacune à un étage différent, avec des organisations très différentes.
La première était constituée des journalistes les plus aguerris, des « signatures » du Monde et des moyens les plus importants (correspondants dans le monde entier, relecteurs...). Elle véhiculait une approche rigoureuse et factuelle de l’information, une vision d’un journalisme ambitieux et fiable.
La seconde rédaction (numérique) s’est formée à la fin des années 90, presque en opposition avec sa grande sœur. Essentiellement constituée de jeunes journalistes et disposant de moyens limités, il lui fallait exister et se singulariser en explorant des voies qui n’étaient pas celles du journal papier « traditionnel ».
[…]
Sur les articles étudiés issus de publications sur lemonde.fr, on peut considérer que moins de la moitié des contenus est suffisamment « équilibrée » et neutre. Cela signifie qu’une légère majorité des publications du Monde peut être considérée comme partisane, parti-pris ou orientée sur le plan idéologique.
Cette réalité pourrait être acceptable dans un journal d’opinion tel que Le Figaro ou Libération mais semble choquante pour un média qui se veut une « référence » en matière de qualité et de neutralité de l’information.
Le tournant de l’été 2018
En 2003, dans le livre « La face cachée du Monde : du contre-pouvoir aux abus de pouvoir », la radicalité voire l’autoritarisme d’Edwy Plenel, alors directeur de la rédaction, est décrite et dénoncée par les 2 auteurs, Pierre Péan et Philippe Cohen.
On retrouve curieusement, ces derniers mois, dans les colonnes du Monde, quelque chose de cette radicalité et des attaques implacables contre les gouvernants dont l’actuel directeur de Médiapart s’est fait l’expert incontesté. Une sorte de fièvre parait s’être emparée d’une partie de la rédaction qui, visiblement dépassée (ou aveuglée) par les enjeux, en a oublié ses règles éthiques et déontologiques les plus rudimentaires.
[…]
Il semblerait néanmoins qu’elle se heurte à une réalité journalistique nettement moins nuancée. Sur 60 articles publiés dans le Monde qui illustrent des opinions (tribunes, interviews, points de vus...) entre le 15 juillet 2018 et le 16 janvier 2019, 48 peuvent être considérées comme des critiques négatives des actions de l’Etat et ou du gouvernement.
Cela signifie que 80% des articles d’opinions, publiés par Le Monde sur cette période, renvoient une image négative voire très négative des actions de l’Etat. On peut qualifier les 20% restant de « plutôt neutres » ou « équilibrés ».
[…]
Rapprochement idéologique avec Mediapart ?
« L’affaire Benalla » semble avoir révélé, au fil des investigations des 2 médias, une forme nouvelle de rapprochement autour de valeurs communes.
Il n’est probablement pas anodin que, lors de plusieurs épisodes de l‘affaire, notamment après le licenciement d’Alexandre Benalla par l’Elysée, différentes questions ou polémiques (passeports et déplacements en Afrique, contrat avec un oligarque russe, seconde audition auprès de la commission du Sénat, perquisition refusée au siège de Mediapart), les 2 éditions en ligne (mediapart.fr et lemonde.fr) ont semblé e*n parfaite synchronisation* pour relayer les découvertes de l’un tandis que l’autre valorisait les révélations de l’autre.
En outre, on retrouve, dans l’orientation et l’écriture journalistique des 2 journaux en ligne, un certain nombre de traits communs : un même goût pour les révélations tonitruantes qui touchent l’Etat et la présidence, un sens certain de la mise en scène de l’information pour mieux en accentuer la portée (titres et photos en très grands formats, alertes en gras et rouges sur les fils d’information..), l’utilisation d’effets de dramatisation (dans le choix des titres en particulier et dans la mise en page) ainsi qu’une propension aux révélations « feuilletonnées » dans le but de tenir le lecteur en haleine...
Extra. Oui, suite à l’affaire Benalla, de la police au social, Le Monde en est venu à se positionner pour partie en contre pouvoir (les tribunes sont plus pro régime, il me semble). À se demander si le soutien du capitalisme français à Macron est bien solide.
#presse #Le_Monde #macronisme
Super ton tag @touti ... J’avais pensé à #journalisme mais le tien est bien plus puissant : simple sobre et direct ! Félicitation.
J’y vais plus classique...
#médias
#Gilets_jaunes #Benalla #militantisme #positionnement #ligne_éditoriale #anti-macronisme #Macron
J’ai pensé à toi @reka :)
Et à y réfléchir, aucune étude ne pourra absoudre par le chiffre une ligne éditoriale qui est le plus souvent dans le déni et la censure. Certes cette étude donne la preuve d’un dysfonctionnement, le titre de sa présentation fait peur, vraiment, accuser le journalisme militant infiltré au monde de mettre en péril la crédibilité de la presse écrite est assez osé.
Pour appuyer ma réflexion, une étude pourrait aussi accuser le logiciel libre de mettre en péril Apple ou Microsoft parce qu’ils intègrent l’un et l’autre du code libre.
Je ne connais pas le parcours politique et les motivations de Denis Morineau* qui signe cet article, non plus que la ligne de france-medias.
Mais quand je lis les solutions proposées, comité d’éthique et de surveillance de la presse écrite, intervention du ministère de la culture, proposition de contribution de psychanalystes ou le simple fait d’évoquer la sauvegarde de l’identité et l’âme d’un journal (c’est quoi ?), cela m’inquiète pour la #liberté_de_la_presse, pas vous ?
Il en va de la restauration d’un climat de confiance entre la rédaction et les lecteurs, largement mis à mal depuis une année. Il en va également de la nécessité pour Le Monde de continuer à être considéré, en France comme à l’étranger, comme un média suffisamment indépendant et qualitatif pour témoigner des mouvements de la société sans y perdre son identité et son âme. Nous avons compilé les principales mesures, dont certaines sont dores et déjà à l’étude au Ministère de la Culture, qui peuvent contribuer à cette évolution positive...
…
Il convient, pour contribuer à rétablir cette confiance perdue, de mettre en place un comité d’éthique et de surveillance de la presse écrite. Cette instance doit pouvoir regrouper les directeurs de journaux, des directeurs de rédaction mais également des journalistes et bien évidemment, et en nombre significatif, des lecteurs et lectrices. En outre, des intellectuels, des sociologues, des sémiologiques voire des psychanalystes doivent également pouvoir apporter leurs contributions et leurs regards croisés et complémentaires (au delà des convictions politiques et ou idéologiques).
* ▻https://www.france-medias.fr/informations/#tab-1
Dans la présentation de l’équipe (un seul et ex journaliste qui vient de la presse régionale groupe « Le Messager ») on trouve Denis Morineau
Denis Morineau | Directeur de la publication et auteur
Parcours & profil
Diplômé de Neoma Business school de Rouen et d’HEC Montréal, Denis travaille très tôt dans l’univers du web (dès 1999) autour de projets européens basés à Paris. Il se lance ensuite dans l’édition web en créant des projets et concepts numériques. A l’origine de « Sortir en ville » (réseau social de sorties) ou encore de « Psychologie.fr ». Il déploie aussi son expression créative dans l’univers de l’architecture et du design en réalisant des espaces contemporains.
Ses univers de prédilection
Société et politique, géo-politique, médias, Histoire, sciences humaines (sociologie et psychanalyse), économie et Culture (théâtre et cinéma en particulier).
Pourquoi France médias ?
"Je souhaite que France médias permette au plus grand nombre de mieux comprendre et utiliser les médias. J’aimerais également que le site devienne une référence qualitative en termes de critique, d’évaluation et de décodage des médias."
My $0.02 on Is Worse Better ?
▻https://hackernoon.com/my-0-02-on-is-worse-better-e240784ed6a7?source=rss----3a8144eabfe3---4
There is a famous long-running discussion in software engineering that goes under the title “Worse is Better”. I’ve never gotten my two cents in, so I thought I’d talk about it a bit here. This is also an opportunity to try to apply the perspective from my experience with software development at Microsoft.This discussion was first framed by Richard Gabriel. He characterized the two different approaches as the “MIT” vs. the “New Jersey” approach. These labels came from the approach taken by the Common Lisp and Scheme groups out of MIT and the contrasting Unix approach coming out of Bell Labs in New Jersey. I found the discussion especially interesting because I did 4 internships at Bell Labs while getting my BS and MS at MIT. So I managed to cross over both schools of thought. Of course, Unix (...)
#software-development #software-thoughts #software-essays #programming #worse-is-better
All your #containers are belong to us — deploying to Microsoft #azure
▻https://hackernoon.com/all-your-containers-are-belong-to-us-deploying-to-microsoft-azure-2e9aa4
All your containers are belong to us — deploying to Microsoft AzureAzure Container Instances enables #deployment of #docker containers onto Azure infrastructure without provisioning any virtual machines or adopting a higher-level service.Follow me on Twitter, happy to take your suggestions on topics or improvements /ChrisIt becomes more and more common today to develop as well as deliver your application in one or more containers. One of the most common containerization software’s out there is Docker. It’s a great tool making it very easy to create image as well as containers and also monitor the same. Wouldn’t it be great if we could continue using Docker and bring our app to the cloudIn this article we will do the following:Explain, why we might need the cloudClone application source code (...)
RxCpp and Executors with Kirk Shoop
▻http://cppcast.libsyn.com/rxcpp-and-executors-with-kirk-shoop
Rob and Jason are joined by Kirk Shoop to talk about the RxCpp library and the future of Executors in C++. Kirk stumbled into an internship at Microsoft in the 90s that turned into contracting and eventually employment at Microsoft. At Microsoft Kirk sometimes pushed the compiler to its knees in the pursuit of libraries that prevent common errors. In 2013 Kirk joined Microsoft Open Technologies Inc to work on open source. Kirk began investing heavily in rxcpp in the belief that it is a better abstraction for async than the primitives commonly used. Now Kirk works at Facebook with Eric Niebler and Lewis Baker to build async range concepts and algorithms (with coroutines) into the c++ std library. News Kona: A trip report Are C++ Modules DOA 2 C++ Breaking the Rules with Inline (...)
▻http://traffic.libsyn.com/cppcast/cppcast-189.mp3?dest-id=282890