#cooperative

Une coopérative laitière mène à l’indépendance des femmes

Les femmes qui étaient confinées chez elles sont devenues des productrices de lait en tant que membres du SHG, formant par la suite une coopérative autonome. Cela leur a permis de s’autonomiser socialement et financièrement.

▻https://entreleslignesentrelesmots.blog/2021/02/19/une-cooperative-laitiere-mene-a-lindependance-des-femme

#féminisme #international #coopérative

Comment une petite société #coopérative tente de changer radicalement le monde paysan - Basta !
▻https://www.bastamag.net/la-premiere-SCOP-en-agriculture-ferme-Beletre-Indre-et-Loire-transmettre-u

https://www.bastamag.net/local/cache-gd2/e7/264a6b1fce90e8e14d26896bb5e70c.jpg?1609822808

Voilà quatre ans que la ferme de Belêtre, en Indre-et-Loire, a initié le mouvement des petites coopératives (Scop) en agriculture. L’enjeu : limiter l’endettement, se rémunérer pour son travail et non sur son capital, améliorer la protection sociale et faciliter la transmission.

À Dolus-le-Sec, en Indre-et-Loire, la coopérative paysanne de Belêtre est l’une des premières fermes françaises à avoir adopté, en novembre 2016, le statut de société coopérative de production (Scop). « Quand on a cherché à s’installer en agriculture tous les cinq, ce qui motivait notre projet agricole était avant tout politique, explique Mathieu Lersteau, l’un des cinq cofondateurs. Dans ce projet, il y avait quelque chose d’assez tranché sur le rapport au capital et la volonté de participer à un mouvement de transformation sociale. »

#communs #projets_participatifs

#Esperanto, inventare l’avvenire coltivando un terreno confiscato alla camorra

In un terreno confiscato alle mafie nella provincia di #Caserta, la cooperativa Esperanto porta avanti un progetto di agricoltura sociale che favorisce l’inserimento lavorativo di vittime del caporalato e altre persone in situazioni di difficoltà che qui hanno trovato il posto giusto per inventare il proprio avvenire.

Cosa accade quando una persona è sul proprio sentiero? Quando fa quello che ama e lo fa solamente per un suo ideale e senza chiedere un compenso per il tempo investito? Succede l’inaspettato, succede la meraviglia.

Penso che non ci sia altro modo per iniziare quest’articolo e per presentare #Gennaro_Ferilli, 58 anni, originario di Pozzuoli (NA), per lavoro sociologo e dirigente di un centro per l’impiego per mestiere, per amore presidente di Altro mondo Flegreo e fondatore della Cooperativa Esperanto (▻https://www.italiachecambia.org/mappa/esperanto).

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Gennaro inizia sette anni fa a creare un progetto di economia sociale. Facendo parte, attivamente, di R.E.S (Reti di Economia Solidale) attua percorsi di “buone pratiche del consumo etico” coinvolgendo #GAS (#Gruppi_di Acquisto_Solidale) e mercati di contadini. Si affianca poi ai Missionari Comboniani di #Castel_Volturno (CE) per offrire un sostegno concreto ai migranti attraverso il progetto agroalimentare #Green_Hope, che consiste nella riqualificazione di un terreno dei Missionari di 3000 metri sul quale attivare borse lavoro, per offrire un’opportunità di riscatto alla terra e ai migranti prevalentemente africani.

Parliamo di un territorio molto particolare e di difficile gestione. Castel Volturno, provincia di Caserta, ha subito modifiche enormi negli ultimi cinquant’anni e da piccolo paese di contadini è diventato un luogo pregno di illegalità. Qui vi è un numero elevatissimo di migranti che vivono in grave situazione di disagio, la camorra locale è stata affiancata dalla mafia nigeriana ed entrambe si occupano di tratta delle persone, gestione della prostituzione, caporalato, spaccio di droga, appalti e smaltimenti rifiuti.
Le case sono per lo più abusive e la #Terra_dei_Fuochi ha dato il colpo finale ad una cittadina già martoriata.

Dopo Green Hope, Gennaro, collaborando con U.E.P.E (Ufficio per l’Esecuzione Penale Esterna), crea il secondo progetto per offrire lavoro ad ex detenuti in esecuzione alternativa e da qui, nasce l’idea di richiedere un terreno confiscato alla camorra. Con “#Effetto_Larsen-Aps”, altra cooperativa ad indirizzo sociale che lavorava già su terreni confiscati, fanno richiesta per avere anche loro un bene. Passano tre anni, prima di ricevere risposta affermativa. Corre l’anno 2018 quando nasce così la Cooperativa Esperanto.

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Il terreno confiscato è di circa 10 ettari nel Comune di #Cancello_ed_Arnone (CE) ed è intitolato alla memoria di #Michele_Landa, vittima innocente della camorra. I figli di Landa ancora chiedono risposte, ancora si domandano perché il padre, guardia giurata che il 6 settembre 2006 si trovava a svolgere il suo lavoro a Pescopagano (PZ) davanti ad un ripetitore telefonico, fu ucciso, poi bruciato nella sua macchina e non trovato prima di tre giorni. Si parlò di agguato della Camorra, la quale aveva scoperto il redditizio cavallo di ritorno delle apparecchiature telefoniche, ma ancora tutto è nell’ombra dell’omertà.

Su questo terreno parte un progetto di Economia Solidale, “#La_Buona_Terra_Campania”, basato su una filiera Etica e partecipata. Esperanto e altre associazioni del luogo collaborano per combattere le #agromafie.

Nel 2018/19 firmano il Patto con #DESBRI (#Distretto_dell’economia_solidale_della_Brianza) il quale fa parte della rete RES Lombardia, questo sancisce l’accordo dell’acquisto dei prodotti da parte del Nord, in quei territori così martoriati. Si parla in particolare della “Pummarola” e soprattutto si parla di trasparenza. Prezzi etici , prodotti biologici, garanzie partecipate, rilevazione dei costi di produzione, comunicazione trasparente e fiducia.
Nel 2020 si aprono le porte ad altre reti: Bari, Pesaro, Bergamo, Varese e Milano attraverso i GAS locali, poi di seguito i circoli di #Libera_Terra in Piemonte.

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Durante gli anni, organizzano tour in tutta Italia per presentare la “#Buona_Terra_Campania” di cui “Esperanto” è il fulcro, fulcro di questa cooperazione territoriale in cui vi sono tre produttori agricoli e cinque trasformatori, ognuno dei quali in zona Campana. Testimonianza attiva del rafforzamento territoriale che questi progetti stanno creando.

Con il tempo arrivano nuove idee, nuove culture. Nasce la coltivazione del grano “#Senatore_Cappelli” con la sua regale trasformazione in pasta 100% biologica, la quale viene venduta soprattutto nella rete di #Libera_Terra.
Quest’anno lavorano con “#Co_Energia”, un’ Associazione nazionale di secondo livello, nata per avviare progetti di economia sociale, nella quale fluiscono varie cooperative impegnate in questo settore. Inoltre stanno avviando un nuovo progetto legato all’olio.

“Esperanto” è composta da due lavoratori stagionali (un migrante e una persona del posto) e da tre soci volontari. Quando a Gennaro chiedo perché lo fa, la sua risposta è senza tentennamenti: «Credo nella sostenibilità ambientale e sociale, credo che praticare questo, migliori e soprattutto dia senso all’esistenza. Sono nato come un consumatore critico, questo mi gratificava ma non bastava. Volevo di più, volevo portare il mio contributo, volevo lottare con armi naturali in un territorio dalla difficile gestione. Volevo creare cooperazione, volevo che le persone si aiutassero, che diventassero solidali le une con le altre, volevo che l’individualismo fosse sostituito dal senso civico della collettività, volevo perseguire i miei ideali in questa realtà così contraddittoria dove la Mafia, la Camorra non ha problemi a farsi vedere e sentire, dove il recupero, il lavoro, l’integrazione e l’abbattimento delle barriere, possono essere l’unica chiave di lettura per il cambiamento».

«L’agricoltura sociale – continua Gennaro – è un ambito del Welfare in forte sviluppo e io ho deciso di usarla come strumento di svolta. Oggi quando mi guardo intorno e indietro mi stupisco e meraviglio piacevolmente di quanto i miei sogni perseguiti con tenacia, siano diventati realtà. Sicuramente una realtà molto più grande di quello che potessi sperare».

Gennaro ha da poco presentato un progetto per #Confagricoltura sugli orti sociali: «Se dovessi vincerlo realizzerei un altro sogno nel cassetto».
Chiediamo a Gennaro se teme ritorsioni. «Alla camorra ancora non do fastidio, sono piccolo, ma non ho paura».

▻https://www.italiachecambia.org/2020/11/esperanto-inventare-avvenire-coltivando-terreno-confiscato-camorra
#coopérative #tomates #cooperativa_esperanto #alternative #coopérative_Esperanto #camorra #confiscation #mafia #Italie #agriculture #agriculture_sociale #caporalato #agromafia #travail

–—

Pour la petite histoire... c’est à cette coopérative qu’on a fait un achat groupé ici à Grenoble... Hier soir sont arrivés 2200 bouteilles de coulis de tomates !
 :-)
Si d’autres personnes en France sont intéressées, je peux vous mettre en contact !
Leur page FB :
►https://www.facebook.com/coopesperanto

Coop Exchange | One of the world’s most cited computer scientists wants cooperatives to be the future of how data is owned (Nov 2020)
▻https://coop.exchange/blog/e1803df3-0e40-11eb-b74d-06ceb0bf34bd/one-of-the-world-s-most-cited-computer-scientists-wants-cooperatives-to-b

https://d2sgx55q3agms0.cloudfront.net/blog/posts/e1803df3-0e40-11eb-b74d-06ceb0bf34bd/cover/datacoop1.jpg_5f922321f2e28.jpg

The current data economy is based on apathetic approval - everyone clicking on “I Accept The Terms And Conditions” without reading them, let alone bargaining for better terms and conditions. However, a small movement spearheaded by the MIT professor Alex Pentland has another idea on how things could work. Pentland is one of the most cited computer scientists in the world and played a key role in the introduction of GDPR, an EU regulation that has been dubbed the “greatest shake-up of privacy legislation in more than 20 years”. According to Alex, the answer lies in cooperative ownership of data, and the force best positioned to bring this change is the credit union movement. The first chapter of this article seeks to describe the vision laid out by Pentland and his colleagues at MIT, while the second chapter provides some new ideas on how it could foster a further shift towards an economic system where cooperatives would play a more prominent part.

Existing technology would easily enable credit union members to download software on their phones and laptops that would request all the data extracted from them and have it stored in a personal data storage or a “vault”. Credit unions could also help members grow their vault by requesting other information collected from them to be stored in their vaults. The example Pentland uses is that of medical information. In the US, everyone has explicit legal rights to their medical information, but hospitals often make it difficult to obtain. It would be easier to obtain it by joining a data cooperative that would request the information on behalf of many members, instead of having each individual member go through the process separately.

The pooling of data also makes it more valuable. It is not very valuable for an individual member to know how much cat food they buy. But pool data together with others, and the credit union could enable all members who regularly purchase cat food to do so collectively and bargain a lower price. Pentland sees this sort of collective bargaining for “bundled offers” as one of the key tangible economic benefits data cooperatives could provide to attract credit union members to join.

Dommage que cette idée d’achat groupé soit bidon (c’est le principe de base des hypers et de la FNAC à sa création... et ils ont plus de consommateurs encore pour mieux négocier). La liberté de ne pas être tracé ne doit pas être un outil de « négociation », mais bien un droit fondamental.

Data cooperatives should be utilised to foster new ways of member-to-member mutual support. This could happen members forming cooperatives and other mutual aid networks through which they provide goods and services to each other. In the previous chapter I described how data cooperatives could be used to enable 10 members who buy a chainsaw to bargain a discount through a bulk-purchase of 10 chainsaws. But we could go one step further - for example, we could help members form a cooperative where they buy one good chainsaw, and share it with each other, instead of having 10 lower quality chainsaws that are only seldom used.. Gradually it could be expanded into a larger tool-sharing cooperative, where members don’t have to buy a $100 chainsaw or a drill; they can simply pay a deposit of $200, lend a chainsaw or a drill worth $200 from the cooperative, and get their money back once they return it unharmed, perhaps with some payment to compensate for the administrative costs and natural depreciation.

Ah, les ingénieurs sociaux qui ont toujours une belle solution apolitique pour changer le monde...

#Données_personnelles #Coopératives #Credit_Union

Xinjiang’s System of Militarized Vocational Training Comes to #Tibet

https://jamestown.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/09/Tibet-Militarized-Training-640x354.jpg

Introduction and Summary

In 2019 and 2020, the Tibet Autonomous Region (TAR) introduced new policies to promote the systematic, centralized, and large-scale training and transfer of “rural surplus laborers” to other parts of the TAR, as well as to other provinces of the People’s Republic of China (PRC). In the first 7 months of 2020, the region had trained over half a million rural surplus laborers through this policy. This scheme encompasses Tibetans of all ages, covers the entire region, and is distinct from the coercive vocational training of secondary students and young adults reported by exile Tibetans (RFA, October 29, 2019).

The labor transfer policy mandates that pastoralists and farmers are to be subjected to centralized “military-style” (军旅式, junlüshi) vocational training, which aims to reform “backward thinking” and includes training in “work discipline,” law, and the Chinese language. Examples from the TAR’s Chamdo region indicate that the militarized training regimen is supervised by People’s Armed Police drill sergeants, and training photos published by state media show Tibetan trainees dressed in military fatigues (see accompanying images).

Poverty alleviation reports bluntly say that the state must “stop raising up lazy people.” Documents state that the “strict military-style management” of the vocational training process “strengthens [the Tibetans’] weak work discipline” and reforms their “backward thinking.” Tibetans are to be transformed from “[being] unwilling to move” to becoming willing to participate, a process that requires “diluting the negative influence of religion.” This is aided by a worrisome new scheme that “encourages” Tibetans to hand over their land and herds to government-run cooperatives, turning them into wage laborers.

An order-oriented, batch-style matching and training mechanism trains laborers based on company needs. Training, matching and delivery of workers to their work destination takes place in a centralized fashion. Recruitments rely, among other things, on village-based work teams, an intrusive social control mechanism pioneered in the TAR by Chen Quanguo (陈全国), and later used in Xinjiang to identify Uyghurs who should be sent to internment camps (China Brief, September 21, 2017). Key policy documents state that cadres who fail to achieve the mandated quotas are subject to “strict rewards and punishments” (严格奖惩措施, yange jiangcheng cuoshi). The goal of the scheme is to achieve Xi Jinping’s signature goal of eradicating absolute poverty by increasing rural disposable incomes. This means that Tibetan nomads and farmers must change their livelihoods so that they earn a measurable cash income, and can therefore be declared “poverty-free.”

This draconian scheme shows a disturbing number of close similarities to the system of coercive vocational training and labor transfer established in Xinjiang. The fact that Tibet and Xinjiang share many of the same social control and securitization mechanisms—in each case introduced under administrations directed by Chen Quanguo—renders the adaptation of one region’s scheme to the other particularly straightforward.

Historical Context

As early as 2005, the TAR had a small-scale rural surplus labor training and employment initiative for pastoralists and farmers in Lhasa (Sina, May 13, 2005). The 11th Five-Year Plan (2006-2010) then specified that this type of training and labor transfer was to be conducted throughout the TAR (PRC Government, February 8, 2006). From 2012, the Chamdo region initiated a “military-style training for surplus labor force transfer for pastoral and agricultural regions” (农牧区富余劳动力转移就业军旅式培训, nongmuqu fuyu laodongli zhuanyi jiuye junlüshi peixun) (Tibet’s Chamdo, October 8, 2014). Chamdo’s scheme was formally established in the region’s 13th Five-Year Plan (2016-2020), with the goal of training 65,000 laborers (including urban unemployed persons) during that time (Chamdo Government, December 29, 2015).

By 2016, Chamdo had established 45 related vocational training bases (TAR Government, November 17, 2016). Starting in 2016, the TAR’s Shannan region likewise implemented vocational training with “semi-military-style management” (半军事化管理, ban junshihua guanli) (Tibet Shannan Net, April 5, 2017). Several different sources indicate that Chamdo’s military-style training management was conducted by People’s Armed Police drill sergeants.[1]

Policies of the 2019-2020 Militarized Vocational Training and Labor Transfer Action Plan

In March 2019, the TAR issued the 2019-2020 Farmer and Pastoralist Training and Labor Transfer Action Plan (西藏自治区2019-2020年农牧民培训和转移就业行动方案, Xizang Zizhiqu 2019-2020 Nian Nongmumin Peixun he Zhuanyi Jiuye Xingdong Fang’an) which mandates the “vigorous promotion of military-style…[vocational] training,” adopting the model pioneered in Chamdo and mandating it throughout the region. [2] The vocational training process must include “work discipline, Chinese language and work ethics,” aiming to “enhance laborers’ sense of discipline to comply with national laws and regulations and work unit rules and regulations.”

Surplus labor training is to follow the “order-oriented” (订单定向式, dingdan dingxiangshi) or “need-driven” (以需定培, yi xu dingpei) method, [3] whereby the job is arranged first, and the training is based on the pre-arranged job placement. In 2020, at least 40 percent of job placements were to follow this method, with this share mandated to exceed 60 percent by the year 2024 (see [2], also below). Companies that employ a minimum number of laborers can obtain financial rewards of up to 500,000 renminbi ($73,900 U.S. dollars). Local labor brokers receive 300 ($44) or 500 ($74) renminbi per arranged labor transfer, depending whether it is within the TAR or without. [4] Detailed quotas not only mandate how many surplus laborers each county must train, but also how many are to be trained in each vocational specialty (Ngari Government, July 31, 2019).

The similarities to Xinjiang’s coercive training scheme are abundant: both schemes have the same target group (“rural surplus laborers”—农牧区富余劳动者, nongmuqu fuyu laodongzhe); a high-powered focus on mobilizing a “reticent” minority group to change their traditional livelihood mode; employ military drill and military-style training management to produce discipline and obedience; emphasize the need to “transform” laborers’ thinking and identity, and to reform their “backwardness;” teach law and Chinese; aim to weaken the perceived negative influence of religion; prescribe detailed quotas; and put great pressure on officials to achieve program goals. [5]

https://jamestown.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/09/Tibet-Labor-Training.png

Labor Transfers to Other Provinces in 2020

In 2020, the TAR introduced a related region-wide labor transfer policy that established mechanisms and target quotas for the transfer of trained rural surplus laborers both within (55,000) and without (5,000) the TAR (TAR Human Resources Department, July 17). The terminology is akin to that used in relation to Xinjiang’s labor transfers, employing phrases such as: “supra-regional employment transfer” (跨区域转移就业, kuaquyu zhuanyi jiuye) and “labor export” (劳务输出, laowu shuchu). Both the 2019-2020 Training and Labor Transfer Action Plan and the TAR’s 13th Five-Year Plan (2016-2020) only mention transfers outside the TAR in passing, without outlining a detailed related policy or the use of terminology akin to that found in related documents from Xinjiang. [6]

In the first 7 months of 2020, the TAR trained 543,000 rural surplus laborers, accomplishing 90.5% of its annual goal by July. Of these, 49,900 were transferred to other parts of the TAR, and 3,109 to other parts of China (TAR Government, August 12). Each region is assigned a transfer quota. By the end of 2020, this transfer scheme must cover the entire TAR.

Specific examples of such labor transfers identified by the author to other regions within the TAR include job placements in road construction, cleaning, mining, cooking and driving. [7] Transfers to labor placements outside the TAR include employment at the COFCO Group, China’s largest state-owned food-processing company (Hebei News, September 18, 2020).

The central terminology employed for the labor transfer process is identical with language used in Xinjiang: “unified matching, unified organizing, unified management, unified sending off” (统一对接、统一组织、统一管理、统一输送 / tongyi duijie, tongyi zuzhi, tongyi guanli, tongyi shusong). [8] Workers are transferred to their destination in a centralized, “group-style” (组团式, zutuanshi), “point-to-point” (点对点, dianduidian) fashion. The policy document sets group sizes at 30 persons, divided into subgroups of 10, both to be headed by (sub-)group leaders (TAR Human Resources Department, July 17). In one instance, this transport method was described as “nanny-style point-to-point service” (“点对点”“保姆式”服务 / “dianduidian” “baomu shi” fuwu) (Chinatibet.net, June 21). As in Xinjiang, these labor transfers to other provinces are arranged and supported through the Mutual Pairing Assistance [or “assist Tibet” (援藏, Yuan Zang)] mechanism, albeit not exclusively. [9] The transferred laborers’ “left-behind” children, wives and elderly family members are to receive the state’s “loving care.” [10]

Again, the similarities to Xinjiang’s inter-provincial transfer scheme are significant: unified processing, batch-style transfers, strong government involvement, financial incentives for middlemen and for participating companies, and state-mandated quotas. However, for the TAR’s labor transfer scheme, there is so far no evidence of accompanying cadres or security personnel, of cadres stationed in factories, or of workers being kept in closed, securitized environments at their final work destination. It is possible that the transfer of Tibetan laborers is not as securitized as that of Uyghur workers. There is also currently no evidence of TAR labor training and transfer schemes being linked to extrajudicial internment. The full range of TAR vocational training and job assignment mechanisms can take various forms and has a range of focus groups; not all of them involve centralized transfers or the military-style training and transfer of nomads and farmers.

The Coercive Nature of the Labor Training and Transfer System

Even so, there are clear elements of coercion during recruitment, training and job matching, as well as a centralized and strongly state-administered and supervised transfer process. While some documents assert that the scheme is predicated on voluntary participation, the overall evidence indicates the systemic presence of numerous coercive elements.

As in Xinjiang, TAR government documents make it clear that poverty alleviation is a “battlefield,” with such work to be organized under a military-like “command” structure (脱贫攻坚指挥部, tuopin gongjian zhihuibu) (TAR Government, October 29, 2019; Xinhua, October 7, 2018). In mid-2019, the battle against poverty in the TAR was said to have “entered the decisive phase,” given the goal to eradicate absolute poverty by the end of 2020 (Tibet.cn, June 11, 2019). Since poverty is measured by income levels, and labor transfer is the primary means to increase incomes—and hence to “lift” people out of poverty—the pressure for local governments to round up poor populations and feed them into the scheme is extremely high.

The Training and Labor Transfer Action Plan cited above establishes strict administrative procedures, and mandates the establishment of dedicated work groups as well as the involvement of top leadership cadres, to “ensure that the target tasks are completed on schedule” (see [2]). Each administrative level is to pass on the “pressure [to achieve the targets] to the next [lower] level.” Local government units are to “establish a task progress list [and] those who lag behind their work schedule… are to be reported and to be held accountable according to regulations.” The version adopted by the region governed under Shannan City is even more draconian: training and labor transfer achievements are directly weighed in cadres’ annual assessment scores, complemented by a system of “strict rewards and punishments.” [11] Specific threats of “strict rewards and punishments” in relation to achieving labor training and transfer targets are also found elsewhere, such as in official reports from the region governed under Ngari City, which mandate “weekly, monthly and quarterly” reporting mechanisms (TAR Government, December 18, 2018).

As with the Uyghurs in Xinjiang, overcoming Tibetans’ resistance to labor transfer is an integral part of the entire mechanism. Documents state that the “strict military-style management” of the vocational training process causes the “masses to comply with discipline,” “continuously strengthens their patriotic awareness,” and reforms their “backward thinking.” [12] This may also involve the presence of local cadres to “make the training discipline stricter.” [13]

Because the military-style vocational training process produces discipline and transforms “backward employment views,” it is said to “promote labor transfer.” [14] Rural laborers are to be transformed from “[being] unwilling to move” to becoming willing to participate, a process that requires “diluting the negative influence of religion,” which is said to induce passivity (TAR Commerce Department, June 10). The poverty alleviation and training process is therefore coupled with an all-out propaganda effort that aims to use “thought education” to “educate and guide the unemployed to change their closed, conservative and traditional employment mindset” (Tibet’s Chamdo, July 8, 2016). [15] One document notes that the poverty alleviation and labor transfer process is part of an effort to “stop raising up lazy people” (TAR Government, December 18, 2018).

A 2018 account from Chamdo of post-training follow-up shows the tight procedures employed by the authorities:

Strictly follow up and ask for effectiveness. Before the end of each training course, trainees are required to fill in the “Employment Willingness Questionnaire.” Establish a database…to grasp the employment…status of trainees after the training. For those who cannot be employed in time after training, follow up and visit regularly, and actively recommend employment…. [16]

These “strict” follow-up procedures are increasingly unnecessary, because the mandated “order-oriented” process means that locals are matched with future jobs prior to the training.

“Grid Management” and the “Double-Linked Household” System

Coercive elements play an important role during the recruitment process. Village-based work teams, an intrusive social control mechanism pioneered by Chen Quanguo, go from door to door to “help transform the thinking and views of poor households.” [17] The descriptions of these processes, and the extensive government resources invested to ensure their operation, overlap to a high degree with those that are commonly practiced in Xinjiang (The China Quarterly, July 12, 2019). As is the case in Xinjiang, poverty-alleviation work in the TAR is tightly linked to social control mechanisms and key aspects of the security apparatus. To quote one government document, “By combining grid management and the ‘double-linked household’ management model, [we must] organize, educate, and guide the people to participate and to support the fine-grained poverty alleviation … work.” [18]

Grid management (网格化管理, wanggehua guanli) is a highly intrusive social control mechanism, through which neighborhoods and communities are subdivided into smaller units of surveillance and control. Besides dedicated administrative and security staff, this turns substantial numbers of locals into “volunteers,” enhancing the surveillance powers of the state. [19] Grid management later became the backbone of social control and surveillance in Xinjiang. For poverty alleviation, it involves detailed databases that list every single person “in poverty,” along with indicators and countermeasures, and may include a “combat visualization” (图表化作战, tubiaohua zuozhan) feature whereby progress in the “war on poverty” is visualized through maps and charts (TAR Government, November 10, 2016). Purang County in Ngari spent 1.58 million renminbi ($233,588 dollars) on a “Smart Poverty Alleviation Big Data Management Platform,” which can display poverty alleviation progress on a large screen in real time (TAR Government, February 20, 2019).

Similarly, the “double-linked household” (双联户, shuang lian hu) system corrals regular citizens into the state’s extensive surveillance apparatus by making sets of 10 “double-linked” households report on each other. Between 2012 and 2016, the TAR established 81,140 double-linked household entities, covering over three million residents, and therefore virtually the region’s entire population (South China Morning Post, December 12, 2016). An August 2020 article on poverty alleviation in Ngari notes that it was the head of a “double-linked” household unit who led his “entire village” to hand over their grassland and herds to a local husbandry cooperative (Hunan Government, August 20).

Converting Property to Shares Through Government Cooperatives

A particularly troubling aspect of the Training and Labor Transfer Action Plan is the directive to promote a “poverty alleviation industry” (扶贫产业, fupin chanye) scheme by which local nomads and farmers are asked to hand over their land and herds to large-scale, state-run cooperatives (农牧民专业合作社, nongmumin zhuanye hezuoshe). [20] In that way, “nomads become shareholders” as they convert their usage rights into shares. This scheme, which harks back to the forced collectivization era of the 1950s, increases the disposable incomes of nomads and farmers through share dividends and by turning them into wage laborers. They are then either employed by these cooperatives or are now “free” to participate in the wider labor transfer scheme. [21] In Nagqu, this is referred to as the “one township one cooperative, one village one cooperative ” (“一乡一社”“一村一合” / “yixiang yishe” “yicun yihe”) scheme, indicating its universal coverage. [22] One account describes the land transfer as prodding Tibetans to “put down the whip, walk out of the pasture, and enter the [labor] market” (People.cn, July 27, 2020).

Clearly, such a radical transformation of traditional livelihoods is not achieved without overcoming local resistance. A government report from Shuanghu County (Nagqu) in July 2020 notes that:

In the early stages, … most herders were not enthusiastic about participating. [Then], the county government…organized…county-level cadres to deeply penetrate township and village households, convening village meetings to mobilize people, insisted on transforming the [prevailing attitude of] “I am wanted to get rid of poverty” to “I want to get rid of poverty” as the starting point for the formation of a cooperative… [and] comprehensively promoted the policy… Presently… the participation rate of registered poor herders is at 100 percent, [that] of other herders at 97 percent. [23]

Importantly, the phrase “transforming [attitudes of] ‘I am wanted to get rid of poverty’ to ‘I want to get rid of poverty’” is found in this exact form in accounts of poverty alleviation through labor transfer in Xinjiang. [24]

Given that this scheme severs the long-standing connection between Tibetans and their traditional livelihood bases, its explicit inclusion in the militarized vocational training and labor transfer policy context is of great concern.

https://jamestown.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/09/Chamdo-School-ground-768x381.png https://jamestown.org/wp-content/uploads/2020/09/Chamdo-Overhead-combined.png

Militarized Vocational Training: Examining a Training Base in Chamdo

The Chamdo Golden Sunshine Vocational Training School (昌都市金色阳光职业培训学校, Changdushi Jinse Yangguang Zhiye Peixun Xuexiao) operates a vocational training base within Chamdo’s Vocational and Technical School, located in Eluo Town, Karuo District. The facility conducts “military-style training” (军旅式培训, junlüshi peixun) of rural surplus laborers for the purpose of achieving labor transfer; photos of the complex show a rudimentary facility with rural Tibetan trainees of various ages, mostly dressed in military fatigues. [25]

Satellite imagery (see accompanying images) shows that after a smaller initial setup in 2016, [26] the facility was expanded in the year 2018 to its current state. [27] The compound is fully enclosed, surrounded by a tall perimeter wall and fence, and bisected by a tall internal wire mesh fence that separates the three main northern buildings from the three main southern ones (building numbers 4 and 5 and parts of the surrounding wall are shown in the accompanying Figure 4). The internal fence might be used to separate dormitories from teaching and administrative buildings. Independent experts in satellite analysis contacted by the author estimated the height of the internal fence at approximately 3 meters. The neighboring vocational school does not feature any such security measures.

Conclusions

In both Xinjiang and Tibet, state-mandated poverty alleviation consists of a top-down scheme that extends the government’s social control deep into family units. The state’s preferred method to increase the disposable incomes of rural surplus laborers in these restive minority regions is through vocational training and labor transfer. Both regions have by now implemented a comprehensive scheme that relies heavily on centralized administrative mechanisms; quota fulfilment; job matching prior to training; and a militarized training process that involves thought transformation, patriotic and legal education, and Chinese language teaching.

Important differences remain between Beijing’s approaches in Xinjiang and Tibet. Presently, there is no evidence that the TAR’s scheme is linked to extrajudicial internment, and aspects of its labor transfer mechanisms are potentially less coercive. However, in a system where the transition between securitization and poverty alleviation is seamless, there is no telling where coercion stops and where genuinely voluntary local agency begins. While some Tibetans may voluntarily participate in some or all aspects of the scheme, and while their incomes may indeed increase as a result, the systemic presence of clear indicators of coercion and indoctrination, coupled with profound and potentially permanent change in modes of livelihood, is highly problematic. In the context of Beijing’s increasingly assimilatory ethnic minority policy, it is likely that these policies will promote a long-term loss of linguistic, cultural and spiritual heritage.

Adrian Zenz is a Senior Fellow in China Studies at the Victims of Communism Memorial Foundation, Washington, D.C. (non-resident), and supervises PhD students at the European School of Culture and Theology, Korntal, Germany. His research focus is on China’s ethnic policy, public recruitment in Tibet and Xinjiang, Beijing’s internment campaign in Xinjiang, and China’s domestic security budgets. Dr. Zenz is the author of Tibetanness under Threat and co-editor of Mapping Amdo: Dynamics of Change. He has played a leading role in the analysis of leaked Chinese government documents, to include the “China Cables” and the “Karakax List.” Dr. Zenz is an advisor to the Inter-Parliamentary Alliance on China, and a frequent contributor to the international media.

Notes

[1] See for example ▻https://archive.is/wip/4ItV6 or ▻http://archive.is/RVJRK. State media articles from September 2020 indicate that this type of training is ongoing ▻https://archive.is/e1XqL.

[2] Chinese: 大力推广军旅式…培训 (dali tuiguang junlüshi…peixun). See ▻https://bit.ly/3mmiQk7 (pp.12-17). See local implementation documents of this directive from Shannan City (►https://bit.ly/32uVlO5, pp.15-24), Xigatse (▻https://archive.is/7oJ7p) and Ngari (▻https://archive.is/wip/R3Mpw).

[3] See also ▻https://archive.is/wip/eQMGa.

[4] Provided that the person was employed for at least 6 months in a given year. Source: ►https://archive.is/KE1Vd.

[5] See the author’s main work on this in section 6 of: “Beyond the Camps: Beijing’s Long-Term Scheme of Coercive Labor, Poverty Alleviation and Social Control in Xinjiang,” Journal of Political Risk (Vol. 7, No. 12), December 2019. ►https://www.jpolrisk.com/beyond-the-camps-beijings-long-term-scheme-of-coercive-labor-poverty-allev.

[6] See ▻https://archive.is/wip/Dyapm.

[7] See ►https://archive.is/wip/XiZfl, ►https://archive.is/RdnvS, ►https://archive.is/w1kfx, ▻https://archive.is/wip/NehA6, ▻https://archive.is/wip/KMaUo, ►https://archive.is/wip/XiZfl, ►https://archive.is/RdnvS, ►https://archive.is/w1kfx.

[8] See ►https://archive.is/KE1Vd and ►https://archive.is/wip/8afPF.

[9] See ►https://archive.is/KE1Vd and ►https://archive.is/wip/8afPF.

[10] See ►https://archive.is/KE1Vd.

[11] See ►https://bit.ly/32uVlO5, p.24.

[12] See ▻https://archive.is/wip/fN9hz and ▻https://archive.is/NYMwi, compare ▻https://archive.is/wip/iiF7h and ▻http://archive.is/Nh7tT.

[13] See ▻https://archive.is/wip/kQVnX. A state media account of Tibetan waiters at a tourism-oriented restaurant in Xiexong Township (Chamdo) notes that these are all from “poverty-alleviation households,” and have all gone through “centralized, military-style training.” Consequently, per this account, they have developed a “service attitude of being willing to suffer [or: work hard]”, as is evident from their “vigorous pace and their [constant] shuttling back and forth” as they serve their customers. ▻https://archive.is/wip/Nfxnx (account from 2016); compare ▻https://archive.is/wip/dTLku.

[14] See ▻https://archive.is/wip/faIeL and ▻https://archive.is/wip/18CXh.

[15] See ▻https://archive.is/iiF7h.

[16] See ▻https://archive.is/wip/ETmNe

[17] See ▻https://archive.is/wip/iEV7P, see also e.g. ▻https://archive.is/wip/1p6lV.

[18] See ▻https://archive.is/e45fJ.

[19] See ▻https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/china-quarterly/article/securitizing-xinjiang-police-recruitment-informal-policing-and-ethnic-minority-cooptation/FEEC613414AA33A0353949F9B791E733 and ▻https://www.hrw.org/news/2013/03/20/china-alarming-new-surveillance-security-tibet.

[20] E.g. ▻https://archive.is/R3Mpw. This scheme was also mentioned in the TAR’s 13th 5-Year-Plan (2016-2020) (▻https://archive.is/wip/S3buo). See also similar accounts, e.g. ▻https://archive.is/IJUyl.

[21] Note e.g. the sequence of the description of these cooperatives followed by an account of labor transfer (▻https://archive.is/gIw3f).

[22] See ▻https://archive.is/wip/gIw3f or ▻https://archive.is/wip/z5Tor or ▻https://archive.is/wip/PR7lh.

[23] See ▻https://archive.is/wip/85zXB.

[24] See the author’s related work on this in section 2.2 of: “Beyond the Camps: Beijing’s Long-Term Scheme of Coercive Labor, Poverty Alleviation and Social Control in Xinjiang,” Journal of Political Risk (Vol. 7, No. 12), December 2019. ►https://www.jpolrisk.com/beyond-the-camps-beijings-long-term-scheme-of-coercive-labor-poverty-allev.

[25] Located as part of the 昌都市卡若区俄洛镇昌都市职业技术学校 campus. See ►https://bit.ly/2Rr6Ekc; compare ▻https://archive.is/wip/uUTCp and ▻https://archive.is/wip/lKnbe.

[26] See ▻https://archive.is/wip/WZsvQ.

[27] Coordinates: 31.187035, 97.091817. Website: ►https://bit.ly/2Rr6Ekc. The timeframe for construction is indicated by historical satellite imagery and by the year 2018 featured on a red banner on the bottom-most photo of the website.

▻https://jamestown.org/program/jamestown-early-warning-brief-xinjiangs-system-of-militarized-vocational-

#Chine #transfert_de_population #déplacement #rural_surplus_laborers #formaation_professionnelle #armée #travail #agriculture #discipline #discipline_de_travail #Chamdo #préjugés #terres #salariés #travailleurs_salariés #Chen_Quanguo #Xinjiang #Oïghours #camps #pauvreté #contrôle_social #pastoralisme #Farmer_and_Pastoralist_Training_and_Labor_Transfer_Action_Plan #minorités #obédience #discipline #identité #langue #religion #COFCO_Group #mots #terminologie #vocabulaire #Mutual_Pairing_Assistance #pauvreté #Shannan_City #Ngari_City #surveillance #poverty_alleviation #coopératives #salaire #Nagqu #Chamdo_Golden_Sunshine_Vocational_Training_School #Eluo_Town

Cravirola - Jérémie Lefranc / Une expérimentation politique alliant vie et travail / Jérémie Lefranc - Éditions du commun
▻https://www.editionsducommun.org/collections/all/products/cravirola-jeremie-lefranc

La coopérative Cravirola a marqué toutes les personnes qui l’ont côtoyée et plus largement les milieux militants du début des années 2000. Ses membres se sont posé comme enjeu politique de vivre et travailler autrement et ont choisi comme moyen la coopérative, la paysannerie et la ruralité. Jérémie Lefranc nous livre ici son expérience au sein de cette communauté de vie et de travail. Nous suivons sur dix années la vie quotidienne d’un collectif, rythmée par les activités, les chantiers, les relations en interne comme au voisinage en passant par les questions financières et les choix stratégiques. L’auteur nous embarque dans un récit ancré dans une réalité qui nous est tout autant familière que singulière.

Ayant été en contact avec ce collectif plusieurs années de suite avec toujours autant de bonheur que de questions, je relaie. Témoignage précieux d’une expérience non moins précieuse.

#collectif #autogestion #scop #coopérative #travail #communs #commune

#Railcoop, la #coopérative qui fait renaître les lignes de #train abandonnées
▻https://reporterre.net/Railcoop-la-cooperative-qui-fait-renaitre-les-lignes-de-train-abandonnee

https://reporterre.net/local/cache-gd2/cd/0e0831e38fc813eca72ff146095d80.jpg?1593645728

C’est un nouvel acteur qui bouscule le petit monde #ferroviaire : Railcoop a choisi une gouvernance coopérative et de relancer des lignes abandonnées par la SNCF, plutôt que de se tourner vers celles considérées comme rentables. Une initiative permise par l’ouverture à la concurrence du ferroviaire prévue pour la fin de l’année.

« Railcoop ira où la SNCF ne va plus » : le pari osé de la coopérative qui veut remettre la ligne Lyon-Bordeaux sur les rails
▻https://www.francetvinfo.fr/economie/transports/sncf/railcoop-ira-ou-la-sncf-ne-va-plus-le-pari-ose-de-la-cooperative-qui-ve

https://www.francetvinfo.fr/image/75s2re20d-efc8/1500/843/21810991.jpg

Une gageure ? Implantée à Cajarc, dans le Lot, la coopérative Railcoop veut ressusciter la ligne directe Bordeaux-Lyon, abandonnée depuis près d’une décennie par la SNCF. Et ce, dès 2022. Dans la foulée, elle entend instaurer d’autres liaisons ferroviaires transverses, sans détour par Paris. Avec un double objectif : faire progresser la part du train par rapport à celle de la voiture et vivifier des bassins à faible densité de population dans le Massif central, dont le confinement a montré le pouvoir d’attractivité.

#sncf #scic #transport_ferroviaire

À propos de l’artisanat et de la perte de compétences (ça concerne surtout la programmation informatique mais je crois que ça peut se généraliser facilement à d’autres domaines).

« Cela fait longtemps que je n’avais pas écrit. Si je reprends aujourd’hui le chemin de l’écriture, cela ne sera pas pour vous parler de « geekeries » ou autres « nerderies » en tout genre. Dans ce très long billet de blog, je vais aborder le difficile sujet d’une espèce en voie d’extinction : les vieux software crafters autodidactes dont je fais partie. Je vais donc vous parler des vieux techos à travers moi, de l’évolution du marché ces 25 dernières années, du burn-out qui m’est arrivé et de la remise en question qui s’ensuit. »

▻https://www.emaxilde.net/posts/2020/07/18/je-fais-partie-d-une-espece-menacee-d-extinction.html

PORTFOLIOS En Italie, la coopérative des migrants

Non loin de Rome, en #Italie, des immigrés d’Afrique subsaharienne ont créé en 2012 leur propre coopérative afin de subvenir à leurs besoins. Ils étaient #migrants sans papiers, exploités dans des coopératives agricoles, notamment près de Rosarno où en 2010 éclata une révolte de ces ouvriers après l’agression raciste contre l’un d’eux. Aujourd’hui, la #coopérative #Barikama produit des yaourts et légumes bio. La vente permet à chaque coopérateur de recevoir un salaire.

►https://www.mediapart.fr/studio/portfolios/en-italie-la-cooperative-des-migrants

#autoproduction #centre_social #Rome

En Italie, la coopérative des migrants | Portfolios | Mediapart

Non loin de Rome, en Italie, des immigrés d’Afrique subsaharienne ont créé en 2012 leur propre coopérative afin de subvenir à leurs besoins. Ils étaient migrants sans papiers, exploités dans des coopératives agricoles, notamment près de Rosarno où en 2010 éclata une révolte de ces ouvriers après l’agression raciste contre l’un d’eux. Aujourd’hui, la coopérative Barikama produit des yaourts et légumes bio. La vente permet à chaque coopérateur de recevoir un salaire.

https://static.mediapart.fr/etmagine/portfolio/files/portfolios/28693/Giacomo1982.jpg

Railcoop : le retour des #trains directs entre #bordeaux et #lyon pour 2022 ?
▻http://carfree.fr/index.php/2020/06/17/railcoop-le-retour-des-trains-directs-entre-bordeaux-et-lyon-pour-2022

Ne cherchez plus un billet #sncf pour voyager tranquillement entre Bordeaux et Lyon, sans changer de train et poireauter une correspondance dans une gare courant d’air entre ces deux villes : Lire la suite...

#Alternatives_à_la_voiture #Transports_publics #alternatives #cooperative #limoges #montluçon #périgueux #roanne

Gustav Landauer
Appel au socialisme

Renaud Garcia

▻https://lavoiedujaguar.net/Gustav-Landauer-Appel-au-socialisme

Il est peu de textes alliant au même degré profondeur philosophique, acuité politique et beauté stylistique. Joyau de la littérature socialiste, l’Appel au socialisme de Gustav Landauer est de ceux-là. Né en 1870 à Karlsruhe, en Allemagne, Landauer fut un révolutionnaire sa vie durant, toujours à contretemps des tendances idéologiques de son époque. Lecteur de Spinoza, Schopenhauer et Nietzsche, il est exclu de l’université à vingt-trois ans et considéré par les services de l’empire comme l’« agitateur le plus important du mouvement révolutionnaire radical ». Il collabore à plusieurs journaux, participe à la fondation de théâtres populaires, essuie des peines de prison au tournant du siècle pour incitation à l’action révolutionnaire — temps pendant lequel il se livre notamment à la traduction des écrits du mystique médiéval Maître Eckhart. Par la suite, il se fera passeur décisif en langue allemande de textes de Proudhon, Kropotkine, Mirbeau, La Boétie, avant d’être à l’origine de multiples expérimentations (notamment le journal Der Sozialist) et groupements socialistes, dont le plus connu fut l’Alliance socialiste (qui aurait compté à son apogée une quinzaine de groupes de dix à vingt membres chacun). Commissaire à l’Instruction publique et à la Culture fortement impliqué dans la république des conseils de Bavière, Landauer meurt lynché par un groupement de corps francs en mai 1919. (...)

#Gustav_Landauer #Renaud_Garcia #socialisme #anarchisme #Allemagne #Maître_Eckhart #révolution #communauté #marxisme #décroissance #Jacques_Ellul #consommation #coopératives #Moyen_Âge #Anthropocène

Toilet Paper Wars and the Shithouse of Capitalism

https://www.commondreams.org/sites/default/files/styles/cd_large/public/views-article/toilet-paper-wars.jpg?itok=8yw27j-F#.jpg

The run on toilet paper has brought the failings of capitalism front and center to the bathroom of every house across Australia, a trend that has now spread to other countries. We are witnessing, in real-time and with stunning consequence, the stone-cold fact that markets are an ineffective mediator of resources, prone to the worst vagaries of herd mentality. Perceived impending shortages of toilet paper owing to the spread of COVID-19 set off widespread panic. We might be inclined to laugh at the implausibility of the whole scenario, but whether the situation is real or imagined is beside the point. The truth, which in this case may appear stranger than fiction, is that markets operate in the sweet spot between scarcity and fear.

Those who stockpiled toilet paper are in no danger of running out, and many undoubtedly have way more rolls than they could ever hope to use in the course of several months. These individuals have successfully avoided catastrophe while stuffing up their fellow citizens in the process. The whole situation is quite literally a stinking mess. What is particularly tragic though, is that this story of scarcity and hoarding is a common one. It is the story of capitalism itself.

Let’s pretend that we are talking about housing rather than toilet paper for a moment. The same principles actually apply. Those who got into the property market early, or have the ability to enter into the housing market at this stage, are the big winners. By early, we are talking several generations ago when land was cheaper and people were far fewer. It was a time when savvy buyers could accumulate vast portfolios. The payoff is that their children and grandchildren had to do very little to maintain the wealth that they inherited, other than continuing to extract value in the form of rent from the properties they owned.

This is Donald Trump’s story, and it is one of extreme privilege and exploitation. His critics are often appalled by his lack of empathy, but Trump appears to have no conception of caring for the poor precisely because he doesn’t have to. In a similar fashion, if you have a good stockpile of toilet paper, you’re likely not so worried about what everyone else in your neighborhood might be doing. You’re just looking out for number one, so you can continue to do your number twos in peace. Much like the run on toilet paper produced winners and losers by creating a situation of scarcity, so too does the housing market have the same effect.

Few can afford housing precisely because there has been a decades-long run on this commodity. The extension of the time scale makes it less obvious as to what is going on, but it is the exact same mechanism at play. Those who got into housing first have nothing to fear. They are not prone to the uncertainties that plague the experiences of those who lost out. Insecurity often comes in the form of inflated prices. While there have been examples of people trying to sell toilet paper at exorbitant prices on eBay, so far the demand has not matches sellers’ exploitative expectations. Housing is another matter, where those who did not get in early must pay inflated prices, subject themselves to an ongoing extraction of their means in the form of rent, or find themselves homeless.

The fact that there are fistfights in grocery stores is the tip of the iceberg in terms of the desperation that a populace can express when placed in a context of crisis. Violence becomes inevitable, which is a terrifying thought when we recognize that housing is a systemic crisis. On the one hand people turning on each other is a reflection of an individualist society, a cultural understanding that only emboldens the wealthy. The poor seldom form solidarities that encourage them to turn on their oppressors by organizing events like rent strikes. They are too busy fighting each other over scraps to make ends meet.

Who does hoarding hurt? The answer should be clear. Whether in housing or in toilet paper, it is poor people and working families living paycheck-to-paycheck who are worst affected. They can’t afford to stock up on commodities like toilet paper because they are continually paying rent so that they can have access to the most basic, and yet most hoarded commodity of all: housing.

The toilet paper apocalypse is already prompting people to reconsider their strategies for managing their bodily needs in ways that do not fall prey to further hoarding, paying huge ransoms, or resorting to violence. There is, for example, a lot of discussion on social media about the benefits of bidets. While responding to a shortage of toilet paper might seem trivial in the grand scheme of capitalism, it has provided us with a small glimpse into what it means to explore other ways of being in the world. In the context of housing, such experimentation comes in the form of cooperatives, intergenerational living arrangements, and even housing squats.

There is a key difference between toilet paper and housing though. Toilet paper shortages are unlikely to be a prolonged phenomenon. The boom will soon bust. Major retailers have already begun placing limits on the amount people can buy. They have intervened in the market, recognizing that any supposed invocation of it being “free” is a dystopian fantasy that is detrimental to the community as a whole. The housing situation, on the other hand, is a protracted affair, and one that leaves many people out in the cold. It is not going to fix itself, and successive governments all around the world have proven that they are unwilling to regulate in ways that are equitable. In the face of such ineffectuality and inequality, the question then becomes: how much shit are people willing to take?

▻https://www.commondreams.org/views/2020/03/15/toilet-paper-wars-and-shithouse-capitalism
#papier_toilettes #coronavirus #confinement #Simon_Springer #capitalisme #marché #mentalité_de_troupeau #panique #PQ #rareté #peur #privilèges #exploitation #prix #logement #violence #crise #crise_systémique #individualisme #solidarité #pauvres #riches #classes_sociales #bidets #coopératives #squats #inégalités #pénurie

[La bande à Piksou] NewB or not NewB...
▻http://www.radiopanik.org/emissions/la-bande-a-picsou/newb-or-not-newb-

http://www.radiopanik.org/media/cache/d6/61/d661674bd161111d403252fcab732135.jpg

Nouvel acteur bancaire, NewB fait parler d’elle avant même son entrée en action sur le marché belge.

Née dans la foulée de la crise bancaire et financière de l’automne 2008, la SCE (Société #coopérative Européenne) travaille à la « construction d’une #banque éthique et durable au service d’une société respectueuse de la planète et des droits humains ».

Son Directeur (et initiateur) Bernard BAYOT viendra nous parler de l’histoire New B mais aussi de son futur.

Et donc, peut-être du nôtre.

Illustration : Bernard Bayot, Directeur de NewB (BELGA)

#finance #coopérative,banque,finance
▻http://www.radiopanik.org/media/sounds/la-bande-a-picsou/newb-or-not-newb-_08400__1.mp3

« On veut que le boulanger du coin puisse facilement utiliser les #Services de #NUBO »
▻https://framablog.org/2019/11/30/on-veut-que-le-boulanger-du-coin-puisse-facilement-utiliser-les-services-

Si vous lisez ces lignes, vous êtes en théorie déjà familier avec le collectif #CHATONS initié en 2016. Aujourd’hui, direction la #Belgique pour découvrir Nubo, une coopérative qui propose des services en ligne respectueux de la vie privée. Interview réalisée … Lire la suite­­

#Contributopia #Dégooglisons_Internet #Internet_et_société #Libres_Logiciels #Libres_Services #abonnements #biocoop #chatons #Coopcity #coopérateurs #cooperative #Librehosters #parts

endi · GitLab
▻https://framagit.org/endi/endi

Un progiciel de gestion pour les #CAE (#Coopérative d’activité et d’emploi), les collectifs d’entrepreneurs indépendants.

Les sources du « futur » logiciel de compta de nos coops.

Le site du projet ▻http://endi.coop

/me attend le premier commentaire qui mentionnera les rita mitsouko ^^

#Africa_Rising documentary

From Clover films and film maker #Jamie_Doran, comes a documentary examining the failure of western policies towards Africa and rethinking the role of western aid workers on the continent.

Narrated by Tilda Swinton, Africa Rising takes a look at the benefits of ’Self Help’ in Ethiopia, a country potentially rich in resources, looking to find its own way out of poverty.

▻https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=kYS7T9UMrsA

Pierre Bourdieu, en 1998, sur le néolibéralisme :
►https://www.monde-diplomatique.fr/1998/03/BOURDIEU/3609

Le néolibéralisme est un programme de destruction méthodique des collectifs [...] visant à mettre en question toutes les structures collectives capables de faire obstacle à la logique du marché pur : nation, dont la marge de manœuvre ne cesse de décroître ; groupes de travail, avec, par exemple, l’individualisation des salaires et des carrières en fonction des compétences individuelles et l’atomisation des travailleurs qui en résulte ; collectifs de défense des droits des travailleurs, syndicats, associations, coopératives ; famille même, qui, à travers la constitution de marchés par classes d’âge, perd une part de son contrôle sur la consommation.

#travail #économie #néolibéralisme

En Grèce, dans une usine autogérée, le travail devient un « lieu de solidarité et de liberté »
PAR ANDREA FUORI, RAPHAËL GOUMENT // 8 JUILLET 2019 // Bastamag

Au mur du petit bureau, Dimitris pointe une photo jaunie d’Alexis Tsipras, premier ministre depuis 2015, et qui vient d’être battu aux élections législatives du 7 juillet. Le patron de Syriza avait visité l’usine lors de sa campagne électorale en 2014. « Il nous a promis de légaliser notre statut. Il nous a assuré qu’on était des travailleurs modèles, sur qui ils s’appuieraient pour leur projet économique. Cinq ans plus tard, rien n’a changé. »

Après huit ans de lutte, les ouvriers de Vio Me sont toujours dans l’illégalité. En 2014, ils ont créé une société coopérative qui s’est dotée d’un compte en banque. Mais elle n’est ni propriétaire ni locataire des actifs. « Sur le papier, on est toujours considérés comme les employés d’une entreprise en faillite. Depuis six ans, notre travail n’est pas reconnu », peste Makis.

« On voudrait exporter vers l’Amérique Latine, mais c’est impossible sans cadre légal. L’absence de statut freine notre développement. »

#Zanon #savons #lessives #écologie#BTP #crise #huile_d_olive #organisation_collective #espace_social #distribution_militante #réseau #solidarité #assemblées #centres_sociaux #coopératives #faillite #illégalité #société_coopérative #statut #projet_économique #Syriza #Tsipras #production #autogestion #coopératives_ouvrières #structures_autogérées #Grèce #mouvement_des_places #réappropriation_industrielle #Vio Me #usine #lutte

►https://www.bastamag.net/Grece-Vio-Me-cooperative-usine-autogeree-savons-ecologiques-legislatives-T

Anne Sylvestre - Une #sorcière comme les autres - #Chanson_française - YouTube
▻https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=TQLlIgj_LFQ

C’est comme ça que s’apprend le français à la « aula d’idiomes », projet linguistique coopératif barcelonais (▻https://auladidiomes.cat/cooperativa) <3

#coopérative #projet_linguistique #féminisme

« Qu’est-ce qu’un patron de gauche ? » Tribune de Simon Cottin-Marx (Sociologue) et Arthur Brault Moreau (Syndicaliste à Solidaires)
▻https://www.lemonde.fr/idees/article/2019/04/13/social-qu-est-ce-qu-un-patron-de-gauche_5449879_3232.html

Ce ne sont pas les plus nombreux ni les plus visibles, on les voit peu dans les analyses et les médias, ce sont les patrons et patronnes de gauche. A mi-chemin entre des valeurs progressistes, parfois même anticapitalistes, et une position de chef d’entreprise où la logique de marché demeure prédominante, ces patrons échappent souvent aux radars.

Alors que pour un salarié « de gauche », travailler pour l’un d’entre eux devrait être l’emploi idéal, la réalité s révèle parfois amère. Nous avons interrogé une vingtaine de personnes sur leurs expériences de travail dans des coopératives, des associations et des entreprises de l’économie sociale, mais aussi des syndicats, des médias ou encore comme attachés parlementaires d’élus de gauche, afin de dégager quelques enseignements sur le profil et le comportement de « patrons de gauche ».

« Faites ce que je dis, pas ce que je fais. » C’est la première particularité des patrons de gauche : il y a souvent chez eux un décalage entre l’éthique affichée et les pratiques. Comme le raconte un ancien assistant parlementaire : « Mon élu défendait le droit au repos dominical dans l’Hémicycle, mais il faisait parfois travailler son équipe toute la semaine, dimanche compris, sans même donner un repos le lundi. »

Une position délicate

Quoi qu’on puisse en dire, « être de gauche » ne protège pas des mauvaises pratiques patronales : horaires atypiques, harcèlement, discriminations, embauche des « petits jeunes » corvéables à merci, salariés remplacés par des stagiaires, rémunération affinitaire, absence de transparence, etc. Il arrive aussi que les patrons de gauche, comme les patrons tout court, soient de mauvais patrons.

Outre les abus d’autorité, le décalage entre éthique et pratique pose ici une difficulté supplémentaire pour les salariés. Travailler pour un patron ouvertement « de gauche » n’est pas anodin : c’est souvent partager ses idées politiques. Or, comme l’écrit Michel Gollac (« Mesurer les facteurs psychosociaux de risque au #travail », rapport au ministre du travail, avril 2011) les conflits de valeurs sont source de malaises, dégradent l’image du métier aux yeux des salariés, alimentent le sentiment d’inutilité du travail.
▻https://www.ladocumentationfrancaise.fr/rapports-publics/114000201/index.shtml

Une autre particularité de ces patrons est souvent de ne pas s’assumer comme employeurs, d’être mal à l’aise dans la relation de subordination avec leurs salariés et de faire comme si les hiérarchies salariales avaient disparu en continuant à s’appeler « camarade ». Une parlementaire va par exemple jusqu’à nier les hiérarchies salariales et revendique d’avoir inventé un mode nouveau de gestion « sans chef », « horizontal et participatif ».

Les hiérarchies continuent à exister

Une utopie que les salariés ne vivent pas de la même manière… En cas de crise ou dès qu’il est nécessaire de trancher un débat, la subordination reprend le dessus. C’est ce qu’explique une psychologue du travail à propos de son expérience personnelle d’employée d’un cabinet de conseil aux syndicats : « La patronne avait beaucoup de mal à asseoir sa posture. Elle était incapable de trancher, d’arbitrer et de donner des directives. […] Elle était victime d’une forme de schizophrénie. Elle se revendiquait de gauche, mais dans sa grille de lecture, être patron, c’était être de droite… »

La difficulté à asseoir une posture claire peut aussi amener à nier certains droits et protections sociales. C’est l’exemple d’une élue qui refuse la demande de « dialogue social » formulée par ses salariés, « car c’est un truc de la CFDT », ou d’un autre élu qui tranche : « Pas besoin de syndicat, pas besoin de contre-pouvoir. On est entre nous. » Pourtant, avoir un patron de gauche n’est pas la fin de l’histoire. Les hiérarchies continuent à exister, les nier ne peut que freiner les possibilités de se défendre pour les salariés.

Du côté des salariés, travailler auprès d’un patron de gauche est souvent vu comme une chance pour lier l’activité professionnelle à un engagement personnel ou politique… Puis, ils découvrent les heures supplémentaires gratuites. Matthieu Hély, sociologue du monde associatif (où les « patrons de gauche » sont légion), explique que dans ce secteur, « c’est le salariat atypique qui est typique » (« A travail égal, salaire inégal : ce que travailler dans le secteur associatif veut dire », Sociétés contemporaines no 69, 2008/1).
▻https://halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/halshs-00265727/document

Assumer la relation salariale

Les salariés travaillent souvent le soir et le week-end, avec des contrats précaires, de moindres salaires, etc. Mais alors pourquoi ces emplois trouvent preneurs ? Parce que ces activités sont sources d’« externalités positives » dont la satisfaction morale est de servir un projet à but non lucratif. Pour la chercheuse Maud Simonet, (Le Travail bénévole, La Dispute, 2010) une part de travail bénévole des salariés « va de soi », au nom de « l’esprit associatif ».

« Plus qu’un emploi, c’est un projet politique », « on faisait déjà ça [en tant que militant] », entend-on de la part de patrons « de gauche » et de salariés. Comble de l’ironie, l’engagement à gauche sert de base à la subordination du salarié.

Le tableau n’est pas que noir. Il ne s’agit pas de désigner à la vindicte les patrons de gauche. Pour autant, il est nécessaire de trouver des solutions pour qu’ils aient des pratiques cohérentes avec leur engagement. Pour cela, pas de baguette magique. Historiquement, le mouvement ouvrier est parvenu à imposer des protections sociales : le premier pas à faire est qu’ils respectent ces droits, et commencent par les connaître.

Le deuxième enjeu est d’assumer la relation salariale. Enfin, les patrons doivent accepter et cultiver les contre-pouvoirs. L’existence d’une organisation syndicale est souvent le meilleur outil pour rendre visible les relations de pouvoir, les encadrer et permettre aux salariés de se défendre. Mais il faut faire attention à la connivence et s’assurer que le contre-pouvoir en reste réellement un.

Territori partecipativi

Verso una geografia per la partecipazione
Tiziana Banini, Marco Picone

Orti urbani tra partecipazione e retorica. Il caso del #Comun’Orto di #Rovereto
Angela Alaimo
#agriculture_urbaine

Sperimentazioni di pianificazione partecipata: #cross-action all’#Officina_dei_Saperi a #Ferrara
Valentina Albanese, Domenico Casellato
#planification #aménagement_du_territoire

Associazioni e territorio: tracce partecipative nella #Valle_dell’Aniene
Tiziana Banini

I processi partecipativi nell’esperienza del Piano Paesaggistico Regionale del #Friuli-Venezia_Giulia
Alma Bianchetti, Andrea Guaran

Vulnerabilità e partecipazione in una piccola comunità della foresta amazzonica guyanese
Elisa Bignante
#Guyane #Amazonie #vulnérabilité

Partecipazione e identità territoriale. Il caso di #Castel_del_Giudice (Molise)
Stefano De Rubertis, Angelo Belliggiano, Marilena Labianca

Tra didattica partecipata e “nuove” forme partecipative dell’abitare: l’esperienza di un docufilm
Isabelle Dumont
#film_documentaire #habiter

Progettualità e partecipazione nella Strategia Nazionale per le #Aree_Interne: il #Basso_Sangro-Trigno
Valentina Evangelista

The City of the Sensitive and the Brave. Personal Stories, #Art and Place-Making in #Cluj, #omania
Kinga Xénia Havadi-Nagy, Oana-Ramona Ilovan
#Roumanie

La participation pour la protection de l’#eau en #Bretagne: quelle place pour les “territoires”?
Emmanuelle Hellier

Sviluppo locale e pratiche partecipative: tra aspettative deluse e innovazioni territoriali inaspettate
Marina Marengo
#développement_local #innovation #innovations_territoriales

Innovazione sociale e istituzionalizzazione: l’esempio delle cooperative di comunità nell’area interna dell’Appennino Emiliano
Maria Giulia Pezzi, Giulia Urso
#innovations_sociales #coopératives #Apennins

Roll-with-Participation. Il caso di #ProMondello a #Palermo
Marco Picone
#Palerme

Processi partecipativi glocal. Il caso di #Isernia
Emilia Sarno

La #participation_citoyenne via un appel à projets: interprétation libre ou imposée de la participation, de l’#identité et de la #convivialité villageoise?
Serge Schmitz

Coesione e partecipazione territoriale per un rinnovato concetto di cittadinanza attiva. Il caso di #Urban_Experience
Silvia Siniscalchi
#cohésion_territoriale #citoyenneté #citoyenneté_active

Identità, conflitti e riqualificazione: i processi partecipativi nel quartiere #Bolognina a #Bologna
Diana Sprega, Emanuele Frixa, Matteo Proto

#requalification #Bologne

https://www.ageiweb.it/geotema/wp-content/uploads/2019/01/copertina_56-001-773x1024.jpg

#Nul_homme_n'est_une_île

...« chaque homme est un morceau du continent, une partie de l’ensemble. » Nul Homme n’est une île est un voyage en Europe, de la Méditerranée aux Alpes, où l’on découvre des hommes et des femmes qui travaillent à faire vivre localement l’esprit de la #démocratie et à produire le #paysage du #bon_gouvernement. Des agriculteurs de la #coopérative le Galline Felici en Sicile aux architectes, artisans et élus des #Alpes suisses et du #Voralberg en #Autriche, tous font de la politique à partir de leur travail et se pensent un destin commun. Le #local serait-il le dernier territoire de l’#utopie ?

http://fr.web.img2.acsta.net/c_215_290/pictures/18/03/05/09/51/4197769.jpg

–—

#Zwischenwasser (#Bregenzerwald) : Nel comune hanno costruito una scuola in cui hanno aiutato benevolmente gli abitanti e richiedenti asilo
min. 1’12’15
#asile #réfugiés

Les thés 1336 s’étoffent mais l’entreprise reste fragile M.C. - 8 Décembre 2018 - La Merseillaise
▻http://www.lamarseillaise.fr/bouches-du-rhone/economie/73812-gemenos-les-thes-1336-s-etoffent-mais-l-entreprise-reste-fragil

Scop-Ti, la coopérative ouvrière de Gémenos, démarre une campagne pour relancer sa gamme « 1336 » afin de pouvoir poursuivre son développement. Elle vient de sortir cinq nouvelles variétés de thé et infusions de sa marque.

http://statique.lamarseillaise.fr/media/k2/items/cache/3cdb16f119e33d500e0e264a5489b6e0_L.jpg

Olivier Leberquier, président Scop-Ti, espère relancer la marque 1336 de la coopérative en créant cinq nouvelles variétés de la gamme. Photo M.C. L’utilisation de l’article, la reproduction, la diffusion est interdite - LMRS - (c) Copyright Journal La Marseillaise

Scop-Ti, la coopérative née du combat exemplaire des salariés de Fralib, l’usine de Gémenos, ex filiale du géant de l’agroalimentaire Unilever, continue à se développer même si ce n’est pas assez rapidement pour avancer sereinement.

« On est toujours un peu dans la même situation. On espérait une progression forte cette année mais comme il y a des marchés qui sont arrivés tard , la progression sera légère », confie Olivier Leberquier, le nouveau président de la coopérative. « à côté de ça, le reste des activités, notamment les contrats pour les marques des autres sociétés, les tonnages continuent à progresser mais ce n’est pas là où on fait le plus de marge », ajoute-t-il.

Du coup, si la coopérative va enregistrer une légère progression pour cette année 2018, notamment sur sa marque, cela ne suffira pas pour qu’elle atteigne son point d’équilibre.

C’est ce qui justifie qu’elle lance une campagne de sa gamme « 1336 ». « On constate qu’il y a une grande demande à travers toute la France. Des gens qui cherchent nos produits mais ne les trouvent pas dans les magasins où ils font leurs courses », précise-t-il. C’est pour parer à ce manque que Scop-Ti a lancé dès l’année dernière un site de vente en ligne ( www.boutique1336.fr ) pour répondre à cette demande.

En cette fin d’année, elle lance une refonte de sa gamme complète « 1336 » « avec le changement de notre packaging pour l’ensemble de nos référence mais aussi l’arrivée de 5 variétés, 4 thés sous la gamme 1336 et une sous la gamme Scop-Ti Bio », poursuit Olivier Leberquier, explique-t-il

La campagne de financement maintenue
Sur les 4 autres, un thé noir grand Yunnan 1336 (thé du Sud-Ouest de la Chine de très grande qualité). Un thé vert menthe-chocolat (avec des éclats de cacao et un arôme naturel de chocolat). « Et une infusion du Nord au Sud 1336, qui nous est chère, puisque c’est un mélange de produits et d’ingrédients de Normandie et de Provence ».détaille-t-il. Un petit clin d’œil à ce qu’est l’usine de Gémenos : le fruit de la fermeture des sites du Havre en 1998 et de Marseille en 1989 qui a abouti à l’usine de Fralib devenue aujourd’hui Scop-Ti.

Enfin, la coopérative qui a besoin d’une trésorerie pour continuer son développement maintient sa campagne de socio-financement Scop-Ti. « On a besoin de nouveaux contrats pour continuer à se développer et donc de trésorerie. L’équilibre est fragile et à tout moment ça pourrait coincer... »,conclut Olivier Leberquier.

#1336 #coopérative #Scoop #Thé #Fralib #Scop-Ti

#Pesticides : pourquoi la #France en consomme de plus en plus
▻https://www.lemonde.fr/planete/video/2018/08/18/pesticides-pourquoi-la-france-en-consomme-de-plus-en-plus_5343812_3244.html

En France, l’utilisation de pesticides a augmenté de 12 % entre 2014 et 2016. Pourtant, depuis 2008 et le Grenelle de l’environnement, le gouvernement s’était fixé l’objectif de réduire de moitié l’utilisation de pesticides d’ici à 2018, puis à 2025. Sans succès. Pire : non seulement l’utilisation de pesticides ne diminue pas, mais elle continue d’augmenter constamment. Pourquoi ? La faute en grande partie au système des coopératives, mis en place au sortir de la seconde guerre mondiale. Explications en vidéo.

▻https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=zQLrMB95bu4