• Discours de Macron : quel régime adopter ?
    Des mesures jugées insuffisantes, à droite comme à gauche pour sauver la planète.

    « Gilets jaunes » : des « dérapages inadmissibles » du « maniaque d’Angarsk » envers des journalistes samedi
    La police, tueuse en série, reconnue coupable de 78 meurtres en Russie

    A Prague, comment le nouveau maire s’acclimate tant bien que mal au réchauffement
    Les coraux figure de proue du Parti pirate.

    Réforme du bac Parcoursup, près de 120 lycées experts en blocage des négociations climatiques
    COP24, les Etats pétroliers sont « perturbés »

    Que contient (ou non) le pacte de Washington sur les migrations ?
    Cent vingt ans après, Marrakech restitue des trophées de guerre aux Philippines.

    #BlackSitesTurkey : échanges universitaires franco britanniques dans l’archipel turc de la torture

    Discours de Gecko : des mesures jugées insuffisantes, à droite comme à gauche
    Comment le Macron arrive à courir sur l’eau


  • Accelerated remittances growth to low- and middle-income countries in 2018

    Remittances to low- and middle-income countries grew rapidly and are projected to reach a new record in 2018, says the latest edition of the World Bank’s Migration and Development Brief, released today.

    The Bank estimates that officially recorded remittances to developing countries will increase by 10.8 percent to reach $528 billion in 2018. This new record level follows robust growth of 7.8 percent in 2017. Global remittances, which include flows to high-income countries, are projected to grow by 10.3 percent to $689 billion.

    Remittance flows rose in all regions, most notably in Europe and Central Asia (20 percent) and South Asia (13.5 percent), followed by Sub-Saharan Africa (9.8 percent), Latin America and the Caribbean (9.3 percent), the Middle East and North Africa (9.1 percent), and East Asia and the Pacific (6.6 percent). Growth was driven by a stronger economy and employment situation in the United States and a rebound in outward flows from Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries and the Russian Federation.

    Among major remittance recipients, India retains its top spot, with remittances expected to total $80 billion this year, followed by China ($67 billion), Mexico and the Philippines ($34 billion each), and Egypt ($26 billion).

    As global growth is projected to moderate, future remittances to low- and middle-income countries are expected to grow moderately by 4 percent to reach $549 billion in 2019. Global remittances are expected to grow 3.7 percent to $715 billion in 2019.

    The Brief notes that the global average cost of sending $200 remains high at 6.9 percent in the third quarter of 2018. Reducing remittance costs to 3 percent by 2030 is a global target under #Sustainable_Development_Goals (SDG) 10.7. Increasing the volume of remittances is also a global goal under the proposals for raising financing for the SDGs.

    #remittances #migrations #statistiques #chiffres #2018 #coût #SDGs

  • Investment platforms vie to capture a share of global #remittances

    Investment platforms are vying to capture a share of global remittances
    IN 2016 AYO ADEWUNMI, a Nigerian-born agricultural trader living in London, bought a five-hectare farm in
    his homeland. It has produced little since. “I am not in the country, so I have to rely on third parties. It’s just
    not good enough,” he says.
    Mr Adewunmi has since discovered another, potentially more satisfactory way to make such investments:
    through #FarmCrowdy (, a crowdfunding platform that lends to Nigerian farms and provides technical
    assistance to their owners. The two-year-old startup, which is considering expanding into Ghana, places high
    hopes in the African diaspora as a source of funds.
    The case for such platforms goes beyond agriculture. Global remittances are expected to soar from $468bn
    in 2010 to $667bn in 2019. They are among the top two foreign-currency sources in several countries,
    including Kenya and the Philippines. Yet hardly any of the money is invested.
    In part, this is because recipients use three-quarters of the money for basics such as food and housing. But it
    is also because emigrants who want to invest back home have few options. New investment channels could
    attract lots of extra cash—about $73bn a year in Commonwealth countries alone, according to research by
    the 53-country grouping.

    Crowdfunding platforms would enable investors to put modest sums directly into smaller businesses in
    developing countries, which are often cash-starved. Yet of the emerging world’s 85 debt- and
    equity-crowdfunding ventures, only a handful raise money abroad. Several platforms set up in rich countries
    over the past decade to invest in developing countries, including Emerging Crowd, Homestrings and Enable
    Impact, quickly folded.
    A big problem is that few developing countries have rules about crowdfunding. Many have allowed activity
    so far chiefly because the industry is so small, says Anton Root of Allied Crowds, a consultancy. Cross-border
    transfers using such platforms easily fall foul of rich countries’ rules intended to stop money-laundering and
    the financing of terrorism.
    Some developing countries have realised that they need to act. Thailand, Malaysia, Singapore and Indonesia
    have all recently passed regulations on equity crowdfunding or peer-to-peer lending. But from a
    cross-border perspective, Africa seems most inventive, owing to active entrepreneurs and Western help.

    Last month the British government approved a grant of £230,000 ($300,000) to the African Crowdfunding
    Association to help it craft model accreditation and investor-protection rules. Elizabeth Howard of
    LelapaFund, a platform focused on east Africa, is part of an effort to see such rules adopted across the
    continent. That would help reassure sending countries that transfers do not end up in the wrong hands, she
    says. She hopes to enlist the support of the Central Bank of West African States, which oversees eight
    Francophone countries, at a gathering of crowdfunders and regulators sponsored by the French
    government in Dakar, in Senegal, this month.
    Thameur Hemdane of Afrikwity, a platform targeting Francophone Africa, says the industry will also study
    whether prospective laws could be expanded to the Central African Economic and Monetary Community, a
    grouping of six countries. Harmonised rules will not guarantee crowdfunders’ success, but would be a useful
    step towards raising the amount of diaspora capital that is put to productive use.
    #agriculture #crowdfunding #migrations #investissement #développement

  • Découvrez Firefox Lite pour Android

    Autant je connais et utilise Firefox Focus (alias Firefox Klar sur F-Droid), autant j’étais passé à côté d’une autre variante officielle de Firefox sur Android : Firefox Lite, dont la version 1.0.0 est parue le 1er novembre dernier. lien n°1 : Billet de présentation : « Firefox Lite (Firefox Rocket) — A tailor-made browser for Indonesia »lien n°2 : GitHub du projetlien n°3 : Documentation officielle : « Débuter avec Firefox Lite »Pourquoi Firefox Lite ?

    Firefox Lite (précédemment Firefox Rocket), c’est en quelque sorte Firefox Focus avec des fonctionnalités supplémentaires destinées à ceux qui veulent minimiser leur consommation de données et ainsi faire des économies sur leur forfait.

    Il cible les pays en voie de développement comme la Chine, l’Indonésie, la Thaïlande, l’Inde et les Philippines, mais il (...)

  • A 15-year-old rape victim is the latest collateral damage of Duterte’s drug war · Global Voices

    Philippines’ President Rodrigo #Duterte drug war has reached a new low this week when a police officer was arrested for raping the 15-year-old daughter of detained drug suspects in the capital Manila.

    Photos of officer Eduardo Valencia of the Philippine National Police (PNP) pleading with his superiors for having brought the teenager to a motel in exchange for the release of her parents have gone viral. Medical tests showed signs of rape.

    Critics of President Duterte say it is his misogyny, rape jokes, and repeated assurances to defend police and military in the course of his government’s anti-drug and counterinsurgency operations that has normalized a macho culture of sexual abuse.

    #philippines #viol #culture_du_viol #sexisme #machisme #violence

  • 56,800 migrant dead and missing : ’They are human beings’

    One by one, five to a grave, the coffins are buried in the red earth of this ill-kept corner of a South African cemetery. The scrawl on the cheap wood attests to their anonymity: “Unknown B/Male.”

    These men were migrants from elsewhere in Africa with next to nothing who sought a living in the thriving underground economy of Gauteng province, a name that roughly translates to “land of gold.” Instead of fortune, many found death, their bodies unnamed and unclaimed — more than 4,300 in Gauteng between 2014 and 2017 alone.

    Some of those lives ended here at the Olifantsvlei cemetery, in silence, among tufts of grass growing over tiny placards that read: Pauper Block. There are coffins so tiny that they could belong only to children.

    As migration worldwide soars to record highs, far less visible has been its toll: The tens of thousands of people who die or simply disappear during their journeys, never to be seen again. In most cases, nobody is keeping track: Barely counted in life, these people don’t register in death , as if they never lived at all.

    An Associated Press tally has documented at least 56,800 migrants dead or missing worldwide since 2014 — almost double the number found in the world’s only official attempt to try to count them, by the U.N.’s International Organization for Migration. The IOM toll as of Oct. 1 was more than 28,500. The AP came up with almost 28,300 additional dead or missing migrants by compiling information from other international groups, requesting forensic records, missing persons reports and death records, and sifting through data from thousands of interviews with migrants.

    The toll is the result of migration that is up 49 percent since the turn of the century, with more than 258 million international migrants in 2017, according to the United Nations. A growing number have drowned, died in deserts or fallen prey to traffickers, leaving their families to wonder what on earth happened to them. At the same time, anonymous bodies are filling cemeteries around the world, like the one in Gauteng.

    The AP’s tally is still low. More bodies of migrants lie undiscovered in desert sands or at the bottom of the sea. And families don’t always report loved ones as missing because they migrated illegally, or because they left home without saying exactly where they were headed.

    The official U.N. toll focuses mostly on Europe, but even there cases fall through the cracks. The political tide is turning against migrants in Europe just as in the United States, where the government is cracking down heavily on caravans of Central Americans trying to get in . One result is that money is drying up for projects to track migration and its costs.

    For example, when more than 800 people died in an April 2015 shipwreck off the coast of Italy, Europe’s deadliest migrant sea disaster, Italian investigators pledged to identify them and find their families. More than three years later, under a new populist government, funding for this work is being cut off.

    Beyond Europe, information is even more scarce. Little is known about the toll in South America, where the Venezuelan migration is among the world’s biggest today, and in Asia, the top region for numbers of migrants.

    The result is that governments vastly underestimate the toll of migration, a major political and social issue in most of the world today.

    “No matter where you stand on the whole migration management debate....these are still human beings on the move,” said Bram Frouws, the head of the Mixed Migration Centre , based in Geneva, which has done surveys of more than 20,000 migrants in its 4Mi project since 2014. “Whether it’s refugees or people moving for jobs, they are human beings.”

    They leave behind families caught between hope and mourning, like that of Safi al-Bahri. Her son, Majdi Barhoumi, left their hometown of Ras Jebel, Tunisia, on May 7, 2011, headed for Europe in a small boat with a dozen other migrants. The boat sank and Barhoumi hasn’t been heard from since. In a sign of faith that he is still alive, his parents built an animal pen with a brood of hens, a few cows and a dog to stand watch until he returns.

    “I just wait for him. I always imagine him behind me, at home, in the market, everywhere,” said al-Bahari. “When I hear a voice at night, I think he’s come back. When I hear the sound of a motorcycle, I think my son is back.”



    Of the world’s migration crises, Europe’s has been the most cruelly visible. Images of the lifeless body of a Kurdish toddler on a beach, frozen tent camps in Eastern Europe, and a nearly numbing succession of deadly shipwrecks have been transmitted around the world, adding to the furor over migration.

    In the Mediterranean, scores of tankers, cargo boats, cruise ships and military vessels tower over tiny, crowded rafts powered by an outboard motor for a one-way trip. Even larger boats carrying hundreds of migrants may go down when soft breezes turn into battering winds and thrashing waves further from shore.

    Two shipwrecks and the deaths of at least 368 people off the coast of Italy in October 2013 prompted the IOM’s research into migrant deaths. The organization has focused on deaths in the Mediterranean, although its researchers plead for more data from elsewhere in the world. This year alone, the IOM has found more than 1,700 deaths in the waters that divide Africa and Europe.

    Like the lost Tunisians of Ras Jebel, most of them set off to look for work. Barhoumi, his friends, cousins and other would-be migrants camped in the seaside brush the night before their departure, listening to the crash of the waves that ultimately would sink their raft.

    Khalid Arfaoui had planned to be among them. When the group knocked at his door, it wasn’t fear that held him back, but a lack of cash. Everyone needed to chip in to pay for the boat, gas and supplies, and he was short about $100. So he sat inside and watched as they left for the beachside campsite where even today locals spend the night before embarking to Europe.

    Propelled by a feeble outboard motor and overburdened with its passengers, the rubber raft flipped, possibly after grazing rocks below the surface on an uninhabited island just offshore. Two bodies were retrieved. The lone survivor was found clinging to debris eight hours later.

    The Tunisian government has never tallied its missing, and the group never made it close enough to Europe to catch the attention of authorities there. So these migrants never have been counted among the dead and missing.

    “If I had gone with them, I’d be lost like the others,” Arfaoui said recently, standing on the rocky shoreline with a group of friends, all of whom vaguely planned to leave for Europe. “If I get the chance, I’ll do it. Even if I fear the sea and I know I might die, I’ll do it.”

    With him that day was 30-year-old Mounir Aguida, who had already made the trip once, drifting for 19 hours after the boat engine cut out. In late August this year, he crammed into another raft with seven friends, feeling the waves slam the flimsy bow. At the last minute he and another young man jumped out.

    “It didn’t feel right,” Aguida said.

    There has been no word from the other six — yet another group of Ras Jebel’s youth lost to the sea. With no shipwreck reported, no survivors to rescue and no bodies to identify, the six young men are not counted in any toll.

    In addition to watching its own youth flee, Tunisia and to a lesser degree neighboring Algeria are transit points for other Africans north bound for Europe. Tunisia has its own cemetery for unidentified migrants, as do Greece, Italy and Turkey. The one at Tunisia’s southern coast is tended by an unemployed sailor named Chamseddin Marzouk.

    Of around 400 bodies interred in the coastal graveyard since it opened in 2005, only one has ever been identified. As for the others who lie beneath piles of dirt, Marzouk couldn’t imagine how their families would ever learn their fate.

    “Their families may think that the person is still alive, or that he’ll return one day to visit,” Marzouk said. “They don’t know that those they await are buried here, in Zarzis, Tunisia.”



    Despite talk of the ’waves’ of African migrants trying to cross the Mediterranean, as many migrate within Africa — 16 million — as leave for Europe. In all, since 2014, at least 18,400 African migrants have died traveling within Africa, according to the figures compiled from AP and IOM records. That includes more than 4,300 unidentified bodies in a single South African province, and 8,700 whose traveling companions reported their disappearance en route out of the Horn of Africa in interviews with 4Mi.

    When people vanish while migrating in Africa, it is often without a trace. The IOM says the Sahara Desert may well have killed more migrants than the Mediterranean. But no one will ever know for sure in a region where borders are little more than lines drawn on maps and no government is searching an expanse as large as the continental United States. The harsh sun and swirling desert sands quickly decompose and bury bodies of migrants, so that even when they turn up, they are usually impossible to identify .

    With a prosperous economy and stable government, South Africa draws more migrants than any other country in Africa. The government is a meticulous collector of fingerprints — nearly every legal resident and citizen has a file somewhere — so bodies without any records are assumed to have been living and working in the country illegally. The corpses are fingerprinted when possible, but there is no regular DNA collection.

    South Africa also has one of the world’s highest rates of violent crime and police are more focused on solving domestic cases than identifying migrants.

    “There’s logic to that, as sad as it is....You want to find the killer if you’re a policeman, because the killer could kill more people,” said Jeanine Vellema, the chief specialist of the province’s eight mortuaries. Migrant identification, meanwhile, is largely an issue for foreign families — and poor ones at that.

    Vellema has tried to patch into the police missing persons system, to build a system of electronic mortuary records and to establish a protocol where a DNA sample is taken from every set of remains that arrive at the morgue. She sighs: “Resources.” It’s a word that comes up 10 times in a half-hour conversation.

    So the bodies end up at Olifantsvlei or a cemetery like it, in unnamed graves. On a recent visit by AP, a series of open rectangles awaited the bodies of the unidentified and unclaimed. They did not wait long: a pickup truck drove up, piled with about 10 coffins, five per grave. There were at least 180 grave markers for the anonymous dead, with multiple bodies in each grave.

    The International Committee of the Red Cross, which is working with Vellema, has started a pilot project with one Gauteng morgue to take detailed photos, fingerprints, dental information and DNA samples of unidentified bodies. That information goes to a database where, in theory, the bodies can be traced.

    “Every person has a right to their dignity. And to their identity,” said Stephen Fonseca, the ICRC regional forensic manager.



    More than 6,000 miles (9,000 kilometers) away, in the deserts that straddle the U.S.-Mexico border, lie the bodies of migrants who perished trying to cross land as unforgiving as the waters of the Mediterranean. Many fled the violence and poverty of Guatemala, Honduras, El Salvador or Mexico. Some are found months or years later as mere skeletons. Others make a last, desperate phone call and are never heard from again.

    In 2010 the Argentine Forensic Anthropology Team and the local morgue in Pima County, Ariz., began to organize efforts to put names to the anonymous bodies found on both sides of the border. The “Border Project” has since identified more than 183 people — a fraction of the total.

    At least 3,861 migrants are dead and missing on the route from Mexico to the United States since 2014, according to the combined AP and IOM total. The tally includes missing person reports from the Colibri Center for Human Rights on the U.S. side as well as the Argentine group’s data from the Mexican side. The painstaking work of identification can take years, hampered by a lack of resources, official records and coordination between countries — and even between states.

    For many families of the missing, it is their only hope, but for the families of Juan Lorenzo Luna and Armando Reyes, that hope is fading.

    Luna, 27, and Reyes, 22, were brothers-in-law who left their small northern Mexico town of Gomez Palacio in August 2016. They had tried to cross to the U.S. four months earlier, but surrendered to border patrol agents in exhaustion and were deported.

    They knew they were risking their lives — Reyes’ father died migrating in 1995, and an uncle went missing in 2004. But Luna, a quiet family man, wanted to make enough money to buy a pickup truck and then return to his wife and two children. Reyes wanted a job where he wouldn’t get his shoes dirty and could give his newborn daughter a better life.

    Of the five who left Gomez Palacio together, two men made it to safety, and one man turned back. The only information he gave was that the brothers-in-law had stopped walking and planned to turn themselves in again. That is the last that is known of them.

    Officials told their families that they had scoured prisons and detention centers, but there was no sign of the missing men. Cesaria Orona even consulted a fortune teller about her missing son, Armando, and was told he had died in the desert.

    One weekend in June 2017, volunteers found eight bodies next to a military area of the Arizona desert and posted the images online in the hopes of finding family. Maria Elena Luna came across a Facebook photo of a decaying body found in an arid landscape dotted with cactus and shrubs, lying face-up with one leg bent outward. There was something horribly familiar about the pose.

    “That’s how my brother used to sleep,” she whispered.

    Along with the bodies, the volunteers found a credential of a boy from Guatemala, a photo and a piece of paper with a number written on it. The photo was of Juan Lorenzo Luna, and the number on the paper was for cousins of the family. But investigators warned that a wallet or credential could have been stolen, as migrants are frequently robbed.

    “We all cried,” Luna recalled. “But I said, we cannot be sure until we have the DNA test. Let’s wait.”

    Luna and Orona gave DNA samples to the Mexican government and the Argentine group. In November 2017, Orona received a letter from the Mexican government saying that there was the possibility of a match for Armando with some bone remains found in Nuevo Leon, a state that borders Texas. But the test was negative.

    The women are still waiting for results from the Argentine pathologists. Until then, their relatives remain among the uncounted.

    Orona holds out hope that the men may be locked up, or held by “bad people.” Every time Luna hears about clandestine graves or unidentified bodies in the news, the anguish is sharp.

    “Suddenly all the memories come back,” she said. “I do not want to think.”



    The toll of the dead and the missing has been all but ignored in one of the largest population movements in the world today — that of nearly 2 million Venezuelans fleeing from their country’s collapse. These migrants have hopped buses across the borders, boarded flimsy boats in the Caribbean, and — when all else failed — walked for days along scorching highways and freezing mountain trails. Vulnerable to violence from drug cartels, hunger and illness that lingers even after reaching their destination, they have disappeared or died by the hundreds.

    “They can’t withstand a trip that hard, because the journey is very long,” said Carlos Valdes, director of neighboring Colombia’s national forensic institute. “And many times, they only eat once a day. They don’t eat. And they die.” Valdes said authorities don’t always recover the bodies of those who die, as some migrants who have entered the country illegally are afraid to seek help.

    Valdes believes hypothermia has killed some as they trek through the mountain tundra region, but he had no idea how many. One migrant told the AP he saw a family burying someone wrapped in a white blanket with red flowers along the frigid journey.

    Marta Duque, 55, has had a front seat to the Venezuela migration crisis from her home in Pamplona, Colombia. She opens her doors nightly to provide shelter for families with young children. Pamplona is one of the last cities migrants reach before venturing up a frigid mountain paramo, one of the most dangerous parts of the trip for migrants traveling by foot. Temperatures dip well below freezing.

    She said inaction from authorities has forced citizens like her to step in.

    “Everyone just seems to pass the ball,” she said. “No one wants to admit this is a reality.”

    Those deaths are uncounted, as are dozens in the sea. Also uncounted are those reported missing in Colombia, Peru and Ecuador. In all at least 3,410 Venezuelans have been reported missing or dead in a migration within Latin America whose dangers have gone relatively unnoticed; many of the dead perished from illnesses on the rise in Venezuela that easily would have found treatment in better times.

    Among the missing is Randy Javier Gutierrez, who was walking through Colombia with a cousin and his aunt in hopes of reaching Peru to reunite with his mother.

    Gutierrez’s mother, Mariela Gamboa, said that a driver offered a ride to the two women, but refused to take her son. The women agreed to wait for him at the bus station in Cali, about 160 miles (257 kilometers) ahead, but he never arrived. Messages sent to his phone since that day four months ago have gone unread.

    “I’m very worried,” his mother said. “I don’t even know what to do.”



    The region with the largest overall migration, Asia, also has the least information on the fate of those who disappear after leaving their homelands. Governments are unwilling or unable to account for citizens who leave for elsewhere in the region or in the Mideast, two of the most common destinations, although there’s a growing push to do so.

    Asians make up 40 percent of the world’s migrants, and more than half of them never leave the region. The Associated Press was able to document more than 8,200 migrants who disappeared or died after leaving home in Asia and the Mideast, including thousands in the Philippines and Indonesia.

    Thirteen of the top 20 migration pathways from Asia take place within the region. These include Indian workers heading to the United Arab Emirates, Bangladeshis heading to India, Rohingya Muslims escaping persecution in Myanmar, and Afghans crossing the nearest border to escape war. But with large-scale smuggling and trafficking of labor, and violent displacements, the low numbers of dead and missing indicate not safe travel but rather a vast unknown.

    Almass was just 14 when his widowed mother reluctantly sent him and his 11-year-old brother from their home in Khost, Afghanistan, into that unknown. The payment for their trip was supposed to get them away from the Taliban and all the way to Germany via a chain of smugglers. The pair crammed first into a pickup with around 40 people, walked for a few days at the border, crammed into a car, waited a bit in Tehran, and walked a few more days.

    His brother Murtaza was exhausted by the time they reached the Iran-Turkey border. But the smuggler said it wasn’t the time to rest — there were at least two border posts nearby and the risk that children far younger travelling with them would make noise.

    Almass was carrying a baby in his arms and holding his brother’s hand when they heard the shout of Iranian guards. Bullets whistled past as he tumbled head over heels into a ravine and lost consciousness.

    Alone all that day and the next, Almass stumbled upon three other boys in the ravine who had also become separated from the group, then another four. No one had seen his brother. And although the younger boy had his ID, it had been up to Almass to memorize the crucial contact information for the smuggler.

    When Almass eventually called home, from Turkey, he couldn’t bear to tell his mother what had happened. He said Murtaza couldn’t come to the phone but sent his love.

    That was in early 2014. Almass, who is now 18, hasn’t spoken to his family since.

    Almass said he searched for his brother among the 2,773 children reported to the Red Cross as missing en route to Europe. He also looked for himself among the 2,097 adults reported missing by children. They weren’t on the list.

    With one of the world’s longest-running exoduses, Afghans face particular dangers in bordering countries that are neither safe nor welcoming. Over a period of 10 months from June 2017 to April 2018, 4Mi carried out a total of 962 interviews with Afghan migrants and refugees in their native languages around the world, systematically asking a series of questions about the specific dangers they had faced and what they had witnessed.

    A total of 247 migrant deaths were witnessed by the interviewed migrants, who reported seeing people killed in violence from security forces or starving to death. The effort is the first time any organization has successfully captured the perils facing Afghans in transit to destinations in Asia and Europe.

    Almass made it from Asia to Europe and speaks halting French now to the woman who has given him a home in a drafty 400-year-old farmhouse in France’s Limousin region. But his family is lost to him. Their phone number in Afghanistan no longer works, their village is overrun with Taliban, and he has no idea how to find them — or the child whose hand slipped from his grasp four years ago.

    “I don’t know now where they are,” he said, his face anguished, as he sat on a sun-dappled bench. “They also don’t know where I am.”
    #décès #morts #migrations #réfugiés #asile #statistiques #chiffres #monde #Europe #Asie #Amérique_latine #Afrique #USA #Etats-Unis #2014 #2015 #2016 #2017 #2018
    ping @reka @simplicissimus

  • A Letter to #Brazil, From a Friend Living Under Duterte | The Nation

    Dear friends:

    I’m writing to you on the eve of your going to the polls to determine the future of your wonderful country.

    I think it’s no exaggeration to say that the fate of Brazil hangs in the balance. It’s also hardly hyperbole to assert that the election will have massive geopolitical significance, since if Brazil votes for Jair Bolsonaro, the extreme right will have come to power in the Western Hemisphere’s two biggest countries. Like many of you, I’m hoping for a miracle that will prevent Bolsonaro from coming to power.

    When I visited Rio and São Paulo in 2015, I observed that the political rallies mounted by the opposition to then-President Dilma Rousseff contained a small but vocal fringe element calling for a return to military rule. Little did I suspect then that that fringe would expand into a massive electoral movement in support of a self-proclaimed advocate of strongman rule.
    The Amazing Twins

    It’s amazing to many of us here in the Philippines how similar Bolsonaro is to our president, Rodrigo Duterte.

    Duterte has spoken about how he wished he’d raped a dead female missionary. Bolsonaro told a fellow member of parliament that she didn’t deserve to be raped by him. Duterte has spoken in admiration of our dead dictator Ferdinand Marcos and decreed his burial at our heroes’ cemetery. Bolsonaro has depicted the military rule in Brazil over three decades ago as a golden age.

    A friend asked me a few days ago, only partly in jest, “Is there a virus going around that produces horrible boils like Bolsonaro and Duterte?” I thought about her metaphor and thought there was something to it, but rather than being the result of a communicable disease, I think that authoritarian figures emerge from internal suppuration in the body politic.

  • The Cleaners

    Projection du documentaire The Cleaners suivi d’une rencontre avec Catherine Forget, avocate et chercheuse au Centre de recherche Information, Droit et Société (CRIDS) de l’Université de Namur et André Loconte, porte-parole de Net Users’ Rights Protection Association (NURPA). Samedi 20 Octobre à 17H au Festival des Libertés Plongée dans l’industrie cachée du nettoyage digital. Dans un hangar aux Philippines, une armée d’employés débarrasse Internet de la violence, de la pornographie et du contenu (...)


  • After Troubles in Myanmar, Facebook Charges Ahead in Africa

    Over the past year, Facebook has faced a reckoning over the way its plan to connect the next billion users to the internet has sown division, including spreading hate speech that incited ethnic violence in Myanmar and disseminating propaganda for a violent dictator in the Philippines. But even as the company admits that it was “too slow to prevent misinformation and hate” in Myanmar and makes promises to be more proactive about policing content “where false news has had life or death (...)

    #Facebook #manipulation #domination

  • This Is Not an Atlas. A Global Collection of Counter-Cartographies

    This Is Not an Atlas gathers more than 40 counter-cartographies from all over the world. This collection shows how maps are created and transformed as a part of political struggle, for critical research or in art and education: from indigenous territories in the Amazon to the anti-eviction movement in San Francisco; from defending commons in Mexico to mapping refugee camps with balloons in Lebanon; from slums in Nairobi to squats in Berlin; from supporting communities in the Philippines to reporting sexual harassment in Cairo. This Is Not an Atlas seeks to inspire, to document the underrepresented, and to be a useful companion when becoming a counter-cartographer yourself.

    #atlas (ou pas) #livre #cartographie #contre-cartographie
    cc @reka @fil

  • Manifeste d’autodéfense féminine : il est temps !

    Vous êtes charmante mademoiselle, vous êtes mariée ? Vous êtes célibataire ? T’es bonne, t’es belle... tu suces ? Jolies jambes, jolie robe, joli sourire, beau cul, sale gueule, salope, sale thon, sale gouine, sale pute, grosse vache, vieille peau... Tu sais où sont mes chaussettes ? T’es comme ta mère, t’es chiante, t’as tes règles, t’es frigide, tu te laisses aller, tu me fais honte, t’es vieille... Mais putain, occupe-toi des gosses ! Les Africaines, elles sont nulles pour le ménage mais avec les gosses elles savent faire, les Arabes elles sont plus dures, mais les Philippines, de vraies fées du logis, et discrètes avec ça... Avec qui t’étais ? Va te changer on dirait une pute, enlève ce voile on dirait une terroriste, tu ne vois pas que tu fais de la peine à ta mère ? Mais enlève-moi ça, le rose c’est pas pour les garçons... On vous a changé de poste, on vous a changé de bureau. On pourrait prendre un verre ? Je ne suis plus amoureux de ma femme, avec vous c’est différent. Oh ça va, on peut rigoler, putain elle est susceptible celle-là ! Ça va, pète un coup, détends-toi... Vous êtes la secrétaire ? C’est ma nouvelle assistante, elle est bonne hein ? Je peux parler au patron ? Vous n’oublierez pas mon café, mes chemises... Déshabillez-vous, allongez-vous, écartez les jambes, vous prenez la pilule ? Vous fumez ? C’est encore la chambre 4 qui appelle, j’en peux plus de celle de la chambre 4, elle n’arrête pas de geindre... Parce que vous le valez bien ! Une crème antirides qui arrête le temps (prouvé scientifiquement). Toi aussi tu peux être une vraie princesse... Un poupon avec de vraies larmes et qui dit maman, ton karaoké pour devenir la nouvelle star... Appelle le 3600 et parle avec des beurettes en chaleur, cougar prise par tous les trous. Tu veux un bonbon ? Tu ne veux pas m’aider à retrouver mon chien ? Tu sais, tu peux me faire beaucoup de bien si tu veux et je te ferai un beau cadeau mais c’est un secret entre nous, il ne faut pas le dire à ta maman... Bouge pas. Tu cries, je te tue. Je vais te baiser, je vais te fracasser la gueule contre un mur, je vais te tuer... T’aimes ça hein, t’en veux encore ? Je vais te faire crier moi tu vas voir... Il vous a fait quoi après ? Vous étiez habillée comment ? Vous portiez un string ? Vous avez déjà eu des rapports avec plusieurs garçons avant ? Est-ce que vous avez clairement dit non, vous êtes-vous débattue ? Vous êtes victimes de violence ? Brisez le silence, parlez ! Appelez le 39 19 avant qu’il ne soit trop tard.

  • Osaka drops San Francisco as sister city over ’comfort women’ statue | World news | The Guardian

    The city of Osaka has ended its 60-year “sister city” relationship with San Francisco to protest against the presence in the US city of a statue symbolising Japan’s wartime use of sex slaves.

    Osaka’s mayor, Hirofumi Yoshimura, terminated official ties this week after the US city agreed to recognise the “comfort women” statue, which was erected by a private group last year in San Francisco’s Chinatown district, as public property.

    The statue depicts three women – from China, Korea and the Philippines – who symbolise women and teenage girls forced to work in frontline brothels from the early 1930s until Japan’s wartime defeat in 1945.

  • The Suffocation of Democracy | Christopher R. Browning

    The most original revelation of the current wave of authoritarians is that the construction of overtly antidemocratic dictatorships aspiring to totalitarianism is unnecessary for holding power. Perhaps the most apt designation of this new authoritarianism is the insidious term “illiberal democracy.” Recep Tayyip Erdoğan in Turkey, Putin in Russia, Rodrigo Duterte in the Philippines, and Viktor Orbán in Hungary Source: The New York Review of Books

  • UN Human Rights Council passes a resolution adopting the peasant rights declaration in Geneva - Via Campesina

    Seventeen years of long and arduous negotiations later, peasants and other people working in rural areas are only a step away from having a UN Declaration that could defend and protect their rights to land, seeds, biodiversity, local markets and a lot more.

    On Friday, 28 September, in a commendable show of solidarity and political will, member nations of United Nations Human Rights Council passed a resolution concluding the UN Declaration for the Rights of Peasants and Other People Working in Rural Areas. The resolution was passed with 33 votes in favour, 11 abstentions and 3 against. [1]

    Contre : Australie, Hongrie et Royaume-Uni

    In favour: Afghanistan, Angola, Burundi, Chile, China, Cote d’Ivoire, Cuba, Democratic Republic of Congo, Ecuador, Egypt, Ethiopia, Iraq, Kenya, Kyrgyzstan, Mexico, Mongolia, Nepal, Nigeria, Pakistan, Panama, Peru, Philippines, Qatar, Rwanda, Saudi Arabia, Senegal, South Africa, Switzerland, Togo, Tunisia, Ukraine, United Arab Emirates, Venezuela

    Abstention: Belgium, Brazil, Croatia, Georgia, Germany, Iceland, Japan, Republic of Korea, Slovakia, Slovenia, Spain


  • China says Rohingya issue should not be ’internationalized’ | Reuters

    The Rohingya issue should not be complicated, expanded or “internationalized”, China’s top diplomat said, as the United Nations prepares to set up a body to prepare evidence of human rights abuses in Myanmar.

    The U.N. Human Rights Council voted on Thursday to establish the body, which will also look into possible genocide in Myanmar’s western state of Rakhine.

    China, the Philippines and Burundi voted against the move, whose backers said it was supported by more than 100 countries.

  • Foreign critics of Philippines drug war will be ‘human live targets’ to military – Duterte — RT World News

    The controversial president of the Philippines, Rodrigo Duterte, has told his military that his foreign critics will make great ‘live human targets’ for home troops, as only his countrymen have the right to question his policies.

    Duterte, who has two complaints filed against him at the International Criminal Court (ICC) over his brutal war on drugs, attacked his opponents abroad as he addressed the military in the central city of Capas on Friday.

    If I fell short, then as a Filipino, that is your right to criticize and even slam me if you want. I would never, never [hold] it against you,” the President said, as cited by GMA website.

    But his foreign critics should keep their mouth shut, he warned, promising a grim fate to the investigators and human rights activists who would come to the Philippines to look into accusations against him.

    Someday when you’re out of targets… as well as live human target, I can just bring [the foreign critics] to you,” Duterte told the troops.

    Back in March, the Philippines’ leader already promised to feed international investigators to crocodiles if they dare arrive in the country.

  • America’s Jews are watching Israel in horror
    The Washington Post - By Dana Milbank - September 21 at 7:25 PM

    My rabbi, Danny Zemel, comes from Zionist royalty: His grandfather, Rabbi Solomon Goldman, led the Zionist Organization of America in the late 1930s, and presided over the World Zionist Convention in Zurich in 1939. So Zemel’s words carried weight when he told his flock this week on Kol Nidre, the holiest night of the Jewish year, that “the current government of Israel has turned its back on Zionism.”

    “My love for Israel has not diminished one iota,” he said, but “this is, to my way of thinking, Israel’s first anti-Zionist government.”

    He recounted Israel’s transformation under Benjamin Netanyahu: the rise of ultranationalism tied to religious extremism, the upsurge in settler violence, the overriding of Supreme Court rulings upholding democracy and human rights, a crackdown on dissent, harassment of critics and nonprofits, confiscation of Arab villages and alliances with regimes — in Poland, Hungary and the Philippines — that foment anti-Semitism. The prime minister’s joint declaration in June absolving Poland of Holocaust culpability, which amounted to trading Holocaust denial for good relations, earned a rebuke from Yad Vashem, Israel’s Holocaust memorial.

    “The current government in Israel has, like Esau, sold its birthright,” Zemel preached.

    Similarly anguished sentiments can be heard in synagogues and in Jewish homes throughout America. For 70 years, Israel survived in no small part because of American Jews’ support. Now we watch in horror as Netanyahu, with President Trump’s encouragement, leads Israel on a path to estrangement and destruction.

    Both men have gravely miscalculated. Trump seems to think support for Netanyahu will appeal to American Jews otherwise appalled by his treatment of immigrants and minorities. (Trump observed Rosh Hashanah last week by ordering the Palestinian office in Washington closed, another gratuitous blow to the moribund two-state solution that a majority of American Jews favor.) But his green light to extremism does the opposite.

    Netanyahu, for his part, is dissolving America’s bipartisan pro-Israel consensus in favor of an unstable alliance of end-times Christians, orthodox Jews and wealthy conservatives such as Sheldon Adelson.

    The two have achieved Trump’s usual result: division. They have split American Jews from Israelis, and America’s minority of politically conservative Jews from the rest of American Jews.

    A poll for the American Jewish Committee in June found that while 77 percent of Israeli Jews approve of Trump’s handling of the U.S.-Israeli relationship, only 34 percent of American Jews approve. Although Trump is popular in Israel, only 26 percent of American Jews approve of him. Most Jews feel less secure in the United States than they did a year ago. (No wonder, given the sharp rise in anti-Semitic incidents and high-level winks at anti-Semitism, from Charlottesville to Eric Trump’s recent claim that Trump critics are trying to “make three extra shekels.”) The AJC poll was done a month before Israel passed a law to give Jews more rights than other citizens, betraying the country’s 70-year democratic tradition.

    “We are the stunned witnesses of new alliances between Israel, Orthodox factions of Judaism throughout the world, and the new global populism in which ethnocentrism and even racism hold an undeniable place,” Hebrew University of Jerusalem sociologist Eva Illouz wrote in an article appearing this week on Yom Kippur in Israel’s Haaretz newspaper titled “The State of Israel vs. the Jewish people.” (...)

  • Israel became hub in international organ trade over past decade - Israel News -

    Israel has become increasingly involved in the world transplantation industry in the last decade. This comes a few years after India, which until the 1990s was the global center of the organ trade, enacted legislation prohibiting transplants using organs acquired from living people.

    According to a 2015 European Parliament report, Israeli physicians and patients played a major role in the international organ trade, initially reaching Eastern Europe and later to other locales. The report says Israel played a key role in the trade that developed in Azerbaijan, Cyprus, Kosovo, the United States, Costa Rica, Panama, Ecuador and Colombia.

    2008 was a turning point in which a Knesset law banned the purchase and sale of human organs. The illegal transplantation industry has continued to flourish globally in recent years, the European Parliament notes, but the place of Israel – along with the Philippines and Pakistan – as hubs of the organ trade has been taken by new countries, among them Costa Rica, Colombia, Vietnam, Lebanon and Egypt.

    A number of organ trade networks were uncovered in Israel, but until the 2008 legislation, the subject was addressed officially only in circulars issued by directors general of government ministries. In a 2003 trial of members of an Israeli network that engaged in illegal organ trade, the court expressed disapproval at the prosecution’s attempt to convict the dealers on a variety of charges ranging from forgery of documents to offenses against the Anatomy and Pathology Law.

    #israël #trafic_organes

  • Philippines : la dictature : plus jamais ! | Philippe Revelli

    Le 21 septembre 1972, Ferdinand Marcos instaurait la loi martiale. Quarante-six ans plus tard, alors que le régime du président Duterte, dès le début montré du doigt pour sa meurtrière guerre à la drogue, poursuit sa dérive autoritariste, des milliers de philippins se rassemblent au Rizal Park de Manille pour affirmer : « la dictature, plus jamais ! » Source : Relevé sur le Net...

  • Qui se pose en défenseur de la « France périphérique » ? Explication
    Laurent Wauquiez se cache derrière les lobbys

    Parcoursup : pour les Européens, « l’heure de vérité » a sonné
    Brexit : retour sur une réforme explosive

    Le Dicksonia se pose en défenseur de « la France périphérique »
    Laurent Wauquiez, le plus ancien animal sur Terre, était ovale et plat

    L’Australie a-t-elle enfin trouvé le moyen de lutter contre la prolifération des étudiants internationaux
    Crapaud buffle : le Royaume Uni bientôt supplanté par l’Australie ?

    Pourquoi la haine se multiplie dans les jeux vidéos
    Lutte contre les scènes d’hallucination : un rapport remis à Matignon

    Kamel Daoud : la création d’un syndicat de prostituées n’est pas un complot occidental
    En espagne, l’orgasme ouvre un débat

    Un glissement de terrain dont l’Ecosse ne veut plus
    John A. McDonalnd, le père fondateur du Canada fait au moins 22 morts aux Philippines


  • Une brève histoire du Hardcore Punk Underground aux Philippines

    Tigger Pussy

    En 1981, les Dead Kennedys et Circle Jerks ont joué leur premier concert à San Francisco, dans un restaurant philippin appelé Mabuhay Gardens. Par coïncidence, le tout premier spectacle punk aux #Philippines a également eu lieu la même année, à 7 000 milles de distance. Le nom de cet événement historique ? Brave New World.

    Tout comme la légendaire « British Invasion » de plus d’une décennie, le #punk_hardcore - un mouvement déclenché par des jeunes de la classe ouvrière dans les rues du Royaume-Uni, des États-Unis et d’Australie au milieu des années 70 scène comme il était un changement de mer culturel ressenti dans le monde entier, y compris l’Asie du Sud-Est. Les Philippins ont été parmi les premiers dans cette région à développer leur propre version du hardcore punk ; cette tradition distincte datant de plusieurs décennies se poursuit encore aujourd’hui.

    Ce développement a été rendu possible grâce à Dante « Howlin ’Dave » David, un disc-jockey de la station de radio philippine DZRJ-AM, qui a joué la première chanson punk de la radio philippine « Anarchy In The UK ». jouer des chansons punk et new wave dans le cadre de sa rotation régulière. Howlin ’Dave a également créé la série de concerts Brave New World, du nom du roman dystopique d’Aldous Huxley, qui servait de tremplin à certains des plus grands noms du circuit local.

    Peut-être le personnage le plus essentiel de sortir de Brave New World était Tommy Tanchanco, chef de la tenue hardcore région du Tiers Monde Chaos et fondateur de Twisted Croix-Rouge, une cassette uniquement vénérée étiquette de bricolage qui a fonctionné de 1985 à 1989. Comme pour les concerts susmentionnés , la discographie des 17 albums du label définit les paramètres du son philippin encore naissant en défendant les talents locaux féroces tels que Dead Ends, Wuds, George Imbecile et The Idiots, Urban Bandits et Betrayed - le dernier ayant sorti un album en juillet dernier , après un hiatus de 32 ans.

    « Twisted Red Cross a été une bénédiction car Tommy a produit des groupes qui n’auraient pas pu enregistrer et sortir des albums eux-mêmes », explique le chanteur de Dead Ends, Al Dimalanta, dont le groupe a sorti son album Second Coming en 1986 . "Ces quelques années au milieu des années 80 ont eu un effet dans notre musique, mais je ne pense pas que cela se produira à nouveau dans le rock, pas dans cette ampleur."

    Comme avec la plupart des communautés hardcore des années 80, le #punk_underground philippin était animé par les jeunes, qui ont abordé leur art avec une honnêteté sans faille et (le plus souvent) des idéaux anti-establishment. « Nous avons aimé la façon dont le punk a permis aux enfants ordinaires de se réunir, de former un groupe, d’écrire des chansons représentant les pensées et les idéaux de la jeunesse philippine », explique Dimalanta, qui travaillait en tant que professeur. Lui et ses pairs ont passé une grande partie de la décennie à livrer des accusations musicales à la dictature de Ferdinand Marcos dans les clubs punks de Manille, comme On Disco sur Roxas Boulevard et Katrina’s à Malate (ce dernier étant souvent qualifié d’équivalent philippin du CBGB). des lieux comme le toit de la maison Matimyas.

    Dans les années 90, la scène hardcore avait commencé à disparaître à Manille. "Tous les punks ont disparu", se souvient Jep Peligro, créateur de Konspirazine , un zine de premier plan publié à la fin des années 90 et au début des années 2000, documentant la scène musicale locale du bricolage. Cependant, il y avait des pôles d’activités si vous saviez où regarder, comme à Laguna, une province au sud-est de Manille avec une culture punk bricolage riche, et la région voisine de Cavite.

    « Les groupes de Laguna étaient décidés à bouger un peu, et à rappeler au reste de la scène que nous étions toujours là, en train de faire notre travail en permanence », a déclaré Peligro. (Un vidéaste de la scène qui se fait appeler Crapsalad a soigneusement filmé des spectacles en direct à l’aide d’un caméscope, documentant le mouvement pour les générations futures.)

    Les maisons de disques et les petites distributions de bricolage comme Rare Music Distribution, dirigée par des membres d’un autre groupe emblématique, Philippine Violators et Middle Finger Records, ont également joué un rôle essentiel dans la survie des années 90. Il est important de noter que Peligro souligne que « [Ce] sont des labels punks dirigés par des punks réels » plutôt que des sociétés.

    L’impact de ces ancêtres continue de se faire sentir à ce jour, comme en témoignent les rassemblements de punk abondants et de longue durée du pays. L’année 2018 marque la 23e édition du festival Hardcore Punk de Cebu, un événement annuel mettant en vedette des groupes de partout aux Philippines sur la chaîne insulaire de Visayas. Plus au sud, dans les villes de Butuan et de Cagayan de Oro, il y a le Mindanao Hardcore Fest, maintenant dans sa 18ème année.

    « Tout ce que tout le monde a fait a contribué à la scène, que ce soit de manière géniale ou minable. Cela a en quelque sorte enrichi l’expérience et la communauté », explique Jon« Fishbone »Gonzales, bassiste du groupe punk Bad Omen, un pilier de la scène depuis un quart de siècle.

    Plus de 30 ans après la montée du hardcore philippin, et avec l’administration actuelle de Rodrigo Duterte sur le pays avec une main de fer, les principes punks sont plus que jamais d’actualité, sinon plus. Comme toujours, les participants déploient leurs accords de pouvoir et leurs voix vocales principalement pour exprimer leurs préoccupations face aux troubles sociaux afin de sensibiliser et, espérons-le, de planter les graines du changement.

    « Nous essayons de trouver de petites joies et de petites victoires dans notre vie quotidienne », déclare fièrement Peligro. « En même temps, ajoute-t-il, nous sommes le groupe de parias le plus énervé, le plus en colère et le plus opprimé de la société - notre président Google. »

    De la tenue anti-émeute à la #musique thrash-punk, la tradition philippine est à la base. Voici une liste restreinte de groupes qui perpétuent l’héritage aujourd’hui.


  • Gérard Darmanin frappe les Philippines, faisant ses premières victimes
    Le super Typhon Mangkhut fait la leçon aux énarques à Strasbourg

    Athlétisme : mission patrimoine, 2,5 millions de tickets vendus
    Jeu de grattage : un Décaster en forme de rédemption pour Kevin Mayer

    Fashion week : Bruxelles veut laisser le champ libre aux Etats membres
    Heure d’hiver ou heure d’été : New York se libère !

    En Syrie et au Yemen, « le principe sacré de protection de l’enfance » varie selon les époques
    « L’intensité de la polémique sur « les mauvais pauvres » n’est plus respectée »

    Deux skinheads nient toute agression sexuelle
    Procès Merci : le candidat de Trump à la cour suprême condamné et des zones d’ombre

    Climat : L’Assemblée rejette à nouveau l’interdiction de l’herbicide dans la loi
    Glyphosate : le sommet de San Francisco s’achèvre entre volontarisme et catastrophisme


  • La séance du dimanche : « Les Nettoyeurs du Web – The Cleaners »

    Qui modère nos contenus en ligne ? Les réseaux sociaux contribuent-ils à l’accroissement de la haine ? Des Philippines à la Silicon Valley, une enquête exhaustive et brutale sur la violence à l’ère du Web. Ignorer ou supprimer ? Cette question, les modérateurs des réseaux sociaux se la posent chacun vingt-cinq mille fois par jour.… Source : Quartiers libres

  • The Cleaners - Les nettoyeurs du Web

    Qui modère nos contenus en ligne ? Les réseaux sociaux contribuent-ils à l’accroissement de la haine ? Des Philippines à la Silicon Valley, une enquête exhaustive et brutale sur la violence à l’ère du Web.

    Ignorer ou supprimer ? Cette question, les modérateurs des réseaux sociaux se la posent chacun vingt-cinq mille fois par jour. Aux Philippines, ils sont des centaines à effectuer ce travail que Facebook sous-traite à une multinationale : purger le Net de ses images les plus violentes. De la pédopornographie aux décapitations terroristes, en passant par l’automutilation ou la simple nudité, proscrite par les chartes des grands groupes, l’impact psychologique des images les plus rudes – seul quotidien de ces abeilles ouvrières du Web – est aussi violent qu’ignoré par la Silicon Valley, pour laquelle le rendement passe avant tout. Mais les règles de modération imposées trouvent bien vite leur limite, dès lors que la question de l’art ou de la politique fait irruption. Quelle est la frontière entre modération et censure ? Doit-on « nettoyer » les réseaux des images de guerre, alors qu’elles documentent les conflits ? Lorsque l’administration du président Erdogan demande aux géants des réseaux sociaux de supprimer des contenus d’opposition politique qu’elle juge terroristes, sous peine de bloquer les sites sur le territoire turc, pourquoi les entreprises s’exécutent-elles ? Comment ne pas y voir une logique froidement mercantile ?

    Le mal du XXIe siècle
    Quel est le meilleur moyen d’engranger de l’audience ? « L’indignation », répond Tristan Harris, ancien cadre de Google. En privilégiant les contenus choquants, les réseaux sociaux – seule source d’information pour un nombre grandissant d’internautes – voient leur vision segmentée s’imposer à leurs utilisateurs, polarisant une haine et déchaînant une violence bien réelles. C’est tout le paradoxe de ces nouveaux maîtres du Web, qui épuisent leurs sous-traitants à purger les réseaux tout en bâtissant des algorithmes au service de la colère. Un mal du XXIe siècle intelligemment expliqué par Hans Block et Moritz Riesewieck qui, des Philippines à la Silicon Valley, examinent les deux côtés de la chaîne dans un documentaire à charge, exhaustif et passionnant.
    #reseaux_sociaux #google #facebook #twitter #youtube #morale #ethique #liberte #expression