• 36 rue Curiol et après (Radio Zibeline)


    Le 9 septembre dernier, les habitants du 36 rue Curiol, dans le centre-ville de Marseille, familles avec enfants, étaient mises à la rue par Marseille Habitat, bailleur social de la Ville. Suite à une mobilisation rapide et efficace de voisins et de militants appartenant notamment au Collectif du 5 novembre, toutes ces familles ont finalement pu retrouver un toit. Il a fallu en passer par l’occupation du siège de Marseille Habitat, occupation pacifique, mais au cours de laquelle une salariée de Marseille Habitat a eu un doigt cassé dans une bousculade. Résultat stupéfiant quelques jours après : convocation au commissariat de police qui se tranforme en mise en garde vue prolongée, puis inculpation de l’un des principaux animateurs du collectif : Kevin Vacher. Il témoigne dans une vidéo de WebTV Zibeline, bientôt en ligne, de la façon dont cette garde à vue s’est déroulée. Et dans cet entretien sur WebRadioZibeline, ce militant et doctorant en sociologie, alliant depuis des années pratique et théorie, nous décrit ce qui s’est passé au 36 rue Curiol, l’impunité dans laquelle agissent certains responsables politiques ou techniques de cette municipalité, la façon dont les mouvements sociaux sont criminalisés en France, en particulier depuis les mobilisations contre la loi Travail, et la volonté de changement qui s’organise dans la création du Pacte Démocratique à Marseille.

    Par Marc Voiry

  • Niger : Has Securitisation Stopped Traffickers ?

    In the past five years there has been an increase in border controls and foreign military presence in Niger; paradoxically this has only diversified and professionalised the criminal networks operating there. In fact, this development was to be expected. Sustained law enforcement against smugglers removes the weaker players while allowing those with greater means and connexions to adapt, evolve and in some cases even monopolise criminal markets. As such, although Western-supported goals of curtailing irregular migration in Niger have been reached in the short term, criminal networks continue to thrive with devastating consequences for the wider Sahel region. Recorded migrant deaths in northern Niger have hit record highs and illicit flows of drugs and arms through the country continue to fuel conflicts. To address the country’s chronic lack of security and underdevelopment, innovative approaches that prioritise the fight against criminal networks while considering the negative socio-economic impacts of interventions must be developed.

    The economic, social and security landscape of Niger has undergone four milestone events, which have all led to changes in the country’s criminal networks. These included the criminalisation of the migration industry in May 2015; the clampdown on the Djado goldfield in February 2017; the ensuing multiplication of armed actors and growing banditry, which had already increased after the outbreak of the conflicts in Libya in 2011 and northern Mali in 2012; and the militarisation of Niger since 2014.

    The EU-backed enforcement of law 2015-036 criminalising migrant smuggling in mid-2016 delivered a first, considerable blow to northern Niger’s informal economy. Transporting foreign migrants to Libya, a practice that had become a source of livelihood for thousands of people in northern Niger, was outlawed overnight. Dozens of passeurs (migrant smugglers) and coxeurs (middlemen who gather migrants for passeurs) were arrested and hundreds of vehicles were seized in a crackdown that shocked the system.

    The second blow, which was closely linked to the first, was the closure of the Djado goldfield in February 2017. Up until its closure, the gold economy had been a vital back-up for ex-passeurs. Many had repurposed their activities towards the transport of artisanal miners to and from northern Niger’s gold mines to compensate for lost revenue from the outlawing of migrant smuggling. Many passeurs also invested in artisanal gold extraction. The goldfield was officially shut down for security reasons, as it had become a key hub for the operations of armed bandits. However, the fact that it was also a key stopover location for migrants travelling north was perhaps more influential in the government’s decision-making.

    Many analysts have attributed the rise in banditry and convoy hijackings over the past two years to these two economic blows. While it is difficult to determine whether the actors involved in these attacks are the same as those previously involved in the migration industry, it is clear that the lack of economic opportunities have pushed some to seek alternative sources of revenue.

    Although the migration industry initially shrank, it has now partially recovered (albeit still very far from 2015/2016 levels) with the transport of Nigerien migrants who are increasingly seeking seasonal work in Libya. But although a majority of passeurs have repurposed their activities towards the tolerated practice of transporting Nigeriens to Libya, many passeurs are still ready to transport foreign migrants, who pay up to eight times what local Nigeriens pay. To do so, smuggling networks have become both more professional and clandestine. Passeurs also take more dangerous and remote routes through the desert that avoid security forces. This has posed a significant risk to migrants, who are increasingly vulnerable to death from unexpected breakdowns in the desert. The number of recorded migrant deaths increased from 71 in 2015 to 427 in 2017.

    Currently, the number of active drivers is close to that before the peak of migration in 2015/2016. But the number of migrants who can afford the journey has lessened. In some reported cases, the price for the Agadez-Sebha journey has increased five-fold since 2016. Passeurs incur higher costs primarily as a result of longer, more clandestine routes that require more fuel. They must also pay higher fees to coxeurs, whose role in gathering migrants for passeurs has become central since migrants have been more difficult to find in Agadez. Prior to 2016, migrants could easily reach the town with commercial bus companies. Today, these undergo stringent checks by Nigerien police. Even migrants from the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), who have the right to visa-free travel to Niger with valid documentation, are having to pay higher bribes to security forces to reach Agadez through commercial transportation.

    To compensate for this lack of more lucrative foreign migrants, many passeurs have turned to the smuggling of synthetic opioids (especially Tramadol), the demand for which has boomed across the Sahel-Sahara in recent years.[1] Smugglers can sell Tramadol purchased from Nigeria for up to 15 times the price in Libya, transporting the drugs along the Chadian border through Niger.

    These developments have mostly been undeterred by the increased militarisation of Niger since 2014, which saw the posting of French and American security forces in key strategic locations in the north (with bases in Madama, Dirkou, Agadez, Aguelal) and south (in the Tillabéri and Diffa regions). While their primary concern has been the fight against terrorist networks in the Sahel, French security forces in Madama have also specifically targeted arms and high-value narcotics trafficking (albeit prioritising those suspected of having links to terrorist networks). The increased scrutiny of French troops on key trafficking crossroads is seen as a key factor in making the trans-Sahelian cocaine route less attractive for conveying drugs from Latin America to destination markets in Europe and the Middle East, with traffickers increasingly favouring maritime routes instead.

    The increased targeting of drug convoys by armed groups is also a key factor behind the reduced use of the trans-Sahel cocaine route. These groups, which have multiplied in northern Mali, southern Libya and north-western Chad since the Libyan revolution in 2011 and Malian rebellion in 2012, have increasingly shifted their business model towards armed robbery and the hijacking of convoys that transit northern Niger. One such group includes armed men mostly composed of Chadian military defectors, who have used the Djado area (600 km north-east of Agadez) as a base to target convoys trafficking drugs, arms and goods but also artisanal miners traveling to and from gold mines (such as the Tchibarakaten goldfield).[2] The Forces Armées Nigériennes, whose capacity is limited in northern Niger’s difficult terrain, have so far failed to overrun the group.

    Nevertheless, recent cocaine seizures, including a record seizure of 789 kilograms of cocaine in March 2019 in Guinea-Bissau, suggest that the route is still being used, boosted by increasing cocaine production in Colombia in recent years. In fact, trafficking routes seem to have simply pushed outwards to areas bordering Algeria and Chad, avoiding the patrolling and surveillance activity taking place out of the French outpost of Madama.[3] However, this route shift may be temporary. France’s withdrawal from its temporary base in Madama since May (although officially announced in July) has reduced its oversight over the Toummo crossing and Salvador Pass, both key trafficking gateways to Libya. In reaction to France’s withdrawal from Madama, one passeur interviewed by phone boasted: ‘maintenant on opère comme des rois [now we operate like kings]’.[4]

    Niger’s stability relies on a fragile economic, political and social equilibrium that is threatened by the current approaches to achieving Western priorities of reduced terrorism and irregular migration. The EU and its member states successfully addressed the latter by disrupting the business model of passeurs and raising the costs of migration. But while the EU must be commended for initiating projects to compensate for passeurs’ lost income, these have not yielded the results that had been hoped for. Many passeurs accuse the local non-governmental organisation in charge of dispensing funds of having been nepotistic in its fund allocation. Only a fraction of passeurs received EU support, leaving many to be forced back into their old activities.

    If support is not effectively delivered in the long term, current approaches to reducing irregular migration and terrorism may be undermined: poverty and unemployment fuel the very elements that securitisation hopes to tackle.

    Currently, strategies to tackle smuggling and illicit flows have targeted easily-replaceable low-level actors in criminal economies. Yet to have a longer-lasting impact, actors higher up in the value chain would need to be targeted. Criminal culture in Niger is as much a top-down issue as it is a bottom-up one. The participation of the Nigerien political elite in trans-Sahelian illicit economies is strong. Their business interests are as much a catalyst of flows as the widespread poverty and lack of economic opportunities that push so many into criminal endeavours. This involvement is well-known and recognised by international partners behind the scenes, yet it is not prioritised, perhaps for fear of impeding on strategic counterterrorism and anti-irregular migration goals. Meanwhile, the illicit flows of arms, drugs, goods, and people continue to foster instability in the wider region.


    [1] Micallef, M. Horsley R. & Bish, A. (2019) The Human Conveyor Belt Broken – assessing the collapse of the human-smuggling industry in Libya and the central Sahel, The Global Initiative Against Transnational Organized Crime, March 2019.

    [2] Micallef, M., Farrah, R. & Bish, A. (forthcoming) After the Storm, Organized Crime across the Sahel-Sahara following the Libyan Revolution and Malian Rebellion, Global Initiative against Transnational Organized Crime.

    [3] Micallef, M., Farrah, R. & Bish, A. (forthcoming) After the Storm, Organized crime across the Sahel-Sahara following the Libyan Revolution and Malian rebellion, Global Initiative against Transnational Organized Crime.

    [4] Telephone interview with Tebu passeur based in Dirkou, July 2019.

    #Niger #trafiquants #frontières #fermeture_des_frontières #smugglers #smuggling #migrations #réseaux_criminels #asile #réfugiés #criminalisation #économie #économie_informelle #passeurs #saisonniers_nigériens #prix #Sebha #Agadez #pauvreté #chômage #travail #Tramadol #drogue #trafic_de_drogue
    ping @karine4 @pascaline

  • Au #Maroc, l’#arrestation d’une journaliste pour « avortement illégal » relance des débats

    L’arrestation d’une jeune journaliste pour « #avortement_illégal » et « #débauche » (sexe hors mariage) a alimenté cette semaine un débat virulent sur l’état des libertés au Maroc englobant tout à la fois : le #droit_des_femmes, la vie privée, les moeurs et la presse.

    Le sort de #Hajar_Raissouni, 28 ans, a suscité les protestations des défenseurs des droits humains, mais aussi des flots de réactions indignées dans les médias et sur les réseaux sociaux.

    Les plus critiques parlent de « réalité moyenâgeuse », de « lois liberticides », de « violence institutionnelle envers les femmes », d’"intrusion de l’Etat dans la vie privée" des citoyens, de « machination politique » ou de « harcèlement » des journalistes.

    Cette reporter du quotidien arabophone Akhbar Al-Yaoum a été arrêtée samedi dernier au sortir d’un cabinet médical de Rabat. La jeune femme qui assure avoir été traitée pour une hémorragie interne a été placée en détention dans l’attente de son procès prévu lundi.

    Son fiancé qu’elle devait épouser mi-septembre a été arrêté avec elle, tout comme le médecin traitant, un infirmier et une secrétaire médicale.

    Le code pénal marocain sanctionne de peines de prison les relations sexuelles hors-mariage et l’avortement quand la vie de la mère n’est pas menacée.

    Assurant que l’arrestation d’Hajar Raissouni « n’a rien à voir avec sa profession de journaliste », le parquet de Rabat a détaillé mercredi dans un communiqué les éléments médicaux confirmant des « signes de grossesse » et son « avortement ».

    La journaliste dénonce des « accusations fabriquées » et une « affaire politique » liée à de récents articles sur les détenus du mouvement social du « Hirak », selon ses proches.

    – Contradictions -

    Elle assure dans une lettre publiée par son journal avoir été interrogée en garde à vue sur ses oncles, un idéologue islamiste aux positions ultra-conservatrices et un éditorialiste d’Akhbar Al-Yaoum connu pour sa plume acerbe.

    Des journalistes connus pour leurs positions critiques ont déjà été condamnés pour des faits allant de « complicité d’adultère » à « non dénonciation d’une atteinte à la sécurité de l’Etat ».

    « En lieu et place de poursuites immédiates pour leurs écrits, les journalistes se voient attaqués bien plus tard à travers des articles du Code pénal », s’insurge un éditorial du site d’information Yabiladi.

    Des personnalités islamistes ont par ailleurs aussi été ciblées ces dernières années par des articles dénonçant les contradictions entre leurs discours et leurs actes sur la base de faits privés —comme le sexe hors-mariage.

    Poursuivi pour « atteinte à la sécurité de l’Etat » et pour de présumées irrégularités financières, l’historien et militant de gauche Maâti Monjib a lui recensé en 2018 « 380 articles diffamatoires » à son sujet « en deux ans et demi » dans des médias « opérant pour le compte du pouvoir ».

    Dans ce contexte, l’affaire d’Hajar Raissouni « renseigne avant tout sur le couple infernal composé d’une part par l’hypocrisie sociale sur les questions de libertés individuelles (...) et d’autre part la répression aveugle et la justice d’abattage qui se sert des lois coercitives en la matière à des desseins de vengeance politique », estime le site d’information Le Desk.

    L’Association marocaine pour les droits humains (AMDH) qui, comme Amnesty International et Human Rights Watch, a appelé à la libération immédiate de la journaliste, y voit une « régression des libertés individuelles ».

    Quelque 150 journalistes ont signé une pétition de solidarité dénonçant les « campagnes diffamatoires » visant à détruire leur consoeur. Sa photo a été placée sur des sièges vides pendant la très officielle conférence de presse hebdomadaire du porte-parole du gouvernement.

    Interpellé sur le sujet, le porte-parole a souligné l’existence d’un « cadre juridique relatif à la diffamation » et rappelé que la réforme du code pénal —y compris les articles sur l’avortement— figurait à l’ordre du jour des débats parlementaires.

    – « Verrou politique » -

    Le ministre de la Justice, Mohammed Aujjar (PJD, islamiste) avait déclaré fin juillet dans la presse que le gouvernement mené par le PJD était « engagé dans une dynamique de réformes » tout en imputant la lenteur du changement à une « société très conservatrice ».

    « La société marocaine est profondément acquise à la modernité (...), le verrou est politique », conteste l’historien Mohammed Ennaji sur sa page Facebook.

    « Les questions de l’égalité homme-femme, des libertés individuelles —et notamment le droit des femmes de disposer librement de leur corps— ne sont plus le combat d’une partie des Marocains, c’est notre combat à tous quelles que soient nos appartenances idéologiques », est-il affirmé dans une pétition soutenue par des féministes et militantes des droits humains.

    En 2018, la justice marocaine a poursuivi 14.503 personnes pour débauche, 3.048 pour adultère, 170 pour homosexualité et 73 pour avortements, selon les chiffres officiels.

    Entre 600 et 800 avortements clandestins sont pratiqués chaque jour au Maroc, selon des estimations d’associations.


    #IVG #avortement #criminalisation #droits_des_femmes

  • Border Patrol, Israel’s Elbit Put Reservation Under Surveillance

    Fueled by the growing demonization of migrants, as well as ongoing fears of foreign terrorism, the U.S. borderlands have become laboratories for new systems of enforcement and control. Firsthand reporting, interviews, and a review of documents for this story provide a window into the high-tech surveillance apparatus CBP is building in the name of deterring illicit migration — and highlight how these same systems often end up targeting other marginalized populations as well as political dissidents.

    #surveillance #frontières #laboratoire #États-Unis #Israël #peuples_premiers

  • The U.S. Border Patrol and an Israeli Military Contractor Are Putting a Native American Reservation Under “Persistent Surveillance”

    On the southwestern end of the Tohono O’odham Nation’s reservation, roughly 1 mile from a barbed-wire barricade marking Arizona’s border with the Mexican state of Sonora, Ofelia Rivas leads me to the base of a hill overlooking her home. A U.S. Border Patrol truck is parked roughly 200 yards upslope. A small black mast mounted with cameras and sensors is positioned on a trailer hitched to the truck. For Rivas, the Border Patrol’s monitoring of the reservation has been a grim aspect of everyday (...)

    #Elbit #CBP #CCTV #vidéo-surveillance #exportation #sécuritaire #surveillance #frontières

  • Le Crédit Agricole refuse le payement en ligne de dons à l’ABP


    Dans une communication téléphonique de ce jour la responsable des services en ligne du Credit Agricole d’Ille-et-Vilaine, Mme Laurence Martin, à signifié à l’ABP que cette banque ne pouvait fournir un service de payements en ligne directs vers le compte de l’association ABPMN « en raison du contenu politique » du site web ABP.BZH. L’association ABPMN est une association loi 1901 qui collecte les dons pour l’ABP.

  • L’écrivain et militant palestinien Khaled Barakat censuré et interdit de toute activité politique en Allemagne !
    Collectif Palestine Vaincra (Toulouse), le 23 juin 2019

    Appel à la solidarité avec l’écrivain palestinien Khaled Barakat
    Samidoun, le 27 juin 2019

    #Palestine #Allemagne #Berlin #Khaled_Barakat #censure #criminalisation_des_militants

  • Délit de solidarité : le guide est là ! ⋅ GISTI

    Délit de solidarité : le guide est là !

    Le 6 juillet 2019 marquera le premier anniversaire de la décision du Conseil constitutionnel consacrant la fraternité comme principe à valeur constitutionnelle. Une année où les poursuites et intimidations à l’encontre des solidaires ont gagné en légitimité dans le discours politique, en dépit de la reconnaissance du principe de fraternité.

    Procès des « 7 de Briançon » accusés d’avoir aidé à « l’entrée irrégulière » en prenant part à une manifestation entre l’Italie et la France, intimidations répétées des maraudeurs dans les Alpes, condamnations sur divers motifs tels que la diffamation, dégradation de bien, faux et usage de faux… le délit de solidarité continue d’être d’une brûlante actualité en France. Mais également dans toute l’Europe où les solidarités sont attaquées, que ce soit en Méditerranée pour des actions de sauvetage mises en place par des ONG ou des pêcheurs, dans les aéroports pour des actions d’opposition à des expulsions, dans les maisons où les citoyens et citoyennes s’organisent pour accueillir dignement.

    C’est dans ce contexte que le collectif Délinquants solidaires rend public un nouvel outil intitulé « Délit de solidarité : le guide ». Il s’adresse à tout·es celles et ceux qui se mobilisent en solidarité avec les personnes exilées, migrantes, sans papiers en France. En partant des questions que peuvent se poser les personnes solidaires quand il s’agit d’hébergement, d’opposition à des expulsions, de transport, etc. cet outil propose des éléments pour comprendre le cadre légal et les enjeux soulevés ainsi que des conseils pratiques afin d’agir sans être intimidé·e.

    Bref, un vrai guide pour se mobiliser en solidarité ! A diffuser sans modération.

    #immigration #solidarité #Gisti

  • Rasmea Odeh Breaking the Silence in Berlin: #RasmeaSpricht #RasmeaSpeaks

    29 March 2019 - On Wednesday evening, 27 March, Rasmea Odeh‘s voice and words were heard in Berlin, Germany, despite a harsh, repressive campaign that included yet another ban on her speaking in person issued by Berlin’s Senator for the Interior. The successful event at be’kech in Berlin’s Wedding district brought crowds to the space despite a large police presence; the space was so crowded that many people stayed outside to watch the event through glass windows.

    The evening marked a significant achievement for Rasmea Odeh and all those defending the right to organize and advocate for Palestine in Berlin. Despite all attempts to prevent it from taking place, Rasmea’s voice was heard in Berlin and celebrated by people of conscience.
    Photo: Public-solidarity

    Once again, as was the case on 15 March, when Rasmea was to join Palestinian poet and former prisoner Dareen Tatour for an evening of solidarity and celebration of Palestinian women’s struggle, the venue itself was subject to harassment and threats. Another media smear campaign was launched against Rasmea along with attempts to demand that she once again be prohibited from speaking.

    On Wednesday afternoon, only hours before the event, Berlin Interior Senator Andreas Geisel, an SPD politician who had earlier declared that speaking “against the state of Israel” crossed a “red line” that justified the violation of freedom of speech, once again banned Odeh from delivering a public speech at the event. However, organizers presented a video from Odeh, ensuring that her message and her story would be able to be heard by supporters in person and everyone around the world who supports her and the struggle for justice in Palestine.
    Photo: Salim Salim, Arabi21

    Once again, several vans of police filled the area (although a smaller presence than that surrounding the 15 March event). They searched the crowd for Rasmea, but left partway through the event after it was clear that she was not attending in person. A claimed counter-demonstration by pro-apartheid Zionist organizations was not immediately visible, but there may have been several participants at the corner of the street.

    The moderator of the evening opened the event with a stirring call against the silencing of oppressed and marginalized people, especially Palestinian women. She noted the growing support received by the event and the campaign to defend Odeh by a number of organizations, including the Internationale Liga für Menschenrechte, which sent a statement to the organization. The event was supported by Samidoun Palestinian Prisoner Solidarity Network, Berlin Muslim Feminists, Bündnis gegen Rassismus, HIRAK (Palestinian Youth Mobilization, Berlin), The Coalition Berlin, Bloque Latinoamericano Berlin, Brot und Rosen international socialist women’s organiation, Revolutionäre Internationalistische Organisation – Klasse Gegen Klasse, Berlin Against Pinkwashing, Jüdische Stimme für gerechten Frieden in Nahost (Jewish Voice for a Just Peace), RefrACTa Kollektiv Brasilien-Berlin, BDS Berlin and the Kali feminist collective.

    The event also included a speech by a Palestinian student on behalf of HIRAK, emphasizing that this week also marks the one-year anniversary of the Great March of Return in Gaza. Just this week, Israel has been shelling Gaza, causing further destruction after taking hundreds of lives in the past year as Palestinians participated in collective, popular protests for their right to return and break the siege. She urged people to get involved in struggles here in Berlin, including Palestinian community organizing, the solidarity movement and the BDS campaign.

    The organizers next showed a video from 2013 in which Rasmea speaks about her life as a Palestinian woman. The video was made when she received the 2013 Outstanding Community Leader award from the Chicago Cultural Alliance:

    The screening was followed by a 20-minute video presentation – the main speech of the night – in which Rasmea discussed her situation in Berlin as well as presenting more broadly on Palestinian women, Palestinian prisoners and the continuing struggle for liberation. Full video coming shortly!

    As Rasmea spoke, including discussing her personal experience of torture, people in the packed room were silent, watching and listening closely to the Arabic speech and the subtitles in German and English. The conclusion of her speech was met with loud and prolonged applause and cheers as the event’s moderator noted that “this is what they did not want you to hear.”

    The event continued with a cultural evening featuring anti-colonial poetry by Wind Ma, a silent theater sketch by Maher Draidi of Almadina Theater, a musical performance of songs and guitar by Nicolás Miquea and a closing dabkeh performance by the Yafa Dabkeh Troupe. The event concluded with a stirring moment as people chanted together, “Viva, viva Palestina! Free, free Palestine!”

    Rasmea Odeh, born in 1947, is a lifelong struggler for Palestine and a well-known feminist organizer and activist. After surviving torture and sexual assault under interrogation by occupation forces and serving 10 years in Israeli prison, she came to the United States, where she organized over 800 women in Chicago in the Arab Women’s Committee, a project of the Arab American Action Network. In 2013, she was targeted by the FBI and U.S. immigration authorities and accused of lying about her time in Israeli prison, despite the fact that it was publicly known; she even testified before a Special Committee of the United Nations about her experience under torture and imprisonment. After a years-long court battle that won widespread grassroots support, she was deported to Jordan in 2017. She was one of the initial signatories of the call for the International Women’s Strike.
    Photo: Public-solidarity

    After she was invited to speak in Berlin on 15 March, the U.S. ambassador (with ties to the German far right) Richard Grenell, Israeli Minister of Strategic Affairs Gilad Erdan, charged with fighting Palestine solidarity and the BDS movement internationally, and the Israeli ambassador in Germany launched calls to censor her. Media propaganda falsely labeled her an “anti-Semite,” when she is in reality a longtime anti-racist struggler who developed strong connections with other oppressed communities, particularly the Black liberation movement. In the U.S., Angela Davis and Jewish Voice for Peace were among her supporters. In this context, Berlin politicians yielded to the demands of Trump and Netanyahu, and when Rasmea arrived at the event location, she was given a sheaf of papers. Her Schengen visa was ordered cancelled and she was directed to leave the country; she was banned from speaking at the event.

    Most of the allegations in the documents simply restated attacks by pro-apartheid media publications, including labeling the BDS campaign “anti-Semitic”. The German authorities also claimed that allowing Rasmea to speak and retain her visa would “damage the relationship between Germany and Israel.” Thus, Rasmea Odeh’s voice, experience and analysis was ordered suppressed and silenced through the joint complicity of the German, U.S. and Israeli governments.

    Rasmea is committed to fighting back in court. Her lawyer, Nadija Samour, said that “cancelling a visa based on what has happened so far in the past is a completely new concept from a legal point of view.” However, she and her supporters are aware that this is not simply a legal question but a clear political battle that requires support from the broadest number of people in Germany and internationally.

    Supporters of Rasmea in the United States, including the US Palestinian Community Network, Committee to Stop FBI Repression, Rasmea Defense Committee and many other groups have worked to support the growing campaign in Germany, and more organizations have been adding their voices to express support for Rasmea. By cancelling her Schengen visa, German officials are not only attempting to silence Rasmea’s speech in Berlin but to prevent her from traveling elsewhere in Europe to speak about her experiences and her views – thus denying people across the continent the opportunity to hear from a leading transnational feminist and Palestinian organizer.

    Rasmea was ordered silenced based on a desire to stop her from sharing her words and her experience, telling her story and presenting her analysis. The U.S. government is apparently committed to chasing Rasmea around the world in order to persecute her wherever she goes; meanwhile, the Israeli state continues its intensive attack on people’s right to support Palestine everywhere in the world, which has included the promotion of anti-BDS laws and falsely labeling Palestinian human rights defenders and solidarity groups as “terrorists.” The German state and Berlin authorities also chose to join this campaign, issuing two separate bans in less than two weeks against Rasmea Odeh to prevent her from delivering a live speech about her experiences, her involvement in women’s organizing and her view of Palestine.

    In many ways, Rasmea’s case does not stand alone; in Germany, it comes alongside the Humboldt 3 case and the prosecution of activists for speaking up against war crimes, attempts to block Palestine events from taking place in any location and far-right campaigns particularly targeting migrant communities. It also comes alongside the pursuit of anti-BDS laws in the US, the use of “anti-terror” frameworks to criminalize Palestinian community work and the use of visa denial to suppress political and cultural expression, such as in Australia’s recent denial of a visa to Palestinian American poet Remi Kanazi.

    In a particularly disturbing media article containing propaganda against Kanazi, pro-apartheid groups demand that Kanazi is barred for, among other things, supporting Rasmea and other Palestinian political prisoners. They also use the recent far-right, white-supremacist massacre in Christchurch, New Zealand, as a justification for banning him, despite the fact that this was an attack targeting Muslims, linked to racist, anti-Muslim and anti-Arab propaganda, based on white supremacy, and which took the lives of a number of Palestinians specifically. It is clear that there is a global attack, backed by Erdan and the Israeli government, aimed at all Palestinians and supporters of Palestine – and especially aiming to isolate Palestinian prisoners from the international movements that continue to defend their rights.

    The campaign to defend Rasmea Odeh is not ending with this event – instead, it marks a strong beginning of a resurgent movement against the silencing of Palestinian women and for justice in Palestine. It also made it clear that Palestinian women, on the frontlines of struggle from inside Israeli prisons, to the Great Return March in Gaza to organizing for justice in Berlin, will not be silenced. Samidoun Palestinian Prisoner Solidarity Network urges people and organizations around the world to get involved and join this campaign by following the Facebook page, Rasmea spricht (Rasmea will speak) and sending statements of solidarity to samidoun@samidoun.net.

    #Palestine #femmes #résistance #zionisme #Allemagne

  •  ? #Répression

    Communiqué suite à la perquisition et la garde à vue d’une camarade de #StreetMedic #Nantes.

    En effet, ce mercredi matin, alors qu’elle s’apprêtait à quitter son domicile pour se rendre au travail, une membre du collectif Street Medic Nantes a subi une perquisition de son appartement par quatre policiers. Après avoir minutieusement fouillé dans son intimité, retourné ses affaires, photographié des éléments et saisi du matériel, ces derniers l’ont finalement emmenée jusqu’au commissariat central pour y être auditionnée. Elle y a alors été placée en garde à vue, après avoir découvert être ciblée par une enquête préliminaire pour des faits d’exercice illégal de la médecine, ainsi que de participation à un groupement en vue de commettre des violences sur personnes dépositaires de l’autorité publique ou des dégradations.
    Après une dizaine d’heures de garde à vue, elle a finalement été libérée en fin de journée. Dans l’attente d’une éventuelle date de procès, elle s’est toutefois vu signifier une interdiction de quitter le territoire français.

    Soutien à toutes les personnes qui luttent, qui soignent, qui tombent ou qui sortent de l’ombre ✊

    A retrouver sur https://nantes.indymedia.org/articles/45870 ou https://web.archive.org/web/20190622104200/https://nantes.indymedia.org/articles/45870

    #maintient_de_l'ordre #criminalisation

  • La guerre de l’État contre les étrangers. Un extrait du livre de Karine Parrot

    À la rubrique des mécanismes déloyaux déployés contre les pauvres qui arrivent jusqu’en Europe, le «  système #Dublin  » est sans doute un des plus féroces et des plus élaborés. Il montre jusqu’où peut aller le fantasme gestionnaire des gouvernants, cette idée qu’il serait possible de traiter certaines personnes exactement comme des flux, alimentant des stocks à transférer, à se répartir, à tarir. À aucun moment dans le mécanisme Dublin, les personnes ne sont véritablement prises en considération, si ce n’est au prisme de leur volonté présumée de contourner les règles.

    #migration #Union_européenne

    • Carte blanche. L’Etat contre les étrangers

      L’actualité la plus récente a donné à voir une #fracture au sein de la gauche et des forces d’émancipation : on parle d’un côté des « no border », accusés d’angélisme face à la « pression migratoire », et d’un autre côté il y a les « souverainistes », attachés aux #frontières et partisans d’une « gestion humaine des flux migratoires ». Ce débat se résume bien souvent à des principes humanistes d’une part (avec pour argument qu’il n’y a pas de crise migratoire mais une crise de l’accueil des migrants) opposés à un principe de « réalité » (qui se prévaut d’une légitimité soi-disant « populaire », selon laquelle l’accueil ne peut que détériorer le niveau de vie, les salaires, les lieux de vie des habitants du pays). Dans ce cinglant essai, Karine Parrot, juriste et membre du GISTI (Groupe d’information et de soutien des immigrés), met en lumière un aspect souvent ignoré de ce débat : à quoi servent au juste les frontières ? qu’est-ce que la nationalité ? Sur la base du droit, Karine Parrot montre que la frontière et la restriction des circulations humaines, sont indissociables d’une #hiérarchie_sociale des peuples à l’échelle mondiale. La #frontière signifie aux plus aisés que, pour eux, aucune frontière n’est infranchissable, tandis qu’elle dit aux autres que, pauvres, hommes, femmes, enfants devront voyager au péril de leur vie, de leur santé, de leur dignité. De l’invention de la #nationalité comme mode de gestion et de #criminalisation des populations (et notamment des pauvres, des « indigents », des vagabonds) jusqu’à la facilitation de la #rétention, en passant par le durcissement des conditions d’#asile et de séjour, ou encore les noyades de masse orchestrées par les gouvernements, l’Union européenne et leur officine semi-privée et militarisée (#Frontex), Karine Parrot révèle qu’il n’y a aucune raison vertueuse ou conforme au « #bien_commun » qui justifie les frontières actuelles des États. Le droit de l’immigration ne vise qu’à entériner la loi du plus fort entre le Nord et le Sud ; il n’a d’autre fin que conditionner, incarcérer, asservir et mettre à mort les populations surnuméraires que la « #mondialisation_armée » n’a de cesse reproduire à l’échelle du monde.

      #Karine_Parrot #livre #migrations #frontières_nationales
      ping @karine4

  • #Grève dans les #92 - Le #facteur n’est pas passé | FUMIGENE MAG
    #PTT #postes #poste #la_poste

    texte partagé par collectif oeil sur FB :

    Ce dimanche 16 juin 2019 à 6h, 7 policiers ont sonné à la porte de chez Leo Ks, #photographe et #vidéaste, membre du Collectif OEIL, pour l’interpeller.

    Il a été menotté et emmené en garde à vue au commissariat du XVe arrondissement de Paris. Lors de son interrogatoire, la police lui a reproché des faits de « dégradations au siège de la Poste ». il a été libéré le jour même, un peu avant 20h.

    Vendredi 14 juin, les grévistes de la Poste, en grève depuis 15 mois dans les Hauts-de-Seine, ont occupé le siège de leur entreprise. Par cette action, les postier.es en grève voulaient une nouvelle fois interpeller les cadres de l’entreprise afin de mettre en place de vraies négociations et faire signer le protocole de fin de conflit.

    Leo Ks et NnoMan ont suivi l’action, pour la documenter de l’intérieur, afin de réaliser un reportage photo et vidéo.

    Ils n’ont commis et n’ont été témoins d’aucune dégradation de la part des grévistes.

    Lors de cette action, la police a tenté à plusieurs reprises d’empêcher Leo Ks et NnoMan de filmer ; avant de les retenir plus d’une heure à l’écart, surveillés par deux agents de la #BAC.

    Pendant ce temps, une unité d’intervention procédait à l’évacuation des grévistes, en fracassant la porte à coups de bélier et de masse.

    Ce dimanche matin, le syndicaliste Gaël Quirante, a été lui aussi réveillé par la police puis placé en garde à vue, à la sûreté territoriale.

    La police s’est également rendue chez deux autres postiers (qui n’étaient pas chez eux) et ont placé une sympathisante en garde à vue, elle aussi dans le commissariat du XVe.

    Ces #arrestations, au petit matin, avec de nombreux effectifs de police, chez des grévistes, chez une citoyenne, chez un photographe qui donne la parole à cette lutte, est une nouvelle attaque contre le #mouvement_social, contre celles et ceux qui se révoltent pour leurs droits, et contre la presse indépendante.

    Par ces attaques, ce sont non seulement les #journalistes qui sont visés ; c’est l’ensemble du mouvement qui est pris pour cible avec une volonté claire de criminaliser les luttes sociales et syndicales.

    Nous condamnons ces arrestations, que ce soit à l’encontre de notre collègue et ami, ou à l’encontre de tous les autres, de ceux qui luttent pour leurs droits et pour le maintien de #services_publics pour tous les #citoyens de ce pays.

    Nous espérons la libération immédiate de #Gaël_Quirante ainsi que l’arrêt des #poursuites contre les #grévistes.

    Nous ne baisserons ni les yeux, ni les objectifs de nos appareils photo !


    Leo Ks
    Maxwell Aurélien James

  • Le numéro 1, un très beau numéro de la revue
    #Nunatak , Revue d’histoires, cultures et #luttes des #montagnes...

    Sommaire :

    Une sensation d’étouffement/Aux frontières de l’Iran et de l’Irak/Pâturages et Uniformes/La Banda Baudissard/
    À ceux qui ne sont responsables de rien/Des plantes dans l’illégalité/Conga no va !/Mundatur culpa labore

    La revue est disponible en pdf en ligne (https://revuenunatak.noblogs.org/numeros), voici l’adresse URL pour télécharger le numéro 1 :

    Je mettrai ci-dessous des mots-clés et citations des articles...

  • Italie : La capitaine Pia Klemp menacée de 20 ans de prison - Secours Rouge

    Pia Klemp

    Pia Klemp a participé au sauvetage de réfugiés dans la méditerranée avec l’association Sea-Watch. Elle est maintenant accusée par la justice italienne d’aide à l’immigration illégale. Le parquet exige une peine de prison de 20 ans. Pour ses investigations, le parquet a eu recourt à des écoutes téléphoniques et à des agents infiltrés. Dans le cadre de ses six missions en tant que capitaine des bateaux de sauvetage Sea-Watch 3 et Iuventa, Pia Klemp dit avoir pu sauver les vies de 5000 personnes.

    • German boat captain Pia Klemp faces prison in Italy for migrant rescues

      Pia Klemp stands accused of aiding illegal immigration after she saved people from drowning in the Mediterranean. The Bonn native has accused Italian authorities of organizing “a show trial.”

      Nearly 60,000 people had signed a petition by Saturday afternoon demanding that Italy drop criminal proceedings against German boat captain Pia Klemp and other crew members who have rescued thousands of migrants in the Mediterranean Sea.

      In an interview with the Basler Zeitung daily on Friday, Klemp said that a trial against her was due to begin soon after she and some of her compatriots were charged in Sicily with assisting in illegal immigration.

      She said that she was told by her Italian lawyer that she could be looking at “up to 20 years in prison and horrendous fines.”

      Klemp added, however, that she intended to fight the case up to the European Court of Human Rights in Strasbourg, France, if she had to.

      The 35-year-old Bonn native has been under investigation in Italy since her ship, the Iuventa, was impounded in the summer of 2017, and the government has moved to ban her from sailing around the Italian coast. According to German public broadcaster WDR, through the work on that ship and the Sea-Watch 3, Klemp has personally assisted in the rescue of more than 1,000 people at risk of drowning in unsafe dinghies as they attempted to cross to Europe in search of a better life.

      Read more: Italy’s Matteo Salvini wants hefty fines for migrant rescue vessels

      Salvini’s crackdown

      An already immigrant-unfriendly government in Rome became even more so in June 2018, when newly appointed Interior Minister and Deputy Prime Minister Matteo Salvini of the far-right League party promised a crackdown the likes of which modern Italy had never seen.

      Since assuming office, Salvini has sought to put a stop to migrant rescue ships docking on Italian shores and allowing refugees to disembark. In January, the nationalist leader made headlines with the forced evacuation of hundreds of asylum-seekers from Italy’s second-largest refugee center and his refusal to clarify where the people, many of whom had lived in Castelnuovo di Porto for years and become integrated into town life, were being taken.

      Shortly thereafter, Sicilian prosecutors ruled that Salvini could be charged with kidnapping more than 177 migrants left stranded on a ship he had ordered impounded.

      ’A yearslong show trial’

      What frustrates Klemp the most, she told the Basler Zeitung, is that the costs — amounting to hundreds of thousands of euros — that she has had to prepare to cover from her own savings and some new donations “for what is likely to be a yearslong show trial” require money that could have been spent on rescue missions.

      “But the worst has already come to pass,” she said. “Sea rescue missions have been criminalized.”

      For this, the captain blames not only the Italian government but what she sees as a failure of the European Union “to remember its avowed values: human rights, the right to life, to apply for asylum, and the duty of seafarers to rescue those in danger at sea.”

      Klemp added that “demagogues” such as Salvini, former Austrian Chancellor Sebastian Kurz and German Interior Minister Horst Seehofer were effectively allowing thousands to perish in the Mediterranean each year.

      She pushed back at criticism that rescue missions encouraged more people to attempt the highly dangerous crossing. “There are scientific studies that disprove the idea that sea rescues are a so-called pull factor,” she said. “The people come because, unfortunately, there are so many reasons to flee.” And if countries close their borders, “they come via the Mediterranean because there is no legal way to get here,” she added.

      To cover her potentially exorbitant legal costs, a bar in Bonn has announced a fundraising campaign to help Klemp. Cafe Bla has announced that for every patron who orders the “Pia beer,” 50 euro cents will be donated to their former waitress.


    • Mobilisation pour la capitaine d’un navire humanitaire

      L’ancienne capitaine du « #Iuventa », immobilisé depuis 2017, encourt vingt ans de prison en Italie. Accusée de complicité avec les passeurs, elle affirme n’avoir fait que respecter le droit international, qui impose de porter secours à toute personne en détresse.


    • I Helped Save Thousands of Migrants from Drowning. Now I’m Facing 20 Years in Jail | Opinion

      In today’s Europe, people can be sentenced to prison for saving a migrant’s life. In the summer of 2017, I was the captain of the rescue ship Iuventa. I steered our ship through international waters along the Libyan coastline, where thousands of migrants drifted in overcrowded, unseaworthy dinghies, having risked their lives in search of safety. The Iuventa crew rescued over 14,000 people. Today, I and nine other members of the crew face up to twenty years in prison for having rescued those people and brought them to Europe. We are not alone. The criminalization of solidarity across Europe, at sea and on land, has demonstrated the lengths to which the European Union will go to make migrants’ lives expendable.

      Two years ago, Europe made renewed efforts to seal the Mediterranean migrant route by draining it of its own rescue assets and outsourcing migration control to the so-called “Libyan Coast Guard”, comprised of former militia members equipped by the EU and instructed to intercept and return all migrants braving the crossing to Europe. NGO ships like the Iuventa provided one of the last remaining lifelines for migrants seeking safety in Europe by sea. For European authorities, we were a critical hurdle to be overcome in their war against migration.

      In August 2017, the Iuventa was seized by the Italian authorities and the crew was investigated for “aiding and abetting illegal immigration.” Thus began an ongoing spate of judicial investigations into the operation of search and rescue vessels. Sailors like myself, who had rallied to the civil fleet when it seemed no European authority cared people were drowning at sea, were branded as criminals. The ensuing media and political campaign against us has gradually succeeded in removing almost all NGOs from the central Mediterranean, leaving migrants braving the sea crossing with little chance of survival.

      We sea-rescuers have been criminalized not only for what we do but for what we have witnessed. We have seen people jump overboard their frail dinghies on sighting the so-called Libyan Coast Guard, preferring death at sea over return to the slavery, torture, rape and starvation that awaits them in EU-funded Libyan detention centers. We have also seen what becomes of those who are found too late. For days, I steered our ship through international waters with a dead two-year-old boy in the freezer. No European country had wanted to save him when they had the chance. His mother lived, and after days of drifting in wait of an open port, our ship brought her to Europe—when it no longer mattered to her. We rescuers know that those who drown at Europe’s doorstep are not unlucky casualties of the elements. The transformation of the Mediterranean into a mass grave for migrants is a European political project.

      Over the past year, Italy’s interior minister Matteo Salvini has provided a useful alibi for centrist European political forces–those avowedly committed to “European values” of human rights. His persistent targeting of rescue NGOs and his decision to seal Italian ports to ships carrying rescued migrants has seen him cast as the “rotten egg” of an otherwise largely liberal European Union. But Matteo Salvini is neither the architect of Fortress Europe, nor its sole gatekeeper.

      Alongside Italy’s ostentatious prosecution of sea rescuers, other European nations have adopted shrewder, subtler tactics, revoking their flags or miring ships’ crews in unnecessary and lengthy bureaucratic procedures. When Salvini sealed Italian ports, other member states expressed righteous indignation—but not one of them offered its own ports as havens for later rescues. One of two remaining rescue ships, Sea-Watch 3, has since spent weeks motoring along the European coast line with hundreds of refugees on board, pleading for an open port, only to find that their “cargo” was not wanted anywhere in Europe.

      In the coming months, as the conflict in Libya intensifies, thousands more will be forced to brave the sea crossing. I know from experience that without rescue, the majority of them will die. Common sense tells me that with humanitarian vessels barred from saving lives and European commercial and military and Coast Guard ships instructed to avoid migrant routes, their chances of rescue are shrinking. I suspect European leaders share my common sense.

      Meanwhile, we sea rescuers are not alone in facing charges for “crimes of solidarity.” On land across Europe, hundreds of men and women stand trial for having offered food, shelter or clothing to migrants. Among us are countless migrants criminalized for having helped other migrants in need, whose faces will likely not appear in esteemed publications.

      None of us has been prosecuted for helping white Europeans. The simple truth is that in intimidating and punishing those of us who have offered their solidarity to migrants, Europe has worked systematically and with precision to segregate, humiliate and isolate its weakest members—if not based on race and ethnicity de jure, then certainly de facto.

      None of us facing charges for solidarity is a villain, but neither are we heroes. If it is alarming that acts of basic human decency are now criminalized, it is no less telling that we have sometimes been lauded by well-intentioned supporters as saints. But those of us who have stood in solidarity with migrants have not acted out of some exceptional reserve of bravery or selfless compassion for others. We acted in the knowledge that the way our rulers treat migrants offers a clue about how they would treat the rest of us if they thought they could get away with it. Politicians who target, scapegoat and exploit migrants, do so to shore up a violent, unequal world—a world in which we, too, have to live and by which we, too, may be disempowered.

      The criminalization of solidarity today is not only about stripping Europe’s most precarious of their means of survival. It is also an effort at foreclosing the forms of political organization that alliances between Europeans and migrants might engender; of barring the realization that in today’s Europe of rising xenophobia, racism, homophobia and austerity, the things that migrants seek—safety, comfort, dignity—are increasingly foreclosed to us Europeans as well.

      And in hounding migrants and those standing in solidarity with them, Europe is not only waging a brutal battle of suppression. It is also belying its fear of what might happen if we Europeans and migrants made common cause against Fortress Europe, and expose it for what it is: a system that would pick us off one by one, European and migrant alike, robbing each of us in turn of our freedoms, security and rights. We should show them that they are right to be afraid.

      Captain Pia Klemp is a vegan nature-lover, animal-rights and human-rights activist. Before joining search and rescue missions, Captain Pia Klemp was an activist for maritime conservation with Sea-Shepherd. Chloe Haralambous, a researcher and fellow rescue crew member, contributed to this op-ed.

      The views expressed in this article are the author’s own.​​​​​


  • Hundreds of Europeans ‘criminalised’ for helping migrants – as far right aims to win big in European elections

    Elderly women, priests and firefighters among those arrested, charged or ‘harassed’ by police for supporting migrants, with numbers soaring in the past 18 months.

    These cases – compiled from news reports and other records from researchers, NGOs and activist groups, as well as new interviews across Europe – suggest a sharp increase in the number of people targeted since the start of 2018. At least 100 people were arrested, charged or investigated last year (a doubling of that figure for the preceding year).

    #délit_de_solidarité #solidarité #asile #migrations #réfugiés #Europe
    #Allemagne #criminalisation #statistiques #chiffres #Suisse #Danemark #Espagne #France #journalisme #journalistes #presse #Grèce #Calais

    #Norbert_Valley #Christian_Hartung #Miguel_Roldan #Lise_Ramslog #Claire_Marsol #Anouk_Van_Gestel #Lisbeth_Zornig_Andersen #Daphne_Vloumidi #Mikael_Lindholm #Fernand_Bosson #Benoit_Duclois #Mussie_Zerai #Manuel_Blanco #Tom_Ciotkowski #Rob_Lawrie

    ping @isskein @karine4


    About Big Brother Watch

    Big Brother Watch exposes and challenges threats to our privacy, our freedoms and our civil liberties at a time of enormous technological change in the UK.We work to roll back the surveillance state and protect the rights of everyone in the UK to be free from unfair intrusion. We campaign to protect freedoms in Parliament and through the courts. We produce unique research and investigations, and seek to educate and empower the public. Big Brother Watch is a cross–party, non-party, independent non-profit organisation leading the protection of privacy and civil liberties in the UK. In our pursuit for change, we use advocacy and campaigns; parliamentary lobbying; public interest litigation; research and investigations that inform policy and public debate; and public education and empowerment.

    The ’chilling effect’ of surveillance on the right to freedom of assembly

    The problem, however, is that UK police have treated legitimate campaigning activities in a similar way to their response to organised criminal networks: by building profiles on the size, structures, leadership and alliances of campaign groups, by singling-out ’organisers’ for particular attention, by visiting campaigners at home3, filming attendance at meetings and protests and by routinely monitoring social media

    #surveillance #droit_de_manifester #uk #criminalisation

  • Comparution immédiate : 31 minutes et au trou [vidéo] – Anti-K

    Quand on se représente un procès en général on s’imagine quelque chose de long avec des mois voire des années entre l’interpellation du prévenu et le verdict du procès. Et bien avec la CI vous pouvez vous retrouver arrêté le lundi, interrogé pendant 24 à 48h en garde à vue, jugé en 30mn le mercredi et passer les années qui suivent en prison.

    La comparution immédiate c’est une forme de procès particulièrement accéléré puisqu’elle dure en moyenne 31 mn1. Et cette seule durée doit déjà nous interpeller : on sent bien que quelque chose cloche quand un procès dure moins longtemps qu’un épisode de Secret Story. C’est à dire qu’on consacre aujourd’hui plus de temps à savoir qui a volé le shampoing de Jonathan dans la maison des secrets qu’à déterminer la culpabilité ou non d’un prévenu qui risque de finir en prison.


    #justice #tribunaux #répression #comparution_immédiate #criminalisation

  • Refugee, volunteer, prisoner: #Sarah_Mardini and Europe’s hardening line on migration

    Early last August, Sarah Mardini sat on a balcony on the Greek island of Lesvos. As the sun started to fade, a summer breeze rose off the Aegean Sea. She leaned back in her chair and relaxed, while the Turkish coastline, only 16 kilometres away, formed a silhouette behind her.

    Three years before, Mardini had arrived on this island from Syria – a dramatic journey that made international headlines. Now she was volunteering her time helping other refugees. She didn’t know it yet, but in a few weeks that work would land her in prison.

    Mardini had crossed the narrow stretch of water from Turkey in August 2015, landing on Lesvos after fleeing her home in Damascus to escape the Syrian civil war. On the way, she almost drowned when the engine of the inflatable dinghy she was travelling in broke down.

    More than 800,000 people followed a similar route from the Turkish coast to the Greek Islands that year. Almost 800 of them are now dead or missing.

    As the boat Mardini was in pitched and spun, she slipped overboard and struggled to hold it steady in the violent waves. Her sister, Yusra, three years younger, soon joined. Both girls were swimmers, and their act of heroism likely saved the 18 other people on board. They eventually made it to Germany and received asylum. Yusra went on to compete in the 2016 Olympics for the first ever Refugee Olympic Team. Sarah, held back from swimming by an injury, returned to Lesvos to help other refugees.

    On the balcony, Mardini, 23, was enjoying a rare moment of respite from long days spent working in the squalid Moria refugee camp. For the first time in a long time, she was looking forward to the future. After years spent between Lesvos and Berlin, she had decided to return to her university studies in Germany.

    But when she went to the airport to leave, shortly after The New Humanitarian visited her, Mardini was arrested. Along with several other volunteers from Emergency Response Centre International, or ERCI, the Greek non-profit where she volunteered, Mardini was charged with belonging to a criminal organisation, people smuggling, money laundering, and espionage.

    According to watchdog groups, the case against Mardini is not an isolated incident. Amnesty International says it is part of a broader trend of European governments taking a harder line on immigration and using anti-smuggling laws to de-legitimise humanitarian assistance to refugees and migrants.

    Far-right Italian Deputy Prime Minister Matteo Salvini recently pushed through legislation that ends humanitarian protection for migrants and asylum seekers, while Italy and Greece have ramped up pressure on maritime search and rescue NGOs, forcing them to shutter operations. At the end of March, the EU ended naval patrols in the Mediterranean that had saved the lives of thousands of migrants.

    In 2016, five other international volunteers were arrested on Lesvos on similar charges to Mardini. They were eventually acquitted, but dozens of other cases across Europe fit a similar pattern: from Denmark to France, people have been arrested, charged, and sometimes successfully prosecuted under anti-smuggling regulations based on actions they took to assist migrants.

    Late last month, Salam Kamal-Aldeen, a Danish national who founded the rescue non-governmental organisation Team Humanity, filed an application with the European Court of Human Rights, challenging what he says is a Greek crackdown on lifesaving activities.

    According to Maria Serrano, senior campaigner on migration at Amnesty International, collectively the cases have done tremendous damage in terms of public perception of humanitarian work in Europe. “The atmosphere… is very hostile for anyone that is trying to help, and this [has a] chilling effect on other people that want to help,” she said.

    As for the case against Mardini and the other ERCI volunteers, Human Rights Watch concluded that the accusations are baseless. “It seems like a bad joke, and a scary one as well because of what the implications are for humanitarian activists and NGOs just trying to save people’s lives,” said Bill Van Esveld, who researched the case for HRW.

    While the Lesvos prosecutor could not be reached for comment, the Greek police said in a statement after Mardini’s arrest that she and other aid workers were “active in the systematic facilitation of illegal entrance of foreigners” – a violation of the country’s Migration Code.

    Mardini spent 108 days in pre-trial detention before being released on bail at the beginning of December. The case against her is still open. Her lawyer expects news on what will happen next in June or July. If convicted, Mardini could be sentenced to up to 25 years in prison.

    “It seems like a bad joke, and a scary one as well because of what the implications are for humanitarian activists and NGOs just trying to save people’s lives.”

    Return to Lesvos

    The arrest and pending trial are the latest in a series of events, starting with the beginning of the Syrian war in 2011, that have disrupted any sense of normalcy in Mardini’s life.

    Even after making it to Germany in 2015, Mardini never really settled in. She was 20 years old and in an unfamiliar city. The secure world she grew up in had been destroyed, and the future felt like a blank and confusing canvas. “I missed Syria and Damascus and just this warmness in everything,” she said.

    While wading through these emotions, Mardini received a Facebook message in 2016 from an ERCI volunteer. The swimming sisters from Syria who saved a boat full of refugees were an inspiration. Volunteers on Lesvos told their story to children on the island to give them hope for the future, the volunteer said, inviting Mardini to visit. “It totally touched my heart,” Mardini recalled. “Somebody saw me as a hope… and there is somebody asking for my help.”

    So Mardini flew back to Lesvos in August 2016. Just one year earlier she had nearly died trying to reach the island, before enduring a journey across the Balkans that involved hiding from police officers in forests, narrowly escaping being kidnapped, sneaking across tightly controlled borders, and spending a night in police custody in a barn. Now, all it took was a flight to retrace the route.

    Her first day on the island, Mardini was trained to help refugees disembark safely when their boats reached the shores. By nighttime, she was sitting on the beach watching for approaching vessels. It was past midnight, and the sea was calm. Lights from the Turkish coastline twinkled serenely across the water. After about half an hour, a walkie talkie crackled. The Greek Coast Guard had spotted a boat.

    Volunteers switched on the headlights of their cars, giving the refugees something to aim for. Thin lines of silver from the reflective strips on the refugees’ life jackets glinted in the darkness, and the rumble of a motor and chatter of voices drifted across the water. As the boat came into view, volunteers yelled: “You are in Greece. You are safe. Turn the engine off.”

    Mardini was in the water again, holding the boat steady, helping people disembark. When the rush of activity ended, a feeling of guilt washed over her. “I felt it was unfair that they were on a refugee boat and I’m a rescuer,” she said.

    But Mardini was hooked. She spent the next two weeks assisting with boat landings and teaching swimming lessons to the kids who idolised her and her sister. Even after returning to Germany, she couldn’t stop thinking about Lesvos. “I decided to come back for one month,” she said, “and I never left.”
    Moria camp

    The island became the centre of Mardini’s life. She put her studies at Bard College Berlin on hold to spend more time in Greece. “I found what I love,” she explained.

    Meanwhile, the situation on the Greek islands was changing. In 2017, just under 30,000 people crossed the Aegean Sea to Greece, compared to some 850,000 in 2015. There were fewer arrivals, but those who did come were spending more time in camps with dismal conditions.

    “You have people who are dying and living in a four-metre tent with seven relatives. They have limited access to water. Hygiene is zero. Privacy is zero. Security: zero. Children’s rights: zero. Human rights: zero… You feel useless. You feel very useless.”

    The volunteer response shifted accordingly, towards the camps, and when TNH visited Mardini she moved around the island with a sense of purpose and familiarity, joking with other volunteers and greeting refugees she knew from her work in the streets.

    Much of her time was spent as a translator for ERCI’s medical team in Moria. The camp, the main one on Lesvos, was built to accommodate around 3,000 people, but by 2018 housed close to 9,000. Streams of sewage ran between tents. People were forced to stand in line for hours for food. The wait to see a doctor could take months, and conditions were causing intense psychological strain. Self-harm and suicide attempts were increasing, especially among children, and sexual and gender-based violence were commonplace.

    Mardini was on the front lines. “What we do in Moria is fighting the fire,” she said. “You have people who are dying and living in a four-metre tent with seven relatives. They have limited access to water. Hygiene is zero. Privacy is zero. Security: zero. Children’s rights: zero. Human rights: zero… You feel useless. You feel very useless.”

    By then, Mardini had been on Lesvos almost continuously for nine months, and it was taking a toll. She seemed to be weighed down, slipping into long moments of silence. “I’m taking in. I’m taking in. I’m taking in. But it’s going to come out at some point,” she said.

    It was time for a break. Mardini had decided to return to Berlin at the end of the month to resume her studies and make an effort to invest in her life there. But she planned to remain connected to Lesvos. “I love this island… the sad thing is that it’s not nice for everybody. Others see it as just a jail.”
    Investigation and Arrest

    The airport on Lesvos is on the shoreline close to where Mardini helped with the boat landing her first night as a volunteer. On 21 August, when she went to check in for her flight to Berlin, she was surrounded by five Greek police officers. “They kind of circled around me, and they said that I should come with [them],” Mardini recalled.

    Mardini knew that the police on Lesvos had been investigating her and some of the other volunteers from ERCI, but at first she still didn’t realise what was happening. Seven months earlier, in February 2018, she was briefly detained with a volunteer named Sean Binder, a German national. They had been driving one of ERCI’s 4X4s when police stopped them, searched the vehicle, and found Greek military license plates hidden under the civilian plates.

    When Mardini was arrested at the airport, Binder turned himself in too, and the police released a statement saying they were investigating 30 people – six Greeks and 24 foreigners – for involvement in “organised migrant trafficking rings”. Two Greek nationals, including ERCI’s founder, were also arrested at the time.

    While it is still not clear what the plates were doing on the vehicle, according Van Esveld from HRW, “it does seem clear… neither Sarah or Sean had any idea that these plates were [there]”.

    The felony charges against Mardini and Binder were ultimately unconnected to the plates, and HRW’s Van Esveld said the police work appears to either have been appallingly shoddy or done in bad faith. HRW took the unusual step of commenting on the ongoing case because it appeared authorities were “literally just [taking] a humanitarian activity and labelling it as a crime”, he added.

    After two weeks in a cell on Lesvos, Mardini was sent to a prison in Athens. On the ferry ride to the mainland, her hands were shackled. That’s when it sank in: “Ok, it’s official,” she thought. “They’re transferring me to jail.”

    In prison, Mardini was locked in a cell with eight other women from 8pm to 8am. During the day, she would go to Greek classes and art classes, drink coffee with other prisoners, and watch the news.

    She was able to make phone calls, and her mother, who was also granted asylum in Germany, came to visit a number of times. “The first time we saw each other we just broke down in tears,” Mardini recalled. It had been months since they’d seen each other, and now they could only speak for 20 minutes, separated by a plastic barrier.

    Most of the time, Mardini just read, finishing more than 40 books, including Nelson Mandela’s autobiography, which helped her come to terms with her situation. “I decided this is my life right now, and I need to get something out of it,” she explained. “I just accepted what’s going on.”

    People can be held in pre-trial detention for up to 18 months in Greece. But at the beginning of December, a judge accepted Mardini’s lawyer’s request for bail. Binder was released the same day.
    Lingering fear

    On Lesvos, where everyone in the volunteer community knows each other, the case came as a shock. “People started to be... scared,” said Claudia Drost, a 23-year-old from the Netherlands and close friend of Mardini’s who started volunteering on the island in 2016. “There was a feeling of fear that if the police… put [Mardini] in prison, they can put anyone in prison.”

    “We are standing [up] for what we are doing because we are saving people and we are helping people.”

    That feeling was heightened by the knowledge that humanitarians across Europe were being charged with crimes for helping refugees and migrants.

    During the height of the migration crisis in Europe, between the fall of 2015 and winter 2016, some 300 people were arrested in Denmark on charges related to helping refugees. In August 2016, French farmer Cédric Herrou was arrested for helping migrants and asylum seekers cross the French-Italian border. In October 2017, 12 people were charged with facilitating illegal migration in Belgium for letting asylum seekers stay in their homes and use their cellphones. And last June, the captain of a search and rescue boat belonging to the German NGO Mission Lifeline was arrested in Malta and charged with operating the vessel without proper registration or license.

    Drost said that after Mardini was released the fear faded a bit, but still lingers. There is also a sense of defiance. “We are standing [up] for what we are doing because we are saving people and we are helping people,” Drost said.

    As for Mardini, the charges have forced her to disengage from humanitarian work on Lesvos, at least until the case is over. She is back in Berlin and has started university again. “I think because I’m not in Lesvos anymore I’m just finding it very good to be here,” she said. “I’m kind of in a stable moment just to reflect about my life and what I want to do.”

    But she also knows the stability could very well be fleeting. With the prospect of more time in prison hanging over her, the future is still a blank canvas. People often ask if she is optimistic about the case. “No,” she said. “In the first place, they put me in… jail.”

    #criminalisation #délit_de_solidarité #asile #migrations #solidarité #réfugiés #Grèce #Lesbos #Moria #camps_de_réfugiés #Europe

    Avec une frise chronologique:

    ping @reka

  • Semaine internationale de la rébellion
    Face au militantisme, “nous sommes revenus à un système de répression des années 1960 et 1970”

    Lycéens fichés S, écolos entendus par la police, Gilets jaunes renvoyés en correctionnelle : Vanessa Codaccioni explique comment l’#antiterrorisme a contaminé l’appareil répressif. Et comment la France a fait un bond de 40 ans en arrière.

    La chercheuse en sciences politiques Vanessa Codaccioni s’inquiète de la #criminalisation croissante du #militantisme. En refusant la #politisation des mouvements de #contestation, le pouvoir va jusqu’à les assimiler à du #terrorisme. Suite et fin de notre série d’articles consacrée à la Semaine internationale de la rébellion qui se déroule du 12 au 19 avril.


    illustration photo : Abdulmonam Eassa/AFP : Manifestation des Gilets jaunes, à Paris, le 1er décembre 2018.

    En quatre mois de mobilisation des Gilets jaunes, 8 645 personnes ont été placées en garde à vue, 2 000 ont été condamnées, et 1 800 sont en attente de jugement. A titre de comparaison, environ 11 000 individus avaient été arrêtés pendant les grèves de mineurs sous Thatcher entre 1984 et 1985. Ce qui est inédit, c’est ce niveau de contestation politique, ou la vigueur de la punition ?


    C’est quoi : la Semaine internationale de la rébellion a été lancée par Extinction Rebellion, https://extinctionrebellion.fr, un mouvement né en Angleterre en octobre 2018 et qui depuis essaime dans de nombreux pays – parmi lesquels la France, l’Italie, l’Allemagne et les Etats-Unis. L’idée : mener des actions de #désobéissance civile non-violente afin d’intensifier la protestation contre l’inaction politique en matière de lutte contre le changement climatique et la disparition des espèces. D’autres organisations environnementales ont annoncé qu’elles participeraient à cette semaine internationale de la rébellion.
    C’est quand : la semaine internationale de la rébellion se déroule du 12 au 19 avril.
    Quelles actions : Impossible de tenir un agenda précis. Car si certains collectifs communiquent depuis plusieurs semaines sur leurs prochaines actions pour s’assurer une médiatisation maximale, d’autres cultivent au contraire le secret, afin d’amplifier l’effet de surprise.
    En France, citons une « action contre l’industrie du textile et la fast fashion » menée par #Extinction #Rebellion, qui s’est déroulée le vendredi 12 avril. Et « bloquons la République des pollueurs », une action en Ile-de-France organisée par les Amis de la Terre, ANV-COP21 et Greenpeace. Des actions de « swarming » (blocages éphémères de la circulation) sont annoncées à travers le monde…
    Marc Belpois


  • Angeli sotto accusa : quando la solidarietà diventa un crimine

    #Riccardo_Noury parle de la naissance de la criminalisation des ONG (à partir de la minute 3’20) :

    "La criminalizzazione delle ONG è iniziata, per rimanere in questo decennio e per rimanere in Europa, in Russia con delle leggi contro le associazioni, sempre accusate di essere spie o agenti stranieri per il fatto di ricevere dei finanziamenti dall’estero. Poi questa legge è stata fotocopiata in Ungheria. Poi questa legge è stata promossa in Polonia. E oltre alle leggi che colpiscono tanto la libertà di associazione quanto singoli comportamenti di assistenza, c’è una deligittimazione fatta di titoli di giornale, fatta di dichiarazioni politiche. Io ricordo sempre quel giorno di aprile 2017 in cui gli ’angeli del mare’ diventarono coloro che, da un giorno all’altro, non salvavano più persone ma erano in commutta (?) con i trafficanti. E lì questa narrazioni è esplosa anche in Italia.


    Sur le #délit_de_solidarité #criminalisation #ONG #solidarité #asile #migrations #réfugiés #Méditerranée #sauvetage #Alpes #frontière_sud-alpine #Russie #Hongrie #Italie #Pologne #loi #histoire

  • Comment le détournement satirique d’une affiche du gouvernement devient une « provocation à un crime ou délit »

    ... A cette mauvaise foi sémiologique, s’ajoute un autre problème de fond, à savoir l’autorité dont disposerait l’auteur d’une telle oeuvre pour exiger que les personnes la consultant obéisse à cette « provocation ». S’il y a bien un constat sur lequel tous les observateurs s’accordent c’est que dans ce mouvement des gilets jaunes, les idées comme l’organisation circulent de manière horizontale et que le rejet de tout commandement du haut vers le bas est systématique. On ajoutera d’ailleurs que c’est certainement ce qui est moqué en premier chef par l’affiche détournée : les consignes auxquelles on enjoint les citoyens apeurés d’obéir. Derrière cette narration sécuritaire, il y a une logique discursive martelée depuis les attentats du 13 novembre 2015. Au point que certains y voient une instrumentalisation des attaques dans le but de produire une unité nationale et un soutien inconditionnel au gouvernement, gommant au passage les conflits politiques et sociaux.

    C’est d’ailleurs peut-être à cet endroit que réside la charge subversive de ce détournement. Non pas dans la possible « provocation à un crime ou à un délit », mais dans le fait de moquer l’usage gouvernemental de ces consignes de sécurité et de retourner le statut du citoyen, victime inoffensive qui n’a d’autre choix que de s’en remettre à l’action de la police...

  • #Deûlémont : un commerçant de bateaux incarcéré pour avoir vendu des embarcations à des migrants

    Un #concessionnaire de bateaux basé à Deûlémont dans la métropole lilloise a été placé en #détention, dans l’attente de son jugement le 2 mai prochain, pour avoir vendu des embarcations à des migrants. Dans ce même dossier, un #chauffeur_de_taxi est également incarcéré.

    Le gérant d’une société de commerce de bateaux de Deûlémont a été placé en détention vendredi 22 mars, sur décision du tribunal correctionnel de Boulogne-sur-Mer, dans l’attente de son jugement le 2 mai prochain pour « aide aux migrants en bande organisée ». Une information de La Voix du Nord confirmée par le parquet de Boulogne et par l’avocat du prévenu, Me Mathieu Masse.

    Il est reproché à l’entrepreneur d’avoir depuis début octobre vendu plusieurs #bateaux_pneumatiques (semi-rigides, d’une valeur d’une dizaine de milliers d’euros) à des réseaux de migrants en vue de traverser la #Manche.

    Mesure « extrêmement coercitive »

    Me Masse a d’ores et déjà fait une demande de remise en liberté de son client, jugeant son incarcération « extrêmmement coercitive et complètement injustifiée ».

    « Le fait d’avoir vendu des bateaux ne fait pas de lui quelqu’un qui a aidé les migrants à traverser la Manche. Il fait juste du commerce et ça le met dans une situation catastrophique », plaide l’avocat. « On ne peut pas poursuivre un concessionnaire de voitures pour avoir vendu un bolide qui plus tard servirait à du trafic de drogues », poursuit-il.

    Dans ce dossier, un chauffeur de taxi a également été placé sous mandat de dépôt, accusé d’avoir transporté des migrants sur les plages d’où sont parties des embarcations pour l’Angleterre. Me Masse conteste par ailleurs la qualification de « #bande_organisée » : « En réalité ce sont deux personnes qui sont prévenues, un chauffeur de taxi et un vendeur de pneumatiques, mais il n’y a ni migrant, ni passeur. Pourquoi il n’y a que deux personnes ? » s’interroge-t-il.

    Selon lui, le parquet de Boulogne avait requis à l’encontre du patron de Fluvyalis un simple placement sous contrôle judiciaire dans l’attente de l’audience qui a été reportée à début mai.

    #commerce #bateaux #migrations #réfugiés #frontières #criminalisation #France #justice #passeurs

    via @isskein

  • University of Arizona will charge 2 students over protest of Border Patrol event on campus

    Two students at the University of Arizona will be charged with misdemeanors after a video showing them protesting a Customs and Border Protection event on campus went viral, UA President Robert Robbins announced Friday.

    The potential charges stem from a Border Patrol presentation to a student club, the Criminal Justice Association, on campus on March 19.

    Video of the incident showed two Border Patrol agents in a classroom giving a presentation, with people outside the door recording them and calling them “Murder Patrol,” "murderers" and “an extension of the KKK.”

    After the agents leave the classroom, a group followed them until they left campus, chanting “Murder Patrol,” video footage on social media shows.

    Conservative media and commentators shared the video on social media and blogs as an example of free speech issues on college campuses.

    In the letter sent to students posted online, Robbins said the protest represented a “dramatic departure from our expectations of respectful behavior and support for free speech on this campus.”

    UA police determined Friday that they “will be charging” two students involved in the incident with “interference with the peaceful conduct of an educational institution,” which is a misdemeanor. A Class 1 misdemeanor could result in up to six months of jail time.

    Charges have not been filed yet, UA Police Chief Brian Seastone said in an email. The names of the two students have not been released.

    Robbins wrote that UA police will continue to investigate the matter for potential “additional criminal violations.” The Dean of Students’ office also is reviewing the incident to determine if the student code of conduct was violated.

    Separately, Robbins said the university would conduct a “probe into actions involving UA employees.” It’s unclear what role employees played in the situation.

    Robbins also has directed staff members to examine university policies “to ensure we are working effectively to help prevent similar incidents in the future” while still maintaining First Amendment rights.
    ’Protest is protected … but disruption is not’

    “At the core of these inquiries is the University of Arizona’s commitment to free speech,” he wrote. “The student club and the CBP officers invited by the students should have been able to hold their meeting without disruption. Student protest is protected by our support for free speech, but disruption is not.”

    In the days after the March 19 incident, Robbins wrote a statement affirming the university’s commitment to free speech.

    Top officers from the Associated Students of the University of Arizona, the school’s student government organization, wrote a letter dated March 21 that said unannounced visits to campus by Border Patrol were “unacceptable.”

    The letter pointed to an arrest by Border Patrol a few miles from campus the same day as the UA presentation, saying the concerns of undocumented and Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals students were valid.

    Students should be notified in advance of Border Patrol visits to campus, the letter said. And there should be an understanding that the “mere presence” of Border Patrol on campus can negatively affect DACA and undocumented communities, it stated.

    On Monday, DACA recipients who attend UA also released a letter saying they face “discomfort and fear” when they see Customs and Border Protection.

    “As DACA recipients at the university, the presence of CBP on campus has a traumatic impact on our overall well being and impedes us from fully engaging with our academics. In a space where all students are given the right to pursue an education, their presence was and will always be an infringement on that right,” the letter states.

    Since the video was released, students have been “bombarded with threats to their physical and emotional well being,” the letter claimed.

    Robbins’ announcement of criminal charges for two students proves “the swiftness with which institutions criminalize people of color,” the letter said.

    The DACA recipients wrote that they are in “full support” of students who spoke out against Border Patrol on campus.

    #liberté_d'expression #résistance #criminalisation #USA #Etats-Unis #frontières #protestations #délit_de_solidarité

  • Retour sur l’envahissement de la plateforme de contrôle des chômeurs de Rennes, et ses suites - Plutôt chômeur que contrôleur

    Le vendredi 15 février, répondant à l’appel public du Collectif contre la réforme chômage, une cinquantaine de personnes a envahi une plateforme de pôle emploi à Rennes. C’est dans ce lieu que travaillent les agents spécialisés dans le contrôle des chômeurs, autrement dit les agents qui sont amenés à mettre concrètement en œuvre les nouvelles sanctions à l’encontre de ces derniers. Le nombre de ces contrôleurs doit passer de 215 à 1000 au niveau national d’ici la fin de l’année. Depuis que la « loi pour la liberté de choisir son avenir professionnel » est passée en septembre 2018, un ensemble d’actions a lieu partout en France, s’inscrivant dans le rapport de force de grande ampleur face à la vie chère qui prend notamment place au travers du mouvement des gilets jaunes.
    Le rythme s’est accéléré après la publication du décret du 30 décembre : envahissement d’une plateforme de contrôle à Andrézieux (près de Lyon et Saint-Étienne) le 30 janvier, à Rennes le 15 février, à Paris le 22 et occupation d’une agence pôle emploi à Toulouse le même jour. Depuis ses débuts le collectif rennais est un espace public ouvert qui tient des réunions hebdomadaires, intervient chaque semaine dans l’AG des gilets jaunes et qui a mené nombre d’actions : diffusion de tracts au pôle emploi, CAF et entreprises, réunions publiques sur le contenu de la réforme, occupation de la direction régionale de pôle emploi, CAF et conseil départemental.

    Une semaine après l’action du 15 février, plusieurs articles publiés par les médias locaux (Ouest-France et Télégramme) dont la source est manifestement policière, viennent jouer les auxiliaires de justice par un discours à charge digne d’un procureur. Le vocabulaire utilisé, parlant de « commando » pour désigner les personnes ayant répondu à l’appel du collectif, et de « saccage » pour décrire un envahissement, correspond bien à cette logique de judiciarisation et criminalisation des pratiques de lutte. Dans un communiqué condamnant cette action la CGT Pôle emploi Bretagne renforce cette logique.

    Les actions d’occupation, d’envahissement, de déménagement sont des modalités habituelles de conflits et mouvements sociaux (on peut se rappeler par exemple du déménagement des locaux du Medef à Rennes pendant le mouvement contre la loi travail en 2016). De façon plus spécifique la question de l’occupation et de l’envahissement de Pôle emploi, des administrations et des institutions en charge des chômeurs, précaires et intérimaires est l’une des seules armes dont dispose ces exploités sans lieu de travail. Comment faire grève par exemple quand on ne travaille que sur des missions d’une ou deux semaines ? Comment les livreurs à vélo (travailleurs non-garantis dont le statut est celui « d’auto-entrepreneur ») peuvent-ils s’organiser collectivement contre leur boîte ? Comment des inscrits à Pôle emploi peuvent-ils ne serait-ce que se rencontrer quand les agences ferment de plus en plus souvent et sont désertées du fait de la dématérialisation ?

    L’offensive portée contre le collectif n’est pas isolée, elle s’inscrit dans une dynamique plus large visant les blocages, actions et manifestations notamment des gilets jaunes. Le discours gouvernemental qui désigne tous les participants à des manifs non déclarées comme « casseurs » potentiels va de pair avec les milliers d’arrestations, de poursuites judiciaires et les centaines d’incarcérations. Cette répression attaque la lutte en isolant et divisant ses participants, et cherche à entraver les pratiques qui débordent. Par exemple à Rennes, les récentes descentes du RAID, perquisitions suivies d’arrestations de deux camarades, et le discours journalistique qui l’accompagne, ont pour objectif de provoquer stupeur et effroi dans le mouvement et chez tous ceux qui veulent participer aux luttes actuelles.

    #chômage #chômeurs #contrôle_des_chômeurs #occupation #criminalisation