country:rwanda

  • #Heineken en #Afrique, le côté obscur de la #bière industrielle
    https://diasp.eu/p/9289668

    #Heineken en #Afrique, le côté obscur de la #bière industrielle

    A la bonne votre ! :-( L’Afrique est aujourd’hui l’un des continents où l’on consomme le plus de bière. Le journaliste néerlandais Olivier Van Beemen raconte les agissements de la firme sur le continent dans « Heineken en Afrique, une #multinationale décomplexée » (éditions Rue de l’échiquier) : Heineken aurait contribué au génocide des Tutsis au #Rwanda, en 1994. « Les génocidaires étaient souvent ivres lorsqu’ils tuaient » explique le journaliste. « La bière fonctionnait aussi comme une récompense après une journée de massacres ». Rare dans le pays, la bière industrielle est distribuée en masse durant cette période noire. En 2006, au #Nigéria, une filiale de Heinken aurait utilisé 2 500 prostituées pour convaincre (...)

  • 22 juin 1994 : le génocide contre les Tutsis du Rwanda est en cours depuis deux mois et demi lorsque les autorités françaises déclenchent l’opération Turquoise, avec l’objectif officiel de mettre fin aux massacres. Le Front Patriotique Rwandais (FPR), la rébellion majoritairement tutsi, est alors en passe d’infliger une défaite militaire aux forces gouvernementales, largement impliquées dans les tueries.
    http://www.lacolonie.paris/agenda/2019/juin/bisesero

    https://survie.org/publications/4-pages/article/la-france-complice-du-genocide-des-tutsi-au-rwanda
    https://survie.org/l-association/mob/article/rwanda-bisesero-un-scandale-francais

    Alors que la justice française entend clore par un non-lieu son instruction sur Bisesero, l’un des épisodes les plus controversés de l’opération Turquoise au Rwanda en 1994, les parties civiles dénoncent le « naufrage judiciaire » que représenterait un enterrement de cette affaire dans laquelle des militaires français sont soupçonnés de complicité de génocide.

    https://www.jeuneafrique.com/dossiers/genocide-des-tutsi-au-rwanda-bisesero-le-massacre-qui-embarrasse-larme
    #Rwanda #France

  • Génocidaires rwandais en France : les raisons des errements de l’administration
    https://www.mediapart.fr/journal/international/150519/genocidaires-rwandais-en-france-les-raisons-des-errements-de-l-administrat

    Après le génocide de 800 000 Tutsis au Rwanda, les juridictions administratives françaises ont parfois manqué de discernement dans l’octroi du droit d’asile.

    #Afrique #rwanda,_Ofpra,_A_la_Une

  • A voir sur Télérama.fr : “Retour à Kigali”, un documentaire implacable sur le génocide au Rwanda - Télévision - Télérama.fr
    https://www.telerama.fr/television/a-voir-sur-telerama.fr-retour-a-kigali,-un-documentaire-implacable-sur-le-g

    Vingt-cinq ans après le génocide au Rwanda, de quoi la France est-elle responsable ? Réponse implacable de Jean-Christophe Klotz dans ce documentaire à découvrir en avant-première de sa diffusion sur France 3 jeudi 25 avril, à 23h30.

    #rwanda #génocide

  • Rwanda : qu’est-ce qu’elle devient, Valentine ?
    https://la-bas.org/5515

    Il y a 25 ans, Daniel MERMET et Jérôme BASTION (RFI) étaient les premiers à découvrir le charnier de NYARUBUYE, quarante jours après le massacre. Parmi les corps, une jeune fille encore vivante, VALENTINE. Retour sur cette rencontre, le reportage le plus bouleversant de LÀ-BAS.Continuer la lecture…

    #Radio #Génocide_au_Rwanda #Afrique

  • Une diplomatie des excuses ? Le #Saint-Siège et le #Rwanda

    Le 25 mars 1998, le président Bill Clinton se rendait à l’aéroport de Kigali et, sans en sortir, présentait ses excuses pour l’inaction des États-Unis au cours du génocide. Deux années plus tard, le Premier ministre Guy Verhofstadt présentait à son tour les excuses officielles de la Belgique lors de la commémoration officielle du génocide au site de Gisozi. Il réitérait ses propos en 2004 à l’occasion de la dixième #commémoration du #génocide au stade Amahoro. D’autres pays, en premier lieu la France, ont toujours refusé de participer à cette « diplomatie des #excuses 1 » (à ce sujet, voir Rosoux ; Gibney & Howard-Hassmann).

    Depuis 1994, des associations de rescapés ainsi que les autorités rwandaises réclamaient des excuses officielles de l’#Église_catholique rwandaise et du #Vatican pour leurs rôles dans le #génocide des #Tutsi. Vingt-trois années après ces premières demandes, et après bien des controverses, le pape François a officiellement imploré en mars 2017 « le pardon de Dieu » pour les échecs de l’Église au Rwanda.

    Afin de comprendre ce geste politique, il est nécessaire de revenir sur les débats relatifs à la responsabilité de l’Église catholique au Rwanda avant et pendant le génocide ainsi que sur les étapes ayant conduit aux excuses officielles.

    https://www.memoires-en-jeu.com/inprogress/une-diplomatie-des-excuses-le-saint-siege-et-le-rwanda
    #mémoire #Eglise

  • Macron sans surprise, chaque jour plus minable que le précédent.

    Génocide au Rwanda : des historiens écartés de la future commission d’enquête

    https://www.la-croix.com/Monde/Afrique/Genocide-Rwanda-historiens-ecartes-future-commission-denquete-2019-03-29-1

    Deux spécialistes français du #génocide contre les #Tutsis au #Rwanda en 1994 auraient été récusés par le pouvoir politique français, quelques jours avant la probable annonce, vendredi 5 avril, par Emmanuel Macron de la création d’une commission d’enquête sur les archives françaises sur le rôle de la France au Rwanda.

  • I hate to talk about the “Next Silicon Valley,” but…
    https://hackernoon.com/i-hate-to-talk-about-the-next-silicon-valley-but-1c3106fa6def?source=rss

    I think I’ve seen it: Kigali!Photo by maxime niyomwungeri on UnsplashI am lucky to have the opportunity to travel to many fascinating and exciting places around the world.This week I have been in Kigali, Rwanda.Wherever I go, entrepreneurship, innovation, and disruption are among the most discussed topics. The phrase “the Next Silicon Valley” is often used.And I hate this phrase.Everybody should know by now that Silicon Valley cannot be replicated. It’s a unique ecosystem, mindset, or — as some have even referred to it — religion.Whenever I visit Silicon Valley, you can breathe the “entrepreneurial spirit.” But I can also see that the shine of Silicon Valley starts to wear (as being described in many Medium stories recently). It’s becoming more “corporate,” profit-driven and many “world-changing” (...)

    #environment #startup #technology #business #world

  • Bisesero est emblématique de l’intervention française au Rwanda : ambivalence de la mission, déni de la réalité du génocide, aveuglement – ou pire – des décideurs. – Ne pas subir
    http://nepassubir.blog.lemonde.fr/2019/02/19/bisesero-est-emblematique-de-lintervention-francaise-au-rwan

    Le 27 juin, sur ces collines de Bisesero, quelques militaires des forces spéciales en reconnaissance découvrent des rescapés tutsi. Ils ne sont en rien l’avant-garde de l’armée du FPR, redoutée par la France, mais les survivants de massacres ignobles, répétés chaque jour. Ce sont des morts-vivants, entourés de charniers et accablés de blessures.
    Pendant qu’ils leur parlent, les soldats français ont la démonstration de l’organisation du génocide : arrivent des véhicules de miliciens, de gendarmes rwandais et de militaires des FAR qui patrouillent ensemble à la recherche de ces rescapés pour les achever. Ces derniers se cachent, terrorisés, tandis que les forces armées du gouvernement rwandais ne craignent pas d’afficher leur occupation réelle. Ils ne se battent pas contre les soldats du FPR, ils massacrent les civils tutsi.
    L’officier français qui dirige l’équipe spéciale promet aux rescapés de revenir pour les secourir et repart vers sa base où il reçoit l’ordre… de ne pas intervenir, pire encore : il se voit interdire d’y revenir.

    Notre mission, c’est de stopper le FPR, les ennemis des génocidaires

    Trois jours plus tard, le 30 juin, des sous-officiers ulcérés par cette situation, comme Thierry Prungnaud, et sans doute Olivier, un capitaine qui a choisi sans le dire de désobéir, se perdent malencontreusement jusqu’à la zone des rescapés et prennent soin d’alerter si largement de leur « découverte » qu’ils obligent le commandement à monter une mission de secours. Entre-temps, en trois jours, plusieurs centaines de ces réfugiés ont été massacrés par les génocidaires du régime, alors qu’ils s’attendaient à être sauvés par l’armée française.

  • #Génocide au #Rwanda : révélations sur des « #commanditaires » hutus de l’#attentat déclencheur
    https://www.rtbf.be/info/monde/detail_genocide-au-rwanda-revelations-sur-des-commanditaires-hutus-de-l-attenta

    Or, dans cette note de la DGSE datant de septembre 1994 et citée par Médiapart et Radio France, « les agents français reviennent sur le parcours du colonel #Bagosora (...) et de Laurent #Serubuga ».Théoneste Bagosora et Laurent Serubuga « se sont longtemps considérés comme les héritiers légitimes du régime (...) Leur mise à la retraite, prononcée en 1992 par le président #Habyarimana, alors qu’ils espéraient obtenir le grade de général (...) a été à l’origine d’un lourd ressentiment et d’un rapprochement remarqué auprès de Mme Agathe Habyarimana, veuve du président et considérée souvent comme l’un des principaux cerveaux de la tendance radicale du régime », selon cette note citée par les médias.

    « Cette opération (l’attentat contre l’avion de M. Habyarimana) aurait été préméditée de longue date par les extrémistes hutus (...) L’assassinat de ministres de l’opposition modérée et de Tutsis, moins d’une demi-heure après l’explosion du Falcon présidentiel, confirmerait le haut degré de préparation de cette opération », ajoute la note citée.

  • Israel wants to deport 300 refugees to one of the world’s most dangerous countries

    It was nine years ago that Julie Wabiwa Juliette narrowly fled her home in the Democratic Republic of the Congo for Israel, where she has since built a life. Juliette, 33, married another Congolese refugee, Christian Mutunwa, and together they raise two children.

    The Congolese are legal residents of Israel, with some in the community having lived in the country for 20 years. The majority arrived between 1999 and 2009, during and following the Second Congo war, considered the world’s deadliest crisis since World War II. Until now, the Congolese, 3o0 in total, were protected under a policy referred to by the Interior Ministry as “general temporary protection.” They have B1 visas, which entitles them to live and work in Israel as any other foreign nationals do. Moreover, each of them also has a pending asylum request.

    This is in contrast with the much larger population of Sudanese and Eritreans, who are regarded by the government as “illegal infiltrators” and have no legal status.

    Now, Israel seeks to deport the Congolese. In October 2018, the Interior Ministry announced that Congolese group protection would terminate on January 5, at which point they would be forced to leave. The decision was made by Interior Minister Aryeh Deri based on an assessment by the Foreign Ministry that there is “no impediment to the expatriation” of Israel’s Congolese population.

    Not a single Congolese asylum seeker abided by the state’s deadline. It passed without much fanfare, after which the Interior Ministry issued 10 deportation notices, while rejecting a number of visa renewal applications. The Hotline for Refugees and Migrants, an Israeli NGO that protects the rights of asylum seekers, migrant workers, and victims of human trafficking, successfully appealed to the Jerusalem District Court, which suspended the deportations and forced the state to continue renewing the visas. The Interior Ministry has until February 20 to appeal the court’s decision.

    “The court was on our side and made the state continue to renew visas,” says Shira Abbo, spokesperson for the Hotline. “For now, the Congolese are safe.”

    Their future, however, remains uncertain. Sabine Hadad, spokesperson for the Israeli Interior Ministry’s Population and Immigration Authority, confirmed that despite the delays, the ministry has decided to “stop the collective protection for Congolese in Israel.” Hadad says the Interior Ministry will then look into those with open asylum requests; the community will continue to receive work permit visas until an official decision is handed down.

    Less than one percent of asylum claimants in Israel receives refugee status, according to Hotline. “Our experience with the Israeli asylum system is not a good one,” says Abbo. “We know that the system is designed to reject everyone.”

    A rejection means deportation or staying in Israel illegally like Eritrean and Sudanese asylum seekers. For many in the Congolese community, repatriation is a death sentence. Israel is the only country to revoke protection for its Congolese refugee community.

    Julie Wabiwa Juliette tells me about the circumstances in which she left her hometown of Bukavu in the DRC as we sit in her colorful, sparsely decorated apartment in Holon. Her two children, Yonatan, 8, and Joanna, 5, greet me in French, the official language in their parents’ home country, although they also speak Hebrew. They were both born in Israel.

    Bukavu, a small city of just under a million inhabitants, is situated on the southern banks of Lake Kivu on Congo’s eastern most border. Remnants of colonialism are apparent even in its skyline. The bright roofs of the more than 100 Art Deco buildings constructed by the Belgians a century ago dot the hillsides. Just a stone’s throw away is Rwanda, on the opposite side of the Ruzizi River.

    It is in this otherwise picturesque landscape where much of the conflict that has ravaged the DRC for more than two decades has taken place.

    The Congolese eventually bucked the Belgian colonial yolk in 1960 and the Republic of Congo became a sovereign nation. Military dictator Mobutu Sese Seko changed the name to Zaire in 1971. The Central African nation was an American Cold War proxy but floundered following the collapse of the Berlin Wall and subsequent withdrawal of U.S. support.

    The First Congo War began two years after the 1994 Rwanda genocide, which precipitated a refugee crisis in eastern Zaire. The 1996 rebellion, backed by a coalition of Central African countries — though primarily fomented by Rwanda — resulted in a new government and a new name, the Democratic Republic of the Congo.

    Less than a year later, the Second Congo war erupted. The conflict was so brutal that aid groups deemed sexual violence in DRC to be a “weapon of war.” The war formally concluded in 2003, but in eastern Congo the fighting never stopped. The region is home to the vast majority of the 70 armed groups currently fighting, according the Africa Center for Strategic Studies.

    Juliette left Bukavu in 2009. She was in her third year of university, while working on her final thesis for her bachelor’s degree in sociology, which focused on the reentrance into society by victims of rape.

    Juliette’s research was conducted in rural villages that were a couple of hours drive from the city. She worked with a hospital team to collect testimonies from women who were abducted and assaulted during the fighting; many returned pregnant with their attacker’s child. Though the idea of raising the child of the man who raped them is unimaginable, abortion is taboo in rural Congo and carries a high risk of complication.

    Many assumed the numerous rebel militias operating in eastern Congo were responsible for the atrocities. Juliette uncovered evidence that a high-ranking local commander of the DRC military gave direct orders to commit mass rape.

    “It was too much for me when I come back from the field and I’ve heard all the screams, all the atrocities,” Juliette says. “To stay quiet was not for me.” But in Congo, that is not so simple. “I wanted to tell the truth, but once you talk about something, you must count your days.”

    She shared her research with Bruno Koko Chirambiza, a radio journalist at Star Radio in Bukavu, who named the commander, accusing him of orchestrating the rape.

    The mere mention of Chirambiza’s name brings tears to Juliette’s eyes. According to the Committee to Protect Journalists, he was murdered by eight assailants on August 24, 2009 at the age of 24. “Many activists, many journalists don’t have long lives in Congo,” Juliette says. According to CPJ, Koko was the third Congolese journalist to be murdered in two years.

    Soldiers, who Juliette believes were acting at the behest of the commander named in Chirambiza’s report, searched for Juliette’s at her aunt’s house. She happened to be out of the house when they arrived, so they sexually assaulted her cousin and came back the next morning. Juliette was resolute to remain in DRC and might not have left if were it not for her now-husband.

    Juliette and Christian Mutunwa were partners back in DRC. Mutunwa, a human rights activist, fled in 2007, after uniformed police officers who claimed they were from the DRC’s intelligence service, Agence Nationale de Renseignement, came to his home. They wanted to bring him in for “interrogation.”

    “I knew if they took me this so-called interrogation process, I would not come back,” Mutunwa says. So he left, spending a few months in Egypt where refugee protection was “nonexistent.” A fellow asylum seeker there told him that there was a democratic country on the other side of the border.

    He then went to Israel where he received asylum protection. Mutunwa encouraged Juliette to join him.

    Juliette managed to get a visa to go to Israel with a delegation of Christians traveling to the holy land. She didn’t know much about Israel except its importance in Christianity. “We talked about Israel every time in church,” Julie remembers. “We prayed for peace in Israel.” She remained in the country after the delegation returned home, and applied for asylum.

    Juliette and Mutunwa are now married and raise their two children in Holon, which, along with neighboring Bat Yam, is where the majority of the Congolese community lives. They support their children by working in Tel Aviv hotels. Six days a week, Juliette rises before dawn to be at work by 5 a.m., and often won’t return home until late afternoon.

    Neither Julietter nor Mutunwa feel integrated into Israeli society. “I’m not a free woman,” says Juliette. “I can’t do what I know I can do.” They yearn for a change in their home country so they can safely return.

    After 18 years of autocracy under Joseph Kabila, DRC elected a new president, Félix Tshisekedi, in December of last year. The Congolese in Israel can only wait and hope he effects true change, and that Israel will give them the time they need to wait for that to happen.

    “Home is home,” she explains. “We didn’t come here to stay for life.”

    It is unclear why Israeli authorities decided to act now. Human rights organizations speculate that the government wants to flex its muscles following the failed deportation of the Eritreans and Sudanese in the beginning of 2018.

    The timing could not be worse. The presidential election has brought about an increase in violence. The political instability, coupled with the second deadliest Ebola outbreak in recorded history, has left the country struggling once again.

    Annick Bouvier, spokesperson for the Great Lakes region at the International Committee of the Red Cross, says that 2018 saw a deterioration of the humanitarian situation in eastern Congo “as a result of the fragmentation of armed groups and increased crime.” According to Bouvier, ICRC’s response to the Ebola outbreak has been “temporarily paralyzed” by the violence.

    The DRC is also the second worst place to be a woman, according to Amnesty International. “Wherever clashes occur, women find themselves at heightened risk of all forms of violence,” says Joao Martins, Médecins Sans Frontières head of mission for South Kivu in eastern DRC. “This is particularly the case in pockets of conflict across eastern DRC.”

    Emilie Serralta, a researcher for Amnesty International in DRC, condemned the government’s response to war crimes perpetrated by state actors as “inadequate.” Amnesty reports that a single high-ranking officer, General Jérôme Kakwavu, has been found guilty of war crimes. He is the exception; the other military commanders, says Serralta, are “untouchable.”

    Meanwhile, the commander named by Juliette and Chirambiza has never faced justice for his crimes. In fact, says Juliette, the government promoted him.

    “I am afraid for my life, for my family, and for my kids,” says Juliette about the prospect of her deportation. “I don’t see myself going back to a place where I didn’t even have the power to save my own life.”

    https://972mag.com/israel-wants-to-deport-300-refugees-to-one-of-the-worlds-most-dangerous-countries/140169
    #renvois #expulsions #asile #migrations #réfugiés #Israël #RDC #république_démocratique_du_congo #réfugiés_congolais

  • Quelle crise de la masculinité ?
    En accès libre
    #Francis_Dupuis-Déri
    https://www.hors-serie.net/En-acces-libre/2018-09-08/Quelle-crise-de-la-masculinite--id325
    En accès libre , émission publiée le 08/09/2018
    Durée de l’émission : 83 minutes

    Entretien visible en ligne ou à télécharger :
    – en vidéo :
    http://v42.hors-serie.net/telecharger/DLTDupuisD2.mp4


    – en #audio :
    https://www.hors-serie.net/medias/mp3/288783675.mp3

    (En suivant le tag, y’a deux entretiens récents écrits
    https://seenthis.net/messages/757145
    https://seenthis.net/messages/749037
    et audio
    https://seenthis.net/messages/751544)

    Le jeudi 7 février (hier), les Éditions du remue-ménage annoncent :

    Aujourd’hui paraissent en Europe francophone (France, Belgique, Suisse) LA CRISE DE LA MASCULINITÉ de Francis Dupuis-Déri et LES FILLES EN SÉRIE de @MartineDelvaux Grâce à Hobo Diffusion (Makassar), la présence outre-mer de notre maison d’édition féministe ne fera que croître.

    https://twitter.com/remue_menage/status/1093642964621033472

    Pour info, Dupuis-Déri sera en France en février :
    – Paris, librairie Violette and co, le jeudi 21, 19h
    http://www.violetteandco.com/librairie/spip.php?article1181
    – Rennes, librairie La Nuit des temps, mercredi 27, 19h
    "Si vous souhaitez réserver une place assise, vous pouvez nous envoyer un mail à librairielanuitdestemps/at/gmail.com ou nous appeler au 02 99 53 37 95 . Si toutes les places assises sont réservées, pas de panique, vous pouvez tout de même assister à la rencontre debout ou assis.e par terre.
    https://www.facebook.com/events/247047939553888
    – Ailleurs ?

    En attendant, Slate publie des extraits du bouquin :
    http://www.slate.fr/story/173145/crise-masculinite-mythe

    #fan-club

    • Présentation de l’entretien sur Hors-série :

      La Une de l’Obs cet été a tiré la sonnette d’alarme : « Etre un homme après #MeToo » serait une affaire compliquée - laissant les mecs, comme sur la photo qui illustrait cette couverture, hagards, démunis et esseulés. Que l’on ne s’inquiète pas trop, cependant : depuis l’Antiquité romaine, chaque fois que la moindre revendication féministe se fait entendre, l’alerte est sonnée et les masculinistes sont sur le pont, annonçant que la masculinité est en crise et la société en péril. Bien sûr, à l’époque de Caton l’Ancien ça ne s’appelle pas comme ça : « féminisme » et « masculinisme » ne sont pas encore des notions en vigueur, mais ça n’empêche pas le-dit Caton de penser le phénomène en une vision tout à fait analogue à celle d’un Eric Zemmour : « Les femmes, écrit-il en 195 avant J.C., sont devenues si puissantes que notre indépendance est compromise à l’intérieur même de nos foyers, qu’elle est ridiculisée et foulée aux pieds en public ».

      C’est le livre de Francis Dupuis-Déri qui nous l’apprend, en nous offrant une très précieuse mise en perspective historique : la prétendue « crise de la masculinité » est vieille comme le patriarcat, et son expression connaît des périodes de recrudescence à travers les siècles, non pas lorsque les rapports de sexe tendent vers des formes d’égalité (par exemple au Haut Moyen-Âge en Europe) mais lorsqu’au contraire la domination masculine a repris des formes si radicales et si spectaculaires que les protestations des femmes se font plus vives - suscitant, à chaque fois, ce qu’on pourrait appeler une « Réaction masculiniste ». Laquelle en général ne se contente pas de s’inquiéter qu’il ne soit plus possible d’être « un homme, un vrai » : c’est une rhétorique qui associe toujours la différenciation des sexes à leur hiérarchisation tacite (le masculin se caractérisant par des propriétés qui le vouent à une suprématie « naturelle ») et cette hiérarchisation à la bonne santé de la société. Dès le XVIIIème siècle, le masculinisme est un nationalisme, assignant les femmes aux seules tâches reproductives afin de soutenir une démographie assez tonique pour assurer la suprématie nationale sur les nations rivales. Et si par malheur les nations connaissent des crises économiques ou des défaites militaires, c’est bien sûr à cause des femmes, ou de la « féminisation de la société ».

      Il faut le lire pour le croire, et le livre du politiste québecois est une hallucinante somme de citations, dont la lecture est aussi cocasse que terrifiante : il s’est vraiment trouvé, à toutes les époques à peu près, des masculinistes pour expliquer les malheurs du monde par les trop voraces conquêtes des femmes. Le génocide au Rwanda, les attentats du 11 septembre 2001, l’échec scolaire des garçons, le taux de suicide des hommes, ne cherchez plus : c’est à cause de l’émancipation des femmes et de la féminisation de la société.

      On le comprend peu à peu, la soi disant « crise de la masculinité » a bon dos : c’est une arme de dépolitisation massive, qui permet de produire des pseudo-analyses du monde parfaitement aveugles aux rapports de violence et d’exploitation réels, et niant que la domination masculine est encore, factuellement, partout en vigueur. C’est aussi, tout bêtement, l’expression d’un anti-féminisme assez bas du front, qui s’invite ici et là - par exemple aux prochaines Universités d’été du féminisme, où s’exprimeront Raphaël Enthoven et Elizabeth Levy - en se faisant passer pour un art de la nuance ou un éloge de la différence dont il ne faut pas être dupe. Pour la paix des hommes et des femmes, pour leur émancipation respective et mutuelle, le masculinisme est le problème - ce n’est jamais la solution.

      NB : Le livre de Francis Dupuis-Déri, « La crise de la masculinité, autopsie d’un mythe tenace », sorti au Québec (Ed. Remue Ménage), ne sera disponible dans les librairies françaises qu’à partir de janvier 2019.

  • Revue de presse « normale » du 27.01 au 02.02.19
    https://collectiflieuxcommuns.fr/?672-revue-de-presse-semaine-du

    Algérie : le jour où les « Afghans » sont rentrés

    Pourquoi je quitte la France Insoumise

    Bilan du dédoublement des CP/CE1 : positif dans les classes concernées, mais les autres souffrent

    « Théories décoloniales » : un professeur de Limoges conteste son « exclusion » en justice

    La technocratie macronienne, du rêve de l’administration des choses au cauchemar populiste

    Musée juif de Bruxelles : le dossier volé chez un avocat en plein procès

    Lettre d’une mère d’élève

    « L’intolérance s’enracine dans les corps »

    RDC : l’ONU sollicitée pour « contrecarrer » un projet de déstabilisation du Rwanda

    Laurent Bouvet : « Prétendre que la loi de 1905 est libérale, c’est une fable »

    Mise en garde d’un homme de gauche contre la censure qu’exerce la gauche

    Les Etats-Unis fabriquent une mini-bombe nucléaire

    Bonus

    (...la suite...)

    *

    Présentation/Archives/Abonnement

  • Jagal - The Act of Killing
    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=3tILiqotj7Y


    v.o. sans sous-titres

    avec sous-titres
    https://amara.org/en/videos/lCHCQE8uqUJb/en/749348
    à 00:16:00 un gangster parle de sa passion pour le cinémà et comment c’était pratique d’avoir les locaux pour tuer et torturer en face de la salle de projection.

    C’est le film le moins apprécié par l’office de tourisme indonésien car il montre que le pays est gouverné aujourd’hui par les assassins de 1965/66 qui se font un plaisir de se vanter de leurs crimes devant la caméra.

    BACKGROUND | The Act of Killing
    http://theactofkilling.com/background

    CONTEXT, BACKGROUND AND METHOD
    First Encounter with the 1965-66 Massacres – The Globalization Tapes
    In 2001-2002, Christine Cynn and I went to Indonesia for the first time to produce The Globalization Tapes (2003), a participatory documentary project made in collaboration with the Independent Plantation Workers Union of Sumatra. Using their own forbidden history as a case study, these Indonesian filmmakers worked with us to trace the development of contemporary globalization from its roots in colonialism to the present.

    The Globalization Tapes exposes the devastating role of militarism and repression in building the global economy, and explores the relationships between trade, third-world debt, and international institutions like the IMF and the World Trade Organization. Made by some of the poorest workers in the world, the film is a lyrical and incisive account of how our global financial institutions shape and enforce the corporate world order. The film uses chilling first-hand accounts, hilarious improvised interventions, collective debate and archival collage.

    Several scenes in The Globalization Tapes reveal the earliest traces of the methods we refined in the shooting of The Act of Killing: plantation workers stage a satirical commercial for the pesticide that poisons them; worker-filmmakers pose as World Bank agents who offer microfinance to ‘develop’ local businesses – offers that are both brutal and absurd, yet tempting nonetheless.

    While shooting and editing The Globalization Tapes, we discovered that the 1965-66 Indonesian massacres were the dark secret haunting Indonesia’s much-celebrated entrance into the global economy. One of the military’s main objectives in the killings was to destroy the anti-colonial labour movement that had existed until 1965, and to lure foreign investors with the promise of cheap, docile workers and abundant natural resources. The military succeeded (The Globalization Tapes is a testament to the extraordinary courage of the plantation worker-filmmakers as they challenge this decades-long legacy of terror and try to build a new union).

    The killings would come up in discussions, planning sessions, and film shoots nearly every day, but always in whispers. Indeed, many of the plantation workers were themselves survivors of the killings. They would discretely point out the houses of neighbors who had killed their parents, grandparents, aunts, or uncles. The perpetrators were still living in the same village and made up, along with their children and protégés, the local power structure. As outsiders, we could interview these perpetrators – something the plantation workers could not do without fear of violence.

    In conducting these first interviews, we encountered the pride with which perpetrators would boast about the most grisly details of the killings. The Act of Killing was born out of our curiosity about the nature of this pride – its clichéd grammar, its threatening performativity, its frightening banality.

    The Globalization Tapes was a film made collectively by the plantation workers themselves, with us as facilitators and collaborating directors. The Act of Killing was also made by working very closely with its subjects, while in solidarity and collaboration with the survivors’ families. However, unlike The Globalization Tapes, The Act of Killing is an authored work, an expression of my own vision and concerns regarding these issues.

    THE BEGINNING OF THE ACT OF KILLING

    By the time I first met the characters in The Act of Killing (in 2005), I had been making films in Indonesia for three years, and I spoke Indonesian with some degree of fluency. Since making The Globalization Tapes (2003), Christine Cynn, fellow film-maker and longtime collaborator Andrea Zimmerman and I had continued filming with perpetrators and survivors of the massacres in the plantation areas around the city of Medan. In 2003 and 2004, we filmed more interviews and simple re-enactments with Sharman Sinaga, the death squad leader who had appeared in The Globalization Tapes. We also filmed as he introduced us to other killers in the area. And we secretly interviewed survivors of the massacres they committed.

    Moving from perpetrator to perpetrator, and, unbeknownst to them, from one community of survivors to another, we began to map the relationships between different death squads throughout the region, and began to understand the process by which the massacres were perpetrated. In 2004, we began filming Amir Hasan, the death squad leader who had commanded the massacres at the plantation where we made The Globalization Tapes.

    In late 2004, Amir Hasan began to introduce me to killers up the chain of command in Medan. Independently in 2004, we began contacting ‘veterans’ organizations of death squad members and anti-leftist activists in Medan. These two approaches allowed us to piece together a chain of command, and to locate the surviving commanders of the North Sumatran death squads. In early interviews with the veterans of the killings (2004), I learned that the most notorious death squad in North Sumatra was Anwar Congo and Adi Zulkadry’s Frog Squad (Pasukan Kodok).

    During these first meetings with Medan perpetrators (2004 and 2005), I encountered the same disturbing boastfulness about the killings that we had been documenting on the plantations. The difference was that these men were the celebrated and powerful leaders not of a small rural village, but of the third largest city in Indonesia (Greater Medan has a population of over four million people).

    Our starting point for The Act of Killing was thus the question: how had this society developed to the point that its leaders could – and would – speak of their own crimes against humanity with a cheer that was at once celebratory but also intended as a threat?

    OVERVIEW AND CHRONOLOGY OF THE METHODS USED IN THE ACT OF KILLING

    Building on The Globalization Tapes and our film work outside Indonesia, we had developed a method in which we open a space for people to play with their image of themselves, re-creating and re-imagining it on camera, while we document this transformation as it unfolds. In particular, we had refined this method to explore the intersection between imagination and extreme violence.

    In the early days of research (2005), I discovered that the army recruited its killers in Medan from the ranks of movie theatre gangsters (or preman bioskop) who already hated the leftists for their boycott of American movies – the most profitable in the cinema. I was intrigued by this relationship between cinema and killings, although I had no idea it would be so deep. Not only did Anwar and his friends know and love the cinema, but they dreamed of being on the screen themselves, and styled themselves after their favorite characters. They even borrowed their methods of murder from the screen.

    Of course, I began by trying to understand in as much detail as possible Anwar and his friends’ roles in the killings and, afterwards, in the regime they helped to build. Among the first things I did was to bring them to the former newspaper office directly across the road from Anwar’s old cinema, the place where Anwar and his friends killed most of their victims. There, they demonstrated in detail what they had done. Although they were filming documentary re-enactment and interviews, during breaks I noticed that they would muse about how they looked like various movie stars – for instance, Anwar compared his protégé and sidekick, Herman to Fernando Sancho.

    To understand how they felt about the killings, and their unrepentant way of representing them on film, I screened back the unedited footage of these early re-enactments, and filmed their responses. At first, I thought that they would feel the re-enactments made them look bad, and that they might possibly come to a more complex place morally and emotionally.

    I was startled by what actually happened. On the surface at least, Anwar was mostly anxious that he should look young and fashionable. Instead of any explicit moral reflection, the screening led him and Herman spontaneously to suggest a better, and more elaborate, dramatization.

    To explore their love of movies, I screened for them scenes from their favorite films at the time of the killings – Cecil B. DeMille’s Samson and Delilah and, ironically, The Ten Commandments topped the list – recording their commentary and the memories these films elicited. Through this process, I came to realize why Anwar was continually bringing up these old Hollywood films whenever I filmed re-enactments with them: he and his fellow movie theatre thugs were inspired by them at the time of the killings, and had even borrowed their methods of murder from the movies. This was such an outlandish and disturbing idea that I in fact had to hear it several times before I realized quite what Anwar and his friends were saying.

    He described how he got the idea of strangling people with wire from watching gangster movies. In a late-night interview in front of his former cinema, Anwar explained how different film genres would lead him to approach killing in different ways. The most disturbing example was how, after watching a “happy film like an Elvis Presley musical”, Anwar would “kill in a happy way”.

    In 2005, I also discovered that the other paramilitary leaders (not just the former movie theater gangsters) had other personal and deep-seated relationship to movies. Ibrahim Sinik, the newspaper boss who was secretary general of all the anti-communist organizations that participated in the killings, and who directly gave the orders to Anwar’s death squad, turned out to be a feature film producer, screenwriter, and former head of the Indonesian Film Festival.

    In addition to all this, Anwar and his friends’ impulse towards being in a film about the killings was essentially to act in dramatizations of their pasts – both as they remember them, and as they would like to be remembered (the most powerful insights in The Act of Killing probably come in those places where these two agendas radically diverge). As described, the idea of dramatizations came up quite spontaneously, in response to viewing the rushes from Anwar’s first re-enactments of the killings.

    But it would be disingenuous to claim that we facilitated the dramatizations only because that’s what Anwar and his friends wanted to do. Ever since we produced The Globalization Tapes, the thing that most fascinated us about the killings was the way the perpetrators we filmed would recount their stories of those atrocities. One had the feeling that we weren’t simply hearing memories, but something else besides – something intended for a spectator. More precisely, we felt we were receiving performances. And we instinctively understood, I think, that the purpose of these performances was somehow to assert a kind of impunity, to maintain a threatening image, to perpetuate the autocratic regime that had begun with the massacres themselves.

    We sensed that the methods we had developed for incorporating performance into documentary might, in this context, yield powerful insights into the mystery of the killers’ boastfulness, the nature of the regime of which they are a part, and, most importantly, the nature of human ‘evil’ itself.

    So, having learned that even their methods of murder were directly influenced by cinema, we challenged Anwar and his friends to make the sort of scenes they had in mind. We created a space in which they could devise and star in dramatisations based on the killings, using their favorite genres from the medium.

    We hoped to catalyze a process of collective remembrance and imagination. Fiction provided one or two degrees of separation from reality, a canvas on which they could paint their own portrait and stand back and look at it.

    We started to suspect that performance played a similar role during the killings themselves, making it possible for Anwar and his friends to absent themselves from the scene of their crimes, while they were committing them. Thus, performing dramatizations of the killings for our cameras was also a re-living of a mode of performance they had experienced in 1965, when they were killing. This obviously gave the experience of performing for our cameras a deeper resonance for Anwar and his friends than we had anticipated.

    And so, in The Act of Killing, we worked with Anwar and his friends to create such scenes for the insights they would offer, but also for the tensions and debates that arose during the process – including Anwar’s own devastating emotional unravelling.

    This created a safe space, in which all sorts of things could happen that would probably elude a more conventional documentary method. The protagonists could safely explore their deepest memories and feelings (as well as their blackest humor). I could safely challenge them about what they did, without fear of being arrested or beaten up. And they could challenge each other in ways that were otherwise unthinkable, given Sumatra’s political landscape.

    Anwar and his friends could direct their fellow gangsters to play victims, and even play the victims themselves, because the wounds are only make-up, the blood only red paint, applied only for a movie. Feelings far deeper than those that would come up in an interview would surface unexpectedly. One reason the emotional impact was so profound came from the fact that this production method required a lot of time – the filmmaking process came to define a significant period in the participants’ lives. This meant that they went on a deeper journey into their memories and feelings than they would in a film consisting largely of testimony and simple demonstration.

    Different scenes used different methods, but in all of them it was crucial that Anwar and his friends felt a sense of fundamental ownership over the fiction material. The crux of the method is to give performers the maximum amount of freedom to determine as many variables as possible in the production (storyline, casting, costumes, mise-en-scene, improvisation on set). Whenever possible, I let them direct each other, and used my cameras to document their process of creation. My role was primarily that of provocateur, challenging them to remember the events they were performing more deeply, encouraging them to intervene and direct each other when they felt a performance was superficial, and asking questions between takes – both about what actually happened, but also about how they felt at the time, and how they felt as they re-enacted it.

    We shot in long takes, so that situations could evolve organically, and with minimal intervention from ourselves. I felt the most significant event unfolding in front of the cameras was the act of transformation itself, particularly because this transformation was usually plagued by conflict, misgivings, and other imperfections that seemed to reveal more about the nature of power, violence, and fantasy than more conventional documentary or investigative methods. For this same reason, we also filmed the pre-production of fiction scenes, including castings, script meetings, and costume fittings. Make-up sessions too were important spaces of reflection and transformation, moments where the characters slip down the rabbit hole of self-invention.

    In addition, because we never knew when the characters would refuse to take the process further, or when we might get in trouble with the military, we filmed each scene as though it might be the last, and also everything leading up to them (not only for the reasons above), because often we didn’t know if the dramatization itself would actually happen. We also felt that the stories we were hearing – stories of crimes against humanity never before recorded – were of world historical importance. More than anything else, these are two reasons why this method generated so many hours of footage (indeed, we have created a vast audio-visual archive about the Indonesian massacres. This archive has been the basis of a four-year United Kingdom Arts and Humanities Research Council project called Genocide and Genre).

    After almost every dramatization, we would screen the rushes back to them, and record their responses. We wanted to make sure they knew how they appeared on film, and to use the screening to trigger further reflection. Sometimes, screenings provoked feelings of remorse (as when Anwar watches himself play the victim during a film noir scene) but, at other times, as when we screened the re-enactment of the Kampung Kolam massacre to the entire cast, the images were met with terrifying peals of laughter.

    Most interestingly, Anwar and his friends discussed, often insightfully, how other people will view the film, both in Indonesia and internationally. For example, Anwar sometimes commented on how survivors might curse him, but that “luckily” the victims haven’t the power to do anything in today’s Indonesia.

    The gangster scenes were wholly improvised. The scenarios came from the stories Anwar and his friends had told each other during earlier interviews, and during visits to the office where they killed people. The set was modeled on this interior. For maximum flexibility, our cinematographer lit the space so that Anwar and his friends could move about freely, and we filmed them with two cameras so that they could fluidly move from directing each other to improvised re-enactments to quiet, often riveting reflection after the improvisation was finished.

    For instance, Anwar re-enacted how he killed people by placing them on a table and then pulling tight a wire, from underneath the table, to garrote them. The scene exhausted him, physically and emotionally, leaving him full of doubt about the morality of what he did. Immediately after this re-enactment, he launched into a cynical and resigned rant against the growing consensus around human rights violations. Here, reality and its refraction through fiction, Anwar’s memories and his anticipation of their impact internationally, are all overlaid.

    The noir scenes were shot over a week, and culminated in an extraordinary improvisation where Anwar played the victim. Anwar’s performance was effective and, transported by the performance, the viewer empathizes with the victim, only to do a double take as they remember that Anwar is not a victim, but the killer.

    The large-scale re-enactment of the Kampung Kolam massacre was made using a similar improvisational process, with Anwar and his friends undertaking the direction. What we didn’t expect was a scene of such violence and realism; so much so that it proved genuinely frightening to the participants, all of whom were Anwar’s friends from Pancasila Youth, or their wives and children. After the scene, we filmed participants talking amongst themselves about how the location of our re-enactment was just a few hundred meters from one of North Sumatra’s countless mass graves. The woman we see fainting after the scene felt she had been possessed by a victim’s ghost. The paramilitary members (including Anwar) thought so, too. The violence of the re-enactment conjured the spectres of a deeper violence, the terrifying history of which everybody in Indonesia is somehow aware, and upon which the perpetrators have built their rarefied bubble of air conditioned shopping malls, gated communities, and “very, very limited” crystal figurines.

    The process by which we made the musical scenes (the waterfall, the giant concrete goldfish) was slightly different again. But here too Anwar was very much in the driver’s seat: he chose the songs and, along with his friends, devised both scenes. Anwar and his cast were also free to make changes as we went.

    In the end, we worked very carefully with the giant goldfish, presenting motifs from a half-forgotten dream. Anwar’s beautiful nightmare? An allegory for his storytelling confection? For his blindness? For the willful blindness by which almost all history is written, and by which, consequently, we inevitably come to know (and fail to know) ourselves? The fish changes throughout the film, but it is always a world of “eye candy”, emptiness and ghosts. If it could be explained adequately in words, we would not need it in the film.

    For the scenes written by the newspaper boss Ibrahim Sinik and his staff, Sinik enlisted the help of his friends at state television, TVRI. He borrows the TVRI regional drama studios, and recruits a soap opera crew. In these scenes, our role was largely to document Anwar and his friends as they work with the TV crew, and to catalyze and document debates between fiction set-ups. In our edited scenes, we cut from the documentary cameras to TVRI’s fiction cameras, highlighting the gap between fiction and reality – often to comic effect. But above all, we focused our cameras on moments between takes where they debated the meaning of the scene.

    The Televisi Republik Indonesia “Special Dialogue” came into being when the show’s producers realised that feared and respected paramilitary leaders making a film about the genocide was a big story (they came to know about our work because we were using the TVRI studios.) After their grotesque chat show was broadcast, there was no critical response in North Sumatra whatsoever. This is not to say that the show will not be shocking to Indonesians. For reasons discussed in my director’s statement, North Sumatrans are more accustomed than Jakartans, for example, to the boasting of perpetrators (who in Sumatra were recruited from the ranks of gangsters – and the basis of gangsters’ power, after all, lies in being feared).

    Moreover, virtually nobody in Medan dares to criticise Pancasila Youth and men like Anwar Congo and Ibrahim Sinik. Ironically, the only significant reaction to the talk show’s broadcast came from the Indonesian Actors’ Union. According to Anwar, a representative of the union visiting family in Medan came to Anwar’s house to ask him if he would consider being president of the North Sumatra branch of the union. According to Anwar, the union was angry that such a large-scale production had occurred in North Sumatra without their knowing about it. Luckily, Anwar had the humility to tell them that he is not an actor, that he was playing himself in scenes made for a documentary, and therefore would decline the offer.

    Anwar and his friends knew that their fiction scenes were only being made for our documentary, and this will be clear to the audience, too. But at the same time, if these scenes were to offer genuine insights, it was vital that the filmmaking project was one in which they were deeply invested, and one over which they felt ownership.

    The Act of Killing : don’t give an Oscar to this snuff movie | Nick Fraser | Film | The Guardian
    https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2014/feb/23/act-of-killing-dont-give-oscar-snuff-movie-indonesia

    It has won over critics but this tasteless film teaches us nothing and merely indulges the unrepentant butchers of Indonesia

    The Act of Killing won the documentary prize at the Baftas last week and is the favourite to win the much-coveted Oscar. I watch many documentaries on behalf of the BBC each year and I go to festivals. I’m a doc obsessive. By my own, not quite reliable reckoning, I’ve been asked by fans to show The Act of Killing on the BBC at least five times. I’ve never encountered a film greeted by such extreme responses – both those who say it is among the best films and those who tell me how much they hate it. Much about the film puzzles me. I am still surprised by the fact that so many critics listed it among their favourite films of last year.

    For those who haven’t seen the film, it investigates the circumstances in which half-a-million Indonesian leftists were murdered in the 1960s, at the instigation of a government that is still in power. You might think this is a recondite subject, worthy of a late-night screening for insomniacs or atrocity buffs on BBC4, but, no, the film-maker Joshua Oppenheimer has made the subject viewable by enlisting the participation of some of the murderers. He spent some years hanging out with them, to his credit luring them into confessions. But he also, more dubiously, enlisted their help in restaging their killings. Although one of them, the grandfatherly Anwar, shows mild symptoms of distress towards the end of the film, they live in a state of impunity and it is thus, coddled and celebrated in their old age, that we revisit them.

    So let me be as upfront as I can. I dislike the aesthetic or moral premise of The Act of Killing. I find myself deeply opposed to the film. Getting killers to script and restage their murders for the benefit of a cinema or television audience seems a bad idea for a number of reasons. I find the scenes where the killers are encouraged to retell their exploits, often with lip-smacking expressions of satisfaction, upsetting not because they reveal so much, as many allege, but because they tell us so little of importance. Of course murderers, flattered in their impunity, will behave vilely. Of course they will reliably supply enlightened folk with a degraded vision of humanity. But, sorry, I don’t feel we want to be doing this. It feels wrong and it certainly looks wrong to me. Something has gone missing here. How badly do we want to hear from these people, after all? Wouldn’t it be better if we were told something about the individuals whose lives they took?

    I’d feel the same if film-makers had gone to rural Argentina in the 1950s, rounding up a bunch of ageing Nazis and getting them to make a film entitled “We Love Killing Jews”. Think of other half-covered-up atrocities – in Bosnia, Rwanda, South Africa, Israel, any place you like with secrets – and imagine similar films had been made. Consider your response – and now consider whether such goings-on in Indonesia are not acceptable merely because the place is so far away, and so little known or talked about that the cruelty of such an act can pass uncriticised.

    The film does not in any recognisable sense enhance our knowledge of the 1960s Indonesian killings, and its real merits – the curiosity when it comes to uncovering the Indonesian cult of anticommunism capable of masking atrocity, and the good and shocking scenes with characters from the Indonesian elite, still whitewashing the past – are obscured by tasteless devices. At the risk of being labelled a contemporary prude or dismissed as a stuffy upholder of middle-class taste, I feel that no one should be asked to sit through repeated demonstrations of the art of garrotting. Instead of an investigation, or indeed a genuine recreation, we’ve ended somewhere else – in a high-minded snuff movie.

    What I like most about documentary film is that anything can be made to work, given a chance. You can mix up fact and fiction, past and present. You can add to cold objectivity a degree of empathy. You will, of course, lie to reluctant or recalcitrant participants, in particular when they wish not to divulge important pieces of information. And trickery has its place, too. But documentary films have emerged from the not inconsiderable belief that it’s good to be literal as well as truthful. In a makeshift, fallible way, they tell us what the world is really like. Documentaries are the art of the journeyman. They can be undone by too much ambition. Too much ingenious construction and they cease to represent the world, becoming reflected images of their own excessively stated pretensions.

    In his bizarrely eulogistic piece defending The Act of Killing (of which he is an executive producer), Errol Morris, the documentary maker, compares the film to Hamlet’s inspired use of theatre to reveal dirty deeds at the court of Denmark. But Hamlet doesn’t really believe that theatrical gestures can stand in for reality. Nor, we must assume, did his creator. A more apt analogy than Morris’s might come from Shakespeare’s darkest play, Macbeth. What would we think if Macbeth and his scheming wife were written out of the action, replaced by those low-level thugs paid to do bad business on their behalf? We might conclude that putting them centre stage, in the style of The Act of Killing, was indeed perverse and we’d be right.

    There are still half-forgotten, heavily whitewashed atrocities from the last century, such as the Bengali famine allowed to occur during the second world war through the culpably racist inattention of British officials; the never wholly cleared-up question of Franco’s mass killings; or the death of so many millions in the 1950s as a consequence of Mao’s catastrophic utopianism. Those wondering how to record such events will no doubt watch The Act of Killing, but I hope they will also look at less hyped, more modestly conceived depictions of mass murder. In Enemies of the People (2010), the Cambodian journalist Thet Sambath goes after the murderers of the Khmer Rouge. He finds Pol Pot’s sidekick, but it is the earnest, touching quest of Sambath himself that lingers in the mind, rather than the empty encounters with evil-doers. Atrocity is both banal and ultimately impossible to comprehend.

    Writing in 1944, Arthur Koestler was among the first to gain knowledge of the slaughter of eastern European Jews and he estimated that the effect of such revelations was strictly limited, lasting only minutes or days and swiftly overcome by indifference. Koestler suggested that there was only one way we could respond to the double atrocity of mass murder and contemporary indifference and that was by screaming.

    I’m grateful to The Act of Killing not because it’s a good film, or because it deserves to win its Oscar (I don’t think it does), but because it reminds me of the truth of Koestler’s observation. What’s not to scream about?

    Nick Fraser is editor of the BBC’s Storyville documentary series

    #film #documentaire #Indonésie #hécatombe

  • #Pologne : le maire de #Gdansk meurt après une agression au couteau - Europe - RFI
    http://www.rfi.fr/europe/20190114-pologne-pawel-adamowicz-maire-gdansk-deces-agression-couteau

    #Pawel_Adamowicz participe à la Gay Pride, défend l’indépendance de la justice du pays. Il fait aussi de Gdansk une ville très ouverte aux migrants, crée un centre qui leur vient en aide. Il fait voter un ensemble de principes pour les accueillir au mieux. Tout cela lui vaut de multiples critiques du gouvernement et de la télévision publique qu’il contrôle, voire des menaces.

    En 2017, la Jeunesse polonaise, un mouvement d’extrême droite, publie un « certificat de décès » symbolique du maire de Gdansk. Dimanche soir, juste avant d’être attaqué sur la scène de l’événement de charité, Pawel Adamowicz a rendu hommage à sa ville, qu’il voulait pleine de bonté et de tolérance.

    HCR - En Pologne, une ville exemplaire en matière de solidarité pour les réfugiés
    https://www.unhcr.org/fr-fr/news/stories/2018/2/5a8a9d95a/pologne-ville-exemplaire-matiere-solidarite-refugies.html

    Le modèle de Gdansk est un programme inclusif qui aide les #réfugiés et les #migrants dans leur insertion. L’idée générale est que tous les individus et l’ensemble des secteurs de la société — de l’éducation à la culture en passant par le monde du travail ou le secteur de la santé — doivent activement inclure les réfugiés. Un conseil consultatif, composé de 13 personnes migrantes (dont deux réfugiés), tient le maire régulièrement informé des préoccupations de cette tranche de la population. 

    Gdansk est une ville portuaire de 460 000 habitants, qui accueille environ 25 000 réfugiés et migrants. Ils sont pour la plupart originaires de territoires de l’ancienne Union soviétique, comme l’Ukraine ou la Tchétchénie, mais aussi du Rwanda ou de la Syrie.

    • Pologne : les commémorations de l’assassinat du maire de Gdansk prennent une tournure politique
      https://www.lemonde.fr/international/article/2019/01/20/pologne-les-commemorations-de-l-assassinat-du-maire-de-gdansk-prennent-une-t

      Outre les dizaines de milliers d’habitants de la ville réunis pour un dernier hommage à leur maire, l’église comptait la plupart des hauts responsables politiques du pays, dont le président de la République, Andrzej Duda, et le premier ministre, Mateusz Morawiecki, issus du parti ultraconservateur Droit et justice (PiS).

      Etait-ce d’abord à eux que s’adressait la veuve de l’édile assassiné ? L’oraison suivante prononcée par Aleksander Hall, ami de longue date du défunt et ancien député conservateur, n’a pas laissé place au doute. Après avoir rappelé le rôle des parents de Pawel Adamowicz dans la formation de sa « foi profonde », son « patriotisme » et sa « connaissance de la véritable histoire de la Pologne » – des valeurs dont le PiS revendique le monopole –, il a affirmé que « la haine qui a tué Pawel a été générée en le disqualifiant moralement. J’appelle ceux qui ont une influence sur notre vie publique, donc avant tout les gouvernants, à abandonner ces pratiques. »

      Assassinat du maire de Gdansk : en Pologne, la « #haine » sur petit écran
      https://www.lemonde.fr/international/article/2019/01/24/assassinat-du-maire-de-gdansk-en-pologne-la-haine-sur-petit-ecran_5413658_32

      La télévision publique [TVP] est mise en cause par les opposants au gouvernement pour son rôle dans la mort de Pawel Adamowicz, le 13 janvier. La démission de son patron est réclamée.

      Qu’ont donc montré les émissions de TVP à propos de Pawel Adamowicz avant sa mort ? Au pouvoir depuis 1998, le défunt maire de Gdansk, membre du parti d’opposition libéral-conservateur Plateforme civique (PO) jusqu’en 2015, assumait de conduire une politique opposée sur bien des sujets aux positions du gouvernement central.

      En matière de migration, Gdansk avait ainsi été la première ville en Pologne à se doter d’une assemblée consultative composée d’habitants étrangers pour intégrer leur perspective dans les politiques municipales.

      Prise en 2016, cette décision avait alors été présentée au journal du soir de TVP1 comme un exemple de la « volonté de Pawel Adamowicz de faire venir à Gdansk le plus d’immigrés possible ». Les témoignages d’habitants retenus pour le sujet étaient tous négatifs, invoquant un lien avec les attentats terroristes, « la situation dans d’autres pays » et des « raisons de sécurité ». Sur la base de commentaires de journalistes conservateurs, le reste du reportage suggérait que l’initiative du maire n’était pas motivée par sa « grandeur d’âme, mais par son intérêt politique privé », notamment pour faire oublier une affaire de déclaration de patrimoine mal remplie.

  • Fascists are the Tools of the State: Peter Gelderloos
    https://libcom.org/library/fascists-are-tools-state-peter-gelderloos

    An essay published in 2007 about the relationship of Fascism (in broad strokes, nationalistic movement terms) and the State.


    [1]Fascism is widespread in many industrial and postcolonial countries, existing as extreme nationalism, neo-Nazism, or some other extreme authoritarianism. In nearly all cases, the rank-and-file of the fascist movements tend to be dispossessed members of a privileged group in society (e.g. poor whites). In pre-WWII Germany, most working-class Germans were impoverished by the Depression, in contrast to their self-image as a wealthy, powerful nation. In modern Germany, neo-Nazi political parties win the most votes, often more than 10% of the total, in states where unemployment is highest. In the US, poor southern whites who do not enjoy the wealth promised to white people of the richest nation on earth often join the Ku Klux Klan. In Rwanda the Hutus, impoverished and in great need of land, expressed their desire for more wealth and power by identifying with the majority ethnicity, joining the fascist Hutu parties responsible for the genocide. There has been a similar fascist movement among Hindus in India, asserting their power as the majority ethnicity. Thus, fascism can be seen as a response to disempowerment and broken promises of privilege.

    [2]Fascism can also be seen as an elite phenomenon, a gentleman’s movement. The German Nazi party included many of the richest industrialists, the Spanish fascists behind Franco were an alliance of generals, landowning aristocracy, and church leaders, while Mussolini said fascism should better be called “corporatism” because it is the blending of state and corporate power. In the US, the KKK was originally a gentleman’s club, and before WWII, the richest industrialists (Hearst, Rockefeller, Ford, DuPont, Morgan) supported the fascists in Europe. Currently in the US, many elite conservatives support the anti-immigrant group Minutemen and other crypto-fascist groups. Fascism is especially connected to conservative segments of the elite who are afraid the expansive strategies of the progressive elite will backfire and destabilize the whole system. In these manifestations, fascism is a way the elite preserve traditional morality, strengthen social hierarchy, and defend against revolutionary activity among the lower classes.

  • Afrikarabia » Génocide des Tutsi du Rwanda : Hubert Védrine en ligne de mire
    http://afrikarabia.com/wordpress/genocide-des-tutsi-du-rwanda-hubert-vedrine-en-ligne-de-mire

    Hubert Védrine est vent debout face aux critiques. Depuis près d’un quart de siècle, il pérore sur la géopolitique mondiale dans des médias, des colloques et conférences, ou dans ses livres comme Les mondes de François Mitterrand, ou Face à l’Hyperpuissance et plus récemment Comptes à rebours (Fayard, 2018). Il se présente comme un observateur averti, prudent, soucieux de neutralité. Ce qui contraste avec une certaine hystérie anti-tutsi de l’Elysée dans les années 1990-1995, une forme de racisme que Védrine s’efforçait alors de cacher mais que rappellent les archives.

    D’où la stupéfaction de Stéphane Audoin-Rouzeau, historien, directeur d’études à l’École des hautes-études en sciences sociales (EHESS). Et de André Burguière, également historien, ancien directeur d’études à l’EHESS. Ils ont découvert l’invitation faite à Hubert Védrine par la Fondation de « plancher sur « trois questions qui traversent le thème du séminaire » :

    De quelles informations disposiez-vous lors des décisions auxquelles vous avez participé dans des crises passées ? Quels services ou administrations vous ont semblé avoir la vue la plus juste de la situation ?
    Etiez-vous en rapport avec des chercheurs ou des universitaires lors de vos différentes fonctions ? Et si oui de quelle façon ? Ces échanges vous ont-ils été utiles ?
    A postériori vous semble-t-il que les décisions auxquelles vous avez participé auraient été différentes avec des analyses et des études académiques plus approfondies ? »

    La stupéfaction de Stéphane
    Audoin-Rouzeau

    Les responsables de la Fondation de la maison des sciences de l’homme, au premier rang desquels son président, l’historien Michel Wieviorka, sont-ils conscients du caractère provocateur de ces « questions » au regard de la pratique politique de Hubert Védrine, à l’Elysée vis-à-vis du Rwanda ? « En tant que chercheur de l’EHESS, comme historien, comme simple citoyen enfin, face à cette intervention programmée d’Hubert Védrine au 54 boulevard Raspail (siège de la Fondation de la Maison des sciences de l’Homme, voisine de palier de l’École des hautes-études en sciences sociales) je tenais tout simplement à dire ma honte », déclare Stéphane Audoin-Rouzeau. Il ajoute : « Cette invitation est tout simplement scandaleuse. (…) Elle surprend d’autant plus que l’on sait le peu de cas que l’ancien Secrétaire général de l’Élysée entre 1991 et 1995 fit de la recherche lors de l’une des « crises internationales » majeure de la fin du XXe siècle : le génocide des Tutsi du Rwanda (800.000 victimes au moins, entre avril et juillet 1994). »

  • Rwandan refugees in Uganda may be thrown out – Minister Onek

    The government of Uganda is considering cancelling the refugee status of thousands of Rwandans living in Uganda.

    The announcement was made by the Minister for Relief, Disaster Preparedness and Refugees Hillary Onek while meeting lawmakers of the East African Legislative Assembly (EALA) in Kampala.

    He explained that government is considering cancelling their refugee status and instead issuing them with temporary permits.
    “We are going to turn them over to the immigration department so that their long stay in Uganda will be subjected to immigration laws because immigration laws in Uganda say that you are given a #visa to stay for three months. Thereafter you have to justify your further stay in a country,” Mr Onek said.

    The minister said that the process of convincing Rwandans to return home has not been easy as many are not willing to do so.

    Hundreds of thousands of Rwandans fled to Uganda following the 1994 genocide.

    Rwanda has generally been peaceful for over 20 years and many Rwandese who had fled have since returned to their home country.
    But government says there are still over 14000 Rwandans still living in Uganda as refugees.

    https://www.monitor.co.ug/News/National/Rwandan-refugees-Uganda-may-be-thrown-out-Minister-Onek/688334-4853062-ra0ok9/index.html
    #réfugiés_rwandais #ouganda #asile #migrations #réfugiés #modèle_ougandais (?) #statut_de_réfugié #renvois #expulsions

    • Abuses against Rwandan refugees in Uganda: Has Time Come for Accountability?

      For many years, Rwandan refugees in Uganda have faced abuses, including arbitrary detention, forced return to Rwanda and attacks on their physical security, without any form of accountability. However, last Friday, 24 August, former Inspector-General of the Ugandan police, General Kale Kayihura, has been charged with aiding and abetting the kidnapping and repatriation of Rwandan refugees, amongst other charges. In October last year, other security officers had already been arrested and indicted under similar charges. Is it finally time for justice?

      The case of Joel Mutabazi

      Kayihura is accused of aiding and abetting the kidnapping of Rwandan refugees Joel Mutabazi, Jackson Karemera and Innocent Kalisa by Ugandan police officers. Six Ugandan police officers, one Rwandan security officer and one Congolese individual are on trial for their involvement in the abduction and forced return of Mutabazi. A senior police who had been arrested earlier in connection to this case has since been released.

      Joel Mutabazi, a former bodyguard of Rwandan President, Paul Kagame, had been arrested in April 2010 in Rwanda and detained and tortured in military custody for his suspected links with opposition groups. After he was released in October 2011, Mutabazi fled to Uganda, where he was granted refugee status. In 2013, he was abducted from a UNHCR safe house near Uganda’s capital Kampala, and taken back to Rwanda. Mutabazi’s whereabouts were unknown for several days, until the Rwandan police stated that he was in their custody. UNHCR, which failed to protect Mutabazi, expressed its concern over the breach of the principle of non-refoulement and called for accountability.

      In 2014, a Rwandan military court sentenced Mutabazi to life in prison, including for forming an armed group and for terrorism. His younger brother, Jackson Karemera, and another co-accused, Innocent Kalisa, also lived in Uganda before the trial and were themselves abducted back to Rwanda. They were sentenced respectively to four months and 25 years in prison. Karemera was rearrested after his release, his family hasn’t heard from him since. All three said during the trial they had been tortured in detention in Rwanda, but the court did not order an investigation into those allegations.

      Abuses against Rwandan refugees

      The illegal transfer of Mutabazi and his co-accused to Rwanda was not an isolated case. Over the years, including more recently, International Refugee Rights Initiative (IRRI) has received several reports about threats, illegal arrests, attacks and forced returns of Rwandan refugees in Uganda. Many of such cases remain unreported, given the secrecy surrounding such abuses and the fear of reprisals, and are difficult to confirm. A few examples include:

      In July 2010, Rwandan refugees were forcibly removed en masse from refugee settlements in south-western Uganda to Rwanda. Ugandan police officers used live rounds, wounding several in the process, to force refugees onto buses which dropped them in Rwanda.
      In November 2011, Charles Ingabire, a Rwandan journalist, was murdered when he left a bar in Kampala. He was a fierce government critic who had obtained refugee status in Uganda. An investigation was opened, but to date, nobody has been charged for involvement in this crime.
      In 2017, according to judicial documents, a Rwandan refugee was illegally detained for almost two months in Kireka police station in Kampala, and threatened with return to Rwanda, on the basis of his alleged involvement in the Rwandan genocide in 1994. Rwanda and Uganda do not have an extradition treaty. He was never charged and was eventually released.
      Multiple sources confirmed to IRRI that on 20 December 2017, five Rwandan nationals were arrested in Mbarara, and one in Kampala. They were detained incommunicado for several days and allegedly tortured. Five of them were driven to the border with Rwanda nine days later and deported. According to Uganda’s army spokesperson, one was not deported because of her refugee status, and remained in incommunicado detention.

      In addition to abuses against refugees, there have been several allegations, in the past year, of abuses against Rwandan nationals residing in Uganda. According to several sources, two Rwandan citizens were arrested in Uganda, respectively on 9 November 2017 and 3 January 2018, and detained incommunicado before being sent back to Rwanda. The first says he was tortured, which was confirmed to IRRI by a source knowledgeable about the case on 24 January 2018: “He was beaten up and tortured… and dumped at the border with Rwanda. He couldn’t walk and barely could talk.” The other man also reported to the media that he was tortured before being taken to the border with Rwanda.

      For none of these cases has there been any apparent effort to provide meaningful accountability. Other reports have been difficult to verify, but as a consequence of such events, Rwandan refugees in Uganda continue to fear for their safety. Rwanda and Uganda have had close but turbulent bilateral relations in recent years, and many connections remain between individuals within the countries security services. There have, however, been reports that relations between the two countries have deteriorated.

      Many interpreted the decision by Uganda, in early 2018, not to invoke a cessation clause against the more than 15,000 Rwandan refugees still currently living in Uganda as an illustration of this dynamic. This cessation clause, if invoked, would have forced refugees who fled Rwanda before 31 December 1998 to return to Rwanda, reapply for refugee protection or acquire citizenship in their country of exile. Seven countries have already begun implementing the cessation clause.

      Concerns about right to a fair trial

      While the arrested officers have themselves been accused of involvement in human rights violations, their own right to a fair trial and lawful detention seemed to have also been in jeopardy since their arrest. The arrest of General Kale Kayihura seems to have violated legal provisions on judicial review and detention terms. According to judicial documents and interviews with several people knowledgeable of the case, at least one of the accused in the trial against senior police officials has been detained incommunicado and tortured, in an attempt to extract testimony against other senior figures. Court documents show that the court told a bail applicant to edit out details of torture, but on 31 January 2018 a judge ordered an investigation into torture allegations. There have also been concerns about the prosecution of civilian suspects in a military court, a common practice in Uganda, and about settling scores within the security apparatus.

      These trials against former senior Ugandan security officials could send a welcome signal to Rwandan refugees that abuses against them will be no longer tolerated. But justice can only be done if arrests and trials are conducted in accordance with standards in Ugandan and international law. More efforts must be done to end ongoing abuses against Rwandan refugees, and bring all perpetrators to account.

      http://refugee-rights.org/abuses-against-rwandan-refugees-in-uganda-has-time-come-for-accounta
      #abus

  • L’Assemblée Générale de l’ONU vote en faveur de 8 résolutions sur le Palestine
    2M - 17/11/2018 à 12:31
    http://www.2m.ma/fr/news/lassemblee-generale-de-lonu-vote-en-faveur-de-8-resolutions-sur-le-palestine-2018

    L’Assemblée générale des Nations unies a voté, ce samedi 17 novembre, en majorité en faveur de huit résolutions sur la Palestine. Il s’agit d’un nouveau soutien de la communauté internationale à la cause palestinienne en dépit des tentatives menées pour l’affaiblir et la contrecarrer.

    L’observateur permanent de la Palestine auprès de l’ONU, Riyad Mansour, a indiqué suite à ce vote que « l’Assemblée générale de l’ONU a voté en faveur de quatre résolutions relatives à l’Office de secours des Nations unies pour les réfugiés de Palestine (UNRWA) et de quatre autres sur les pratiques des forces d’occupation israéliennes dans les territoires palestiniens occupés », a rapporté l’agence Wafa, (Wikalat al-Anba’ al-Falestinya).

    L’agence de presse palestinienne a affirmé d’après Riyad Mansour toujours que ce vote de la communauté internationale est une « preuve du soutien permanent à la cause palestinienne ».

    Ces textes de résolution ont été entérinés par 155 voix pour et 5 contre, à savoir, (Etats-Unis, Canada, Israël, Iles Marshall, Etats fédérés de Micronésie), tandis que 10 pays se sont abstenus (Australie, Cameroun, Côte d’Ivoire, Guatemala, Honduras, Mexique, Palaos, Rwanda, Iles Salomon, Togo).

    Il s’agit, entre autres, des projets de résolution portant sur les « personnes déplacées à la suite des hostilités de juin 1967 et des hostilités qui ont suivi », des « opérations de l’Office de secours et de travaux des Nations unies pour les réfugiés de Palestine dans le Proche-Orient » et « des propriétés des réfugiés de Palestine et leurs revenus ».

    L’Assemblée générale de l’ONU a approuvé, également, un projet de résolution sur « l’applicabilité de la Convention de Genève relative à la protection des personnes civiles en temps de guerre du 12 août 1949, aux territoires palestiniens occupés, y compris El Qods-Est et aux autres territoires arabes occupés » et un projet relatif aux « Travaux du Comité spécial chargé d’enquêter sur les pratiques israéliennes affectant les droits de l’homme du peuple palestinien et des autres Arabes des territoires occupés ».

    #PalestineONU