country:cyprus

  • Pipelines and Pipedreams : How the EU can support a regional gas hub in the Eastern Mediterranean | European Council on Foreign Relations
    http://www.ecfr.eu/publications/summary/pipelines_and_pipedreams_how_the_eu_can_support_a_regional_gas_hub_in_7276

    Où l’on reparle de la « guerre du gaz » ou « guerre des pipe ».

    Large natural gas discoveries in the eastern Mediterranean have raised hopes that the region could serve EU energy needs, helping it to fulfil its goals of energy diversification, security, and resilience.
    But there are commercial and political hurdles in the way. Cyprusʼs reserves are too small to be commercially viable and Israel needs a critical mass of buyers to begin full-scale production. Regional cooperation – either bilaterally or with Egypt – is the only way the two countries will be able to export.
    Egypt is the only country in the region that could export gas to Europe independently because of the size of its reserves and its existing export infrastructure. But energy sector reforms will be needed to secure investor confidence in this option.
    There are now two options for regional export: to build a pipeline that connects Israel and Cyprus to southern Europe, or to create a network of pipelines into Egypt, from which gas could be liquefied and exported.
    The EU should explore regional prospects by strengthening its energy diplomacy, developing more projects of common interest, working to resolve the Turkey-Cyprus dispute, and incentivising reforms in Egypt.

    #gaz #europe #guerre_du_gaz #russie #europe #tubes #pipelines #pipedreams (nouveau mot-clé)

  • European Parliament votes to end visa-free travel for Americans | The Independent

    http://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/europe/europe-visa-free-travel-americans-european-parliament-vote-a7609406.h

    The European Parliament has voted to end visa-free travel for Americans within the EU.

    It comes after the US failed to agree visa-free travel for citizens of five EU countries – Bulgaria, Croatia, Cyprus, Poland and Romania – as part of a reciprocity agreement. US citizens can normally travel to all countries in the bloc without a visa.

    The vote urges the revocation of the scheme within two months, meaning Americans will have to apply for extra documents for 12 months after the European Commission implements a “delegated act” to bring the change into effect.

    #marrant #visas #eu #états-unis cc @fil

  • Turkish-, Greek Cypriots exchange maps in symbolic breakthrough | Reuters

    http://www.reuters.com/article/us-cyprus-conflict-idUSKBN14V1AL

    Lien transmis par Otto Simonett à Genève.

    C’est historique : à ma connaissance, la première fois que ces cartes sont produites et proposées par les délégations (et non pas par les services carto de l’ONU)
    http://s4.reutersmedia.net/resources/r/?m=02&d=20170111&t=2&i=1168342474&w=&fh=545px&fw=&ll=&pl=&sq=&r=LYN

    By Michele Kambas and Tom Miles | GENEVA

    Leaders of Cyprus’s ethnic Greek and Turkish communities exchanged maps outlining rival proposals for territorial boundaries on Wednesday in a groundbreaking move diplomats hope could form part of a deal ending decades of division.

    Presented, submitted and then sealed in a United Nations vault, territorial adjustments form an integral part of solving the decades-old Cyprus conflict which has kept Greece and Turkey at loggerheads and obstructs Turkey’s membership bid to the European Union.

    Rival sides did not disclose detail. Both maps will form the basis for more intensive discussions on defining boundaries.

    Carte de Chypre que j’ai réalisé dans les années 1990 avec les données et la contribution précieuse de Marie-Pierre Richarte

    #chypre #murs #frontières

  • Unlike Us | About
    http://networkcultures.org/unlikeus/about

    Invitation to join the network (a series of events, reader, workshops, online debates, campaigns etc.)

    Concept: Geert Lovink (Institute of Network Cultures/HvA, Amsterdam) and Korinna Patelis (Cyprus University of Technology, Limassol)

    Thanks to Marc Stumpel, Sabine Niederer, Vito Campanelli, Ned Rossiter, Michael Dieter, Oliver Leistert, Taina Bucher, Gabriella Coleman, Ulises Mejias, Anne Helmond, Lonneke van der Velden, Morgan Currie and Eric Kluitenberg for their input.

    Summary
    The aim of Unlike Us is to establish a research network of artists, designers, scholars, activists and programmers who work on ‘alternatives in social media’. Through workshops, conferences, online dialogues and publications, Unlike Us intends to both analyze the economic and cultural aspects of dominant social media platforms and to propagate the further development and proliferation of alternative, decentralized social media software.

    Whether or not we are in the midst of internet bubble 2.0, we can all agree that social media dominate internet and mobile use. The emergence of web-based user to user services, driven by an explosion of informal dialogues, continuous uploads and user generated content have greatly empowered the rise of participatory culture. At the same time, monopoly power, commercialization and commodification are also on the rise with just a handful of social media platforms dominating the social web. These two contradictory processes – both the facilitation of free exchanges and the commercial exploitation of social relationships – seem to lie at the heart of contemporary capitalism.

    On the one hand new media create and expand the social spaces through which we interact, play and even politicize ourselves; on the other hand they are literally owned by three or four companies that have phenomenal power to shape such interaction. Whereas the hegemonic Internet ideology promises open, decentralized systems, why do we, time and again, find ourselves locked into closed corporate environments? Why are individual users so easily charmed by these ‘walled gardens’? Do we understand the long-term costs that society will pay for the ease of use and simple interfaces of their beloved ‘free’ services?

    The accelerated growth and scope of Facebook’s social space, for example, is unheard of. Facebook claims to have 700 million users, ranks in the top two or three first destination sites on the Web worldwide and is valued at 50 billion US dollars. Its users willingly deposit a myriad of snippets of their social life and relationships on a site that invests in an accelerated play of sharing and exchanging information. We all befriend, rank, recommend, create circles, upload photos, videos and update our status. A myriad of (mobile) applications orchestrate this offer of private moments in a virtual public, seamlessly embedding the online world in users’ everyday life.

    Yet despite its massive user base, the phenomena of online social networking remains fragile. Just think of the fate of the majority of social networking sites. Who has ever heard of Friendster? The death of Myspace has been looming on the horizon for quite some time. The disappearance of Twitter and Facebook – and Google, for that matter – is only a masterpiece of software away. This means that the protocological future is not stationary but allows space for us to carve out a variety of techno-political interventions. Unlike Us is developed in the spirit of RSS-inventor and uberblogger Dave Winer whose recent Blork project is presented as an alternative for ‘corporate blogging silos’. But instead of repeating the entrepreneurial-start-up-transforming-into-corporate-behemoth formula, isn’t it time to reinvent the internet as a truly independent public infrastructure that can effectively defend itself against corporate domination and state control?

    Agenda
    Going beyond the culture of complaint about our ignorance and loss of privacy, the proposed network of artists, scholars, activists and media folks will ask fundamental and overarching questions about how to tackle these fast-emerging monopoly powers. Situated within the existing oligopoly of ownership and use, this inquiry will include the support of software alternatives and related artistic practices and the development of a common alternative vision of how the techno-social world might be mediated.

    Without falling into the romantic trap of some harmonious offline life, Unlike Us asks what sort of network architectures could be designed that contribute to ‘the common’, understood as a shared resource and system of collective production that supports new forms of social organizations (such as organized networks) without mining for data to sell. What aesthetic tactics could effectively end the expropriation of subjective and private dimensions that we experience daily in social networks? Why do we ignore networks that refuse the (hyper)growth model and instead seek to strengthen forms of free cooperation? Turning the tables, let’s code and develop other ‘network cultures’ whose protocols are no longer related to the logic of ‘weak ties’. What type of social relations do we want to foster and discover in the 21st century? Imagine dense, diverse networked exchanges between billions of people, outside corporate and state control. Imagine discourses returning subjectivities to their ‘natural’ status as open nodes based on dialogue and an ethics of free exchange.

    To a large degree social media research is still dominated by quantitative and social scientific endeavors. So far the focus has been on moral panics, privacy and security, identity theft, self-representation from Goffman to Foucault and graph-based network theory that focuses on influencers and (news) hubs. What is curiously missing from the discourse is a rigorous discussion of the political economy of these social media monopolies. There is also a substantial research gap in understanding the power relations between the social and the technical in what are essentially software systems and platforms. With this initiative, we want to shift focus away from the obsession with youth and usage to the economic, political, artistic and technical aspects of these online platforms. What we first need to acknowledge is social media’s double nature.

    Dismissing social media as neutral platforms with no power is as implausible as considering social media the bad boys of capitalism. The beauty and depth of social media is that they call for a new understanding of classic dichotomies such as commercial/political, private/public, users/producers, artistic/standardised, original/copy, democratising/ disempowering. Instead of taking these dichotomies as a point of departure, we want to scrutinise the social networking logic. Even if Twitter and Facebook implode overnight, the social networking logic of befriending, liking and ranking will further spread across all aspects of life.

    The proposed research agenda is at once a philosophical, epistemological and theoretical investigation of knowledge artifacts, cultural production and social relations and an empirical investigation of the specific phenomenon of monopoly social media. Methodologically we will use the lessons learned from theoretical research activities to inform practice-oriented research, and vice-versa. Unlike Us is a common initiative of the Institute of Network Cultures (Amsterdam University of Applied Science HvA) and the Cyprus University of Technology in Limassol.

    An online network and a reader connected to a series of events initially in Amsterdam and Cyprus (early 2012) are already in planning. We would explicitly like to invite other partners to come on board who identify with the spirit of this proposal, to organize related conferences, festivals, workshops, temporary media labs and barcamps (where coders come together) with us. The reader (tentatively planned as number 8 in the Reader series published by the INC) will be produced mid-late 2012. The call for contributions to the network, the reader and the event series goes out in July 2011, followed by the publicity for the first events and other initiatives by possible new partners.

    Topics of Investigation
    The events, online platform, reader and other outlets may include the following topics inviting theoretical, empirical, practical and art-based contributions, though not every event or publication might deal with all issues. We anticipate the need for specialized workshops and barcamps.

    1. Political Economy: Social Media Monopolies
    Social media culture is belied in American corporate capitalism, dominated by the logic of start-ups and venture capital, management buyouts, IPOs etc. Three to four companies literally own the Western social media landscape and capitalize on the content produced by millions of people around the world. One thing is evident about the market structure of social media: one-to-many is not giving way to many-to-many without first going through many-to-one. What power do these companies actually have? Is there any evidence that such ownership influences user-generated content? How does this ownership express itself structurally and in technical terms?

    What conflicts arise when a platform like Facebook is appropriated for public or political purposes, while access to the medium can easily be denied by the company? Facebook is worth billions, does that really mean something for the average user? How does data-mining work and what is its economy? What is the role of discourse (PR) in creating and sustaining an image of credibility and trustworthiness, and in which forms does it manifest to oppose that image? The bigger social media platforms form central nodes, such as image upload services and short ulr services. This ecology was once fairly open, with a variety of new Twitter-related services coming into being, but now Twitter takes up these services itself, favoring their own product through default settings; on top of that it is increasingly shutting down access to developers, which shrinks the ecology and makes it less diverse.

    2. The Private in the Public
    The advent of social media has eroded privacy as we know it, giving rise to a culture of self-surveillance made up of myriad voluntary, everyday disclosures. New understandings of private and public are needed to address this phenomenon. What does owning all this user data actually mean? Why are people willing to give up their personal data, and that of others? How should software platforms be regulated?

    Is software like a movie to be given parental guidance? What does it mean that there are different levels of access to data, from partner info brokers and third-party developers to the users? Why is education in social media not in the curriculum of secondary schools? Can social media companies truly adopt a Social Network Users’ Bill of Rights?

    3. Visiting the Belly of the Beast
    The exuberance and joy that defined the dotcom era is cliché by now. IT use is occurring across the board, and new labour conditions can be found everywhere. But this should not keep our eyes away from the power relations inside internet companies. What are the geopolitical lines of distribution that define the organization and outsourcing taking place in global IT companies these days? How is the industry structured and how does its economy work?

    Is there a broader connection to be made with the politics of land expropriation and peasant labour in countries like India, for instance, and how does this analytically converge with the experiences of social media users? How do monopolies deal with their employees’ use of the platforms? What can we learn from other market sectors and perspectives that (critically) reflect on, for example, techniques of sustainability or fair trade?

    4. Artistic Responses to Social Media
    Artists are playing a crucial role in visualizing power relationships and disrupting subliminal daily routines of social media usage. Artistic practice provides an important analytical site in the context of the proposed research agenda, as artists are often first to deconstruct the familiar and to facilitate an alternative lens to understand and critique these media. Is there such a thing as a social ‘web aesthetics’? It is one thing to criticize Twitter and Facebook for their primitive and bland interface designs. How can we imagine the social in different ways? And how can we design and implement new interfaces to provide more creative freedom to cater to our multiple identities? Also, what is the scope of interventions with social media, such as, for example, the ‘dislike button’ add-on for Facebook? And what practices are really needed? Isn’t it time, for example, for a Facebook ‘identity correction’?

    5. Designing culture: representation and software
    Social media offer us the virtual worlds we use every day. From Facebook’s ‘like’ button to blogs’ user interface, these tools empower and delimit our interactions. How do we theorize the plethora of social media features? Are they to be understood as mere technical functions, cultural texts, signifiers, affordances, or all these at once? In what ways do design and functionalities influence the content and expressions produced? And how can we map and critique this influence? What are the cultural assumptions embedded in the design of social media sites and what type of users or communities do they produce?

    To answer the question of structure and design, one route is to trace the genealogy of functionalities, to historicize them and look for discursive silences. How can we make sense of the constant changes occurring both on and beyond the interface? How can we theorize the production and configuration of an ever-increasing algorithmic and protocological culture more generally?

    6. Software Matters: Sociotechnical and Algorithmic Cultures
    One of the important components of social media is software. For all the discourse on sociopolitical power relations governed by corporations such as Facebook and related platforms, one must not forget that social media platforms are thoroughly defined and powered by software. We need critical engagement with Facebook as software. That is, what is the role of software in reconfiguring contemporary social spaces? In what ways does code make a difference in how identities are formed and social relationships performed? How does the software function to interpellate users to its logic? What are the discourses surrounding software?

    One of the core features of Facebook for instance is its news feed, which is algorithmically driven and sorted in its default mode. The EdgeRank algorithm of the news feed governs the logic by which content becomes visible, acting as a modern gatekeeper and editorial voice. Given its 700 million users, it has become imperative to understand the power of EdgeRank and its cultural implications. Another important analytical site for investigation are the ‘application programming interfaces’ (APIs) that to a large extent made the phenomenal growth of social media platforms possible in the first place. How have APIs contributed to the business logic of social media? How can we theorize social media use from the perspective of the programmer?

    7. Genealogies of Social Networking Sites
    Feedback in a closed system is a core characteristic of Facebook; even the most basic and important features, such as ‘friending’, traces back to early cybernetics’ ideas of control. While the word itself became lost in various transitions, the ideas of cybernetics have remained stable in fields such as artificial intelligence, robotics and the biopolitical arena. Both communication and information theories shaped this discourse. How does Facebook relate to such an algorithmic shape of social life? What can Facebook teach us about the powers of systems theory? Would Norbert Wiener and Niklas Luhmann be friends on Facebook?

    8. Is Research Doomed?
    The design of Facebook excludes the third person perspective, as the only way in is through ones own profile. What does this inbuilt ‘me-centricity’ imply for social media research? Does it require us to rethink the so-called objectivity of researchers and the detached view of current social research? Why is it that there are more than 200 papers about the way people use Facebook, but the site is ‘closed’ to true quantitative inquiry? Is the state of art in social media research exemplary of the ‘quantitative turn’ in new media research? Or is there a need to expand and rethink methods of inquiry in social media research? Going beyond the usual methodological approaches of the quantitative and qualitative, we seek to broaden the scope of investigating these media. How can we make sense of the political economy and the socio-technical elements, and with what means? Indeed, what are our toolkits for collective, transdisciplinary modes of knowledge and the politics of refusal?

    9. Researching Unstable Ontologies
    Software destabilizes Facebook as a solid ontology. Software is always in becoming and so by nature ontogenetic. It grows and grows, living off of constant input. Logging on one never encounters the same content, as it changes on an algorithmic level and in terms of the platform itself. What does Facebook’s fluid nature imply for how we make sense of and study it? Facebook for instance willingly complicates research: 1. It is always personalized (see Eli Pariser). Even when creating ‘empty’ research accounts it never gives the same results compared to other people’s empty research accounts. 2. One must often be ‘inside’ social media to study it. Access from the outside is limited, which reinforces the first problem. 3. Outside access is ideally (for Facebook and Twitter) arranged through carefully regulated protocols of APIs and can easily be restricted. Next to social media as a problem for research, there is also the question of social research methods as intervention.

    10. Making Sense of Data: Visualization and Critique
    Data representation is one of the most important battlefields nowadays. Indeed, global corporations build their visions of the world increasingly based on and structured around complex data flows. What is the role of data today and what are the appropriate ways in which to make sense of the burgeoning datasets? As data visualization is becoming a powerful buzzword and social research increasingly uses digital tools to make ‘beautiful’ graphs and visualizations, there is a need to take a step back and question the usefulness of current data visualization tools and to develop novel analytical frameworks through which to critically grasp these often simplified and nontransparent ways of representing data.

    Not only is it important to develop new interpretative and visual methods to engage with data flows, data itself needs to be questioned. We need to ask about data’s ontological and epistemological nature. What is it, who is the producer, for whom, where is it stored? In what ways do social media companies’ terms of service regulate data? Whether alternative social media or monopolistic platforms, how are our data-bodies exactly affected by changes in the software?

    11. Pitfalls of Building Social Media Alternatives
    It is not only important to critique and question existing design and socio-political realities but also to engage with possible futures. The central aim of this project is therefore to contribute and support ‘alternatives in social media’. What would the collective design of alternative protocols and interfaces look like? We should find some comfort in the small explosion of alternative options currently available, but also ask how usable these options are and how real is the danger of fragmentation. How have developers from different initiatives so far collaborated and what might we learn from their successes and failures? Understanding any early failures and successes of these attempts seems crucial.

    A related issue concerns funding difficulties faced by projects. Finally, in what ways does regionalism (United States, Europe, Asia) feed into the way people search for alternatives and use social media.

    12. Showcasing Alternatives in Social Media
    The best way to criticize platform monopolies is to support alternative free and open source software that can be locally installed. There are currently a multitude of decentralized social networks in the making that aspire to facilitate users with greater power to define for themselves with whom share their data. Let us look into the wildly different initiatives from Crabgrass, Appleseed, Diaspora, NoseRub, BuddyCloud, Protonet, StatusNet, GNU Social, Lorea and OneSocialWeb to the distributed Twitter alternative Thimbl.

    In which settings are these initiative developed and what choices are made for their design? Let’s hear from the Spanish activists who have recently made experiences with the n-1.cc platform developed by Lorea. What community does this platform enable? While traditional software focuses on the individual profile and its relation to the network and a public (share with friends, share with friends of friends, share with public), the Lorea software for instance asks you with whom to share an update, picture or video. It finegrains the idea of privacy and sharing settings at the content level, not the user’s profile. At the same time, it requires constant decision making, or else a high level of trust in the community you share your data with. And how do we experience the transition from, or interoperability with, other platforms? Is it useful to make a distinction between corporate competitors and grassroots initiatives? How can these beta alternatives best be supported, both economically and socially? Aren’t we overstating the importance of software and isn’t the availability of capital much bigger in determining the adoption of a platform?

    13. Social Media Activism and the Critique of Liberation Technology
    While the tendency to label any emergent social movement as the latest ‘Twitter revolution’ has passed, a liberal discourse of ‘liberation technology’ (information and communication technologies that empower grassroots movements) continues to influence our ideas about networked participation. This discourse tends to obscure power relations and obstruct critical questioning about the capitalist institutions and superstructures in which these technologies operate. What are the assumptions behind this neo-liberal discourse? What role do ‘developed’ nations play when they promote and subsidize the development of technologies of circumvention and hacktivism for use in ‘underdeveloped’ states, while at the same time allowing social media companies at home to operate in increasingly deregulated environments and collaborating with them in the surveillance of citizens at home and abroad? What role do companies play in determining how their products are used by dissidents or governments abroad? How have their policies and Terms of Use changed as a result?

    14. Social Media in the Middle East and Beyond
    The justified response to downplay the role of Facebook in early 2011 events in Tunisia and Egypt by putting social media in a larger perspective has not taken off the table the question of how to organize social mobilizations. Which specific software do the ‘movements of squares’ need? What happens to social movements when the internet and ICT networks are shut down? How does the interruption of internet services shift the nature of activism? How have repressive and democratic governments responded to the use of ‘liberation technologies’? How do these technologies change the relationship between the state and its citizens? How are governments using the same social media tools for surveillance and propaganda or highjacking Facebook identities, such as happened in Syria? What is Facebook’s own policy when deleting or censoring accounts of its users?

    How can technical infrastructures be supported which are not shutdown upon request? How much does our agency depend on communication technology nowadays? And whom do we exclude with every click? How can we envision ‘organized networks’ that are based on ’strong ties’ yet open enough to grow quickly if the time is right? Which software platforms are best suited for the ‘tactical camping’ movements that occupy squares all over the world?

    15. Data storage: social media and legal cultures
    Data that is voluntarily shared by social media users is not only used for commercial purposes, but is also of interest to governments. This data is stored on servers of companies that are bound to the specific legal culture and country. This material-legal complex is often overlooked. Fore instance, the servers of Facebook and Twitter are located in the US and therefore fall under the US jurisdiction. One famous example is the request for the Twitter accounts of several activists (Gonggrijp, Jónsdóttir, Applebaum) affiliated with Wikileaks projects by the US government. How do activists respond and how do alternative social media platforms deal with this issue?

  • Archeologists Are Planning to Sink This Ship Dozens of Times - Facts So Romantic
    http://nautil.us/blog/archeologists-are-planning-to-sink-this-ship-dozens-of-times

    In 1967, a team of archaeologists led by Michael Katzev dove to the bottom of the churning Aegean Sea. They were tipped off by a sponge diver who, about two years earlier, spotted something unusual a mile offshore of Kyrenia harbor, in Cyprus: a lumpy mound of pottery covered by a fuzzy layer of sediment. Katzev’s team ended up finding what was once a 47-foot-long ship, which turned out to be about 70 percent intact. The Kyrenia ship, as it’s called, is the oldest known Greek vessel (another wreck discovered near Uluburun, Turkey, dated to the end of the 14th century BCE, is the oldest ship overall). Archeologists believe that it sailed around the time of Alexander the Great, carrying trade goods like wine, salt, and almonds for a period of 15 to 20 years. A microcosm of that ancient (...)

  • http://www.cyprus-conflict.org/index.html

    The Turkish Invasion of 1974

    European Commission of Human Rights - Cyprus v. Turkey - Commission Report (10 July 1976)

    The Sunday Times on the 1976 European Commission of Human Rights Report on the Turkish Invasion of Cyprus (23rd January 1977)

    From Independence to the Turkish Invasion

    Report of the United Nations Mediator Galo Plaza to the Secretary-General (1965)

    Letter to Prime Minister Inonu from President Johnson (5 June 1964)

    Turkish Cypriot Separatism and Partitionism

    The “Plumer Letter” (October-November 1960)

    The “Kutchuk/Denktash Plan” (14 September 1963)

    From the EOKA Revolt to Independence

    EOKA’s Preparatory General Plan (1953)

    EOKA’s First Revolutionary Leaflet Distributed (1 April 1955)

    The Constitutional Proposals for Cyprus submitted by Lord Radcliffe (December 1956)

    The McMillan Plan and the Response of the Kingdom of Greece (1958)

    EOKA leaflet ordering a cease-fire (9 March 1959)

    Letter sent by General Grivas to the EOKA fighters on the declaration of a cease-fire (9 March 1959)

    www.cyprus-dispute.org

    #chypre

  • Cyprus nears end to 40-year conflict but ancient enmities and property disputes linger - Telegraph
    http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/worldnews/europe/cyprus/12066302/Cyprus-nears-end-to-40-year-conflict-but-ancient-enmities-and-property-

    Cyprus nears end to 40-year conflict but ancient enmities and property disputes linger
    Foreign Secretary confirms hopes of imminent rapprochement between Greek and Turkish Cypriots, but billions of pounds’ worth of property remain to be argued over

    #Chypre

  • Cyprus peace talks raise hopes of an end to a conflict that has haunted Europe | World news | The Guardian
    https://www.theguardian.com/world/2015/may/14/cyprus-peace-talks-raise-hopes-end-conflict-haunted-europe

    It has taken more than 40 years, an army of mediators and several near-misses, but there is genuine hope that when the leaders of ethnically divided Cyprus resume peace talks on Friday, one of the west’s longest-running diplomatic disputes can finally be resolved.

    #chypre
    The quest to end a conflict that has haunted Europe since the summer of 1974 kicks off in earnest when Nicos Anastasiades, president of Cyprus’s internationally recognised Greek southern sector, meets Mustafa Akin

  • CYPRUS : THE UNRESOLVED CONFLICT

    http://www.stwing.upenn.edu/~durduran/dergi/kalou1.htm

    1996... Avec un site qui sent bon les années 1990 !

    Greek and Turkish Responsibilities

    A number of current disputes between Greece and Turkey are made worse by the historical environment that existed between the two countries. Historically, the two countries had frequent wars, especially from 1892 to 1922 (1) although the first war goes back to Greece’s liberation from Ottoman rule in 1821. This historical legacy of frequent wars creates a situation where the Greeks and Turks cannot trust each other. The Greeks mistrust the Turks because of the Ottoman rule, and the Turks mistrust the Greeks because of their liberation from Ottoman rule and because of Megali Idea (2), a dream of uniting all territories that once were Greek.

    #chypre

  • Israel Courting Energy Heavyweights to Seek Offshore Gas - Bloomberg
    http://www.bloomberg.com/news/articles/2016-08-31/israel-courting-energy-heavyweights-to-seek-offshore-gas

    Israel’s Energy Minister Yuval Steinitz is out to persuade big energy explorers put off by years of regulatory turmoil to search for natural gas off his country’s shores.
    At a road show in London this week, Steinitz will sit down with executives from large and mid-sized energy companies to make his case that prospects for finding big reserves are good.
    According to geological and seismological surveys, it is very probable that most of the natural gas is yet to be found,” Steinitz said in an interview late Tuesday, on the eve of his London trip. “We hope to see at least two or three large companies submitting bids.
    A report by French consultants Beicip-Franlab SA estimated that Israel’s waters hold 2,200 billion cubic meters of undiscovered gas, about 2 1/2 times the amount contained in known fields, Steinitz said. In the past 12 months, he said, he’s met with chairmen, executives and directors of almost all of the world’s major gas companies to promote new exploration.
    […]
    Foreign companies shied from Israel during the years of regulatory turmoil, which ended with higher taxes and forced divestitures for investors in Leviathan and Tamar, the country’s second-biggest field. Amos Hochstein, the U.S. State Department’s special envoy for global energy affairs, said in an interview this month that big explorers will need to be reassured that the Israeli government won’t start changing regulation and tax laws.
    […]
    Solid diplomatic relations with potential energy partners in the region are also central to bringing large companies to Israel, he said. Israel has held gas talks with Egypt, Jordan and the Palestinian Authority, and is considering building a pipeline to Turkey and using idle LNG facilities in Egypt.
    We need to see the clearing of the geopolitical path, with obstacles removed for export deals in the region and that is already happening,” Hochstein said. He singled out the recent Israel-Turkey reconciliation deal as a major step forward and expressed optimism about talks for a reunification of Cyprus, which a pipeline to Turkey would traverse.

    • Israel seeks new gas routes to Europe after fixing red tape | Reuters
      http://www.reuters.com/article/israel-gas-idUSL8N1BD3XT

      The new regulatory framework guarantees Israel would receive 540 billion cubic metres of gas over the next 35 years, but any additional volumes can be exported, [Energy Minister Yuval] Steinitz said.

      While Israel plans to initially export gas to neighbouring Jordan, Egypt and Turkey, it is also examining three options to access the Western European market - via existing liquefied natural gas terminals in Egypt, a pipeline running to Turkey or a pipeline to Greece through Cyprus.
      […]
      Initial geological studies indicated that it is “highly probable” that there are around 2,200 bcm of gas to be discovered on top of some 900 bcm already found in fields such as the giant Tamar and Leviathan deposits.

      Europe consumes around 420 bcm each year.

      Israel plans to offer 24 exploration blocks in its maritime territory in a bidding round that is expected to be launched in November.

  • Artist Statement - His Place in Provence
    http://hisplaceinprovence.org/the-squat/artists-statement

    I think about the bulldozer operators who knocked down half of this house. I think of the pillagers who stripped the house of its precious metals. I think of the government officials who approved the building plans. I think of the hundreds of Baldwin aficionados worldwide who knew the story of this house and sat in silence, inaction, or worse, whose personal agendas took precedence. I think about the times that I, too, turned away from a cause I believe in. Mostly, though, I think of the corporation out to turn this historic property into nineteen of the ugliest condos you’ve ever seen. I think of the individual at the land speculation company who made and carried out illegal plans to knock down those wings, who delivered the orders to destroy the patios. To demolish the old stone stables. To burn the ancient Cyprus trees. To leave the house and its stunning nineteenth-century Italian frescoes unprotected, windows and doors wide open year after year. To order Baldwin’s study and living quarters demolished. To him I say this: kindly suck my dick, you greedy fuc

  • La dernière maison de l’écrivain James #Baldwin est squattée par une militante. Shanon #Cain a décidé d’occuper la dernière demeure de James Baldwin à Saint-Paul De Vence, où des travaux de transformation en appartements ont déjà commencé.

    Artist Statement - His Place in #Provence
    http://hisplaceinprovence.org/the-squat/artists-statement

    I think about the bulldozer operators who knocked down half of this house. I think of the pillagers who stripped the house of its precious metals. I think of the government officials who approved the building plans. I think of the hundreds of Baldwin aficionados worldwide who knew the story of this house and sat in silence, inaction, or worse, whose personal agendas took precedence. I think about the times that I, too, turned away from a cause I believe in. Mostly, though, I think of the corporation out to turn this historic property into nineteen of the ugliest condos you’ve ever seen. I think of the individual at the land speculation company who made and carried out illegal plans to knock down those wings, who delivered the orders to destroy the patios. To demolish the old stone stables. To burn the ancient Cyprus trees. To leave the house and its stunning nineteenth-century Italian frescoes unprotected, windows and doors wide open year after year. To order Baldwin’s study and living quarters demolished. To him I say this: kindly suck my dick, you greedy fuc

  • Unfinished Modernity - Books & ideas

    http://www.booksandideas.net/Unfinished-Modernity.html

    signalé par mail par @isskein et ça m’a l’air fort bien.

    Scattered all over the world are abandoned places, promises of modernity that history, economics or politics have shattered. The Suspended Spaces collective has undertaken to project the gaze of contemporary artists onto these ghostly spaces.

    Created in 2007 and based in Paris, Suspended Spaces is a collective that brings together academics, artists and theoreticians around fragile and vulnerable spaces that have been abandoned by modernity. This collective is an organic structure, which calls on international academics and artists from different fields in accordance with the places it is travelling to.

    The initial project started on the island of Cyprus, with the discovery of the town of Famagusta, whose Greek-Cypriot inhabitants were forcibly evacuated in 1974, as Turkey was taking control of the North of the island. Varosha, a huge modern district of Famagusta that used to be a touristic sea resort, has been guarded for 40 years by the Turkish army, and now appears in an empty and ghostly form to the gazes of those who manage to get close to it.

  • Benjamin Netanyahu’s Shady French Connection
    http://www.haaretz.com/israel-news/.premium-1.710864

    Avec un compte bancaire à Beyrouth dit l’article du Ha’aretz

    Nouvelles révélations sur Arnaud Mimran, le « golden boy » en eaux troubles
    http://tempsreel.nouvelobs.com/justice/20160303.OBS5792/nouvelles-revelations-sur-arnaud-mimran-le-golden-boy-en-eaux-t

    Contacté par « l’Obs » en novembre, #Meyer_Habib n’avait pas souhaité s’exprimer sur le sujet en raison des enquêtes en cours. Proche de l’actuel premier ministre israélien, le député UDI aurait-il présenté le golden boy à Benjamin Netanyahou ? Les deux hommes se connaissent. "D’après plusieurs témoignages concordants, la famille a aidé le parti Likoud et prêté au début des années 2000 son appartement de l’avenue Victor-Hugo (Paris XVIe) à Netanyahou, surnommé « Bibi » en Israël", écrit Mediapart. Et le site d’enquête de publier une photo prise à l’été 2003 de Mimran en « compagnie d’un ’Bibi’ décontracté, chemise ouverte, en bord de mer à Monaco ».

    [...]

    Enfin, selon Mediapart, Mimran disposerait aussi de contacts dans la police. Dans l’une de ses auditions, ce dernier se serait même targué de connaître un certain « Seb » qu’il présente comme un policier de la DGSI. « J’ai rencontré Arnaud Mimran en 2013. Il se targuait d’avoir de solides protections policières en France. […] Ce sont des choses qu’il évoquait librement devant moi pour faire état de ses protections », confiait quant à lui lors d’une audition de décembre 2014 cité par Médiapart, Cyril Astruc, présenté par « Vanity Fair » comme « l’escroc du siècle » pour son implication supposée dans l’escroquerie à la taxe carbone.

    • http://www.haaretz.com/israel-news/.premium-1.710864

      (...) One of the partners who was arrested, and will stand trial alongside Mimran, is Marco Mouly, a Tunisian Jew with a long history of misdeeds. He opened many bank accounts in Tunisia and Cyprus that were used in the scam. Though he told investigators during questioning that his share in the fraud amounted to only 1.4 million euros, unexplained assets worth much more than that were found in his possession.

      In 2012, Mouly loaned four million euros to one Thierry Leyne, a French-Israeli financier who was a business partner of former French finance minister and International Monetary Fund chief Dominique Strauss-Kahn. On October 23, 2014, Leyne leaped to his death from his 23rd-floor apartment in Tel Aviv’s Yoo Towers.

      Another Israeli who appears in Mediapart’s investigation as one of Mimran’s influential connections is Netanyahu’s unofficial representative in Paris, Meyer Habib. A jeweler by trade, Habib is a member of the French Parliament and chairman of the Friends of Netanya Academic College. He has great influence over Netanyahu’s schedule of meetings, both personal and official, in France.

      According to the investigating magistrate’s report, Habib’s jewelry firm made a special rose-gold ring for Mimran that was embossed, intimidatingly, with a skull. On September 14, 2010, Mimran sought to give the ring as a gift to one of the key witnesses in the investigation against him: Sammy Souied, an Israeli from Herzliya who was a suspect in a 2005 case involving money laundering at Bank Hapoalim’s Hayarkon branch in Tel Aviv.

      Souied had a less romantic goal: He asked Mimran repeatedly for 30 million euros, his share in the scam according to Souied’s own calculations. Souied flew to Paris for one day to convince Mimran to pay him the money without delay.

      After an early-morning flight from Ben-Gurion International Airport, Souied met with Mimran twice, at two different Parisian cafes, but without success. The two agreed to meet a third time that evening, before Souied’s return flight to Israel. The meeting was set for 8 P.M. in Porte Maillot, not far from the Arc de Triomphe.

      Souied arrived on time. Mimran was three minutes late. He began walking toward Souied, holding the ring, when a motor scooter with two passengers pulled up. The man on the back pulled out a pistol with a silencer and fired six bullets at Souied, who died on the spot. Police found the ring with the skull next to his body, mute testimony to the rules of a criminal organization whose path, whether by chance or not, crossed that of too many other people, including the prime minister of Israel.

      The Prime Minister’s Office said in response that, “the innuendos in this report are false and ridiculous. For many years now, there has been no connection between the Netanyahu family and the Mimran family. The meetings in question, in France, occurred when Mr. Netanyahu was a private citizen. At that time, the Mimran family was well-known and respected in France and there were no legal allegations against it. Netanyahu didn’t ask for anything from, didn’t receive any contributions from and didn’t give anything to the Mimran family. It goes without saying that he didn’t intervene in any legal proceeding in which it was involved."

    • Le sang de la bourse carbone
      15 février 2016 | Par Fabrice Arfi
      https://www.mediapart.fr/journal/france/150216/le-sang-de-la-bourse-carbone?page_article=3

      Contre toute attente, après quatre mois de détention provisoire et contre l’avis de l’avocat général, la chambre de l’instruction de la cour d’appel de Paris a décidé, un an jour pour jour après les faits, le 15 janvier 2016, de remettre en liberté Arnaud Mimran (contre une caution de 100 000 euros) et son complice présumé Farid Khider.

      #mafia_franco_israélienne

  • Billionaire Shipping Magnate Has Other Fish to Fry in Oil Rout - gCaptain
    https://gcaptain.com/billionaire-shipping-magnate-has-other-fish-to-fry-in-oil-rout

    When the price of a 10-pound (4.5-kilogram) Atlantic salmon jumped above the cost of a barrel of crude last month, nobody in the oil industry was celebrating.

    For John Fredriksen, who built a fortune on oil tankers and offshore drilling, it did at least provide some consolation. While his total net worth fell 40 percent to $10.6 billion in the past 18 months, the value of his investment in the world’s largest salmon producer climbed by half as fish prices rose to a record.

    Fredriksen, who laid the foundation of his shipping fortune in the 1970s and 1980s by making daring bets in the conflict-ridden Middle East, has seen his about 25 percent stake in Marine Harvest ASA turn into his most valuable equity holding. That’s proving to be a boon for the 71-year-old Norwegian-born billionaire amid the worst crude market in a generation.

    Getting into fish was undoubtedly a smart move,” Kolbjoern Giskeoedegaard, an analyst at Nordea Bank AB, said in a phone interview. “What’s important for a system like the Fredriksen system, and which they’ve focused on increasingly these past years, is to put their eggs in several baskets.
    […]
    Fredriksen, now a citizen of Cyprus, has signaled he intends to hold on to his position in Marine Harvest, Chairman Ole Eirik Leroey said in an interview in Aalesund, Norway last week.

  • “The Lesbos hotspot”: A visit to Lesbos and Lampedusa

    Red roofs on yellow houses glitter between the green hills like colorful splashes of paint in the landscape. The nearby Mediterranean’s white-topped waves glisten in the midday sun, and a few boats go about their business. Lesbos sparkles in all the colors of the rainbow; it has the scent of cold pressed olive oil, of Cyprus wood and sun cream.

    https://espminetwork.files.wordpress.com/2016/02/hotspots-lesbos-dpa1-768x559.jpg?w=970
    http://espminetwork.com/2016/02/23/a-drop-in-the-ocean-a-visit-to-lesbos-and-lampedusa

    #hotspot #Lesbos #Grèce #asile #migrations #réfugiés #tri

    • Hot-spots: Welcome to EU-Land

      It is only too easy to be caught into the hustle and bustle of updates on the unfolding crisis: to be dragged into closely following minute-by-minute trackers from one “crucial summit” after another, in reading into a country’s swagging around, into demands raised and dropped, interim agreements reached and breached: heck, to even be caught into trying to understand what the lunch menu of attendants might have to do with this all. It is only too easy, in other words, to read this crisis and its management as an endlessly consecutive, theatre-like play of political actors entering the spotlight to decide the fate of those people dismissed as “flows”. Yet while this is all unfolding, and keeping well away from the spotlight for now, a crucial process plays out: the process of establishing and rendering operative the so-called ‘hot spots’ – including in the Greek island of Lesbos, which is where this brief video was filmed.

      http://www.transcapes.net/hot-spots-welcome-to-eu-land
      https://vimeo.com/158463296


      #vidéo #film

  • #Syriza Sells Out Former Ally, #Palestine, to Form Ties with #Israel, and Indirectly, Germany
    http://www.nakedcapitalism.com/2016/02/syriza-sells-out-former-ally-palestine-to-form-ties-with-israel-and

    It’s a mystery why Syriza remains a darling of the European left when it keeps selling out its voters and its supposed allies. Now in reality, Greece is a vassal state, yet commentators in Europe for the most part refuse to acknowledge that Syriza running a modern day Vichy government, legitimating an economic occupation.

    The latest example of Syriza’s opportunism comes via Reuters (hat tip Mark Ames). Greece, Cyprus, and Israel just formed a joint deal. A close reading of a Reuters report shows the pact does more for Israel than for anyone else:

    Israel, Cyprus and Greece have agreed to deepen their energy, security and tourism ties in the Eastern Mediterranean, a deal that may have implications for Israel’s testy relationship with the European Union, too.

    The agreement, signed in Nicosia last week by a beaming Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, Greek premier Alexis Tsipras and Cypriot President Nicos Anastasiades, focused on energy and the exploitation of natural gas deposits off Israel and Cyprus.

    The Leviathan and Aphrodite fields are unlikely to start exporting before 2019 or 2020. Nevertheless, the ambition is to transport gas by pipeline, possibly via Turkey, or in liquefied form by ship to Europe, plugging the East Mediterranean into Europe’s grid and providing an alternative to Russia – which has far worse relations with the EU due to the Ukraine crisis.

    #opportunisme #opportunistes #vendus

  • The Blockchain is a New Model of Governance
    http://www.coindesk.com/consensus-algorithm-and-a-new-model-of-governance

    As the Greece debt crisis unfolds and capital controls are forced down the throats of their people, bitcoin has moved back into the mainstream spotlight. With long lines in front of ATM machines reminiscent of the Cyprus bail-in, once again bitcoin appears to offer a safe haven.

    While many people focus on bitcoin’s price fluctuations and potential increase in adoption, currency is just the first application of this game-changing technology. The core of the blockchain provides an alternative governance model to the current oligarchic control shown in the harsh austerity forced against the will of the Greek (...)

    #cryptomonnaie #économie

  • L’#Italie veut redonner leur identité aux #réfugiés noyés en #Méditerranée

    On estime qu’en 2015 près de 3000 personnes se sont noyées alors qu’elles fuyaient en traversant la Méditerranée. Des morts qui sombrent anonymement au fond de la mer et qui laissent leurs proches dans l’incertitude. L’Italie est le seul pays qui ait décidé après les drames de Lampedusa d’octobre 2013 et du 18 avril 2015 de redonner leur identité aux défunts dont les corps ont pu être repêchés.


    http://info.arte.tv/fr/au-nom-des-morts
    #asile #identification #mourir_en_mer #base_de_données #objets #corps

    cc @reka @albertocampiphoto

    • Voici le commissaire qui s’occupe de cela:
      Commissario straordinario del Governo per le persone scomparse

      Ogni anno in Italia scompaiono circa un migliaio di persone. Nonostante la maggior parte venga ritrovata dopo pochi giorni, il fenomeno genera allarme sociale. La strategia di contrasto attuata dal Commissario straordinario, che coinvolge Forze dell’ordine e magistratura, passa per il monitoraggio dei dati e il coordinamento delle attività di ricerca che ha consentito, dall’istituzione del commissario a oggi, un significativo calo delle persone ancora da ricercare.

      http://www.interno.gov.it/it/ministero/commissario-straordinario-governo-persone-scomparse

      Et les activités de ce commissaire:

      L’attività del Commissario
      http://www.interno.gov.it/it/ministero/commissario-persone-scomparse/lattivita-commissario

    • @bce_106_6 : Franchement, je pense que, et une fois n’est pas coutume, dans cette histoire de migrations, l’Italie n’est de loin pas la pire des élèves, bien au contraire...
      v. notamment ce qui s’est passé avec Mare Nostrum...

    • Farnesina: protocol is signed to identify the thousands of migrants who died at sea

      ROME, APRIL 12 – Thousands of headstones in the cemeteries of Southern Italy have no names. Other corpses end-up on the bottom of the sea, corroded by salt or eaten by fish. Thousands of migrants who fall victim to drowning in the Mediterranean, remain unidentified. Their families, in their countries of origin or in Europe, don’t even know if their loved ones are dead or alive.

      http://www.onuitalia.com/2017/04/12/farnesina-protocol-signed-identify-thousands-migrants-die-sea

    • Italy, Greece to launch plan to identify missing migrants

      Four European Mediterranean countries are launching an initiative in June to identify thousands of missing migrants who died or went missing during the perilous sea crossing to the continent.

      Italy, Greece, Malta and Cyprus — hardest hit by waves of migrants form Syria and Libya or people elsewhere in Africa — will gather on June 11 in Rome to discuss the plan, the #International_Commission_on_Missing_Persons (#ICMP) said on Wednesday.

      “If we succeed in launching this initiative, and it looks very good that we will, it will be historical,” ICMP director general Kathryne Bomberger said in The Hague, where the inter-governmental organisation is based.

      Amid the biggest migrant crisis to hit Europe since World War II, Italy alone has recovered some 8,000 bodies from Mediterranean waters over the last decade, the ICMP said.

      The cooperation between states will help to properly quantify the numbers of missing and dead, track survivors and locate bodies, Bomberger said.

      Southern Mediterranean countries like Libya and Egypt are also to be invited as observers to the talks, she added.

      Since the beginning of the year, almost 18,000 migrants arrived in Europe by sea, according to the International Organization for Migration.

      Some 559 people were already reported dead or missing, the IOM added.

      “There are so many discussions today about the data, discussions that I think are rather negative ... but the data also have positive endings,” Bomberger said at a meeting with foreign correspondents.

      Switzerland has donated around $400,000 (323,000 euros) to fund the project.

      The ICMP was born out of the conflicts in the former Yugoslavia and set up in 1996 in Sarajevo by then US president Bill Clinton.

      Using increasingly sophisticated DNA research methods, it has already succeeded in identifying some 70 percent of the 40,000 people who went missing in the Balkans conflicts of the 1990s, including 90 percent of the 8,000 killed in the 1995 Srebrenica massacre.

      But over the past years it has increasingly lent its expertise to other tragedies, such as the 2004 Indian Ocean tsunami, or the devastating Hurricane Haiyan which hit the Philippines in November 2013.

      https://www.afp.com/en/news/826/italy-greece-launch-plan-identify-missing-migrants-doc-1450j51
      #Grèce

    • #Luminusa

      Ha un nome che evoca la luce, il fuoco, e nelle giornate limpide ti sembra di percepire la grana dell’aria – argento puro. In fondo al suo mare, che ha tutte le sfumature del verde, dell’azzurro e del blu, giacciono ventimila morti senza nome, ammazzati. Di loro restano a volte tracce dilavate dalla salsedine: un sandalo infradito a rombi bianchi e neri comprato al mercato di Sfax, la foto di una sposa dalla pelle nerissima in abito di pizzo bianco, un rotolo di lettere in tigrino, una cassetta di Bob Marley. Ed è qui, a Lampedusa, che Mario, con malinconica determinazione, è venuto ad affrontare il suo segreto senso di inappartenenza e l’incertezza del futuro. Come se raccogliere quelle tracce in un minuscolo museo e salvaguardarne la memoria con didascalie in versi scritte su fragile carta velina potesse rendere più tollerabile la disillusione. Come se solo a Lampedusa, crocevia di destini, di strazio e di solidarietà, fosse possibile rispecchiarsi in chi ha osato cercare la salvezza su un barcone, e tornare a sperare. Con «Luminusa», #Franca_Cavagnoli ci costringe a guardare con altri occhi alla terra promessa di Lampedusa, alle tragedie e agli sbarchi che affollano le cronache: per scoprire, guidati dalla voce limpida e ribelle di Mario, la nostra, comune e universale, condizione di migranti.


      http://www.edizionifrassinelli.it/libro/luminusa
      #livre #roman

  • Erdoğan loses the game show - MEHMET Y. YILMAZ
    et fait l’apologie du régime présidentiel sous... Hitler
    http://www.hurriyetdailynews.com/erdogan-loses-the-game-show--.aspx?PageID=238&NID=93318&NewsCatID

    On his return flight from Saudi Arabia, President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan spoke to reporters. This is what he said: “There is nothing to say that you can’t have a presidential system in a unitary state. There are already some examples in the world today, and also some from the past. You see it when you look at Hitler’s Germany. You also see the example again in various other counties.”

    On the same day, Prime Minister Ahmet Davutoğlu said the following: “The correct one is the presidential system. An authoritarian structure could develop from the parliamentary system, as was the case with Hitler in Germany.” 

    It’s confusing to read these two sentences back to back. Did Hitler’s Germany have a presidential system or a parliamentary system? 

    Hitler was appointed prime minister from the parliament by President von Hindenburg. At that time, Germany was ruled by the parliamentary system. Later, Hitler changed the laws. 

    President Erdoğan is wrong. 

    He was also wrong when explaining why he thinks the presidential system is necessary. “When you look at developed countries,” he said, “you see that the overwhelming majority have this system.”

    Out of all 28 EU countries, only Greek Cyprus is ruled by a presidential system and France has a semi-presidential system. All the others have parliamentary systems.

  • Dans le flux de Naharnet :

    Information obtained by LBCI: Russia has asked Lebanon to “divert civilian flights from the Lebanese airspace to the international airspace” as of midnight and the request was made to several countries.

    Authorities at Beirut’s airport said they have been informed by Russia that it intends to stage a naval drill that will affect aviation in Lebanon’s airspace.

    Russia demands ’no fly zone’ over Lebanon and Cyprus
    http://www.alaraby.co.uk/english/news/2015/11/20/russia-demands-no-fly-zone-over-lebanon-and-cyprus

    Lebanon may close its airspace for three consecutive days after receiving an official request from the Russians, say senior aviation officials.
    Passenger flights must avoid Lebanon’s airspace for three days, according to an official request from Russia to Lebanese aviation authorities.

    The temporary suspension of civil aviation would likely begin at midnight on Friday, but officials are reportedly discussing alternative flight paths over Cyprus, according to reports.

    • Toujours Naharnet :

      Lebanese civil aviation official: We reassure the Lebanese public opinion that flight operations at Beirut’s Rafik Hariri International Airport will not be interrupted.

      mais ce matin :

      LBCI: Kuwait Airways canceled two flights that were scheduled to land in Beirut today.

    • Zeaiter : nous avons choisi des couloirs aériens qui garantissent la sécurité de l’aviation et des passagers
      http://nna-leb.gov.lb/fr/show-news/53125

      Le ministre des Travaux publics et du Transport, Ghazi Zeaiter, a déclaré ce samedi à l’ANI, avoir choisi des couloirs aériens qui assurent la sécurité de l’aviation et des passagers à l’aéroport international Rafic Hariri.

      « Il n’y a pas de fermeture de l’espace aérien. Personne n’accepte ceci. Même les Russes ne nous ont pas demandé de fermer notre ciel », a clamé M. Zeaiter.

    • L’Irak suspend les vols vers le nord.
      Sans lien (explicite ?) avec la requête russe.

      Iraq Suspends Northern Flights Due To Russian Air Campaign
      http://www.rferl.org/content/iraq-suspends-flights-russian-air-strikes/27381558.html

      Iraq is suspending flights to the northern Kurdish self-ruled region for two days due to Russia’s air campaign in neighboring Syria.

      Iraq’s Civil Aviation Authorities said the flight suspension — starting November 23 — to the cities of Irbil and Sulaymaniyah was to “protect travelers” as cruise missiles and bombers cross northern Iraq from the Caspian Sea to Syria. It said other airports will operate normally.

      Russia began air strikes in Syria on September 30 in support of Syrian President Bashar al-Assad’s forces.

      Last month, its warships in the Caspian Sea fired cruise missiles nearly 1,500 kilometers over Iran and Iraq.

      Based on reporting by AFP and AP

  • Widerstand im Warten. Migration und Inhaftierung in der Republik Zypern

    Abstract From an ethnographic perspective the article highlights the situation of detained migrants in the Republic of Cyprus, who are subjected to a status of waiting due to their imprisonment. Therefore the paper focuses on the one hand on the overall situation of waiting, on the other hand on migrant’s tactics to deal with the uncertain, as they can often not receive any information on their administrative status. Whether or not they will be released, obtain a residence permit, or even will be deported is frequently obscured. The article explores migrant’s reactions to those conditions as well as individual or collective resistance and tries to open a perspective on autonomous political movements.

    http://movements-journal.org/issues/02.kaempfe/05.schwarz--widerstand-warten-migration-inhaftierung-zypern.html
    #Chypre #asile #migrations #réfugiés #détention_administrative #rétention #résistance

  • Refugee boats wash up at UK military base in Cyprus | World news | The Guardian

    http://www.theguardian.com/world/2015/oct/21/refugee-boats-akotiri-uk-military-base-in-cyprus

    Là la traversée en bateau est beaucoup, beaucoup plus longue et dangereuse que pour rejoindre les îles grecques proches de la côte turque.

    Four overloaded boats carrying 140 refugees from Syria have washed up at Britain’s military base in Cyprus, potentially opening up a new front line in the migration crisis.

    The refugees, believed to include women and children, have been transferred to a temporary reception area at the sovereign base at Akrotiri on southern coast of the Mediterranean island.

    A spokesman for the Ministry of Defence confirmed that four boats had arrived at the base, which has been used to launch airstrikes against Islamic State militants in Iraq and Syria. The MoD is still gathering details about the incident, including the number of refugees involved.

    #réfugiés #asile #syrie #chypre

  • The situation when it comes to refugee route through Slovenia after Hungary sealed the border

    Un message d’Andrej Kurnik

    State authorities established two types of centers, registration centers on the border with Croatia and accommodation centers on the border with Austria. Registration centers are Dolga vas, Petišovci, Središče ob Dravi, Gruškovje and Obrežje. Accommodation centers are Šentilj and Gornja Radgona. Registration centers are under the police authority, accommodation under Civil Protection.

    Refugees travel by trains from Croatian Serbian border until Čakovec in Croatia. There they are divided in smaller groups and continue their journey either by buses to Dolga vas, Petišovci, Gruškovje and Obrežje either by train to Središče ob Dravi (the biggest group of around 1200 people). Registration takes place in big tents. Around one person in two minutes. Police takes photo and fingerprints. Although in Petišovci yesterday they did not take fingerprints due to problems with machine. Upon this they issue permit to stay for six months. This is permit issued to person that is in process of deportation but can not be deported for various reasons. In short time they are taken by buses to accommodation centers where they can have rest and are agin quite quickly escorted by foot to Austrian side of the border, where Austrian police receives them and submit them to another registration procedure. Austrian police than transports refugees to Graz and Vienna. It seem that cooperation between Austrian and Slovenia police is strengthened. In registration centers there is presence of Austrian police officers.

    There are first controversies when it comes to handling of refugees by Slovene authorities. Namely state officials are claiming that Slovenia can receive 2500 people per day and that this depends on Austrian reception of refugees. Austrians supposed to take only 1500 per day. While Croatian authorities are demanding that Slovenia open borders for 5000 refugees per day. This afternoon for this reason Slovenia presumably rejected one train of refugees from Croatia. It is not clear yet either this are just PR maneuvers for slovene public. Namely, yesterday Slovenian authorities have let in more than 3000 people. We will now in couple of days what is exactly going on. When it comes to the regime in refugee centers it is quite difficult for independent volunteers to get involved. But it really depends on persons in charge. In Petišovci activists managed to build a huge tent next to police one, while in Središče ob Dravi no one was allowed to enter not even activists of Amnesty International. The impression is however that Red cross and Civil protection really lack personal and it might be that they will be forced to soften their attitude toward independent volunteers.

    It seems that refugees miss the most informations. There is no wi fi in centers, no chargers for phones, no electricity cables. Translators hired by police are there only to interpret during registration procedures that takes two minutes per person. Permit to stay is only in Slovene and people do not know what this paper is about.

    –---

    Croatia diverts migrants to Slovenia after Hungary border closure (updated) - Cyprus Mail Cyprus Mail
    http://cyprus-mail.com/2015/10/17/hungary-shuts-off-migrant-route-from-croatia

    By Aleksandar Vasovic and Marja Novak

    Migrants streaming across the Balkans reached Slovenia on Saturday, diverted overnight by the closure of Hungary’s border with Croatia in the latest demonstration of Europe’s disjointed response to the flow of people reaching its borders.

    Hungary’s right-wing government declared its southern frontier with Croatia off limits to migrants, blocking entry with a metal fence and razor wire just as it did a month ago on its border with Serbia.

    Croatia began directing migrants west to Slovenia, which said some 300 had arrived and would be registered before continuing their journey to Austria and Germany, the preferred destination of the vast majority, many of them Syrians fleeing war.

    #réfugiés #balkans #asile #croatie #slovénie #hongrie