• Remembering refuge. Between Sanctuary and Solidarity

    Remembering Refuge: Between Sanctuary and Solidarity is an oral history archive highlighting the stories of people from Haiti, El Salvador, and Guatemala, who crossed the Canada-US border to seek refuge.

    The borders between #Detroit and #Ontario, #New_York and #Quebec sit on the lands of the #Mwami, the #Potawatomi, the #Anishnabek, the #Peoria, the #Haudnesonee, the #Huron-Wendat, the #Mohawk, the St. Lawrence #Iroquois, and the #Abenaki.

    You are hearing a conversation between elders Ateronhiata:kon (Francis Boots) and Kanasaraken (Loran Thompson) of the Kahniakehaka (Mohawk) Nation in Akwesasne. They are sharing stories about the Canada-US border that crosses through their territories.
    #Canada #frontières #mémoire #USA #migrations #réfugiés #histoire_orale #audio #peuples_autochtones #Québec
    ping @reka

  • « L’audit de PetroCaribe dessine une autre architecture de la #Corruption en #Haïti »

    Le 31 mai, la Cour des comptes a remis le deuxième volet d’un audit accablant sur la dilapidation du fond PetroCaribe, fruit d’un accord avec le Venezuela pour le développement du pays. Frédéric Thomas, politiste, explique dans une tribune au « Monde » que ce rapport révèle un processus de désinstitutionalisation qui plonge ses racines dans la politique de privatisation mise en œuvre depuis quatre décennies. Tribune. L’image a fait le tour des réseaux sociaux, et alimenté les chaînes d’informations. (...)


    / #Le_Sud_en_mouvement, #Le_regard_du_CETRI, Haïti, Corruption, #Le_Monde

  • ‘They Were Conned’: How Reckless Loans Devastated a Generation of Taxi Drivers - The New York Times

    Mohammed Hoque with his three children in their studio apartment in Jamaica, Queens.

    May 19, 2019 - The phone call that ruined Mohammed Hoque’s life came in April 2014 as he began another long day driving a New York City taxi, a job he had held since emigrating from Bangladesh nine years earlier.

    The call came from a prominent businessman who was selling a medallion, the coveted city permit that allows a driver to own a yellow cab instead of working for someone else. If Mr. Hoque gave him $50,000 that day, he promised to arrange a loan for the purchase.

    After years chafing under bosses he hated, Mr. Hoque thought his dreams of wealth and independence were coming true. He emptied his bank account, borrowed from friends and hurried to the man’s office in Astoria, Queens. Mr. Hoque handed over a check and received a stack of papers. He signed his name and left, eager to tell his wife.

    Mr. Hoque made about $30,000 that year. He had no idea, he said later, that he had just signed a contract that required him to pay $1.7 million.

    Over the past year, a spate of suicides by taxi drivers in New York City has highlighted in brutal terms the overwhelming debt and financial plight of medallion owners. All along, officials have blamed the crisis on competition from ride-hailing companies such as Uber and Lyft.

    But a New York Times investigation found much of the devastation can be traced to a handful of powerful industry leaders who steadily and artificially drove up the price of taxi medallions, creating a bubble that eventually burst. Over more than a decade, they channeled thousands of drivers into reckless loans and extracted hundreds of millions of dollars before the market collapsed.

    These business practices generated huge profits for bankers, brokers, lawyers, investors, fleet owners and debt collectors. The leaders of nonprofit credit unions became multimillionaires. Medallion brokers grew rich enough to buy yachts and waterfront properties. One of the most successful bankers hired the rap star Nicki Minaj to perform at a family party.

    But the methods stripped immigrant families of their life savings, crushed drivers under debt they could not repay and engulfed an industry that has long defined New York. More than 950 medallion owners have filed for bankruptcy, according to a Times analysis of court records. Thousands more are barely hanging on.

    The practices were strikingly similar to those behind the housing market crash that led to the 2008 global economic meltdown: Banks and loosely regulated private lenders wrote risky loans and encouraged frequent refinancing; drivers took on debt they could not afford, under terms they often did not understand.

    Some big banks even entered the taxi industry in the aftermath of the housing crash, seeking a new market, with new borrowers.

    The combination of easy money, eager borrowers and the lure of a rare asset helped prices soar far above what medallions were really worth. Some industry leaders fed the frenzy by purposefully overpaying for medallions in order to inflate prices, The Times found.

    Between 2002 and 2014, the price of a medallion rose to more than $1 million from $200,000, even though city records showed that driver incomes barely changed.

    About 4,000 drivers bought medallions in that period, records show. They were excited to buy, but they were enticed by a dubious premise.

    What Actually Happened to New York’s Taxi DriversMay 28, 2019

    After the medallion market collapsed, Mayor Bill de Blasio opted not to fund a bailout, and earlier this year, the City Council speaker, Corey Johnson, shut down the committee overseeing the taxi industry, saying it had completed most of its work.

    Over 10 months, The Times interviewed 450 people, built a database of every medallion sale since 1995 and reviewed thousands of individual loans and other documents, including internal bank records and confidential profit-sharing agreements.

    The investigation found example after example of drivers trapped in exploitative loans, including hundreds who signed interest-only loans that required them to pay exorbitant fees, forfeit their legal rights and give up almost all their monthly income, indefinitely.

    A Pakistani immigrant who thought he was just buying a car ended up with a $780,000 medallion loan that left him unable to pay rent. A Bangladeshi immigrant said he was told to lie about his income on his loan application; he eventually lost his medallion. A Haitian immigrant who worked to exhaustion to make his monthly payments discovered he had been paying only interest and went bankrupt.

    Abdur Rahim, who is from Bangladesh, is one of several cab drivers who allege they were duped into signing exploitative loans. 
    It is unclear if the practices violated any laws. But after reviewing The Times’s findings, experts said the methods were among the worst that have been used since the housing crash.

    “I don’t think I could concoct a more predatory scheme if I tried,” said Roger Bertling, the senior instructor at Harvard Law School’s clinic on predatory lending and consumer protection. “This was modern-day indentured servitude.”

    Lenders developed their techniques in New York but spread them to Chicago, Boston, San Francisco and elsewhere, transforming taxi industries across the United States.

    In interviews, lenders denied wrongdoing. They noted that regulators approved their practices, and said some borrowers made poor decisions and assumed too much debt. They said some drivers were happy to use climbing medallion values as collateral to take out cash, and that those who sold their medallions at the height of the market made money.

    The lenders said they believed medallion values would keep increasing, as they almost always had. No one, they said, could have predicted Uber and Lyft would emerge to undercut the business.

    “People love to blame banks for things that happen because they’re big bad banks,” said Robert Familant, the former head of Progressive Credit Union, a small nonprofit that specialized in medallion loans. “We didn’t do anything, in my opinion, other than try to help small businesspeople become successful.”

    Mr. Familant made about $30 million in salary and deferred payouts during the bubble, including $4.8 million in bonuses and incentives in 2014, the year it burst, according to disclosure forms.

    Meera Joshi, who joined the Taxi and Limousine Commission in 2011 and became chairwoman in 2014, said it was not the city’s job to regulate lending. But she acknowledged that officials saw red flags and could have done something.

    “There were lots of players, and lots of people just watched it happen. So the T.L.C. watched it happen. The lenders watched it happen. The borrowers watched it happen as their investment went up, and it wasn’t until it started falling apart that people started taking action and pointing fingers,” said Ms. Joshi, who left the commission in March. “It was a party. Why stop it?”

    Every day, about 250,000 people hail a New York City yellow taxi. Most probably do not know they are participating in an unconventional economic system about as old as the Empire State Building.

    The city created taxi medallions in 1937. Unlicensed cabs crowded city streets, so officials designed about 12,000 specialized tin plates and made it illegal to operate a taxi without one bolted to the hood of the car. The city sold each medallion for $10.

    People who bought medallions could sell them, just like any other asset. The only restriction: Officials designated roughly half as “independent medallions” and eventually required that those always be owned by whoever was driving that cab.

    Over time, as yellow taxis became symbols of New York, a cutthroat industry grew around them. A few entrepreneurs obtained most of the nonindependent medallions and built fleets that controlled the market. They were family operations largely based in the industrial neighborhoods of Hell’s Kitchen in Manhattan and Long Island City in Queens.

    Allegations of corruption, racism and exploitation dogged the industry. Some fleet bosses were accused of cheating drivers. Some drivers refused to go outside Manhattan or pick up black and Latino passengers. Fleet drivers typically worked 60 hours a week, made less than minimum wage and received no benefits, according to city studies.

    Still, driving could serve as a path to the middle class. Drivers could save to buy an independent medallion, which would increase their earnings and give them an asset they could someday sell for a retirement nest egg.

    Those who borrowed money to buy a medallion typically had to submit a large down payment and repay within five to 10 years.

    The conservative lending strategy produced modest returns. The city did not release new medallions for almost 60 years, and values slowly climbed, hitting $100,000 in 1985 and $200,000 in 1997.

    “It was a safe and stable asset, and it provided a good life for those of us who were lucky enough to buy them,” said Guy Roberts, who began driving in 1979 and eventually bought medallions and formed a fleet. “Not an easy life, but a good life.”

    “And then,” he said, “everything changed.”

    – Before coming to America, Mohammed Hoque lived comfortably in Chittagong, a city on Bangladesh’s southern coast. He was a serious student and a gifted runner, despite a small and stocky frame. His father and grandfather were teachers; he said he surpassed them, becoming an education official with a master’s degree in management. He supervised dozens of schools and traveled on a government-issued motorcycle. In 2004, when he was 33, he married Fouzia Mahabub. -

    That same year, several of his friends signed up for the green card lottery, and their thirst for opportunity was contagious. He applied, and won.

    His wife had an uncle in Jamaica, Queens, so they went there. They found a studio apartment. Mr. Hoque wanted to work in education, but he did not speak enough English. A friend recommended the taxi industry.

    It was an increasingly common move for South Asian immigrants. In 2005, about 40 percent of New York cabbies were born in Bangladesh, India or Pakistan, according to the United States Census Bureau. Over all, just 9 percent were born in the United States.

    Mr. Hoque and his wife emigrated from Bangladesh, and have rented the same apartment in Queens since 2005.

    Mr. Hoque joined Taxifleet Management, a large fleet run by the Weingartens, a Russian immigrant family whose patriarchs called themselves the “Three Wise Men.”

    He worked 5 a.m. to 5 p.m., six days a week. On a good day, he said, he brought home $100. He often felt lonely on the road, and he developed back pain from sitting all day and diabetes, medical records show.

    He could have worked fewer shifts. He also could have moved out of the studio. But he drove as much as feasible and spent as little as possible. He had heard the city would soon be auctioning off new medallions. He was saving to buy one.

    Andrew Murstein, left, with his father, Alvin.CreditChester Higgins Jr./The New York Times
    In the early 2000s, a new generation took power in New York’s cab industry. They were the sons of longtime industry leaders, and they had new ideas for making money.

    Few people represented the shift better than Andrew Murstein.

    Mr. Murstein was the grandson of a Polish immigrant who bought one of the first medallions, built one of the city’s biggest fleets and began informally lending to other buyers in the 1970s. Mr. Murstein attended business school and started his career at Bear Stearns and Salomon Brothers, the investment banks.

    When he joined the taxi business, he has said, he pushed his family to sell off many medallions and to establish a bank to focus on lending. Medallion Financial went public in 1996. Its motto was, “In niches, there are riches.”

    Dozens of industry veterans said Mr. Murstein and his father, Alvin, were among those who helped to move the industry to less conservative lending practices. The industry veterans said the Mursteins, as well as others, started saying medallion values would always rise and used that idea to focus on lending to lower-income drivers, which was riskier but more profitable.

    The strategy began to be used by the industry’s other major lenders — Progressive Credit Union, Melrose Credit Union and Lomto Credit Union, all family-run nonprofits that made essentially all their money from medallion loans, according to financial disclosures.

    “We didn’t want to be the one left behind,” said Monte Silberger, Lomto’s controller and then chief financial officer from 1999 to 2017.

    The lenders began accepting smaller down payments. By 2013, many medallion buyers were not handing over any down payment at all, according to an analysis of buyer applications submitted to the city.

    “It got to a point where we didn’t even check their income or credit score,” Mr. Silberger said. “It didn’t matter.”

    Lenders also encouraged existing borrowers to refinance and take out more money when medallion prices rose, according to interviews with dozens of borrowers and loan officers. There is no comprehensive data, but bank disclosures suggest that thousands of owners refinanced.

    Industry veterans said it became common for owners to refinance to buy a house or to put children through college. “You’d walk into the bank and walk out 30 minutes later with an extra $200,000,” said Lou Bakalar, a broker who arranged loans.

    Yvon Augustin has been living with help from his children ever since he declared bankruptcy and lost his taxi medallion.

    Some pointed to the refinancing to argue that irresponsible borrowers fueled the crisis. “Medallion owners were misusing it,” said Aleksey Medvedovskiy, a fleet owner who also worked as a broker. “They used it as an A.T.M.”

    As lenders loosened standards, they increased returns. Rather than raising interest rates, they made borrowers pay a mix of costs — origination fees, legal fees, financing fees, refinancing fees, filing fees, fees for paying too late and fees for paying too early, according to a Times review of more than 500 loans included in legal cases. Many lenders also made borrowers split their loan and pay a much higher rate on the second loan, documents show.

    Lenders also extended loan lengths. Instead of requiring repayment in five or 10 years, they developed deals that lasted as long as 50 years, locking in decades of interest payments. And some wrote interest-only loans that could continue forever.

    “We couldn’t figure out why the company was doing so many interest-only loans,” said Michelle Pirritano, a Medallion Financial loan analyst from 2007 to 2011. “It was a good revenue stream, but it didn’t really make sense as a loan. I mean, it wasn’t really a loan, because it wasn’t being repaid.”

    Almost every loan reviewed by The Times included a clause that spiked the interest rate to as high as 24 percent if it was not repaid in three years. Lenders included the clause — called a “balloon” — so that borrowers almost always had to extend the loan, possibly at a higher rate than in the original terms, and with additional fees.

    Yvon Augustin was caught in one of those loans. He bought a medallion in 2006, a decade after emigrating from Haiti. He said he paid $2,275 every month — more than half his income, he said — and thought he was paying off the loan. But last year, his bank used the balloon to demand that he repay everything. That is when he learned he had been paying only the interest, he said.

    Mr. Augustin, 69, declared bankruptcy and lost his medallion. He lives off assistance from his children.

    During the global financial crisis, Eugene Haber, a lawyer for the taxi industry, started getting calls from bankers he had never met.

    Mr. Haber had written a template for medallion loans in the 1970s. By 2008, his thick mustache had turned white, and he thought he knew everybody in the industry. Suddenly, new bankers began calling his suite in a Long Island office park. Capital One, Signature Bank, New York Commercial Bank and others wanted to issue medallion loans, he said.

    Some of the banks were looking for new borrowers after the housing market collapsed, Mr. Haber said. “They needed somewhere else to invest,” he said. He said he represented some banks at loan signings but eventually became embittered because he believed banks were knowingly lending to people who could not repay.

    Instead of lending directly, the big banks worked through powerful industry players. They enlisted large fleet owners and brokers — especially Neil Greenbaum, Richard Chipman, Savas Konstantinides, Roman Sapino and Basil Messados — to use the banks’ money to lend to medallion buyers. In return, the owners and brokers received a cut of the monthly payments and sometimes an additional fee.

    The fleet owners and brokers, who technically issued the loans, did not face the same scrutiny as banks.

    “They did loans that were frankly insane,” said Larry Fisher, who from 2003 to 2016 oversaw medallion lending at Melrose Credit Union, one of the biggest lenders originally in the industry. “It contributed to the price increases and put a lot of pressure on the rest of us to keep up.”

    Evgeny Freidman, a fleet owner, has said he purposely overbid for taxi medallions in order to drive up their value.CreditSasha Maslov
    Still, Mr. Fisher said, Melrose followed lending rules. “A lot of people tend to blame others for their own misfortune,” he said. “If they want to blame the lender for the medallion going down the tubes the way it has, I think they’re misplaced.”

    Mr. Konstantinides, a fleet owner and the broker and lender who arranged Mr. Hoque’s loans, said every loan issued by his company abided by federal and state banking guidelines. “I am very sympathetic to the plight of immigrant families who are seeking a better life in this country and in this city,” said Mr. Konstantinides, who added that he was also an immigrant.

    Walter Rabin, who led Capital One’s medallion lending division between 2007 and 2012 and has led Signature Bank’s medallion lending division since, said he was one of the industry’s most conservative lenders. He said he could not speak for the brokers and fleet owners with whom he worked.

    Mr. Rabin and other Signature executives denied fault for the market collapse and blamed the city for allowing ride-hail companies to enter with little regulation. “It’s the City of New York that took the biggest advantage of the drivers,” said Joseph J. DePaolo, the president and chief executive of Signature. “It’s not the banks.”

    New York Commercial Bank said in a statement that it began issuing medallion loans before the housing crisis and that they were a very small part of its business. The bank did not engage in risky lending practices, a spokesman said.

    Mr. Messados said in an interview that he disagreed with interest-only loans and other one-sided terms. But he said he was caught between banks developing the loans and drivers clamoring for them. “They were insisting on this,” he said. “What are you supposed to do? Say, ‘I’m not doing the sale?’”

    Several lenders challenged the idea that borrowers were unsophisticated. They said that some got better deals by negotiating with multiple lenders at once.

    Mr. Greenbaum, Mr. Chipman and Mr. Sapino declined to comment, as did Capital One.

    Some fleet owners worked to manipulate prices. In the most prominent example, Evgeny Freidman, a brash Russian immigrant who owned so many medallions that some called him “The Taxi King,” said he purposefully overpaid for medallions sold at city auctions. He reasoned that the higher prices would become the industry standard, making the medallions he already owned worth more. Mr. Freidman, who was partners with Michael Cohen, President Trump’s former lawyer, disclosed the plan in a 2012 speech at Yeshiva University. He recently pleaded guilty to felony tax fraud. He declined to comment.

    As medallion prices kept increasing, the industry became strained. Drivers had to work longer hours to make monthly payments. Eventually, loan records show, many drivers had to use almost all their income on payments.

    “The prices got to be ridiculous,” said Vincent Sapone, the retired manager of the League of Mutual Taxi Owners, an owner association. “When it got close to $1 million, nobody was going to pay that amount of money, unless they came from another country. Nobody from Brooklyn was going to pay that.”

    Some drivers have alleged in court that lenders tricked them into signing loans.

    Muhammad Ashraf, who is not fluent in English, said he thought he was getting a loan to purchase a car but ended up in debt to buy a taxi medallion instead.

    Muhammad Ashraf, a Pakistani immigrant, alleged that a broker, Heath Candero, duped him into a $780,000 interest-only loan. He said in an interview in Urdu that he could not speak English fluently and thought he was just signing a loan to buy a car. He said he found out about the loan when his bank sued him for not fully repaying. The bank eventually decided not to pursue a case against Mr. Ashraf. He also filed a lawsuit against Mr. Candero. That case was dismissed. A lawyer for Mr. Candero declined to comment.

    Abdur Rahim, a Bangladeshi immigrant, alleged that his lender, Bay Ridge Credit Union, inserted hidden fees. In an interview, he added he was told to lie on his loan application. The application, reviewed by The Times, said he made $128,389, but he said his tax return showed he made about $25,000. In court, Bay Ridge has denied there were hidden fees and said Mr. Rahim was “confusing the predatory-lending statute with a mere bad investment.” The credit union declined to comment.

    Several employees of lenders said they were pushed to write loans, encouraged by bonuses and perks such as tickets to sporting events and free trips to the Bahamas.

    They also said drivers almost never had lawyers at loan closings. Borrowers instead trusted their broker to represent them, even though, unbeknown to them, the broker was often getting paid by the bank.

    Stan Zurbin, who between 2009 and 2012 did consulting work for a lender that issued medallion loans, said that as prices rose, lenders in the industry increasingly lent to immigrants.

    “They didn’t have 750 credit scores, let’s just say,” he said. “A lot of them had just come into the country. A lot of them just had no idea what they were signing.”

    The $1 million medallion
    Mrs. Hoque did not want her husband to buy a medallion. She wanted to use their savings to buy a house. They had their first child in 2008, and they planned to have more. They needed to leave the studio apartment, and she thought a home would be a safer investment.

    But Mr. Hoque could not shake the idea, especially after several friends bought medallions at the city’s February 2014 auction.

    One friend introduced him to a man called “Big Savas.” It was Mr. Konstantinides, a fleet owner who also had a brokerage and a lending company, Mega Funding.

    The call came a few weeks later. A medallion owner had died, and the family was selling for $1 million.

    Mr. Hoque said he later learned the $50,000 he paid up front was just for taxes. Mega eventually requested twice that amount for fees and a down payment, records show. Mr. Hoque said he maxed out credit cards and borrowed from a dozen friends and relatives.

    Fees and interest would bring the total repayment to more than $1.7 million, documents show. It was split into two loans, both issued by Mega with New York Commercial Bank. The loans made him pay $5,000 a month — most of the $6,400 he could earn as a medallion owner.

    Mohammed Hoque’s Medallion Loans Consumed Most of His Taxi Revenue
    After paying his two medallion loans and business costs, Mr. Hoque had about $1,400 left over each month to pay the rent on his studio apartment in Queens and cover his living expenses.

    Estimated monthly revenue $11,845

    Gas $1,500

    Income after expenses $1,400

    Vehicle maintenance $1,300

    Medallion loan 1 $4,114

    Insurance $1,200

    Car loan $650

    Credit card fees $400

    Medallion loan 2 $881

    Other work-related expenses $400

    By the time the deal closed in July 2014, Mr. Hoque had heard of a new company called Uber. He wondered if it would hurt the business, but nobody seemed to be worried.

    As Mr. Hoque drove to the Taxi and Limousine Commission’s downtown office for final approval of the purchase, he fantasized about becoming rich, buying a big house and bringing his siblings to America. After a commission official reviewed his application and loan records, he said he was ushered into the elegant “Taxi of Tomorrow” room. An official pointed a camera. Mr. Hoque smiled.

    “These are little cash cows running around the city spitting out money,” Mr. Murstein said, beaming in a navy suit and pink tie.

    He did not mention he was quietly leaving the business, a move that would benefit him when the market collapsed.

    By the time of the appearance, Medallion Financial had been cutting the number of medallion loans on its books for years, according to disclosures it filed with the Securities and Exchange Commission. Mr. Murstein later said the company started exiting the business and focusing on other ventures before 2010.

    Mr. Murstein declined numerous interview requests. He also declined to answer some written questions, including why he promoted medallions while exiting the business. In emails and through a spokesman, he acknowledged that Medallion Financial reduced down payments but said it rarely issued interest-only loans or charged borrowers for repaying loans too early.

    “Many times, we did not match what our competitors were willing to do and in retrospect, thankfully, we lost the business,” he wrote to The Times.

    Interviews with three former staffers, and a Times review of loan documents that were filed as part of lawsuits brought by Medallion Financial against borrowers, indicate the company issued many interest-only loans and routinely included a provision allowing it to charge borrowers for repaying loans too early.

    Other lenders also left the taxi industry or took precautions long before the market collapsed.

    The credit unions specializing in the industry kept making new loans. But between 2010 and 2014, they sold the loans to other financial institutions more often than in the previous five years, disclosure forms show. Progressive Credit Union, run by Mr. Familant, sold loans off almost twice as often, the forms show. By 2012, that credit union was selling the majority of the loans it issued.

    In a statement, Mr. Familant said the selling of loans was a standard banking practice that did not indicate a lack of confidence in the market.

    Several banks used something called a confession of judgment. It was an obscure document in which the borrower admitted defaulting on the loan — even before taking out any money at all — and authorized the bank to do whatever it wanted to collect.

    Larry Fisher was the medallion lending supervisor at Melrose Credit Union, one of the biggest lenders originally in the industry, from 2003 to 2016.
    Congress has banned that practice in consumer loans, but not in business loans, which is how lenders classified medallion deals. Many states have barred it in business loans, too, but New York is not among them.

    Even as some lenders quietly braced for the market to fall, prices kept rising, and profits kept growing.

    By 2014, many of the people who helped create the bubble had made millions of dollars and invested it elsewhere.

    Medallion Financial started focusing on lending to R.V. buyers and bought a professional lacrosse team and a Nascar team, painting the car to look like a taxi. Mr. Murstein and his father made more than $42 million between 2002 and 2014, disclosures show. In 2015, Ms. Minaj, the rap star, performed at his son’s bar mitzvah.

    The Melrose C.E.O., Alan Kaufman, had the highest base salary of any large state-chartered credit union leader in America in 2013 and 2015, records show. His medallion lending supervisor, Mr. Fisher, also made millions.

    It is harder to tell how much fleet owners and brokers made, but in recent years news articles have featured some of them with new boats and houses.

    Mr. Messados’s bank records, filed in a legal case, show that by 2013, he had more than $50 million in non-taxi assets, including three homes and a yacht.

    The bubble bursts

    At least eight drivers have committed suicide, including three medallion owners with overwhelming loans.
    The medallion bubble burst in late 2014. Uber and Lyft may have hastened the crisis, but virtually all of the hundreds of industry veterans interviewed for this article, including many lenders, said inflated prices and risky lending practices would have caused a collapse even if ride-hailing had never been invented.

    At the market’s height, medallion buyers were typically earning about $5,000 a month and paying about $4,500 to their loans, according to an analysis by The Times of city data and loan documents. Many owners could make their payments only by refinancing when medallion values increased, which was unsustainable, some loan officers said.

    City data shows that since Uber entered New York in 2011, yellow cab revenue has decreased by about 10 percent per cab, a significant bite for low-earning drivers but a small drop compared with medallion values, which initially rose and then fell by 90 percent.

    As values fell, borrowers asked for breaks. But many lenders went the opposite direction. They decided to leave the business and called in their loans.

    They used the confessions to get hundreds of judgments that would allow them to take money from bank accounts, court records show. Some tried to get borrowers to give up homes or a relative’s assets. Others seized medallions and quickly resold them for profit, while still charging the original borrowers fees and extra interest. Several drivers have alleged in court that their lenders ordered them to buy life insurance.

    Many lenders hired a debt collector, Anthony Medina, to seize medallions from borrowers who missed payments.

    The scars left on cabs after medallions were removed.

    Mr. Medina left notes telling borrowers they had to give the lender “relief” to get their medallions back. The notes, which were reviewed by The Times, said the seizure was “authorized by vehicle apprehension unit.” Some drivers said Mr. Medina suggested he was a police officer and made them meet him at a park at night and pay $550 extra in cash.

    One man, Jean Demosthenes, a 64-year-old Haitian immigrant who could not speak English, said in an interview in Haitian Creole that Mr. Medina cornered him in Midtown, displayed a gun and took his car.

    In an interview, Mr. Medina denied threatening anyone with a gun. He said he requested cash because drivers who had defaulted could not be trusted to write good checks. He said he met drivers at parks and referred to himself as the vehicle apprehension unit because he wanted to hide his identity out of fear he could be targeted by borrowers.

    “You’re taking words from people that are deadbeats and delinquent people. Of course, they don’t want to see me,” he said. “I’m not the bad guy. I’m just the messenger from the bank.”

    Some lenders, especially Signature Bank, have let borrowers out of their loans for one-time payments of about $250,000. But to get that money, drivers have had to find new loans. Mr. Greenbaum, a fleet owner, has provided many of those loans, sometimes at interest rates of up to 15 percent, loan documents and interviews showed.

    New York Commercial Bank said in its statement it also had modified some loans.

    Other drivers lost everything. Most of the more than 950 owners who declared bankruptcy had to forfeit their medallions. Records indicate many were bought by hedge funds hoping for prices to rise. For now, cabs sit unused.

    Jean Demosthenes said his medallion was repossessed by a man with a gun. The man denied that he was armed.

    Bhairavi Desai, founder of the Taxi Workers Alliance, which represents drivers and independent owners, has asked the city to bail out owners or refund auction purchasers. Others have urged the city to pressure banks to forgive loans or soften terms.

    After reviewing The Times’s findings, Deepak Gupta, a former top official at the United States Consumer Financial Protection Bureau, said the New York Attorney General’s Office should investigate lenders.

    Mr. Gupta also said the state should close the loophole that let lenders classify medallion deals as business loans, even though borrowers had to guarantee them with everything they owned. Consumer loans have far more disclosure rules and protections.

    “These practices were indisputably predatory and would be illegal if they were considered consumer loans, rather than business loans,” he said.

    Last year, amid eight known suicides of drivers, including three medallion owners with overwhelming loans, the city passed a temporary cap on ride-hailing cars, created a task force to study the industry and directed the city taxi commission to do its own analysis of the debt crisis.

    Earlier this year, the Council eliminated the committee overseeing the industry after its chairman, Councilman Rubén Díaz Sr. of the Bronx, said the Council was “controlled by the homosexual community.” The speaker, Mr. Johnson, said, “The vast majority of the legislative work that we have been looking at has already been completed.”

    In a statement, a council spokesman said the committee’s duties had been transferred to the Committee on Transportation. “The Council is working to do as much as it can legislatively to help all drivers,” the spokesman said.

    As of last week, no one had been appointed to the task force.

    On the last day of 2018, Mr. and Mrs. Hoque brought their third child home from the hospital.

    Mr. Hoque cleared space for the boy’s crib, pushing aside his plastic bags of T-shirts and the fan that cooled the studio. He looked around. He could not believe he was still living in the same room.

    His loan had quickly faltered. He could not make the payments and afford rent, and his medallion was seized. Records show he paid more than $12,000 to Mega, and he said he paid another $550 to Mr. Medina to get it back. He borrowed from friends, promising it would not happen again. Then it happened four more times, he said.

    Mr. Konstantinides, the broker, said in his statement that he met with Mr. Hoque many times and twice modified one of his loans in order to lower his monthly payments. He also said he gave Mr. Hoque extra time to make some payments.

    In all, between the initial fees, monthly payments and penalties after the seizures, Mr. Hoque had paid about $400,000 into the medallion by the beginning of this year.

    But he still owed $915,000 more, plus interest, and he did not know what to do. Bankruptcy would cost money, ruin his credit and remove his only income source. And it would mean a shameful end to years of hard work. He believed his only choice was to keep working and to keep paying.

    His cab was supposed to be his ticket to money and freedom, but instead it seemed like a prison cell. Every day, he got in before the sun rose and stayed until the sky began to darken. Mr. Hoque, now 48, tried not to think about home, about what he had given up and what he had dreamed about.

    “It’s an unhuman life,” he said. “I drive and drive and drive. But I don’t know what my destination is.”

    [Read Part 2 of The Times’s investigation: As Thousands of Taxi Drivers Were Trapped in Loans, Top Officials Counted the Money]

    Reporting was contributed by Emma G. Fitzsimmons, Suzanne Hillinger, Derek M. Norman, Elisha Brown, Lindsey Rogers Cook, Pierre-Antoine Louis and Sameen Amin. Doris Burke and Susan Beachy contributed research. Produced by Jeffrey Furticella and Meghan Louttit.

    Follow Brian M. Rosenthal on Twitter at @brianmrosenthal

    #USA #New_York #Taxi #Betrug #Ausbeutung

  • ELO#370 - Rocé
    Dror, Entre Les Oreilles, le 24 avril 2019

    A mon tour de participer à une émission de radio d’une heure sur le projet de Rocé, Par les Damnés de la Terre, sur la radio CKUT de Montréal, le 18 avril dernier, avec Stefan Christoff...

    On y a passé les extraits suivants :

    1) Dansons avec les travailleurs immigrés - Versailles (France et Tunisie 1974) 03:03

    Chansons anti-brutalité policière, suite à la mort de Mohamed Diab, tué par un policier dans un commissariat de Versailles

    2) Jean Marie Tjibaou - Discours (Kanaki 1974) 00:31

    Explique l’importance de la culture dans la lutte anticoloniale, résumé du concept du disque !

    3) Groupement Culturel Renault - Cadences (France 1973) 05:21

    Chanson soul à la Isaac Hayes, écrite à l’occasion d’une grève dans les usines Renault contre les cadences infernales. Le chanteur est Jean-Pierre Graziani, que Rocé a rencontré, anarchiste et ancien métallurgiste chez Renault, qui a monté ce groupe et une maison de disque pour produire des chants de luttes !

    4) Léon Gontran Damas - Il est des nuits (Guyane) 01:10

    Léon-Gontran Damas, l’un des fondateurs de la Négritude, mais aussi ami de Guy Tirolien, grand père de la chanteuse montréalaise Malika Tirolien...

    5) Malika Tirolien, Emrical et Rawn Cana - Revolution (Guadeloupe, Haïti, Montreal 2014) 03:29

    Seule chanson de cette émission qui ne fait pas partie de l’album produit par Rocé...

    6) Manno Charlemagne - Le mal du pays (Ayiti 1984) 02:17

    Peu de gens en France connaissent ce musicien haïtien décédé en 2017, alors qu’il y a une rue à son nom à Miami où il est mort. Connu par la diaspora haïtienne du monde entier, opposant à la dictature de Duvalier, il avait du s’exiler aux États-Unis d’où il écrit cette chanson en 1984. Après la dictature, il retourne à Haïti et sera brièvement maire de Port-au-Prince.

    7) Abdoulaye Cissé - Les vautours (Haute Volta / Burkina Faso 1978) 04:56

    Avant l’arrivée au pouvoir de Thomas Sankara, Abdoulaye Cissé évoque ici les vautours, les colonisateurs et les exploiteurs. Abdoulaye Cissé était un compagnon de Thomas Sankara et il participera à son gouvernement. Le pays changera de nom et s’appellera Burkina Faso, mais les vautours, encore aujourd’hui, n’ont pas disparu.

    8) Les colombes de la révolution - Hommage à Mohamed Maïga (Burkina Faso - 1985) 04:08

    Morceau composé à la demande de Thomas Sankara, en hommage à Mohammed Maïga, journaliste et proche de Sankara, mystérieusement assassiné en 1984. Interprété par Les colombes de la révolution, l’un des groupes qui accompagnait Thomas Sankara. Rocé a trouvé ce morceau dans les archives de la radio du Burkina Faso et a eu l’autorisation de l’utiliser. Le fille de Mohammed Maïga, la comédienne Aïssa Maïga, ignorait l’existence de cette chanson.

    9) Dane Belany - Complexium - After Aimé Césaire (France & USA 1975) 04:03

    Dane Belany est une française d’origine turque et sénégalaise, exilée à New-York au début des années 1970 où elle rejoint le mouvement de la fierté noire et des musiciens de jazz expérimental, dont Ornette Coleman, Errol Parker, Dewey Redman ou Sirone. Pour ce projet, Rocé a rencontré Dane Belany qui lui a raconté son histoire et l’a autorisé à reproduire ici ce morceau...

    #Musique #Musique_et_politique #radio #Rocé #Histoire #damnés_de_la_terre #colonisation #historicisation #Entre_les_oreilles #shameless_autopromo

    Suite du projet longuement discuté ici :

    • A Paris, un projet spectaculaire pour l’île de la Cité, 2016

      Le parvis de Notre-Dame recouvert d’une immense dalle de verre au-dessus de la crypte archéologique ; aux pieds de la cathédrale, un débarcadère et des plates-formes flottantes accueillant piscine, cafés, restaurants, salles de concert ; le long de la Seine, une longue promenade végétalisée, débarrassée des voitures, reliant les pointes aval et amont de l’île ; deux nouvelles passerelles qui franchissent le fleuve ; un peu partout, des verrières, des passages couverts, des galeries souterraines, des atriums en sous-sol…

      Voilà quelques-unes des 35 propositions – spectaculaires – contenues dans le rapport remis vendredi soir au président de la République et à la maire de Paris dans les salons de l’Élysée. Ce document de 56 pages, que le JDD a consulté en avant- première, a été rédigé par l’architecte Dominique Perrault (le concepteur de la BNF, à Paris) et le président du Centre des monuments nationaux, Philippe Bélaval. Le tandem avait reçu en décembre 2015 une lettre de mission de François Hollande, « en accord avec Mme Anne Hidalgo », demandant une vision de l’île de la Cité « à l’horizon des vingt-cinq prochaines années ». Dans la lignée des grands projets présidentiels…

  • En Haïti, où les matières fécales de l’ONU sont devenues létales | Arnaud Robert

    En avril 2019, publie en avant-première sur Medium les premiers épisodes de ses « Explorations », des grands reportages en feuilleton. A commencer par « La révolution des toilettes », par Arnaud Robert, qui emmène ses lecteurs en Inde, en Chine et en Afrique du Sud. Voici le 3e épisode, en libre accès. Pour rejoindre le projet, devenez Membre fondateur. Source : Heidi News via Medium

  • #Haïti. Le Parc industriel de Caracol : chronique d’un échec annoncé

    Début avril, des informations filtraient sur la mauvaise gestion du Parc industriel de Caracol. De plus, son principal locataire, la multinationale sud-coréenne, Sae-A annonçait que plutôt que d’étendre son activité, elle s’implanterait dans la République dominicaine voisine. C’est toute l’architecture et l’esprit de ce projet qui apparaissent dès lors sous une lumière crue. Il devait être le « Symbole de la nouvelle Haïti ». Inauguré le 22 octobre 2012, en présence de figures politiques nationales (le (...)


    / #Le_regard_du_CETRI, #Le_Sud_en_mouvement, Haïti, #Néolibéralisme

  • Global inequality: Do we really live in a one-hump world?

    There is a powerful infographic that has been circulating on social media for a couple of years now. It illustrates a dramatic transformation from a “two hump world” in 1975 to a “one hump world” today. It was created by Hans Rosling and Gapminder, and has been reproduced and circulated by Max Roser and Our World in Data. Take a look:

    It is an astonishing image. In his post on inequality, Roser uses this graph to conclude: “The poorer countries have caught up, and world income inequality has declined.” Hans Rosling went further, saying that thinking about the world in terms of North and South is no longer a useful lens, as the South has caught up to the North. Bill Gates has used the graph to claim that “the world is no longer separated between the West and the Rest.” Steven Pinker leveraged it for the same purpose in his book Enlightenment Now. And Duncan Green recently wrote that income inequality is no longer about a divide between nations or regions of the world, but rather between social groups within the global population as a whole.

    Indeed, the graph gives the impression that all of the world’s people are basically in the same income bubble: whether you’re in Europe, Asia or the Americas, we’re all in the same hump, with a smooth, normal distribution. Clearly globalization has abolished that old colonial divide between North and South, and has worked nicely in favour of the majority of the world’s population. Right?

    Well, not quite. In fact, this impression is exactly the opposite of what is actually happening in the world.

    There are a few things about this graph that we need to keep in mind:

    First of all, the x axis is laid out on a logarithmic scale. This has the effect of cramming the incomes of the rich into the same visual space as the incomes of the poor. If laid out on a linear scale, we would see that in reality the bulk of the world’s population is pressed way over to the left, while a long tail of rich people whips out to the right, with people in the global North capturing virtually all of the income above $30 per day. It’s a very different picture indeed.

    Second, the income figures are adjusted for PPP. Comparing the incomes of rich people and poor people in PPP terms is problematic because PPP is known to overstate the purchasing power of the poor vis-a-vis the rich (basically because the poor consume a range of goods that are under-represented in PPP calculations, as economists like Ha-Joon Chang and Sanjay Reddy have pointed out). This approach may work for measuring something like poverty, or access to consumption, but it doesn’t make sense to use it for assessing the distribution of income generated by the global economy each year. For this, we need to use constant dollars.

    Third, the countries in the graph are grouped by world region: Europe, Asia and the Pacific, North and South America, Africa. The problem with this grouping is that it tells us nothing about “North and South”. Global North countries like Australia, New Zealand and Japan are included in Asia and Pacific, while the Americas include the US and Canada right alongside Haiti and Belize. If we want to know whether the North-South divide still exists, we need a grouping that will actually serve that end.

    So what happens if we look at the data differently? Divide the world’s countries between global South and global North, use constant dollars instead of PPP, and set it out on a linear axis rather than a logarithmic one. Here’s what it looks like. The circle sizes represent population, and the x axis is average income (graphics developed by Huzaifa Zoomkawala; click through for more detail):

    Suddenly the story changes completely. We see that while per capita income has indeed increased in the global South, the global North has captured the vast majority of new income generated by global growth since 1960. As a result, the income gap between the average person in the North and the average person in the South has nearly quadrupled in size, going from $9,000 in 1960 to $35,000 today.

    In other words, there has been no “catch up”, no “convergence”. On the contrary, what’s happening is divergence, big time.

    This is not to say that Rosling and Roser’s hump graphs are wrong. They tell us important things about how world demographics have changed. But they certainly cannot be used to conclude that poor countries have “caught up”, or that the North-South divide no longer exists, or that income inequality between nations doesn’t matter anymore. Indeed, quite the opposite is true.

    Why is this happening? Because, as I explain in The Divide, the global economy has been organized to facilitate the North’s access to cheap labour, raw materials, and captive markets in the South - today just as during the colonial period. Sure, some important things have obviously changed. But the countries of the North still control a vastly disproportionate share of voting power in the World Bank and the IMF, the institutions that control the rules of the global economy. They control a disproportionate share of bargaining power in the World Trade Organization. They wield leverage over the economic policy of poorer countries through debt. They control the majority of the world’s secrecy jurisdictions, which enable multinational companies to extract untaxed profits out of the South. They retain the ability to topple foreign governments whose economic policies they don’t like, and occupy countries they consider to be strategic in terms of resources and geography.

    These geopolitical power imbalances sustain and reproduce a global class divide that has worsened since the end of colonialism. This injustice is conveniently elided by the one-hump graph, which offers a misleadingly rosy narrative about what has happened over the past half century.

    #inégalités #monde #statistiques #visualisation #chiffres #évolution
    ping @reka

  • Offshoring the Border : The #1981 United States–#Haiti Agreement and the Origins of Extraterritorial Maritime Interdiction

    Extraterritorial maritime interdiction is a common tactic used by destination states to keep unwanted migrants from reaching their borders. But it is problematic, raising legal concerns about #refoulement as well as political concerns about sovereignty. Where did extraterritorial interdiction come from, and how has it become so widespread? This article draws on archival sources and contemporaneous legal opinions from within the #Reagan administration to tell the origin story of the pivotal 1981 United States–Haiti agreement that pioneered this model of border control. Even at the time of adoption, this agreement faced legal challenges, and was viewed as a solution of last resort. Yet many of the legal challenges of modern extraterritorial interdiction trace back to the unique circumstances shaping this first agreement—including the need to cooperate with countries of embarkation, anticipatory determination of attempted entry and the offshoring of protection responsibilities. They were locked in by path-dependent feedback mechanisms domestically and then diffused internationally.
    #USA #Etats-Unis #Haïti #externalisation #origine #interdiction_extraterritoriale #contrôles_frontaliers #migrations #asile #réfugiés #frontières #externalisation #externalisation_des_frontaliers #accord #push-back #souveraineté

    via @isskein

    ajouté à cette métaliste sur l’externalisation des contrôles frontaliers :

  • L’#ONU classe la #France au même rang que le #Soudan et le #Zimbabwe sur les #violences_policières

    Les policiers algériens ont refusé de brutaliser les manifestants qui sont descendus dans les rues pour protester contre le cinquième mandat d’Abdelaziz Bouteflika . Aucun tir de flash ball ou de gaz lacrymogène. Au milieu des manifestants, ils ont été applaudis comme des héros.

    Par contre, le Haut-commissaire de l’Onu aux droits de l’Homme, Michelle Bachelet, a demandé mercredi à la France qui se proclame pays des droits de l’homme, de mener une enquête sur les cas de violences policières pendant les manifestations des Gilets jaunes.
    « Nous encourageons le gouvernement [français, ndlr] à poursuivre le dialogue […] et l’exhortons à mener une enquête complète sur tous les cas rapportés d’usage excessif de la force », a-t-elle déclaré devant le Conseil des droits de l’Homme à Genève.

    Michelle Bachelet est même allée plus loin, comparant la situation en France à celle des répressions violentes au Venezuela, à Haïti et dans les pays africains dont le Soudan, le Zimbabwe où les manifestants « réclament un dialogue respectueux et de vraies réformes ».

    La France se dit étonnée de l’exigence formulée par l’Onu d’ouvrir une enquête sur « l’usage excessif de la force », de se retrouver sur une liste entre le Venezuela qu’elle critique et Haïti à qui elle donne des leçons de démocratie.

    Sur fond de l’exigence des Nations unies d’ouvrir une enquête sur « l’usage excessif de la force » à l’encontre des manifestants, qui a de nouveau marqué l’acte 16 des Gilets Jaunes , le porte-parole du gouvernement français , Benjamin Griveaux, s’est exprimé sur le sujet à la sortie du conseil des ministres au Palais de l’Élysée.

    « Il faut […] s’étonner tout de même de se retrouver cité dans une liste entre le Venezuela et Haïti où il y a eu des morts […] des morts nombreux », a-t-il dit.
    Le ministre de l’Intérieur, Christophe Castaner, a réagi lui aussi à la nouvelle.

    Poursuivant son allocution, Benjamin Griveaux a rappelé que des enquêtes avaient été lancées « notamment par l’Inspection générale de la police nationale » et a fait état de 162 enquêtes ouvertes à la date du 1er mars. Il a souligné dans ce contexte que « la moindre des choses » était d’écouter les Nations unies et « de les prendre en considération ». Avant d’ajouter toutefois :
    « Il est bien de voir le verre à moitié vide […], mais il est de mon devoir de rappeler que parfois il peut être vu à moitié plein ».

    Le Conseil d’État français a rejeté début février la demande de suspension de l’usage des lanceurs de balles de défense (LBD). Il avait été saisi par la CGT, la Ligue des droits de l’Homme, le syndicat de la magistrature et le syndicat des avocats de France, qui jugent leur usage dangereux, ainsi que des personnes blessées par des tirs à Nîmes et Montpellier.

    On comprend donc maintenant pourquoi les dictatateurs d’Afrique francophone continuent à tirer à balles réelles sur des manifestants sans jamais être interpellés par le gouvernement français. L’exemple vient de la France.
    #ranking #c'est_pas_glorieux #maintien_de_l'ordre #classement
    ping @davduf

    • Les tirs de #LBD face aux #gilets_jaunes ont littéralement explosé

      Un #rapport sénatorial publié ce lundi dévoile des statistiques éloquentes sur l’évolution de l’usage très controversé des lanceurs de balles de défense.

      On savait que le nombre de tirs de lanceurs de balles de défense (LBD) avait explosé en réponse à la contestation inédite des gilets jaunes. On sait désormais avec précision dans quelles proportions et elles sont éloquentes.

      Le Sénat, qui examinait une proposition de loi communiste réclamant l’interdiction des LBD, a publié le rapport de la sénatrice LR, Jacqueline Eustache-Brinio, censé éclairer la commission des Lois de la Chambre haute. Comme l’a repéré le site spécialisé Dalloz Actualité, ce rapport dévoile pour la première fois des statistiques précises, obtenues auprès du ministère de l’Intérieur et de l’IGPN, sur l’évolution de l’usage très controversé des LBD tant par les forces de police (tous services confondus) que par la gendarmerie.

      On y découvre notamment que le LBD, présenté par le gouvernement comme une arme non-létale classique destinée au maintien de l’ordre, n’avait jamais été employé à une telle fréquence par le passé. Déployés à grande échelle dans le cadre des manifestations de 2016 contre la loi Travail de la ministre de l’époque Myriam El Khomri, les tirs de LBD ont connu une accélération impressionnante en 2018, essentiellement lors du dernier trimestre de l’année, marqué par la crise des gilets jaunes.

      Comme vous pouvez le voir sur le tableau ci-dessus, le nombre de tirs effectué par les seuls services de police est passé de 3814 en 2014 à 6604 en 2016. Un chiffre multiplié par trois en 2018 avec pas moins de 19.071 tirs effectués par les différents services de police.

      S’appuyant sur des données de l’Inspection générale de la police nationale (IGPN), qui enquête sur les cas de violences policières liées notamment à l’usage des LBD, la sénatrice pointe que, sur la seule période de crise des gilets jaunes, allant du 17 novembre 2018 au 5 février 2018, la police a effectué 13.460 tirs tandis que la gendarmerie en réalisait près d’un millier. Soit plus des deux tiers du volume constaté pour la seule année 2018 en l’espace de trois mois.

      Jeudi dernier, le secrétaire d’Etat à l’Intérieur Laurent Nuñez avait évoqué devant le Sénat « 13.095 tirs de LBD depuis le début du mouvement », et 83 enquêtes en cours concernant des tirs de cette arme controversée.
      La police loin devant la gendarmerie

      Autre confirmation apportée par le rapport sénatorial, ce sont bien les services de police et non les gendarmes qui ont eu le plus recours à cette arme non-létale pendant les trois mois de crise. Deux explications sont mises en avant. La première concerne la géolocalisation des manifestations des gilets jaunes, qui ont eu lieu essentiellement en milieu urbain, terrain de prédilection des compagnies républicaines de sécurité.

      PRÉCISION : Ce point soulevé par la sénatrice Jacqueline Eustache-Brinio a fait réagir les forces de gendarmerie. Après publication de cet article, une source officielle a précisé au HuffPost que les gendarmes mobiles interviennent très régulièrement en renfort en zone police, comme ce fut le cas lors de la crise des gilets jaunes, avec un taux de mobilisation qui a parfois atteint les 100% certains samedi.

      Autre facteur décisif aux yeux de la sénatrice, l’immense majorité de ces tirs ont été le fait d’unités de police non spécialisées dans le maintien de l’ordre qui ont été déployées sur le terrain « à des fins judiciaires ou de renseignement ». Selon le rapport, ces unités seraient à l’origine de 85% des tirs effectués sur les trois derniers mois.

      La présence sur le terrain de ces unités avait été pointée du doigt par les détracteurs du LBD pour expliquer le caractère alarmant des blessures graves subies par certains manifestants après des tirs au visage, pourtant expressément bannis par le protocole officiel de la police nationale.

      Le rapport sénatorial n’établit pas toutefois de lien de causalité direct entre la nature des unités de police à l’origine des tirs et les blessures infligées. Il précise en revanche que ce recours « massif » aux LBD s’est accompagné d’une « augmentation du nombre de plaintes pour blessures », affichant le nombre de 56 plaintes déposées contre les seules forces de police, contre une seule pour la gendarmerie. En séance, la présidente du groupe CRCE, Eliane Assassi, avait avancé la semaine dernière les chiffres de « 206 blessures à la tête dont plusieurs dizaines liées à des tirs de LBD », et « 22 personnes éborgnées par ces tirs ».

      Si elle a rejeté la proposition de loi visant à interdire les LBD, la commission des Lois du Sénat a, sur la base de ce rapport, souligné dans la lignée de sa rapporteure la « nécessité de renforcer la formation continue des agents jugée aujourd’hui insatisfaisante pour garantir une parfaite maîtrise de cette arme ».
      #statistiques #chiffres

    • J’apprends dans l’article de Libé ci-dessus, posté par @le_bougnoulosophe que le nouveau préfet Didier Lallement est à l’origine de la création des équipes régionales d’intervention et de sécurité (ERIS)

      Didier Leschi, aujourd’hui directeur général de l’Office français de l’immigration et de l’intégration tempère le portrait apocalyptique fait de son compère issu, comme lui, du « chevènementisme » : « C’est un excellent technicien, à la grande rigueur intellectuelle. Au plan administratif, il est plutôt réformateur. Son passage à la tête de l’administration pénitentiaire [où il fut le créateur des équipes régionales d’intervention et de sécurité –unité d’élite] a été salué par les syndicats, ce qui est suffisamment rare pour être souligné. »

      ça a en effet le mérite d’être souligné

      Composées de surveillants de plusieurs prisons, les Equipes Régionales d’Intervention et de Sécurité (ERIS) ont comme mission d’intervenir « cagoulés » dans les prisons pour effectuer des d’opérations « coups de poing » afin d’assurer la sécurité. Or, comme il fallait s’y attendre, des dérapages ont déjà commencé. Intervenant comme des commandos, entraînés et préparés psychologiquement à venir à bout de toute résistance, et couverts derrière l’anonymat, ils se sont livrés, depuis le mois de mai dernier, à des excès de zèle dans les quartiers d’isolement de trois prisons (Bois d’Arcy, Lannemezan et Clairvaux). Ils entrent à plusieurs dans la cellule (10 cagoulés contre un détenu, à Bois d’Arcy), les obligent à la fouille intégrale, et en cas de refus, ils les passent à tabac et, les tenant immobilisés, les forcent à la fouille intime. A Bois d’Arcy, les récalcitrants à la fouille à corps, ont également eu droit, après le passage à tabac, à un défilé de force, nus, dans les couloirs de la prison et en présence du personnel également féminin.

      L’armement des opérateurs des ERIS comprend :

      le pistolet Glock 17 ;
      le fusil à pompe Remington 870 ;
      le fusil d’assaut HK G36 C ;
      Flash ball (lanceur de balle de défense (LBD)), et le Taser ;
      Grenades DBD (Dispositif Balistique de Désencerclement)
      Avec ce genre d’attirail ce n’est plus la force qui doit rester à la loi mais la loi imposé par la force.


  • « Gilets jaunes » : l’ONU demande à la France d’enquêter sur « l’usage excessif de la force »

    La haut-commissaire des Nations unies aux droits de l’homme, Michelle Bachelet, a demandé instamment à la France, mercredi 6 mars, une « enquête approfondie » sur les #violences_policières pendant les #manifestations des « #gilets_jaunes ».

    Mme Bachelet, qui s’exprimait devant le Conseil des droits de l’homme, à Genève (Suisse), a déclaré :

    « Nous encourageons le gouvernement [français] à poursuivre le dialogue et demandons urgemment une enquête approfondie sur tous les cas rapportés d’usage excessif de la force. [...]

    enjamin Griveaux, porte-parole du gouvernement, a réagi en début d’après-midi, se disant étonné de voir la France « cité[e] dans une liste entre le Venezuela et Haïti, où il y a eu des morts ». « Est-ce bien raisonnable ? », s’est demandé le ministre de l’intérieur, Christophe Castaner, sur Twitter, rappelant qu’il y a eu « 41 morts » en Haïti et que le président vénézuélien « Nicolas Maduro refuse l’aide humanitaire à son peuple ». »

  • Crise, violences, mercenaires évacués... Que se passe-t-il en #Haïti ?

    Interview de Frédéric Thomas (CETRI) par Rachel Marsden (Sputnik). Haïti connaît une grave crise politique et une flambée de violence. C’est dans ce contexte que huit mercenaires ont été arrêtés à Port-au-Prince, puis rapidement relâchés et expulsés du pays. Une situation explosive sur laquelle revient Frédéric Thomas, chargé d’études à l’ONG belge CETRI et auteur de L’échec humanitaire : le cas haïtien. 26 personnes sont mortes et au moins 77 blessées en Haïti alors que des manifestations antigouvernementales (...)


    / #Audio, #Le_regard_du_CETRI, Haïti, #Sputnik, #Le_Sud_en_mouvement

  • Gerald Merceron - Haiti 2000 Tet San Ko La Nouvelle Musique Haitienne

    Découvert par une sélection chez Fuzati.

    Fuzati - Critique musical, musicien, Gérald Merceron a fait beaucoup pour le jazz à Haïti. Il a également enregistré 5 albums en tant que compositeur et Tèt San Kò est sans doute l’un des meilleurs. Le morceau qui ouvre l’album est extraordinaire.

    #musique #jazz #Haïti #Gérald_Merceron #Fuzati @jeanmarie

  • #Haïti, le scandale du siècle (3) : le sens de la révolte

    Si la dégradation de la situation socio-économique, déjà très précaire, est le terreau des mobilisations sociales qui secouent Haïti, le scandale PetroCaribe en est le catalyseur. Il nous semble important d’offrir une analyse synthétique et vulgarisée des causes de la crise actuelle. Dans ce troisième et dernier papier, nous voulons mettre en avant la dynamique et les contours des manifestations de ces derniers mois. Lire le premier volet de ce dossier consacré à la crise haïtienne Lire le deuxième (...)


    / #Le_Sud_en_mouvement, #Le_regard_du_CETRI, Haïti, #Mobilisations_populaires, #Analyses

  • Trump-2019 nous rejoue Reagan-1986

    Trump-2019 nous rejoue Reagan-1986

    Wayne Madsen est connu pour la qualité et la minutie de ses informations concernant les covert operations, impairs et coups fourrés de l’appareil de sécurité nationale US (ou “appareil de subversion nationale” US). Il est très bien informé, depuis des décennies, sur certaines de ces opérations notamment en Amérique Centrale, à l’époque Reagan avec l’Irangate. Comme de plus il n’aime pas Trump, Madsen se plonge avec délice dans les “coups fourrés” de l’équipe Trump qui accompagne l’incroyable campagne de communication pour des agressions et des pressions contre quatre pays de la zone (Venezuela certes, Nicaragua, Cuba, Haiti).

    Madsen fait un parallèle avec l’action dans les années 1980 de l’équipe d’Irangate, dont Abrams, rappelé au service pour le Venezuela, était l’un des (...)

  • #Haïti, le scandale du siècle (2) : #Corruption et politique néolibérale

    Si la dégradation de la situation socio-économique, déjà très précaire, est le terreau des mobilisations sociales qui secouent Haïti, le scandale PetroCaribe en est le catalyseur. Il nous semble important d’offrir une analyse synthétique et vulgarisée des causes de la crise actuelle. Dans ce deuxième papier, nous nous intéressons à plusieurs cas symptomatiques et au lien entre corruption et politiques néolibérales. Lire le premier volet de ce dossier consacré à la crise haïtienne Plus encore peut-être que (...)


    / Corruption, #Analyses, #Le_regard_du_CETRI, #Le_Sud_en_mouvement, #Mobilisations_populaires, #Néolibéralisme, (...)

  • #Haïti, le scandale du siècle (1) : le dossier PetroCaribe

    Si la dégradation de la situation socio-économique, déjà très précaire, est le terreau des mobilisations sociales qui secouent Haïti, le scandale PetroCaribe en est le catalyseur. Il nous semble important d’offrir une analyse synthétique et vulgarisée des causes de la crise actuelle. Dans ce premier papier, nous nous intéressons à l’audit de la Cour des comptes sur le dossier PetroCaribe. Petrocaribe est un accord de coopération énergétique, lancé en juin 2005, par Hugo Chavez, alors président (...)


    / #Le_Sud_en_mouvement, #Analyses, Haïti, #Corruption, #Crises, #Le_regard_du_CETRI

  • #Haïti : le dossier PetroCaribe, scandale du siècle

    Si la dégradation de la situation socio-économique, déjà très précaire, est le terreau des mobilisations sociales qui secouent Haïti, le scandale PetroCaribe en est le catalyseur. Il nous semble important d’offrir une analyse synthétique et vulgarisée des causes de la crise actuelle. Dans ce premier papier, nous nous intéressons à l’audit de la Cour des comptes sur le dossier PetroCaribe. Petrocaribe est un accord de coopération énergétique, lancé en juin 2005, par Hugo Chavez, alors président (...)


    / #Le_Sud_en_mouvement, #Analyses, Haïti, #Corruption, #Crises, #Le_regard_du_CETRI

  • #Haïti : le scandale du siècle. Le dossier PetroCaribe

    Si la dégradation de la situation socio-économique, déjà très précaire, est le terreau des mobilisations sociales qui secouent Haïti, le scandale PetroCaribe en est le catalyseur. Il nous semble important d’offrir une analyse synthétique et vulgarisée des causes de la crise actuelle. Dans ce premier papier, nous nous intéressons à l’audit de la Cour des comptes sur le dossier PetroCaribe. Petrocaribe est un accord de coopération énergétique, lancé en juin 2005, par Hugo Chavez, alors président (...)


    / #Le_Sud_en_mouvement, #Analyses, Haïti, #Corruption, #Crises, #Le_regard_du_CETRI

  • L’alerte des évêques d’Haïti : « Le pays est au bord de l’abîme »

    En #Haïti, la situation socioéconomique se dégrade de jour en jour, à tel point que le gouvernement a déclaré début février l’état d’urgence économique. La Conférence épiscopale du pays s’est quant à elle exprimée dans un message appelant toutes les composantes de la société à réagir, « au prix de grands sacrifices ». Interview de Frédéric Thomas, chargé d’étude au CETRI, par Adélaïde Patrignani de Radio (...)


    / #Le_regard_du_CETRI, #Le_Sud_en_mouvement, Haïti, #Radio_Vatican, #Audio

  • #Haïti : pourquoi le pays s’enfonce dans la crise ?

    Une population qui descend dans la rue pour crier famine. Depuis plusieurs jours, la vie est paralysée en Haïti. Violences, pillages, écoles, administrations fermées. es Haïtiens, essentiellement issus des quartiers les plus pauvres, manifestent depuis jeudi contre les deux années de gouvernance de l’actuel président Jovenel Moïse. Lundi, le bilan officiel était de quatre morts. Interview de Frédéric Thomas, chargé d’étude au CETRI, par Guillaume Erner sur France (...)


    / #Le_regard_du_CETRI, Haïti, #Le_Sud_en_mouvement, #Homepage_-_Actualités_à_la_une, #France_Culture

  • Rise in sexual abuse cases in aid groups as more victims ...

    Leading aid agencies received at least 539 reports of sex abuse and harassment last year, an exclusive survey showed on Monday, a 13 percent increase on 2017 which charities said shows abuse victims are more willing to speak up.

    The reports have led to the sacking of 91 staff, with many other cases under investigation, according to the Thomson Reuters Foundation’s second annual survey of 22 leading global charities, including the United Nations (U.N.), Oxfam and CARE.

    “If we sustain momentum on this issue and keep working to ensure people feel safe coming forward to report abuse, the numbers of reported incidents will inevitably go up in the short term,” said Mike Wright, of Bond, a network for UK aid groups.

    “But as we reinforce the message that abusive behaviour will not be tolerated and continue to improve our safeguarding practices, in the long term they will fall,” he said.

    The aid industry has come under scrutiny after revelations last year that Oxfam staff used prostitutes in Haiti during an earthquake relief mission in 2010 snowballed into widespread reports of harassment and abuse in the sector.

    #industrie_de_l'aide #abus_sexuels #harcèlement_sexuel

  • Le #LAKOU , un type d’habitat disparu - CAUE #Martinique

    Si vous demandez à un Martiniquais de moins de trente ans de vous expliquer à quoi correspond le mot « lakou », il y a de fortes chances qu’il ne sache pas de quoi il s’agit car ce type d’habitat a quasiment disparu de nos paysages urbains. A travers ce qui suit, nous verrons ce à quoi correspond ce mot créole que l’on traduit en français par « cour ».
    Qu’est qu’un lakou ?

    Selon Myrtô Ribal-Rilos, chercheur en Langues et cultures régionales, qui a mené une étude portant sur des lakous en Martinique : le « lakou est un espace en marge entre le rural et l’urbain permettant à des personnes en provenance de la campagne de se loger à moindre frais. Ces espaces se retrouvent dans toutes les villes des anciennes dépendances coloniales. » Le lakou n’est donc pas une spécificité martiniquaise. Il en existe en Guadeloupe, en Haïti, en Guyane, dans l’Océan Indien… Il convient cependant de noter que le mot lakou ne désigne pas exactement les mêmes réalités selon le territoire où l’on se trouve. Ce qui est le cas en #Guadeloupe ou en #Haïti.

    #habitat #caraïbes #architecture