country:guatemala

  • #Art, #vérité et #politique, par #Harold_Pinter
    https://www.lemonde.fr/disparitions/article/2005/12/08/art-verite-et-politique-par-harold-pinter_718764_3382.html

    Discours lu par Harold Pinter à Stockholm, mercredi 7 décembre 2005, au nom du Prix Nobel de #littérature 2005

    L’invasion directe d’un état souverain n’a jamais été, de fait, la méthode privilégiée de l’Amérique. Dans l’ensemble, elle préférait ce qu’elle a qualifié de « conflit de faible intensité ». « Conflit de faible intensité », cela veut dire que des milliers de gens meurent, mais plus lentement que si vous lâchiez une bombe sur eux d’un seul coup. Cela veut dire que vous contaminez le cœur du pays, que vous y implantez une tumeur maligne et que vous observez s’étendre la gangrène. Une fois que le peuple a été soumis - ou battu à mort - ça revient au même - et que vos amis, les militaires et les grandes sociétés commerciales, sont confortablement installés au pouvoir, vous allez devant les caméras et vous déclarez que la #démocratie l’a emporté.

    #Etats-unis

    • Les États-Unis ont soutenu, et dans bien des cas engendré, toutes les #dictatures militaires droitières apparues dans le monde à l’issue de la seconde guerre mondiale. Je veux parler de l’Indonésie, de la Grèce, de l’Uruguay, du Brésil, du Paraguay, d’Haïti, de la Turquie, des Philippines, du Guatemala, du Salvador, et, bien sûr, du Chili. L’#horreur que les États-Unis ont infligée au Chili en 1973 ne pourra jamais être expiée et ne pourra jamais être oubliée.

      Des centaines de milliers de morts ont eu lieu dans tous ces pays. Ont-elles eu lieu ? Et sont-elles dans tous les cas imputables à la politique étrangère des États-Unis ? La réponse est oui, elles ont eu lieu et elles sont imputables à la politique étrangère américaine. Mais vous n’en savez rien.

      Ça ne s’est jamais passé. Rien ne s est jamais passé. Même pendant que cela se passait, ça ne se passait pas. Ça n’avait aucune importance. Ça n’avait aucun intérêt. Les #crimes commis par les États-Unis ont été systématiques, constants, violents, impitoyables, mais très peu de gens en ont réellement parlé.

      Rendons cette justice à l’Amérique : elle s’est livrée, partout dans le monde, à une #manipulation tout à fait clinique du #pouvoir tout en se faisant passer pour une force qui agissait dans l’intérêt du #bien universel. Un cas d’#hypnose génial, pour ne pas dire spirituel, et terriblement efficace.


  • 7-year-old migrant girl taken into Border Patrol custody dies of dehydration, exhaustion - The Washington Post

    https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/national-security/7-year-old-migrant-girl-taken-into-border-patrol-custody-dies-of-dehydration-exhaustion/2018/12/13/8909e356-ff03-11e8-862a-b6a6f3ce8199_story.html

    December 13 at 9:55 PM

    A 7-year-old girl from Guatemala died of dehydration and shock after she was taken into Border Patrol custody last week for crossing from Mexico into the United States illegally with her father and a large group of migrants along a remote span of New Mexico desert, U.S. Customs and Border Protection said Thursday.

    The child’s death is likely to intensify scrutiny of detention conditions at Border Patrol stations and CBP facilities that are increasingly overwhelmed by large numbers of families seeking asylum in the United States.

    #états-unis #frintières #enfants #enfance #meurtre


  • 7-year-old migrant girl taken into Border Patrol custody dies of dehydration, exhaustion - The Washington Post
    https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/national-security/7-year-old-migrant-girl-taken-into-border-patrol-custody-dies-of-dehydration-exhaustion/2018/12/13/8909e356-ff03-11e8-862a-b6a6f3ce8199_story.html

    A 7-year-old girl from Guatemala died of dehydration and shock after she was taken into Border Patrol custody last week for crossing from Mexico into the United States illegally with her father and a large group of migrants along a remote span of New Mexico desert, U.S. Customs and Border Protection said Thursday.

    The child’s death is likely to intensify scrutiny of detention conditions at Border Patrol stations and CBP facilities that are increasingly overwhelmed by large numbers of families seeking asylum in the United States.


  • Desarticularon red narco que involucra a pilotos venezolanos y brasileños
    http://www.el-nacional.com/noticias/mundo/desarticularon-red-narco-que-involucra-pilotos-venezolanos-brasilenos_2

    Una red que enviaba droga desde Colombia hacia Estados Unidos y Europa, en avionetas piloteadas por brasileños y venezolanos, fue desmantelada tras un año de investigaciones, informaron este martes funcionarios de la policial colombiana.

    En el operativo se confiscaron 20 toneladas de cocaína, se inmovilizaron ocho aeronaves y se capturaron a 25 colombianos en Bogotá y la frontera con Venezuela, indicó la autoridad en un comunicado.

    La organización era liderada por «Olinto», ex miembro de las Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia (FARC), y su hermano, quienes enviaban la droga desde la región limítrofe de Catatumbo, hacia pistas clandestinas en Zulia, Venezuela.

    Desde allí coordinaban el traslado de la cocaína a Honduras y Guatemala, donde el cargamento era recibido por ciudadanos de esos países, quienes servían de enlace con los carteles mexicanos de Sinaloa y Nueva Generación.

    Finalmente la droga era enviada a Estados Unidos, Alemania y Holanda. La banda colombiana reclamaba el pago a través de casas de cambio en la ciudad fronteriza de Cúcuta, explicó la policía. Ningún piloto fue detenido.

    La organización tenía una «relación estrecha» con el Ejército de Liberación Nacional (ELN) en Colombia, según las autoridades.


  • L’Assemblée Générale de l’ONU vote en faveur de 8 résolutions sur le Palestine
    2M - 17/11/2018 à 12:31
    http://www.2m.ma/fr/news/lassemblee-generale-de-lonu-vote-en-faveur-de-8-resolutions-sur-le-palestine-2018

    L’Assemblée générale des Nations unies a voté, ce samedi 17 novembre, en majorité en faveur de huit résolutions sur la Palestine. Il s’agit d’un nouveau soutien de la communauté internationale à la cause palestinienne en dépit des tentatives menées pour l’affaiblir et la contrecarrer.

    L’observateur permanent de la Palestine auprès de l’ONU, Riyad Mansour, a indiqué suite à ce vote que « l’Assemblée générale de l’ONU a voté en faveur de quatre résolutions relatives à l’Office de secours des Nations unies pour les réfugiés de Palestine (UNRWA) et de quatre autres sur les pratiques des forces d’occupation israéliennes dans les territoires palestiniens occupés », a rapporté l’agence Wafa, (Wikalat al-Anba’ al-Falestinya).

    L’agence de presse palestinienne a affirmé d’après Riyad Mansour toujours que ce vote de la communauté internationale est une « preuve du soutien permanent à la cause palestinienne ».

    Ces textes de résolution ont été entérinés par 155 voix pour et 5 contre, à savoir, (Etats-Unis, Canada, Israël, Iles Marshall, Etats fédérés de Micronésie), tandis que 10 pays se sont abstenus (Australie, Cameroun, Côte d’Ivoire, Guatemala, Honduras, Mexique, Palaos, Rwanda, Iles Salomon, Togo).

    Il s’agit, entre autres, des projets de résolution portant sur les « personnes déplacées à la suite des hostilités de juin 1967 et des hostilités qui ont suivi », des « opérations de l’Office de secours et de travaux des Nations unies pour les réfugiés de Palestine dans le Proche-Orient » et « des propriétés des réfugiés de Palestine et leurs revenus ».

    L’Assemblée générale de l’ONU a approuvé, également, un projet de résolution sur « l’applicabilité de la Convention de Genève relative à la protection des personnes civiles en temps de guerre du 12 août 1949, aux territoires palestiniens occupés, y compris El Qods-Est et aux autres territoires arabes occupés » et un projet relatif aux « Travaux du Comité spécial chargé d’enquêter sur les pratiques israéliennes affectant les droits de l’homme du peuple palestinien et des autres Arabes des territoires occupés ».

    #PalestineONU


  • Amérique centrale. D’où viennent-elles et qui composent ces caravanes ? Est-ce « les envahisseurs » dénoncés par Trump
    http://alencontre.org/ameriques/amelat/amerique-centrale-dou-viennent-elles-et-qui-composent-ces-caravanes-est-

    <b>Par Andrés Alsina</b>Il n’y a pas de pire Guatepeor (le Guate-pire) pour ceux qui fuient le Guatemala (le Guate-mal), le Honduras et le Salvador, pour …


  • With Brazil’s Bolsonaro, Israel finds another natural partner on the far-
    right

    https://mondoweiss.net/2018/11/brazils-bolsonaro-another

    The victory of Jair Bolsonaro in Brazil’s presidential election last week has won Israel a passionate new friend on the international stage. The world’s fifth-most populous nation will now be “coloured in blue and white”, an Israeli official said, referring to the colours of Israel’s flag.

    The Israeli prime minister Benjamin Netanyahu immediately called to congratulate Bolsonaro, a former army officer with a pronounced nostalgia for his country’s 20-year military dictatorship. Critics describe him as a neo-fascist.

    According to Israeli media reports, it is “highly probable” that Netanyahu will attend Bolsonaro’s inauguration on January 1.

    The Brazilian president-elect has already promised that his country will be the third to relocate its embassy to Jerusalem, after the United States and Guatemala. That will further undermine Palestinian hopes for an eventual state with East Jerusalem as its capital.

    Bolsonaro has told Israel that it can count on Brazil’s vote at the United Nations, and has threatened to close the Palestinian embassy in Brasilia.

    One might imagine that Netanyahu is simply being pragmatic in cosying up to Bolsonaro, given Brazil’s importance. But that would be to ignore an unmistakable trend: Israel has relished the recent emergence of far-right leaders across the Americas and Europe, often to the horror of local Jewish communities.

    Bolsonaro has divided Brazil’s 100,000 Jews. Some have been impressed by the frequent appearance of Israeli flags at his rallies and his anti-Palestinian stance. But others point out that he regularly expresses hostility to minorities.


  • Le génocide des Tziganes et la mémoire
    https://blogterrain.hypotheses.org/11598

    Aujourd’hui a lieu en République tchèque la Roma Pride, défilé annuel des #Roms et des #Sintis. Dans Le Monde du 3 octobre dernier, le journaliste Blaise Gauquelin évoquait l’une des revendications de ce défilé : la mise en place d’une fondation destinée à entretenir la mémoire du #génocide oublié des #Tziganes, victimes de #massacres_nazis dont l’ampleur est souvent sous-estimée. Une entreprise mémorielle d’autant plus importante que le défilé protestera aussi contre les propos tenus en juin par Matteo Salvini, le ministre de l’Intérieur italien et vice-président du Conseil. Après avoir exprimé sa volonté de recenser les Roms présents en Italie pour expulser ceux d’entre eux qui y résident illégalement, il avait ajouté : « Malheureusement nous allons devoir garder les Roms italiens parce que nous ne pouvons pas les expulser ».
    Le génocide des Tziganes est longtemps resté « une catastrophe invisible », selon les termes de Michael Stewart, anthropologue à l’University College de Londres, dans le numéro 54 de Terrain. L’occasion de relire cet article qui analyse la persécution et le génocide particulièrement « désorganisés » et « désordonnés » des Tziganes durant la Seconde Guerre mondiale, et rattache le caractère localisé de leur persécution à l’échec, après le conflit, de la reconnaissance de cette catastrophe. Il souligne ainsi le caractère problématique de la notion d’intention génocidaire : « Vus de l’extérieur au moment où ils ont lieu, tous les génocides semblent par nature ambigus et non plausibles. »

    L’inventaire des crimes du XXe siècle – du massacre des Arméniens par les Turcs en 1915 à celui d’un million de personnes à Bali en 1965, en passant par la campagne menée contre les Mayas du Guatemala trente-six ans durant (de 1960 à 1996) sous couvert de guerre contre-insurrectionnelle, et jusqu’au Darfour d’aujourd’hui (où, encore une fois, une définition restrictive de la notion de génocide permet au gouvernement soudanais de se débarrasser à bon compte de minorités gênantes) – permet de discerner un schéma assez évident.

    Vus de l’extérieur au moment où ils ont lieu, tous les génocides semblent par nature ambigus et non plausibles. Durant la Seconde Guerre mondiale, le monde regardait ailleurs, préférant ne pas savoir. En Bosnie, il se laissait représenter par un envoyé des Nations unies d’une incompétence criminelle, qui, à force d’atermoiements et de pleurnicheries, permit aux nettoyeurs ethniques de faire de sa présence l’une des armes les plus importantes de leur crime de masse. Au Rwanda, le monde fit mine de n’avoir pas le temps de remarquer ce qui se passait. À l’heure où j’écris, la communauté internationale rougit et regarde ses pieds, niant que la boucherie du Darfour constitue un génocide à proprement parler, et espérant que personne ne la forcera à agir contre le régime criminel de Khartoum. C’est toujours après coup qu’il est possible d’affirmer sans ambiguïté qu’un génocide a eu lieu. Ce n’est qu’alors que les leaders mondiaux, et derrière eux les peuples du monde, font le vœu de ne plus jamais voir cela se reproduire. Il serait absurde d’imaginer que les recherches qui sous-tendent une publication comme celle-ci changeront notre disposition, bien enracinée, à ne pas croire et à ne pas agir face à ces catastrophes créées par les hommes. Ces recherches peuvent toutefois remettre les pendules à l’heure pour un groupe de victimes, et changer notre façon de comprendre comment les meurtres de masse se produisent.

    https://journals.openedition.org/terrain/13989


  • The U.S. Is Not Being Invaded: Fact-Checking the Common Immigration Myths

    Myth #1: Immigrants cost the U.S. “billions and billions” of dollars each year.

    Immigration puts much more money into U.S. public coffers via taxes than it takes out via benefits, as determined last year by a bipartisan blue-ribbon commission of leading immigration economists, across the political spectrum, convened by the National Academy of Sciences. It found that the average immigrant to the U.S., reflecting the country-and-skill composition of recent U.S. immigrants, makes a net positive fiscal contribution of $259,000 in net present value across all levels of government: federal, state, and local (see page 434 at the link).

    Myth #2: The U.S. is being “violently overrun” by immigrants.

    Immigrants to the United States, whether or not they have legal authorization, commit violent crimes at much lower rates than U.S. natives do. That is why violent crime is way down in the places where unauthorized immigrants go. For example, since 1990 the population of unauthorized immigrants in New York City has roughly tripled, from about 400,000 to 1.2 million, while during the same period the number of homicides in New York City collapsed from 2,262 (in 1990) to 292 (in 2017).
    Myth #3: The U.S. has the “most expansive immigration program anywhere on the planet.”

    In both Canada and Australia, some of the most prosperous and secure countries in the world and in all of history, immigrants are more than 20% of the population. That is far higher than the United States, where immigrants are 14% of the population.
    Myth #4: Immigrants are moving to the U.S. because it has the “hottest economy anywhere in the world.”

    Violence is a massive driver of undocumented immigration from El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras. Data provided to us by the Department of Homeland Security showed that from 2011 to 2016, unaccompanied child migrants apprehended at the U.S. border moved from Central America due to a roughly equal mix of economic conditions and violence in their communities. The violence is significant. Every 10 additional homicides in El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras caused more than six additional unaccompanied child minor apprehensions.
    Myth #5: A “strong border” will cause immigrants to “turn away and they won’t bother” trying to migrate.

    Enforcement alone is not an effective migration deterrent. To be effective, it must be paired with enhanced legal pathways for migration. People will move if they have to and because of dire situations in their origin communities, they will be more willing to accept the risks of apprehension. There are interrelated migration pressures that drive people to move---including violence in the home country, economic conditions at home, and demographic realities. In Central America, these factors are interacting in complex ways and are driving much of the migration we see at the U.S. border. More protection at the border isn’t a deterrent without addressing the push factors that drive migration and providing sufficient legal channels for migration.

    https://www.cgdev.org/blog/us-not-being-invaded-fact-checking-immigration-myths
    #préjugés #mythe #invasion #coût #afflux #migrations #asile #réfugiés #USA #Etats-Unis #pull-factors #pull_factors #facteurs_push #push-pull_factors #facteurs_pull #fermeture_des_frontières #dissuasion


  • 56,800 migrant dead and missing : ’They are human beings’

    One by one, five to a grave, the coffins are buried in the red earth of this ill-kept corner of a South African cemetery. The scrawl on the cheap wood attests to their anonymity: “Unknown B/Male.”

    These men were migrants from elsewhere in Africa with next to nothing who sought a living in the thriving underground economy of Gauteng province, a name that roughly translates to “land of gold.” Instead of fortune, many found death, their bodies unnamed and unclaimed — more than 4,300 in Gauteng between 2014 and 2017 alone.

    Some of those lives ended here at the Olifantsvlei cemetery, in silence, among tufts of grass growing over tiny placards that read: Pauper Block. There are coffins so tiny that they could belong only to children.

    As migration worldwide soars to record highs, far less visible has been its toll: The tens of thousands of people who die or simply disappear during their journeys, never to be seen again. In most cases, nobody is keeping track: Barely counted in life, these people don’t register in death , as if they never lived at all.

    An Associated Press tally has documented at least 56,800 migrants dead or missing worldwide since 2014 — almost double the number found in the world’s only official attempt to try to count them, by the U.N.’s International Organization for Migration. The IOM toll as of Oct. 1 was more than 28,500. The AP came up with almost 28,300 additional dead or missing migrants by compiling information from other international groups, requesting forensic records, missing persons reports and death records, and sifting through data from thousands of interviews with migrants.

    The toll is the result of migration that is up 49 percent since the turn of the century, with more than 258 million international migrants in 2017, according to the United Nations. A growing number have drowned, died in deserts or fallen prey to traffickers, leaving their families to wonder what on earth happened to them. At the same time, anonymous bodies are filling cemeteries around the world, like the one in Gauteng.

    The AP’s tally is still low. More bodies of migrants lie undiscovered in desert sands or at the bottom of the sea. And families don’t always report loved ones as missing because they migrated illegally, or because they left home without saying exactly where they were headed.

    The official U.N. toll focuses mostly on Europe, but even there cases fall through the cracks. The political tide is turning against migrants in Europe just as in the United States, where the government is cracking down heavily on caravans of Central Americans trying to get in . One result is that money is drying up for projects to track migration and its costs.

    For example, when more than 800 people died in an April 2015 shipwreck off the coast of Italy, Europe’s deadliest migrant sea disaster, Italian investigators pledged to identify them and find their families. More than three years later, under a new populist government, funding for this work is being cut off.

    Beyond Europe, information is even more scarce. Little is known about the toll in South America, where the Venezuelan migration is among the world’s biggest today, and in Asia, the top region for numbers of migrants.

    The result is that governments vastly underestimate the toll of migration, a major political and social issue in most of the world today.

    “No matter where you stand on the whole migration management debate....these are still human beings on the move,” said Bram Frouws, the head of the Mixed Migration Centre , based in Geneva, which has done surveys of more than 20,000 migrants in its 4Mi project since 2014. “Whether it’s refugees or people moving for jobs, they are human beings.”

    They leave behind families caught between hope and mourning, like that of Safi al-Bahri. Her son, Majdi Barhoumi, left their hometown of Ras Jebel, Tunisia, on May 7, 2011, headed for Europe in a small boat with a dozen other migrants. The boat sank and Barhoumi hasn’t been heard from since. In a sign of faith that he is still alive, his parents built an animal pen with a brood of hens, a few cows and a dog to stand watch until he returns.

    “I just wait for him. I always imagine him behind me, at home, in the market, everywhere,” said al-Bahari. “When I hear a voice at night, I think he’s come back. When I hear the sound of a motorcycle, I think my son is back.”

    ———————————————————————

    EUROPE: BOATS THAT NEVER ARRIVE

    Of the world’s migration crises, Europe’s has been the most cruelly visible. Images of the lifeless body of a Kurdish toddler on a beach, frozen tent camps in Eastern Europe, and a nearly numbing succession of deadly shipwrecks have been transmitted around the world, adding to the furor over migration.

    In the Mediterranean, scores of tankers, cargo boats, cruise ships and military vessels tower over tiny, crowded rafts powered by an outboard motor for a one-way trip. Even larger boats carrying hundreds of migrants may go down when soft breezes turn into battering winds and thrashing waves further from shore.

    Two shipwrecks and the deaths of at least 368 people off the coast of Italy in October 2013 prompted the IOM’s research into migrant deaths. The organization has focused on deaths in the Mediterranean, although its researchers plead for more data from elsewhere in the world. This year alone, the IOM has found more than 1,700 deaths in the waters that divide Africa and Europe.

    Like the lost Tunisians of Ras Jebel, most of them set off to look for work. Barhoumi, his friends, cousins and other would-be migrants camped in the seaside brush the night before their departure, listening to the crash of the waves that ultimately would sink their raft.

    Khalid Arfaoui had planned to be among them. When the group knocked at his door, it wasn’t fear that held him back, but a lack of cash. Everyone needed to chip in to pay for the boat, gas and supplies, and he was short about $100. So he sat inside and watched as they left for the beachside campsite where even today locals spend the night before embarking to Europe.

    Propelled by a feeble outboard motor and overburdened with its passengers, the rubber raft flipped, possibly after grazing rocks below the surface on an uninhabited island just offshore. Two bodies were retrieved. The lone survivor was found clinging to debris eight hours later.

    The Tunisian government has never tallied its missing, and the group never made it close enough to Europe to catch the attention of authorities there. So these migrants never have been counted among the dead and missing.

    “If I had gone with them, I’d be lost like the others,” Arfaoui said recently, standing on the rocky shoreline with a group of friends, all of whom vaguely planned to leave for Europe. “If I get the chance, I’ll do it. Even if I fear the sea and I know I might die, I’ll do it.”

    With him that day was 30-year-old Mounir Aguida, who had already made the trip once, drifting for 19 hours after the boat engine cut out. In late August this year, he crammed into another raft with seven friends, feeling the waves slam the flimsy bow. At the last minute he and another young man jumped out.

    “It didn’t feel right,” Aguida said.

    There has been no word from the other six — yet another group of Ras Jebel’s youth lost to the sea. With no shipwreck reported, no survivors to rescue and no bodies to identify, the six young men are not counted in any toll.

    In addition to watching its own youth flee, Tunisia and to a lesser degree neighboring Algeria are transit points for other Africans north bound for Europe. Tunisia has its own cemetery for unidentified migrants, as do Greece, Italy and Turkey. The one at Tunisia’s southern coast is tended by an unemployed sailor named Chamseddin Marzouk.

    Of around 400 bodies interred in the coastal graveyard since it opened in 2005, only one has ever been identified. As for the others who lie beneath piles of dirt, Marzouk couldn’t imagine how their families would ever learn their fate.

    “Their families may think that the person is still alive, or that he’ll return one day to visit,” Marzouk said. “They don’t know that those they await are buried here, in Zarzis, Tunisia.”

    ——————

    AFRICA: VANISHING WITHOUT A TRACE

    Despite talk of the ’waves’ of African migrants trying to cross the Mediterranean, as many migrate within Africa — 16 million — as leave for Europe. In all, since 2014, at least 18,400 African migrants have died traveling within Africa, according to the figures compiled from AP and IOM records. That includes more than 4,300 unidentified bodies in a single South African province, and 8,700 whose traveling companions reported their disappearance en route out of the Horn of Africa in interviews with 4Mi.

    When people vanish while migrating in Africa, it is often without a trace. The IOM says the Sahara Desert may well have killed more migrants than the Mediterranean. But no one will ever know for sure in a region where borders are little more than lines drawn on maps and no government is searching an expanse as large as the continental United States. The harsh sun and swirling desert sands quickly decompose and bury bodies of migrants, so that even when they turn up, they are usually impossible to identify .

    With a prosperous economy and stable government, South Africa draws more migrants than any other country in Africa. The government is a meticulous collector of fingerprints — nearly every legal resident and citizen has a file somewhere — so bodies without any records are assumed to have been living and working in the country illegally. The corpses are fingerprinted when possible, but there is no regular DNA collection.

    South Africa also has one of the world’s highest rates of violent crime and police are more focused on solving domestic cases than identifying migrants.

    “There’s logic to that, as sad as it is....You want to find the killer if you’re a policeman, because the killer could kill more people,” said Jeanine Vellema, the chief specialist of the province’s eight mortuaries. Migrant identification, meanwhile, is largely an issue for foreign families — and poor ones at that.

    Vellema has tried to patch into the police missing persons system, to build a system of electronic mortuary records and to establish a protocol where a DNA sample is taken from every set of remains that arrive at the morgue. She sighs: “Resources.” It’s a word that comes up 10 times in a half-hour conversation.

    So the bodies end up at Olifantsvlei or a cemetery like it, in unnamed graves. On a recent visit by AP, a series of open rectangles awaited the bodies of the unidentified and unclaimed. They did not wait long: a pickup truck drove up, piled with about 10 coffins, five per grave. There were at least 180 grave markers for the anonymous dead, with multiple bodies in each grave.

    The International Committee of the Red Cross, which is working with Vellema, has started a pilot project with one Gauteng morgue to take detailed photos, fingerprints, dental information and DNA samples of unidentified bodies. That information goes to a database where, in theory, the bodies can be traced.

    “Every person has a right to their dignity. And to their identity,” said Stephen Fonseca, the ICRC regional forensic manager.

    ————————————

    THE UNITED STATES: “THAT’S HOW MY BROTHER USED TO SLEEP”

    More than 6,000 miles (9,000 kilometers) away, in the deserts that straddle the U.S.-Mexico border, lie the bodies of migrants who perished trying to cross land as unforgiving as the waters of the Mediterranean. Many fled the violence and poverty of Guatemala, Honduras, El Salvador or Mexico. Some are found months or years later as mere skeletons. Others make a last, desperate phone call and are never heard from again.

    In 2010 the Argentine Forensic Anthropology Team and the local morgue in Pima County, Ariz., began to organize efforts to put names to the anonymous bodies found on both sides of the border. The “Border Project” has since identified more than 183 people — a fraction of the total.

    At least 3,861 migrants are dead and missing on the route from Mexico to the United States since 2014, according to the combined AP and IOM total. The tally includes missing person reports from the Colibri Center for Human Rights on the U.S. side as well as the Argentine group’s data from the Mexican side. The painstaking work of identification can take years, hampered by a lack of resources, official records and coordination between countries — and even between states.

    For many families of the missing, it is their only hope, but for the families of Juan Lorenzo Luna and Armando Reyes, that hope is fading.

    Luna, 27, and Reyes, 22, were brothers-in-law who left their small northern Mexico town of Gomez Palacio in August 2016. They had tried to cross to the U.S. four months earlier, but surrendered to border patrol agents in exhaustion and were deported.

    They knew they were risking their lives — Reyes’ father died migrating in 1995, and an uncle went missing in 2004. But Luna, a quiet family man, wanted to make enough money to buy a pickup truck and then return to his wife and two children. Reyes wanted a job where he wouldn’t get his shoes dirty and could give his newborn daughter a better life.

    Of the five who left Gomez Palacio together, two men made it to safety, and one man turned back. The only information he gave was that the brothers-in-law had stopped walking and planned to turn themselves in again. That is the last that is known of them.

    Officials told their families that they had scoured prisons and detention centers, but there was no sign of the missing men. Cesaria Orona even consulted a fortune teller about her missing son, Armando, and was told he had died in the desert.

    One weekend in June 2017, volunteers found eight bodies next to a military area of the Arizona desert and posted the images online in the hopes of finding family. Maria Elena Luna came across a Facebook photo of a decaying body found in an arid landscape dotted with cactus and shrubs, lying face-up with one leg bent outward. There was something horribly familiar about the pose.

    “That’s how my brother used to sleep,” she whispered.

    Along with the bodies, the volunteers found a credential of a boy from Guatemala, a photo and a piece of paper with a number written on it. The photo was of Juan Lorenzo Luna, and the number on the paper was for cousins of the family. But investigators warned that a wallet or credential could have been stolen, as migrants are frequently robbed.

    “We all cried,” Luna recalled. “But I said, we cannot be sure until we have the DNA test. Let’s wait.”

    Luna and Orona gave DNA samples to the Mexican government and the Argentine group. In November 2017, Orona received a letter from the Mexican government saying that there was the possibility of a match for Armando with some bone remains found in Nuevo Leon, a state that borders Texas. But the test was negative.

    The women are still waiting for results from the Argentine pathologists. Until then, their relatives remain among the uncounted.

    Orona holds out hope that the men may be locked up, or held by “bad people.” Every time Luna hears about clandestine graves or unidentified bodies in the news, the anguish is sharp.

    “Suddenly all the memories come back,” she said. “I do not want to think.”

    ————————

    SOUTH AMERICA: “NO ONE WANTS TO ADMIT THIS IS A REALITY”

    The toll of the dead and the missing has been all but ignored in one of the largest population movements in the world today — that of nearly 2 million Venezuelans fleeing from their country’s collapse. These migrants have hopped buses across the borders, boarded flimsy boats in the Caribbean, and — when all else failed — walked for days along scorching highways and freezing mountain trails. Vulnerable to violence from drug cartels, hunger and illness that lingers even after reaching their destination, they have disappeared or died by the hundreds.

    “They can’t withstand a trip that hard, because the journey is very long,” said Carlos Valdes, director of neighboring Colombia’s national forensic institute. “And many times, they only eat once a day. They don’t eat. And they die.” Valdes said authorities don’t always recover the bodies of those who die, as some migrants who have entered the country illegally are afraid to seek help.

    Valdes believes hypothermia has killed some as they trek through the mountain tundra region, but he had no idea how many. One migrant told the AP he saw a family burying someone wrapped in a white blanket with red flowers along the frigid journey.

    Marta Duque, 55, has had a front seat to the Venezuela migration crisis from her home in Pamplona, Colombia. She opens her doors nightly to provide shelter for families with young children. Pamplona is one of the last cities migrants reach before venturing up a frigid mountain paramo, one of the most dangerous parts of the trip for migrants traveling by foot. Temperatures dip well below freezing.

    She said inaction from authorities has forced citizens like her to step in.

    “Everyone just seems to pass the ball,” she said. “No one wants to admit this is a reality.”

    Those deaths are uncounted, as are dozens in the sea. Also uncounted are those reported missing in Colombia, Peru and Ecuador. In all at least 3,410 Venezuelans have been reported missing or dead in a migration within Latin America whose dangers have gone relatively unnoticed; many of the dead perished from illnesses on the rise in Venezuela that easily would have found treatment in better times.

    Among the missing is Randy Javier Gutierrez, who was walking through Colombia with a cousin and his aunt in hopes of reaching Peru to reunite with his mother.

    Gutierrez’s mother, Mariela Gamboa, said that a driver offered a ride to the two women, but refused to take her son. The women agreed to wait for him at the bus station in Cali, about 160 miles (257 kilometers) ahead, but he never arrived. Messages sent to his phone since that day four months ago have gone unread.

    “I’m very worried,” his mother said. “I don’t even know what to do.”

    ———————————

    ASIA: A VAST UNKNOWN

    The region with the largest overall migration, Asia, also has the least information on the fate of those who disappear after leaving their homelands. Governments are unwilling or unable to account for citizens who leave for elsewhere in the region or in the Mideast, two of the most common destinations, although there’s a growing push to do so.

    Asians make up 40 percent of the world’s migrants, and more than half of them never leave the region. The Associated Press was able to document more than 8,200 migrants who disappeared or died after leaving home in Asia and the Mideast, including thousands in the Philippines and Indonesia.

    Thirteen of the top 20 migration pathways from Asia take place within the region. These include Indian workers heading to the United Arab Emirates, Bangladeshis heading to India, Rohingya Muslims escaping persecution in Myanmar, and Afghans crossing the nearest border to escape war. But with large-scale smuggling and trafficking of labor, and violent displacements, the low numbers of dead and missing indicate not safe travel but rather a vast unknown.

    Almass was just 14 when his widowed mother reluctantly sent him and his 11-year-old brother from their home in Khost, Afghanistan, into that unknown. The payment for their trip was supposed to get them away from the Taliban and all the way to Germany via a chain of smugglers. The pair crammed first into a pickup with around 40 people, walked for a few days at the border, crammed into a car, waited a bit in Tehran, and walked a few more days.

    His brother Murtaza was exhausted by the time they reached the Iran-Turkey border. But the smuggler said it wasn’t the time to rest — there were at least two border posts nearby and the risk that children far younger travelling with them would make noise.

    Almass was carrying a baby in his arms and holding his brother’s hand when they heard the shout of Iranian guards. Bullets whistled past as he tumbled head over heels into a ravine and lost consciousness.

    Alone all that day and the next, Almass stumbled upon three other boys in the ravine who had also become separated from the group, then another four. No one had seen his brother. And although the younger boy had his ID, it had been up to Almass to memorize the crucial contact information for the smuggler.

    When Almass eventually called home, from Turkey, he couldn’t bear to tell his mother what had happened. He said Murtaza couldn’t come to the phone but sent his love.

    That was in early 2014. Almass, who is now 18, hasn’t spoken to his family since.

    Almass said he searched for his brother among the 2,773 children reported to the Red Cross as missing en route to Europe. He also looked for himself among the 2,097 adults reported missing by children. They weren’t on the list.

    With one of the world’s longest-running exoduses, Afghans face particular dangers in bordering countries that are neither safe nor welcoming. Over a period of 10 months from June 2017 to April 2018, 4Mi carried out a total of 962 interviews with Afghan migrants and refugees in their native languages around the world, systematically asking a series of questions about the specific dangers they had faced and what they had witnessed.

    A total of 247 migrant deaths were witnessed by the interviewed migrants, who reported seeing people killed in violence from security forces or starving to death. The effort is the first time any organization has successfully captured the perils facing Afghans in transit to destinations in Asia and Europe.

    Almass made it from Asia to Europe and speaks halting French now to the woman who has given him a home in a drafty 400-year-old farmhouse in France’s Limousin region. But his family is lost to him. Their phone number in Afghanistan no longer works, their village is overrun with Taliban, and he has no idea how to find them — or the child whose hand slipped from his grasp four years ago.

    “I don’t know now where they are,” he said, his face anguished, as he sat on a sun-dappled bench. “They also don’t know where I am.”

    https://abcnews.go.com/International/wireStory/global-lost-56800-migrants-dead-missing-years-58890913
    #décès #morts #migrations #réfugiés #asile #statistiques #chiffres #monde #Europe #Asie #Amérique_latine #Afrique #USA #Etats-Unis #2014 #2015 #2016 #2017 #2018
    ping @reka @simplicissimus


  • Netanyahu planeja comparecer à posse de Bolsonaro
    30/10/2018 - Mundo
    Folha - 30.out.2018 às 16h25
    https://www1.folha.uol.com.br/mundo/2018/10/netanyahu-planeja-comparecer-a-posse-de-bolsonaro.shtml

    Tel Aviv
    O primeiro-ministro de Israel, Binyamin Netanyahu, deve comparecer à cerimônia de posse do presidente eleito, Jair Bolsonaro, em 1° de janeiro de 2019. Foi o que o próprio Netanyahu disse a Bolsonaro em conversa telefônica na segunda-feira (29) para parabenizá-lo pela vitória nas eleições.

    Se comparecer, Netanyahu será o primeiro premiê israelense a visitar o Brasil desde a criação do país, em 1948.

    #IsraelBrésil


  • The unseen driver behind the migrant caravan: climate change | World news | The Guardian

    https://www.theguardian.com/world/2018/oct/30/migrant-caravan-causes-climate-change-central-america

    Thousands of Central American migrants trudging through Mexico towards the US have regularly been described as either fleeing gang violence or extreme poverty.

    But another crucial driving factor behind the migrant caravan has been harder to grasp: climate change.

    Most members of the migrant caravans come from Guatemala, Honduras and El Salvador – three countries devastated by violence, organised crime and systemic corruption, the roots of which can be traced back to the region’s cold war conflicts.

    #migration #asile #amérique_centrale #climat #tats-unis


  • Honduras : pourquoi une « caravane » de migrants fait route vers les Etats-Unis
    http://www.europe1.fr/international/honduras-pourquoi-une-caravane-de-migrants-fait-route-vers-les-etats-unis-37

    Le président de la République, Juan Orlando Hernandez, a été élu en 2013

    Exit le coup d’état préalable contre Zelaya et les conditions de l’election de 2013.

    Le difficile périple des enfants de la caravane des migrants
    https://www.romandie.com/news/964963.rom

    Leurs parents veulent leur offrir un avenir loin de la #pauvreté et de la #violence des gangs qui sévissent au #Honduras, mais pour les centaines d’enfants de la caravane de migrants, le périple jusqu’aux #Etats-Unis est particulièrement épuisant et risqué.

    Sur les cinq derniers jours seulement, depuis que des milliers de migrants ont passé la frontière entre le Guatemala et le Mexique, ces enfants ont été exposés aux dangers d’une bousculade et de la traversée d’un fleuve, et à une chaleur accablante.


  • Les migrants marchent contre l’Antéchrist The-Donald
    http://www.dedefensa.org/article/les-migrants-marchent-contre-lantechristthe-donald

    Les migrants marchent contre l’Antéchrist The-Donald

    Étrange situation dans le Sud du continent nord-américain, selon une transversale venue du Guatemala, actuellement au Mexique, prévue pour aborder la frontière des États-Unis peut-être le 6 novembre, – et The-Donald à la Maison-Blanche, pas très loin du Pentagone. La transversale se matérialise sous la forme d’une “caravane” de migrants venus du Guatémala et qui a bien l’intention de pénétrer aux États-Unis ...

    “Ils partirent 5 000 et, par un prompt renfort”, – ils atteignent actuellement les 15 000, et sans doute seront-ils bien plus à la frontière. Au rythme où progresse la “caravane” (AP avait écrit dans une de ses dépêche “l’armée des migrants”, puis se reprit aussitôt, horreur, et parla plutôt de “caravane”), elle pourrait atteindre cette frontière pile (...)


  • La caravana migrante, desde dentro | Internacional | EL PAÍS
    https://elpais.com/internacional/2018/10/22/actualidad/1540171146_773800.html

    “Con todo y los sacrificios, para mí la caravana es una experiencia bonita, ¿sabes por qué”, pregunta sonriente Castillo, que fue deportada hace tres meses en Arriaga, 275 kilómetros al norte de la
    frontera entre México y Guatemala, y desde hace una semana intenta llegar otra vez a Estados Unidos. “Porque puedo ser solidaria con mi gente, eso es lo que más me gusta”, dice la migrante de San Pedro Sula, antes de resguardarse de la lluvia que arrecia Tapachula debajo de un pequeño trozo de lona. Mañana salen otra vez.

    Quelques témoignages de l’intérieur.

    #caravane #migrants


  • Words matter. Is it @AP style to call migrants an “army”—above a photo of mothers tending to their infants and toddlers, no less? This is not only incorrect, but it enables a racist narrative sold by this @POTUS and his supporters. Armies invade. These people are running away.


    https://twitter.com/JamilSmith/status/1054163071785037824
    #armée #terminologie #préjugés #invasion #afflux #mots #vocabulaire #migrations #réfugiés #médias #journalisme #presse

    • #Polly_Pallister-Wilkins sur la marche de migrants qui a lieu en Amérique centrale...

      Dear media reporting on the Central American migrant caravan, can you please be attentive to how you talk about it? 1/n
      People are walking, walking not pouring, flowing, or streaming. Walking. They are walking along roads, they will be tired, hungry, their feet will hurt, they will have blisters and sore joints. They are not a natural liquid phenomenon governed by the force of gravity. 2/n
      Their walking is conditioned by the infrastructures they move along like roads, the physical geographies they traverse like hills and rivers and the human controls they encounter like border controls and police checkpoints. 3/n
      All of these things are risky, they make the walk, the journey more difficult and dangerous, esepcially the police checkpoints and the border controls. These risks are the reason they are travelling as a caravan, as a large group attempting to minimise the risks of controls 4/n
      And the risks from gangs and criminals that migrants on their journeys routinely face. Their journey is a deeply embodied one, and one that is deeply conditioned both by the violence they are leaving and the violence of the journey itself. 5/n
      So media please try and reflect this in your storytelling. These people are not a river obeying gravity. They have made an active yet conditioned choice to move. When they encounter a block in their path this can be deadly. It can detain, deport, injure, rape, or kill. 6/n
      And these blockages are not boulders in a riverbed around which the river flows. These blockages, these #checkpoints, border controls or police patrols are human blockages, they are not natural. So please try and reflect the political structures of this journey. Please. End/
      Addendum: there is a long history of caravans as a form political resistance in Central America.

      https://twitter.com/PollyWilkins/status/1054267257944227840
      #marche #migrations #Honduras #Amérique_centrale #mots #vocabulaire #terminologie #média #journalisme #presse #caravane #métaphores_liquides #risque #gravité #mouvement #contrôles_frontaliers #blocages #barrières #résistance #Mexique

    • Migrants travel in groups for a simple reason: safety

      A caravan of Central American migrants traveling to through Mexico to the United States to seek asylum is about halfway through its journey.

      The caravan began on Oct. 13 in Honduras with 200 people. As it has moved through Honduras, Guatemala and now Mexico, its ranks have grown to over 7,000, according to an estimate by the International Organization of Migration.

      The migrants have been joined by representatives from humanitarian organizations like the Mexican Red Cross providing medical assistance and human rights groups that monitor the situation.

      Journalists are there, too, and their reporting has caught the attention of President Donald Trump.

      He has claimed that the caravan’s ranks probably hide Middle Eastern terrorists. Trump later acknowledged there is no evidence of this, but conservative media outlets have nevertheless spread the message.

      It is reasonable for Americans to have security concerns about immigration. But as a scholar of forced migration, I believe it’s also important to consider why migrants travel in groups: their own safety.
      Safety in numbers

      The Central Americans in the caravan, like hundreds of thousands of people who flee the region each year, are escaping extreme violence, lack of economic opportunity and growing environmental problems, including drought and floods, back home.

      Guatemala, Honduras and Mexico have some of the world’s highest murder rates. According to Doctors Without Borders, which provides medical care in crisis zones, 68 percent of the migrants and refugees it surveyed in Mexico had experienced violence. Nearly one-third of women were sexually abused.

      Whether crossing Central America, the Sahara desert or the mountains of Afghanistan, migrants are regularly extorted by criminals, militias and corrupt immigration officials who know migrants make easy targets: They carry cash but not weapons.

      Large groups increase migrants’ chance of safe passage, and they provide some sense of community and solidarity on the journey, as migrants themselves report.
      Publicizing the dangers they flee

      Large groups of migrants also attract media coverage. As journalists write about why people are on the move, they shed light on Central America’s many troubles.

      Yet headlines about huge migrant caravans may misrepresent trends at the U.S.-Mexico border, where migration is actually decreasing.

      While the number of Central American families and children seeking asylum in the U.S. has increased in the past two years, Mexican economic migrants are crossing the border at historically low levels.

      And while most migrant caravan members hope to seek asylum in the U.S., recent history shows many will stay in Mexico.

      In response to Trump’s immigration crackdown, Mexican president-elect Andrés Manuel López Obrador has promised to welcome Central American refugees — and try to keep them safe.


      https://theconversation.com/migrants-travel-in-groups-for-a-simple-reason-safety-105621

      #sécurité

    • Trump’s Caravan Hysteria Led to This

      The president and his supporters insisted that several thousand Honduran migrants were a looming menace—and the Pittsburgh gunman took that seriously.

      On Tuesday, October 16, President Donald Trump started tweeting.

      “The United States has strongly informed the President of Honduras that if the large Caravan of people heading to the U.S. is not stopped and brought back to Honduras, no more money or aid will be given to Honduras, effective immediately!”

      “We have today informed the countries of Honduras, Guatemala and El Salvador that if they allow their citizens, or others, to journey through their borders and up to the United States, with the intention of entering our country illegally, all payments made to them will STOP (END)!”

      Vice President Mike Pence also tweeted:

      “Spoke to President Hernandez of Honduras about the migrant caravan heading to the U.S. Delivered strong message from @POTUS: no more aid if caravan is not stopped. Told him U.S. will not tolerate this blatant disregard for our border & sovereignty.”

      The apparent impetus for this outrage was a segment on Fox News that morning that detailed a migrant caravan thousands of miles away in Honduras. The caravan, which began sometime in mid-October, is made up of refugees fleeing violence in their home country. Over the next few weeks, Trump did his best to turn the caravan into a national emergency. Trump falsely told his supporters that there were “criminals and unknown Middle Easterners” in the caravan, a claim that had no basis in fact and that was meant to imply that terrorists were hiding in the caravan—one falsehood placed on another. Defense Secretary James Mattis ordered more troops to the border. A Fox News host took it upon herself to ask Homeland Security Secretary Kirstjen Nielsen whether there was “any scenario under which if people force their way across the border they could be shot at,” to which Nielsen responded, “We do not have any intention right now to shoot at people.”

      Pence told Fox News on Friday, “What the president of Honduras told me is that the caravan was organized by leftist organizations, political activists within Honduras, and he said it was being funded by outside groups, and even from Venezuela … So the American people, I think, see through this—they understand this is not a spontaneous caravan of vulnerable people.”

      The Department of Homeland Security’s Twitter account “confirmed” that within the caravan are people who are “gang members or have significant criminal histories,” without offering evidence of any such ties. Trump sought to blame the opposition party for the caravan’s existence. “Every time you see a Caravan, or people illegally coming, or attempting to come, into our Country illegally, think of and blame the Democrats for not giving us the votes to change our pathetic Immigration Laws!” Trump tweeted on October 22. “Remember the Midterms! So unfair to those who come in legally.”

      In the right-wing fever swamps, where the president’s every word is worshipped, commenters began amplifying Trump’s exhortations with new details. Representative Matt Gaetz of Florida wondered whether George Soros—the wealthy Jewish philanthropist whom Trump and several members of the U.S. Senate blamed for the protests against Supreme Court Justice Brett Kavanaugh, and who was recently targeted with a bomb—was behind the migrant caravan. NRATV, the propaganda organ of the National Rifle Association, linked two Republican obsessions, voter fraud and immigration. Chuck Holton told NRATV’s viewers that Soros was sending the caravan to the United States so the migrants could vote: “It’s telling that a bevy of left-wing groups are partnering with a Hungarian-born billionaire and the Venezuelan government to try to influence the 2018 midterms by sending Honduran migrants north in the thousands.” On CNN, the conservative commentator Matt Schlapp pointedly asked the anchor Alisyn Camerota, “Who’s paying for the caravan? Alisyn, who’s paying for the caravan?,” before later answering his own question: “Because of the liberal judges and other people that intercede, including George Soros, we have too much chaos at our southern border.” On Laura Ingraham’s Fox News show, one guest said, “These individuals are not immigrants—these are people that are invading our country,” as another guest asserted they were seeking “the destruction of American society and culture.”

      Peter Beinart: Trump shut programs to counter violent extremists

      In the meantime, much of the mainstream press abetted Trump’s effort to make the midterm election a referendum on the caravan. Popular news podcasts devoted entire episodes to the caravan. It remained on the front pages of major media websites. It was an overwhelming topic of conversation on cable news, where Trumpists freely spread disinformation about the threat the migrants posed, while news anchors displayed exasperation over their false claims, only to invite them back on the next day’s newscast to do it all over again.

      In reality, the caravan was thousands of miles and weeks away from the U.S. border, shrinking in size, and unlikely to reach the U.S. before the election. If the migrants reach the U.S., they have the right under U.S. law to apply for asylum at a port of entry. If their claims are not accepted, they will be turned away. There is no national emergency; there is no ominous threat. There is only a group of desperate people looking for a better life, who have a right to request asylum in the United States and have no right to stay if their claims are rejected. Trump is reportedly aware that his claims about the caravan are false. An administration official told the Daily Beast simply, “It doesn’t matter if it’s 100 percent accurate … this is the play.” The “play” was to demonize vulnerable people with falsehoods in order to frighten Trump’s base to the polls.

      Nevertheless, some took the claims of the president and his allies seriously. On Saturday morning, Shabbat morning, a gunman walked into the Tree of Life synagogue in Pittsburgh and killed 11 people. The massacre capped off a week of terrorism, in which one man mailed bombs to nearly a dozen Trump critics and another killed two black people in a grocery store after failing to force his way into a black church.

      Before committing the Tree of Life massacre, the shooter, who blamed Jews for the caravan of “invaders” and who raged about it on social media, made it clear that he was furious at HIAS, founded as the Hebrew Immigrant Aid Society, a Jewish group that helps resettle refugees in the United States. He shared posts on Gab, a social-media site popular with the alt-right, expressing alarm at the sight of “massive human caravans of young men from Honduras and El Salvador invading America thru our unsecured southern border.” And then he wrote, “HIAS likes to bring invaders in that kill our people. I can’t sit by and watch my people get slaughtered. Screw your optics, I’m going in.”

      The people killed on Saturday were killed for trying to make the world a better place, as their faith exhorts them to do. The history of the Jewish people is one of displacement, statelessness, and persecution. What groups like HIAS do in helping refugees, they do with the knowledge that comes from a history of being the targets of demagogues who persecute minorities in pursuit of power.

      Ordinarily, a politician cannot be held responsible for the actions of a deranged follower. But ordinarily, politicians don’t praise supporters who have mercilessly beaten a Latino man as “very passionate.” Ordinarily, they don’t offer to pay supporters’ legal bills if they assault protesters on the other side. They don’t praise acts of violence against the media. They don’t defend neo-Nazi rioters as “fine people.” They don’t justify sending bombs to their critics by blaming the media for airing criticism. Ordinarily, there is no historic surge in anti-Semitism, much of it targeted at Jewish critics, coinciding with a politician’s rise. And ordinarily, presidents do not blatantly exploit their authority in an effort to terrify white Americans into voting for their party. For the past few decades, most American politicians, Republican and Democrat alike, have been careful not to urge their supporters to take matters into their own hands. Trump did everything he could to fan the flames, and nothing to restrain those who might take him at his word.

      Many of Trump’s defenders argue that his rhetoric is mere shtick—that his attacks, however cruel, aren’t taken 100 percent seriously by his supporters. But to make this argument is to concede that following Trump’s statements to their logical conclusion could lead to violence against his targets, and it is only because most do not take it that way that the political violence committed on Trump’s behalf is as limited as it currently is.

      The Tree of Life shooter criticized Trump for not being racist or anti-Semitic enough. But with respect to the caravan, the shooter merely followed the logic of the president and his allies: He was willing to do whatever was necessary to prevent an “invasion” of Latinos planned by perfidious Jews, a treasonous attempt to seek “the destruction of American society and culture.”

      The apparent spark for the worst anti-Semitic massacre in American history was a racist hoax inflamed by a U.S. president seeking to help his party win a midterm election. There is no political gesture, no public statement, and no alteration in rhetoric or behavior that will change this fact. The shooter might have found a different reason to act on a different day. But he chose to act on Saturday, and he apparently chose to act in response to a political fiction that the president himself chose to spread and that his followers chose to amplify.

      As for those who aided the president in his propaganda campaign, who enabled him to prey on racist fears to fabricate a national emergency, who said to themselves, “This is the play”? Every single one of them bears some responsibility for what followed. Their condemnations of anti-Semitism are meaningless. Their thoughts and prayers are worthless. Their condolences are irrelevant. They can never undo what they have done, and what they have done will never be forgotten.

      https://www.theatlantic.com/ideas/archive/2018/10/caravan-lie-sparked-massacre-american-jews/574213

    • Latin American asylum seekers hit US policy “wall”

      Trump’s new restrictions mean long waits simply to register claims.

      The movement of thousands of Central American asylum seekers and migrants north from Honduras towards the southern border of the United States has precipitated threats from US President Donald Trump – ahead of next week’s midterm elections – to block the group’s entry by deploying troops to the US-Mexican border.

      Under international law the United States is obligated to allow asylum seekers to enter and file claims. However, immigration officials at the country’s southern border have for months been shifting toward legally dubious practices that restrict people’s ability to file asylum claims.

      “Make no mistake, the administration is building a wall – one made of restrictionist policy rather than brick and mortar,” said Jason Boyd, policy counsel at the American Immigration Lawyers Association (AILA).

      As a result, hundreds, possibly thousands, of asylum seekers have been left waiting for extended periods of time on the Mexican side of the border in need of shelter and basic services. Firm numbers for those affected are difficult to come by because no one is counting.

      Some of those turned away explore potentially dangerous alternatives. Aid and advocacy groups as well as the Department of Homeland Security say the wait has likely pushed some to attempt to enter the United States illegally, either with smugglers or on their own via perilous desert routes.

      While some of those in the so-called “migrant caravan” are searching for economic opportunity, others are fleeing gang violence, gender-based violence, political repression or unrest – all increasingly common factors in Central America and Mexico that push people to leave their homes.
      Menacing phone calls

      When people from the migrant caravan reach the southern border of the United States, they may find themselves in a similar position to Dolores Alzuri, 47, from Michoacan, a state in central Mexico.

      In late September, she was camped out with her husband, daughter, granddaughter, and aunt on the Mexican side of the DeConcini port of entry separating the twin cities of Nogales – one in the Mexican state of Sonora, the other in the US state of Arizona.

      Alzuri and her family were waiting for their turn to claim asylum in the United States, with only a police report in hand as proof of the threats they faced back home. Camping beside them on the pedestrian walkway just outside the grated metal door leading to the United States, nine other families waited to do the same.

      Over the preceding month Alzuri had received several menacing phone calls from strangers demanding money. In Michoacan, and many other parts of Mexico where criminal gangs have a strong presence, almost anybody can receive calls like these. You don’t know who’s on the other end of the line, Alzuri explained, but you do know the consequences of not following their orders.

      “If you do not give [money] to them, they kidnap you or they kidnap your family,” Alzuri said. “They destroy you. They kill you. That is why it is so scary to be in this country.”

      Other people she knew had received similar calls. She also knew that those who didn’t pay ended up dead – pictures of their bodies posted on Facebook as a macabre warning of what happens to those who resist.

      Fearing a similar fate, Alzuri packed her bags and her family and travelled north to ask for asylum in the United States. A friend had been granted asylum about nine months ago, and she had seen on television that other people were going, too. It seemed like the only way out.

      “I had a problem,” she said, referring to the phone calls. “They asked us for money, and since we did not give them money, they threatened us.”

      Before leaving her home, Alzuri said she filed a police report. But the authorities didn’t care enough to act on it, she said. “They are not going to risk their life for mine.”
      No way out

      Despite the danger at home, Alzuri and others in similar situations face an increasingly difficult time applying for asylum in the United States. At the Nogales crossing, asylum seekers must now wait up to a month simply to be allowed to set foot inside a border office where they can register their claims, aid workers there say.

      Those waiting are stuck in territory on the Mexican side that is controlled by gangs similar to the ones many are fleeing, though local aid groups have scrambled to find space in shelters, especially for women and children, so people will be safer while they wait.

      The situation hasn’t always been like this.

      In the past, asylum seekers were almost always admitted to register their claims the same day they arrived at the border. Since May, however, there has been a marked slowdown in registration.

      US Custom and Border Protection (CBP), the federal law enforcement agency responsible for screening people as they enter the country, says delays are due to a lack of capacity and space. But asylum advocates say similar numbers have arrived in previous years without causing a delay and the real reason for the slowdown is that CBP has shifted resources away from processing asylum seekers – not just in Nogales but across the southern US border – resulting in people being forced to wait for long periods or turned away altogether.

      This is happening despite the insistence of high-ranking Trump administration officials that asylum seekers present themselves at ports of entry or face criminal prosecution for crossing the border irregularly. Such contradictory policies, asylum advocates argue, are part of a broad-based effort by the Trump administration to dramatically reduce the number of people able to seek protection in the United States.

      “Our legal understanding is that they have the legal obligation to process asylum seekers as they arrive,” said Joanna Williams, director of education and advocacy at the Kino Border Initiative (KBI), a Nogales-based NGO. “There’s no room in the law for what they are doing right now.”
      A system in crisis

      In the past decade, migration across the southern border of the United States has undergone a dramatic change. Every year since the late 1970s US Border Patrol agents apprehended close to a million or more undocumented migrants entering the country. In 2007, that number began to fall, and last year there were just over 310,000 apprehensions – the lowest number since 1971.

      At the same time, the proportion of people entering the United States from the southern border to claim asylum has increased. Ten years ago, one out of every 100 people crossing the border was seeking humanitarian protection, according to a recent report published by the Migration Policy Institute (MPI), a non-partisan think tank in Washington DC. Today that number is about one in three.

      According to Boyd of AILA, the increase is being driven by ongoing humanitarian emergencies in El Salvador, Honduras, and Guatemala, an area of Central America known as the Northern Triangle. These countries have some of the highest homicide rates in the world and are wracked by gang violence, gender-based violence, extortion, and extra-judicial killings. “Many of the individuals and families arriving at the US southern border are literally fleeing for their lives,” said Boyd.

      But the system that is supposed to provide them protection is in crisis. Beginning in 2010 the number of asylum requests lodged in the United States started to balloon, mirroring an upward trend in global displacement. Last year, 79,000 people approached the US border saying they had a credible fear of returning to their home country, compared to 9,000 at the beginning of the decade.

      The increase in credible-fear claims, as well as asylum requests made by people already in the United States, has strained the system to a “crisis point”, according to the MPI report. This has led to a backlog of around 320,000 cases in US immigration courts and people having to wait many months, if not years, to receive a hearing and a decision.
      Crackdown

      Senior officials in the Trump administration, including the president, have consistently lumped asylum seekers and economic migrants together, positing that the United States is being “invaded” by a “massive influx of illegal aliens” across the southern border, and that the asylum system is subject to “systematic abuse” by people looking to gain easy entry to the country.

      People working on the ground with asylum seekers refute this. Eduardo Garcia is a communication coordinator at SOA Watch, an organisation that monitors the humanitarian impact of US policy in Latin America. He has spent time in Nogales speaking with people waiting to claim asylum.

      “The stories of many of the people we have talked to… are stories of people fleeing gang violence, are stories of people fleeing because one of their sons was killed, because one of their sons was threatened, because one of their family members [was] raped,” he said. “They have said they cannot go back to their countries. If they are sent back they are going to be killed.”

      Still, the Trump administration’s zero-tolerance policy on immigration – responsible for the recent child-separation crisis – has also included measures that have restricted access to asylum in the United States.

      In May, Attorney General Jeff Sessions announced that the Justice Department would begin criminally prosecuting everyone who irregularly crossed the US southern border, including asylum seekers. In June, that policy was followed by a decision that the United States would no longer consider gang and sexual violence – precisely the reasons so many people flee the Northern Triangle – as legitimate grounds for asylum. Around the same time, CBP appears to have deprioritised the processing of asylum seekers at ports of entry in favour of other responsibilities, leading to the long waits and people being turned away, according to humanitarian workers and a recent report by the DHS’s Office of Inspector General.

      And even as these restrictive policies were being put in place, Trump administration officials have been encouraging asylum seekers to try. “If you’re seeking asylum, go to a port of entry,” Secretary of Homeland Security Kirstjen Nielsen said in an 18 June press conference. “You do not need to break the law of the United States to seek asylum.”

      Nogales, Mexico

      “I came here with the hope that if I asked for asylum I could be in the United States,” said Modesto, a 54-year-old from Chimaltenango, Guatemala. In mid-September he was sitting in a mess hall run a couple hundred meters from the US border run by KBI, which provides humanitarian assistance to migrants and asylum seekers.

      Modesto had already been in Nogales, Sonora for several months. Like Dolores Alzuri, he fled his home because criminal gangs had tried to extort money from him. “I worked a lot and was making a living in my country,” Modesto explained. “The problem in particular with the gangs is that they don’t let you work… If you have money they extort you. If you don’t have money they want to recruit you.” And people who don’t cooperate: “They’re dead,” he added.

      The situation Modesto found when he arrived in Nogales, Sonora was far from what he expected. For starters, there was the long wait at the border. But he also discovered that – as an adult travelling with his 18-year-old son – even once he entered the United States he would likely end up in a detention centre while his case slowly made its way through the overburdened immigration courts – a practice that has also increased under the Trump administration. “I don’t want to cross… and spend a year in prison when my family needs my help,” he said.

      Modesto is in some ways an exception, according to Williams of KBI. Many of the people arriving in Nogales, Sonora are families with children. Once in the United States they will likely be released from immigration detention with ankle monitoring bracelets to track their movements. These people often choose to wait and to claim asylum at the port of entry when there is space.

      After more than 100 people piled up to wait at the border in May, local humanitarian groups set up a system to organise and keep track of whose turn it was to submit an asylum claim to US immigration officials. They also scrambled to find spaces in shelters so people were not sleeping on the walkway over the weeks they needed to wait.

      Now, only people who are likely to enter soon are camped on the walkway. When IRIN visited, about 40 asylum seekers – mostly women and children – sat on one side of the walkway as a steady stream of people heading to the United States filtered by on the other. Some of the asylum seekers were new arrivals waiting to be taken to a shelter, while others had been sleeping there for days on thin mats waiting for their turn. Volunteers handed out clean clothing and served pasta, as a CBP agent opened and closed the metal gate leading to the United States, just a few tantalisingly short feet away.

      The slowdown of processing “leaves people stranded – in really dangerous situations sometimes – on the other side of the border, and completely violates our obligations under both domestic and international law,” said Katharina Obser, a senior policy adviser at the Women’s Refugee Commission, an NGO that advocates for women, children, and youth displaced by conflict and crisis.

      As a result, some people arrive, find out about the wait, and leave. “We’re fairly certain that those are individuals who then end up crossing the border through other means,” Williams said.

      The DHS Office of the Inspector General came to a similar conclusion, finding that the contradiction between Trump administration rhetoric and policy “may have led asylum seekers at ports of entry to attempt illegal border crossings.”
      Border-wide

      The situation in Nogales, Sonora is far from isolated, according to Boyd of the AILA. “Recent turnbacks of vulnerable asylum seekers have been documented throughout the US southern border,” he said, including at many ports of entry in Texas and California. In those states, asylum seekers have reported being stopped as they approach the border and told they cannot enter because immigration officials don’t have the capacity to process their claims.

      “Turnbacks form part of a comprehensive set of practices and policies advanced under this administration that appears aimed at shutting out asylum seekers from the United States,” Boyd continued.

      Meanwhile, people like Dolores Alzuri – and most likely some of the thousands of Central Americans who are travelling north from Honduras in the hope of claiming asylum – are left with little choice but to wait. Moving somewhere else in Mexico or returning home is not an option, said Alzuri. “The violence is the same in every state,” she said. And crossing the desert, “that’s a big danger.”

      She and her family don’t have a back-up plan. “Let’s hope that I do get [asylum], because I really do need it,” she said. “You don’t live comfortably in your own country anymore. You live in fear that something will happen to you. You can’t walk around on the streets because you feel that you’re being followed.”

      https://www.irinnews.org/news-feature/2018/10/29/latin-american-asylum-seekers-hit-us-policy-wall
      #USA #Etats-Unis #fermeture_des_frontières #Mexique

      Commentaire Emmanuel Blanchar via la mailing-list Migreurop:

      Un article intéressant car il rappelle opportunément que la « caravane des migrants » en route vers les Etats-Unis est également composée de nombreuses personnes qui souhaiteraient pouvoir déposer des demandes d’asile. Or, si la frontières Mexique-USA est loin d’être encore mûrées, un mur administratif empêche déjà que les demandes d’asile puisse être déposées et traitées dans le respect des droits des requérant.e.s.

      #mur_administratif #asile

    • No es una caravana, es un dolor que camina

      La caravana de migrantes es sólo la primera manifestación pública y masiva de la crisis humanitaria en la que vive la mayoría de la población; negada por el gobierno, por la oligarquía, embajadas, organizaciones de la sociedad civil y por algunas agencias de cooperación que le hacen comparsa a la dictadura.

      Esta crisis humanitaria es provocada por el modelo económico neoliberal impuesto a sangre y fuego, que sólo pobreza y violencia ha llevado a las comunidades, que ante la ausencia de oportunidades y ante el acoso de los grupos criminales no tienen otra alternativa que la peligrosa e incierta ruta migratoria; prefieren morir en el camino que en sus barrios y colonias.

      El infierno en que se ha convertido Honduras tiene varios responsables. En primer el lugar el imperialismo, que a través de su embajada promueve la inestabilidad política en el país con el apoyo directo al dictador, que para granjearse ese apoyo les ha entregado el país, hasta el grado del despojo y de la ignominia, como puede observarse en los foros internacionales.

      Otro responsable es el dictador, que además de la incertidumbre que genera en lo económico, en lo político y en lo social, ha profundizado y llevado al extremo las políticas neoliberales, despojando de sus recursos a comunidades enteras, para dárselas a las transnacionales, principalmente norteamericanas y canadienses.

      La oligarquía corrupta, mediocre, salvaje, inepta y rapaz también es responsable de esta crisis humanitaria, quien se ha acostumbrado a vivir del presupuesto nacional a tal grado de convertir al Estado en su patrimonio, por medio de un ejército de ocupación, de diputados y presidentes serviles y títeres, que toman las decisiones no para el pueblo, sino que para sus insaciables intereses.

      Hay otro actor importante en esta crisis y es el Ejército Nacional, fiel sirviente de los intereses imperiales y de la oligarquía, que sólo sirve para consumir una gran tajada del presupuesto nacional y más que un ejército defensor y garante de la soberanía nacional es una fuerza de ocupación; listo para asesinar, torturar y matar aquellos que se oponen al dictador, al imperio y la oligarquía.

      Desgraciadamente esta caravana la conforman los miserables, los desheredados de la tierra, los parias: “los que crían querubes para el presidio y serafines para el burdel” como dijo en su poema, Los Parias, el poeta mexicano Salvador Díaz Mirón.

      Estos miserables y desheredados no huyen de la patria, la aman, la adoran y la llevan convertida en un dolor sobre sus hombros, huyen de los verdugos y carniceros que nos gobiernan y de los otros responsables de esta crisis humanitaria. Los que huyen aman a esta tierra más que los que nos quedamos.

      https://criterio.hn/2018/10/29/no-es-una-caravana-es-un-dolor-que-camina
      #douleur


  • Latin American and Caribbean countries sign historic treaty giving environmental rights the same status as human rights | UN Environment
    https://www.unenvironment.org/news-and-stories/story/latin-american-and-caribbean-countries-sign-historic-treaty-giving

    Within 24 hours of its opening, fourteen nations signed the Escazú Agreement; with one more signing the next day. This treaty enacts binding provisions for States to equip their citizens with information, judicial corrections and spaces for public participation in environmental matters concerning them. The Escazú Agreement’s official name is the Regional Agreement on Access to Information, Public Participation and Justice in Environmental Matters.

    “The fact that fourteen countries have already signed today is extraordinary” stated Epsy Campbell Barr, the Vice President of Costa Rica.

    The agreement is not only the first environmental treaty for the Latin America and Caribbean region. It is also:

    At the forefront of environmental democracy with only one other regional treaty on environmental democracy: Europe’s Aarhus Convention
    The only treaty to have emerged from Rio+20
    The first time a legal agreement includes an Article on environmental human rights defenders (Article 9)

    The Latin America and Caribbean region is home to numerous multifaceted conflicts involving communities opposing business and government interest that threaten their environment,livelihoods and ancestral lands. Global Witness reports that Latin America and the Caribbean has consistently the highest number of murders of environmental defenders in the world. [...]

    In an emotional ceremony at United Nations Headquarters in New York on 27 September 2018, Heads of State and ministers from the following countries signed the Agreement: Antigua and Barbuda, Argentina, Brazil, Costa Rica, Ecuador, Guatemala, Guyana, Mexico, Panama, Peru, Saint Lucia and Uruguay. The Dominican Republic and Haiti added their signatures to the legal instrument later the same day and Paraguay signed on the following day.

    #traité #environnement #Amérique_latine #Caraïbes


  • Lasers Reveal 60,000 Ancient Maya Structures in Guatemala - HISTORY
    https://www.history.com/news/ancient-maya-structures-guatemala-lasers

    The largest-ever survey of a region from the Maya civilization has located over 60,000 previously unknown structures in northern Guatemala. The survey, conducted with the help of lasers, challenges long-held assumptions that this area was poorly connected and sparsely populated.

    The structures researchers identified include farms, houses and defensive fortifications, as well as 60 miles of causeways, roads and canals connecting large cities across the civilization’s central lowlands. Sarah Parcak, an archaeologist who uses satellite technology, had this reaction on Twitter when preliminary images became public: “This is HOLY [expletive] territory.” (Parcak was not involved with this study).

    The ancient Maya civilization stretched from southern Mexico down to Guatemala and Belize, flourishing between 1000 B.C. and 1500 A.D. The recent study focused on 830 square miles of the #Maya Biosphere Reserve in Petén, #Guatemala. Scientists used a laser technology called #lidar, or light detection and ranging, to penetrate the thick tree canopies in the area and discover archaeological remains beneath them.

    #archéologie



  • Le Paraguay fait défection au duo israélo-américain – Salimsellami’s Blog
    https://salimsellami.wordpress.com/2018/09/13/le-paraguay-fait-defection-au-duo-israelo-americain

    Un peu plus de trois mois après avoir, en imitation des Etats-Unis, déplacé son ambassade en Israël à Jérusalem, le Paraguay a décidé le retour de celle-ci à Tel-Aviv. Cet inattendu revirement paraguayen a été ordonné par Mario Abdo Benitez, le nouveau président du pays qui a pris ses fonctions fin août. Il a désemparé les autorités sionistes dont le Premier ministre Benjamin Netanyahu avait, à l’occasion de la cérémonie du premier transfert de l’ambassade paraguayenne, proclamé d’une manière jubilatoire que de nombreux autres pays lui avaient promis de suivre l’exemple du Paraguay alors que seuls les Etats-Unis et le Guatemala avaient fait de même. Son dépit, le Premier ministre israélien l’a manifesté en qualifiant de « gravissime » la décision du Paraguay et en ordonnant la fermeture de l’ambassade israélienne à Asunción, la capitale de ce pays.

    S’il y a eu une décision « gravissime » de la part du Paraguay c’est celle prise par l’ex-président de ce pays Horacio Cartes d’emboîter le pas aux Etats-Unis au mépris de l’opposition quasi unanime exprimée par la communauté internationale à la reconnaissance de Jérusalem comme capitale « indivisible » d’Israël. Le nouveau président paraguayen n’a fait que corriger le tort porté par son prédécesseur à la juste cause du peuple palestinien. De sa part c’est un acte qui souligne sa volonté d’afficher la souveraineté du Paraguay quelque peu abdiquée par Horacio Cartes sous les pressions et menaces auxquelles Donald Trump et son administration se sont adonnés dans le dossier de Jérusalem. Son courageux geste a évidemment déplu à Washington qui, par la voix du vice-président, l’a considéré comme étant un reniement par le Paraguay de son « engagement » antérieur. Venant de Mike Pence, le vice-président, les Etats-Unis qui, depuis l’arrivée de Donald Trump à la Maison Blanche a déchiré presque tous ses engagements internationaux antérieurs, le grief étasunien fait au nouveau président paraguayen est révélateur de l’arrogance avec laquelle Washington mène sa politique étrangère.

    Pour aussi « petit » pays qu’il soit, le Paraguay a infligé à son puissant voisin du Nord une leçon de morale consistant en l’exemple qu’il a donné en rectifiant une décision prise en violation du droit international et des résolutions des Nations unies, même si cet acte va à l’encontre de la politique de la plus grande puissance planétaire. Le revirement du Paraguay ne fait qu’accentuer l’isolement diplomatique étasunien sur le dossier palestinien que Donald Trump a pensé pouvoir exorciser en menaçant de représailles économiques, financières voire même militaires les Etats qui y concourent. Pour Israël, il est la preuve que son Premier ministre a pris les fantasmes guidant son action diplomatique pour la vérité vraie dont il lui a fait miroiter qu’il en récoltera le fruit, à savoir que la communauté internationale serait disposée à entériner le fait accompli que l’alliance américano-israélienne s’emploie à rendre irréversible concernant l’issue du conflit palestino-israélien.

                                                                                   URL de cet article 33777
    Kharroubi HABIB                                                                                                                                                 https://www.legrandsoir.info/le-paraguay-fait-defection-au-duo-israelo-americain.html


  • Le huitlacoche, une exquise laideur Gwenaëlle Reyt - 1 Septembre 2018 - Le Devoir
    https://www.ledevoir.com/vivre/alimentation/535698/une-exquise-laideur

    Avec ses excroissances aux teintes douteuses, le huitlacoche fait sourciller, mais sa chair est délicieuse. Photo : Marie-France Coallier Le Devoir

    Il est disgracieux. Il est même très moche. Il ressemble à un amas difforme ou à une excroissance aux teintes parfois douteuses allant du blanc grisâtre au noir un peu luisant. S’il n’était question que de son apparence, le huitlacoche n’aurait rien pour lui. Et dire qu’il est le résultat de la contamination d’un épi de maïs par un champignon pathogène n’incite guère plus à le considérer. Pourtant, au Mexique, il est très recherché pour ses qualités gustatives. Onéreux, il est même qualifié d’or noir et fait partie intégrante des traditions culinaires locales.

    Ici, peu le connaissent. Mais l’enthousiasme de Fernande Ouellet, éleveuse d’oies et de canards en Montérégie, risque de changer les choses. « En quelques jours, ça s’est enflammé. Les agriculteurs commencent à en parler et à me dire qu’ils en ont dans leurs champs. On a pu en récolter encore un peu », annonce celle qui s’est rapidement improvisée cueilleuse et fournisseuse de huitlacoche.

    Car ce n’est qu’au cours de cet été que Fernande Ouellet a découvert ce curieux produit. « J’en ai mangé dans un restaurant aux États-Unis. C’était vraiment délicieux », assure-t-elle.

    De retour au Québec quelques jours plus tard, elle remarque la présence de huitlacoche dans le champ de maïs de son beau-frère. « Je lui ai dit que ça se mangeait et que c’était même très recherché, mais il ne le savait pas », raconte-t-elle.

    Motivée par sa découverte, elle se documente et va chercher des informations auprès des travailleurs agricoles mexicains qui connaissent très bien ce produit. Après un rapide sondage pour connaître l’intérêt des chefs et des artisans, elle livre un premier lot d’épis de maïs difformes qui font rapidement des heureux.

    Parmi eux, Marcelo Argueta, cuisinier et boucher à la Boucherie dans la côte à Montréal. Passionné par la cuisine autochtone, il connaissait déjà le huitlacoche et a pu donner des indications pour le préparer et le conserver.

    « Quand il est très frais, il peut se manger cru, mais les arômes sont faibles. C’est délicat comme un champignon de Paris, explique-t-il. Mais quand il est plus mature, on peut le préparer comme un champignon sauvage revenu dans du beurre et de l’ail. Tous les arômes de champignon et de maïs ressortent. C’est très intéressant. »

    L’équipe de la boucherie a fait plusieurs tests et a commencé à sécher les morceaux les plus matures pour les conserver. Mais elle se demande encore quels seront les usages de ce nouveau produit pour le Québec. « C’est un peu compliqué pour la mise en marché. Parce que c’est une nouvelle ressource qui n’a jamais été exploitée et il y a un manque de connaissance des savoir-faire pour la préparer », explique le boucher originaire du Guatemala.
    L’intérêt des chefs
    Malgré les défis que peut représenter la commercialisation de ce produit fragile, la demande ne s’est pas fait attendre. La boucherie a écoulé rapidement la vingtaine de kilos dont elle disposait. Ce sont principalement des chefs qui ont montré de l’intérêt pour le produit. Juan Lopez Luna, chef copropriétaire du restaurant Alma dans Outremont, fait partie de ces enthousiastes.

    « Ça faisait vingt ans que je n’avais pas vu de huitlacoche frais. Je ne savais pas qu’on pouvait en trouver au Québec », assure le chef originaire du Mexique. Replongé dans des souvenirs d’enfance, il raconte que sa grand-mère avait un champ de maïs derrière la maison dans lequel il trouvait du huitlacoche. Ce dernier se préparait de manière très simple. « On mettait un peu d’oignon, de l’epazote, du huitlacoche. Le tout dans une tortilla avec du fromage et c’est tout », se rappelle-t-il.

    Mais avec le temps, sa famille, comme beaucoup d’autres, a abandonné la culture du maïs au profit du blé, qui était plus rentable. Le huitlacoche a donc disparu de son alimentation jusqu’à tout dernièrement. Heureux de retrouver ce produit, il l’a mis au menu.

    « Je garde l’idée de simplicité. C’est un produit qui brille par lui-même, il n’y a pas besoin d’en faire trop, précise-t-il. Je le prépare comme un champignon. Je fais des cavatelli avec une ricotta de lait de chèvre. Et comme quand j’étais enfant, j’ajoute du fromage, du huitlacoche et des oignons. »

    Fernande Ouellet se réjouit de la réponse obtenue jusqu’à maintenant. Pour elle, le huitlacoche ouvre des perspectives plus larges que celles de mettre en avant un nouveau produit. « C’est une belle façon de récompenser des agriculteurs qui travaillent de manière durable », explique-t-elle. Car en agriculture, ce champignon, connu sous le nom de charbon du maïs, est considéré comme un nuisible à éliminer.

    « Quand on voit du huitlacoche, on sait que le maïs n’a pas été arrosé de fongicides, explique Michel Lachaume, jardinier consultant et expert en sélection variétale. C’est un champignon qui peut se retrouver dans tous les maïs, mais certains ont été hybridés contre cette maladie. On le retrouve davantage dans les vieux maïs et dans les maïs bio qui sont moins dégénérés. »

    L’année dernière, du huitlacoche s’est développé sur des maïs anciens testés dans son jardin expérimental. Sa petite récolte a tout de suite trouvé preneur au restaurant Les enfants terribles.

    Nuisibles à valoriser
    Depuis, Michel Lachaume est consulté par des agriculteurs catastrophés d’avoir trouvé du charbon du maïs dans leurs champs. Certains ont même perdu plusieurs saisons de suite leur production, pensant que le huitlacoche était toxique.

    « Ce n’est pas le cas. C’est une occasion en or. Si on le fait connaître, c’est beaucoup plus payant pour le producteur de vendre du huitlacoche que de vendre du maïs », assure-t-il.

    Et c’est tout là le projet de Fernande Ouellet, qui veut répandre la bonne nouvelle auprès des agriculteurs et instaurer une cueillette respectueuse.

    « Il n’est pas question de s’introduire dans les champs et de faire de la cueillette sauvage, assure-t-elle. L’idée est de collaborer avec les producteurs et de leur garantir un revenu de 10 $ par kilo récolté », explique-t-elle, précisant que le prix de vente au détail est de 25 $ par kilo sur épi et monte à 40 $ une fois nettoyé.

    Fernande Ouellet vient tout juste de créer sur Facebook le groupe « Mangeons les nuisibles ! » pour changer les regards sur ce champignon. Elle souhaite ainsi mettre en contact les producteurs qui ont du huitlacoche et ceux qui en veulent. Le modèle de récolte reste à définir.

    « C’est une première étape. Je veux voir si d’autres nuisibles pourraient être mis en valeur. La façon la plus écologique d’aider les agriculteurs, c’est de manger les nuisibles. Tant qu’à faire de la lutte intégrée, il faut qu’on intègre la lutte », assure cette passionnée, qui tentera des tests par inoculation sur du maïs bleu l’an prochain.

    L’année 2018 semble avoir été bonne pour le huitlacoche. « La chaleur et l’humidité ont été favorables, mais sa présence reste très aléatoire, précise Michel Lachaume. Avec les changements climatiques, j’ai le sentiment que ça va l’être de moins en moins, mais on ne connaît pas l’avenir. »

    #Canada #Quebec #mais #champignon #moche sans #fongicide #nuisible valorisé #champignon #Mexique #vocabulaire


  • Mégaprojets et militarisation de la zone frontalière Mexique-Guatemala - Yannick Deniau - Visionscarto
    https://visionscarto.net/megaprojets-militarisation-mexique

    Lors d’une mission internationale d’observation des droits humains à la frontière Guatemala-Mexique, et après une enquête basée sur des sources officielles, des ateliers de cartographie participative dans des communautés du Chiapas ont permis d’établir les liens existant entre mégaprojets, flux migratoires et militarisation dans la région.


    #migration #mégaprojets #frontière #Mexique #Guatemala #USA #armées #cartographie


  • « Les accessoires de Frida Kahlo étaient une extension de son art »
    https://www.lemonde.fr/m-styles/article/2018/08/01/les-accessoires-de-frida-kahlo-etaient-une-extension-de-son-art_5338120_4497

    Vêtements, maquillages, accessoires… c’est la première fois que des effets personnels de Frida Kahlo quittent le Mexique et la Casa Azul, là ou la célèbre peintre a résidé toute sa vie. Ils sont exposés et mis en scène, avec certaines de ses œuvres, à Londres, au Victoria & Albert Museum jusqu’au 4 novembre.

    D’où proviennent les pièces exposées ?

    Nous exposons plus de deux cents objets personnels ayant appartenu à l’artiste, prêtés par le Musée Frida-Kahlo de Mexico, qui n’est autre que la Casa Azul (« maison bleue ») où l’artiste est née et a vécu avec son époux, le peintre muraliste Diego Rivera. Nous présentons des archives privées, des lettres, mais aussi des colliers en perles de jade, des rouges à lèvres, fards à joues, étuis à cigarettes et vêtements. On retrouve le crayon pour les yeux Revlon qu’elle utilisait pour assombrir son regard. Son mari se souvenait de leur première rencontre en ces termes : « Elle avait des sourcils sombres et épais réunis au-dessus de son nez. Ils ressemblaient aux ailes d’un oiseau, leurs arcs noirs encadrant des yeux bruns extraordinaires. » Pendant de nombreuses années, ses effets personnels ont été entreposés dans deux pièces de la maison et placés sous scellés, sur ordre de Diego, à la mort de Frida, en 1954. Les chambres n’ont été ouvertes qu’en 2004 et c’est la première fois, depuis, que ces pièces sont exposées hors du Mexique.

    Pourquoi Frida Kahlo est-elle devenue une référence internationale de la mode ?

    Elle était très en avance sur son temps et c’est ce qui la rend si pertinente et si contemporaine. Elle s’est forgé une identité très puissante à travers ses convictions politiques, son handicap (elle fut rescapée d’un terrible accident de bus en 1925) et son art, qui résonne encore aujourd’hui. Son style contribue autant à son mythe que ses peintures. Ses robes de Tehuana (robes traditionnelles mexicaines), ses coiffes, ses corsets peints à la main et ses prothèses, qu’elle fabriquait elle-même, étaient une forme d’expression personnelle, mais aussi, et surtout, une extension de son art. Elle a d’ailleurs beaucoup inspiré les designers de mode d’aujourd’hui, de Jean Paul Gaultier, avec ses explorations autour du corset, à Alessandro Michele chez Gucci, en passant par Riccardo Tisci, qui lui rendit hommage dans la collection haute couture de Givenchy automne-hiver 2010-2011, notamment avec ces vestes en forme d’ailes de colombe que l’on retrouve dans l’œuvre de Frida, surtout quand elle était en proie à la douleur et qu’elle s’accrochait à l’espoir de pouvoir s’échapper de son propre corps.

    Lire aussi : Frida Kahlo, haute en couleur

    Comment son apparence vestimentaire reflétait-elle son engagement politique ?

    Sa garde-robe est le reflet de sa fierté pour la culture de son pays : elle a utilisé son apparence comme une déclaration politique, façonnant son allure comme une forme d’allégeance à l’identité mexicaine. Nous exposons ses vêtements traditionnels mexicains, tels que des rebozos (des châles mexicains) ou son resplandor, une coiffe de dentelle portée par les femmes de la société matriarcale, de l’isthme de Tehuantepec, dans le sud du Mexique. Son vestiaire est d’ailleurs principalement composé de pièces traditionnelles d’Oaxaca, à l’ouest de Tehuantepec. Au fil du temps, le style de l’artiste a évolué, fusionnant vêtements traditionnels mexicains et pièces étrangères. On repère des vêtements ethniques du Guatemala et de la Chine, ainsi qu’une intéressante collection de blouses européennes et américaines. L’artiste illustre cette fusion des styles européens et mexicains dans l’un
    de ses autoportraits les plus célèbres, Les Deux Frida (1939).

    J’essaye d’imaginé une expo Diego Rivera durant laquelle serait exposé son rasoir, son after shave, ses calfutes et sa poire à lavement en guise de peinture. A la limite on aurais vu ses pinceaux, couleurs, outils de travail... et on aurais pu croire que Frida Kahlo était une artiste, mais non c’est juste une lafâme, cet petit être mignon qui met du rouge à lèvre.

    Ce sont les hommes, couturiers misogynes qui réduisent cette artiste à son vetement, un corcet de souffrance qui les faits bander.

    Elle a d’ailleurs beaucoup inspiré les designers de mode d’aujourd’hui, de Jean Paul Gaultier, avec ses explorations autour du corset, à Alessandro Michele chez Gucci, en passant par Riccardo Tisci, qui lui rendit hommage dans la collection haute couture de Givenchy automne-hiver 2010-2011, notamment avec ces vestes en forme d’ailes de colombe que l’on retrouve dans l’œuvre de Frida, surtout quand elle était en proie à la douleur et qu’elle s’accrochait à l’espoir de pouvoir s’échapper de son propre corps.

    Si des fois une femme voulait s’échappé de son corps, les mecs se bousculent pour l’y ramener de force et d’outre tombe.

    #sexisme #historicisation #capitalisme


  • A Century of U.S. Intervention Created the #Immigration Crisis
    https://medium.com/s/story/timeline-us-intervention-central-america-a9bea9ebc148

    The #liberal rhetoric of inclusion and common humanity is insufficient: we must also acknowledge the role that a century of U.S.-backed military coups, corporate plundering, and #neoliberal sapping of resources has played in the poverty, instability, and #violence that now drives people from Guatemala, El Salvador, and Honduras toward Mexico and the United States. For decades, U.S. policies of military intervention and economic neoliberalism have undermined democracy and stability in the region, creating vacuums of power in which drug #cartels and paramilitary alliances have risen.

    #pauvreté #instabilité #amerique_latine #etats-unis


  • Au sommaire du n°167 - CQFD, mensuel de critique et d’expérimentation sociales
    http://cqfd-journal.org/Au-sommaire-du-no167

    Dossier : Tourisme : plus loin, plus vite, plus rien

    Non, CQFD ne s’est pas proposé de gâcher vos vacances. Mais de questionner un pervers saucissonnage du temps et des espaces au nom du droit aux loisirs qui, contrairement à ce que font miroiter les guides touristiques, ne nous fait vraiment pas la vie belle.

    Pour Jean Mistler, « le tourisme est l’industrie qui consiste à transporter des gens qui seraient mieux chez eux, dans des endroits qui seraient mieux sans eux ». En écho à ce bon mot, et alors que la dimension bronzée et en tongs de la mondialisation bat son plein, la « tourismophobie » prend de l’ampleur partout en Europe.

    L’été dernier, la presse quasi unanime s’est émue des manifestations - portant des slogans comme « Mort au tourisme ! » ou « Tourist go home ! » - qui ont troublé la quiétude des visiteurs en Espagne, en Italie, au Portugal et même en Croatie.

    Dans son édition du 17 août 2017, La Dépêche du Midi publie le témoignage d’un couple de Bretons, habitué des festivités traditionnelles de Donostia (San Sebastián) et très chagriné par cette incompréhensible vague de rejet. « Nous devions rester jusqu’à samedi, mais avec la manifestation anti-touristes qui a lieu ce jeudi, en ouverture des fêtes de la ville, on préfère s’en aller, pour ne pas risquer d’être agressés. »

    Avant de conclure sur ces « cafés et restaurants du quartier antique [qui] promettaient aussi de rester fermés, pour ne pas être la cible de possibles débordements de manifestants », le journaliste du quotidien régional insiste sur la crispation identitaire et nationaliste qu’il croit déceler chez les protestataires. Ne manquerait qu’un relent xénophobe pour en faire des salauds de fascistes ? En tout cas, de fameux hypocrites, ces énergumènes, tant la manne touristique semble incontournable aujourd’hui ! Au niveau local d’abord, notre plumitif de La Dépêche, encore lui, tient à ramener tout le monde à la raison économique. Avec deux millions de visiteurs annuels, les retombées du tourisme « profiteraient directement » à 35 % de la population de la ville basque. On n’est donc plus très loin de la mono-activité (ou de la « monoculture », comme disent les assemblées de quartier de Barcelone en lutte contre la « touristification » de leur ville)…

    Au niveau global ensuite, d’après l’Organisation mondiale du tourisme et diverses institutions représentant les professionnels du secteur, la contribution totale de l’industrie touristique au PIB planétaire s’élèverait à 10 %. Davantage encore que les industries automobile, pétrolière, agro-alimentaire, de la drogue ou des armes ! Mais tellement plus inoffensive, diront certains... C’est à voir. Les dégâts environnementaux et culturels crèvent les yeux de qui veut bien regarder. Et ce sont loin d’être les seuls. Énumérer les pseudo-bienfaits de ce méga-business revient déjà à lister ses néfastes conséquences. Dire que près de 300 millions d’emplois à travers le monde dépendent des allées et venues de près d’un milliard et demi de touristes (dont la moitié en Europe, même si le Vieux Continent perd chaque année des parts de marché au profit de l’Amérique du Nord et de l’Asie), c’est parler de pollution, de massification et d’exploitation. Et d’un lobby surpuissant.

    Par conséquent, il ne faudrait pas que les anti-touristes viennent perturber trop longtemps la bonne marche d’affaires aussi juteuses. De la même manière que des pays comme la Thaïlande, le Guatemala ou le Maroc ont sanctuarisé leurs zones touristiques pour les protéger de la petite délinquance ou du péril terroriste, verra-t-on les pays riches criminaliser ces mouvements de protestation ?

    En attendant, saluons cette prise de conscience qui gagne partout du terrain : le tourisme est l’ennemi radical du voyage, de l’hospitalité, des territoires et de toute idée d’émancipation. Mort au tourisme, donc. Qu’il soit en nous ou hors de nous.

    Bruno Le Dantec et Iffik Le Guen

    Avec ma petite contribution...

    Partie en Asie du Sud-Est comme touriste il y a cinq ans, Aude Vidal poursuit la rencontre en devenant « volontouriste », pigiste (CQFD a publié son reportage sur les réfugié.e.s rohingya en Malaisie), étudiante à Langues O’ ou prof de français en tongs. Et se pose la question : comment cesser d’être touriste ? Est-ce seulement possible ?