• Mine games

    Rare earths are to the 21st century what coal was to the 19th and oil to the 20th. Our everyday electronics - and Europe’s climate goals - depend on them. But China controls almost all supply chains. Can Europe free itself from this dependence?

    Your mobile has them. Your laptop as well. They are likely in the toothbrush you used this morning. E-scooters are full of them. So are electric cars.

    Rare earths and other minerals are essential for wind and solar power installations, defence, and for the gadgets that we now rely upon in our daily lives. The demand for critical raw materials is going to skyrocket in the years ahead, far beyond current supply.

    There is no “climate neutrality” ahead without them. This implies more mining than ever before. “We, eight billion of us, will use more metal than the 108 billion people who lived before us,” according to Guillaume Pitrón, author of the book Rare Metals War.

    The political headache is that Europe depends heavily on imports of these critical raw materials, primarily from China.

    China controls EU supply of critical raw materials
    The trade in rare earths and other materials is controlled by the Chinese. Russia and Chile are significant suppliers as are some European nations.

    European dependency on Russian gas was a wake-up call last year, when Russia invaded Ukraine. Now the EU urgently wants to reduce the similar dependency on Chinese supplies of rare earth elements, lithium, bismuth, magnesium and a series of other critical minerals.

    European consumers have for decades not had to be much concerned with the environmental destruction and pollution that often comes with mining. Now, governments haste to revive mining across the continent – and to fast-track processes that otherwise may take a decade or more.

    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=qzw9-1G9Sok

    Investigate Europe reporters have unearthed what lies beneath these “green mining” ambitions. We have broken into a mountain of dilemmas, challenges and questions that come with Europe’s pressing need for minerals.

    To what extent will Europe be practically able to revive a mining industry that it has long abandoned? How can governments secure social acceptance for new mines if they are to fast-track permit processes? What kind of autonomy can come in an industry dominated by global companies?

    https://www.investigate-europe.eu/themes/investigations/critical-raw-materials-mining-europe
    #minières #mines #extractivisme #Europe #Chine #dépendance #indépendance #terres_rares #neutralité_climatique #transition_énergétique #importation #lithium #bismuth #magnésium #green_mining #industrie_minière #autonomie

    disponible en plusieurs langues, français notamment :
    https://www.investigate-europe.eu/fr/themes/investigations/critical-raw-materials-mining-europe

    • Écocides et #paradis_fiscaux : révélations sur les dérives du soutien européen à l’industrie minière

      Pour développer l’industrie des #batteries_électriques ou des éoliennes, l’Union européenne finance des entreprises minières au travers du programme #Horizon. Une partie de ces fonds soutient des sociétés impliquées dans des catastrophes environnementales, voire, pour l’une d’entre elles, domiciliée dans un paradis fiscal.

      C’est une immense tâche blanche, un entrelacs de tuyaux et de cuves, au milieu d’un écrin vert-bleu, à l’embouchure du fleuve Amazone, au #Brésil. Ici, l’usine de la société minière française #Imerys a laissé un souvenir amer aux communautés autochtones. En 2007, plusieurs dizaines de familles ont été contraintes à l’exil lorsque le leader mondial de la production de minéraux industriels a déversé 200 000 m3 de #déchets_toxiques dans les rivières alentour. #Cadmium, #baryum et autres #métaux_lourds cancérigènes se sont déposés au fond des cours d’eau dans lesquels puisent les populations, aux confins de la plus grande forêt pluviale du monde.

      De l’autre côté du globe, dans le #désert_de_Gobi, en #Mongolie, #Orano, (ex-#Areva), exploite des gisements d’#uranium. Cette fois, le géant français du combustible nucléaire est suspecté d’avoir injecté dans le sol « d’énormes quantités d’#acide_sulfurique », contaminant les #eaux_souterraines au #strontium — mortel à très haute dose — et à l’#arsenic, selon une enquête judiciaire mongole. « Moutons, chèvres, chevaux qui naissent handicapés, eau souterraine polluée, femmes qui font des fausses couches… » : l’association locale #Eviin_huch_eh_nutgiin_toloo, interrogée récemment par Reporterre, énumère les conséquences sanitaires potentiellement désastreuses de l’exploitation d’Orano.

      Plus loin au sud, près de l’équateur, l’île d’#Halmahera, en #Indonésie, fait face aux effets dévastateurs de l’exploitation récente de #nickel, à #Weda_Bay, en partie détenue par le groupe métallurgique et minier français, #Eramet. Là aussi, les terres sont détruites, et les populations autochtones déplacées. Sa filiale calédonienne, la société #Le_Nickel, est à l’origine d’une importante #pollution au #fuel constatée en avril 2023. Environ 6 000 litres de combustible se seraient échappés d’une conduite percée.

      Ces trois sociétés françaises n’ont pas pour seul point commun d’être impliquées dans des scandales environnementaux : elles bénéficient des largesses du programme européen Horizon. D’après notre enquête, la société française Eramet a touché 1,9 million d’euros, entre 2019 et 2022. Quant à Orano et Imerys, elles ont reçu respectivement 2,3 millions d’euros et 312 637 euros du programme européen. Parmi les prérequis indispensables à l’obtention de ces #subventions, figurait celui de « ne pas nuire à l’un des six objectifs environnementaux » présent au cœur du “#green_deal” européen, le #pacte_vert, en français. À commencer par la prévention contre les #risques_de_pollution ou la protection des écosystèmes. Sollicitée, la Commission européenne se contente de déclarer qu’elle accorde « une attention approfondie » aux enjeux environnementaux.

      Quinze sociétés impliquées dans des crimes environnementaux

      Doté d’un budget de 95 milliards d’euros sur sept ans (2021-2027), le programme européen Horizon, initié en 2014, et financé en grande partie sur fonds publics, a pour mission de soutenir la #recherche et l’innovation au sein de l’Union européenne. Avec l’émergence des besoins en batteries électriques, en #éoliennes et autres industries liées au secteur de la #transition_énergétique, ce soutien se dirige en grande partie vers le secteur minier, d’après notre analyse des données mises en ligne par l’UE. Avec une nette accélération ces dernières années : sur les 667 millions d’euros réservés à ce type de projets, entre 2014 et 2023, près de la moitié ont été attribués à partir de 2020.

      Projets financés par le programme de l’UE Horizon, en lien avec la loi sur les #matières_premières_critiques

      Depuis 2014, Horizon a financé 95 projets de ce type. Ceux-ci ont reçu 667 millions d’euros distribués entre 1 043 organisations. Les 67 présentés dans le graphique ont reçu plus de 2 millions d’euros.

      En plus des trois entreprises françaises ayant bénéficié du fonds Horizon malgré leur lien avec des pollutions environnementales, Disclose et Investigate Europe ont identifié douze autres sociétés problématiques. À chaque fois, celles-ci ont été impliquées dans des catastrophes environnementales. Leurs liens avec lesdites catastrophes sont accessibles en quelques clics sur Internet.

      Un exemple : l’entreprise minière suédoise #Boliden. Elle a perçu près de 2,7 millions d’euros dans le cadre de huit appels à projets Horizon. La dernière fois, c’était en novembre 2019. Or, cette société spécialisée dans la production de #zinc et de #cuivre a un lourd passif en matière de dégradation des écosystèmes. En 1998, près de Séville, en Espagne, le barrage d’un bassin de décantation d’une mine de #pyrite lui appartenant s’est rompu, déversant des eaux polluées sur plus de 40 km de terres agricoles. Dans les années 1980, Boliden a également été épinglé pour avoir exporté des milliers de tonnes de #déchets_miniers depuis la Suède vers #Arica, au nord du #Chili. Les #boues_toxiques d’arsenic liées au stockage sont pointées par des locaux pour être vraisemblablement à l’origine de #cancers et #maladies chez des milliers de résidents, lui valant d’être un cas d’étude dans un document du Parlement européen.

      Défaillances en chaîne

      Les données analysées réservent d’autres surprises. Alors que l’Union européenne ne cesse de défendre la nécessité de réduire sa dépendance vis-à-vis de la Chine et de la Russie, surtout depuis la pandémie et le conflit russo-ukrainien, le #programme_Horizon semble souffrir de quelques défaillances. Et pour cause, selon l’examen détaillé des entreprises bénéficiaires, il est arrivé à au moins trois reprises que les fonds versés par l’UE terminent soit sur le compte en banque d’un acteur étatique chinois, soit sur celui d’oligarques russes.

      Dans le premier cas, il s’agit du dossier déposé par la #Soil_Machine_Dynamics, une entreprise britannique leader dans le domaine de la robotique sous-marine. Celle-ci a reçu 3,53 millions d’euros du budget d’Horizon pour un projet baptisé #Vamos. Il visait à développer une technique permettant d’extraire des minéraux à des profondeurs jusque-là inaccessibles. Le projet a démarré le 1er février 2015. Mais, cinq jours plus tard, le fonds d’investissement privé Inflexion a cédé l’entreprise à #Zhuzhou_CSR_Times_Electric, dont l’actionnaire majoritaire est l’État chinois. Le projet Vamos, passé sous pavillon chinois, est resté actif jusqu’au 31 janvier 2019.

      Le second cas fait référence à la société #Aughinish_Alumina. L’entreprise basée en Irlande raffine la #bauxite, la roche dont est extraite l’#alumine utilisée pour produire l’#aluminium. En 2018, elle a reçu 563 500 euros en provenance de l’Union européenne pour sa participation à un projet visant à étudier la réutilisation des résidus de bauxite. Or, cette entreprise minière appartient depuis 2007 à #Rusal, un groupe russe qui domine le secteur et dont l’un des principaux actionnaires n’est autre qu’#Oleg_Deripaska. Réputé proche de Vladimir Poutine, ce dernier figure sur la liste des oligarques russes sanctionnés par le Royaume-Uni et les États-Unis… et l’Europe.

      Des fonds publics européens atterrissent dans un paradis fiscal

      Un autre cas intrigue, celui de la société #Lancaster_Exploration_Limited, spécialisée dans l’exploration de terres rares. L’entreprise a participé à un projet Horizon qui promettait de développer de nouveaux « modèles d’exploration pour les provinces alcalines et de carbonatite » destinés à l’industrie européenne de haute technologie. Pour ce projet, elle a perçu plus de 168 000 euros de la part de l’Europe, alors que son siège social est situé dans les #îles_Vierges britanniques, paradis fiscal notoirement connu. Interrogé sur ce cas précis, un porte-parole de la Commission européenne explique que l’institution peut mettre fin à un contrat la liant avec une société qui se serait rendue coupable d’infractions avec ses « obligations fiscales » ou qui aurait été « créé sous une juridiction différente, avec l’intention de contourner les obligations fiscales, sociales ou autres obligations légales dans le pays d’origine. »

      Reste à savoir si l’Union européenne prendra des mesures contre des sociétés ne respectant manifestement pas leurs obligations. D’autant plus que l’acquisition d’une souveraineté dans le secteur des #matières_premières critiques et des terres rares est l’une des priorités affichées par l’exécutif européen. La Commission a d’ailleurs présenté, en mars dernier, le #Critical_Raw_Materials_Act, consistant à relancer l’activité minière sur le continent. Grâce, notamment, aux centaines de millions d’euros que le programme Horizon destine aux professionnels du secteur.

      https://www.investigate-europe.eu/fr/posts/eu-horizon-scheme-millions-funding-mining-companies-environmental
      #paradis_fiscal #fisc #évasion_fiscale #écocide

  • Depuis 2021, plusieurs transports de Framatome avaient dépassé les limites de masse d’#uranium prenant le risque de déclencher une réaction #nucleaire spontanée

    Ce risque, dit de #criticité, est le B.A-BA pour qui travaille avec des matières radioactives, un principe de base à connaître.
    Manifestement Framatome ne se soucie pas que cette règle soit connue et respectée.

    L’incident démontre un profond manque de rigueur sur le site nucléaire de Romans-sur-Isère

    https://www.sortirdunucleaire.org/France-Romans-sur-Isere-Trop-d-uranium-sur-les-routes

  • #Matières_premières_critiques : garantir des #chaînes_d'approvisionnement sûres et durables pour l’avenir écologique et numérique de l’UE

    La Commission propose un ensemble complet de mesures afin de garantir l’accès de l’UE à un approvisionnement sûr, diversifié, abordable et durable en matières premières critiques. Les matières premières critiques sont indispensables pour un large éventail de secteurs stratégiques, notamment l’industrie « zéro net », l’industrie numérique, l’aérospatial et la défense.

    Alors que la demande de matières premières critiques devrait augmenter de manière drastique, l’Europe dépend fortement des importations, souvent en provenance de fournisseurs d’un pays tiers en situation de quasi-monopole. L’UE doit atténuer les risques pour les chaînes d’approvisionnement liées à ces dépendances stratégiques afin de renforcer sa résilience économique. Les pénuries constatées au lendemain de la pandémie de COVID-19 et la crise énergétique qui a suivi l’invasion de l’Ukraine par la Russie témoignent de ces dépendances et peuvent mettre en péril les efforts que l’UE déploie pour atteindre ses objectifs climatiques et numériques.

    Le règlement et la communication sur les matières premières critiques adoptés aujourd’hui tirent parti des atouts et des possibilités du marché unique et des partenariats extérieurs de l’UE pour diversifier les chaînes d’approvisionnement de l’UE en matières premières critiques et renforcer leur résilience. La législation sur les matières premières critiques améliore également la capacité de l’UE à surveiller les risques de perturbations et à les atténuer, et renforce la circularité et la durabilité.

    La présidente de la Commission européenne, Ursula von der Leyen, s’est exprimée en ces termes : « Cette législation nous rapprochera de nos ambitions en matière climatique. Elle améliorera significativement le raffinage, la transformation et le recyclage des matières premières ici en Europe. Les matières premières sont indispensables à la fabrication de technologies clés pour notre double transition, telles que la production d’énergie éolienne, le stockage de l’hydrogène ou les batteries. Nous renforçons notre coopération avec des partenaires commerciaux fiables à l’échelle mondiale afin de réduire les dépendances actuelles de l’UE à l’égard d’un seul ou de quelques pays. Il est dans notre intérêt mutuel d’augmenter la production de manière durable et, dans le même temps, de garantir le niveau le plus élevé de diversification des chaînes d’approvisionnement pour nos entreprises européennes. »

    Avec la réforme de l’organisation du marché de l’électricité et le règlement pour une industrie « zéro net », les mesures sur les matières premières critiques annoncées aujourd’hui créent un environnement réglementaire favorable aux industries « zéro net » et à la compétitivité de l’industrie européenne, comme annoncé dans le plan industriel du pacte vert.

    Mesures intérieures

    La législation sur les matières premières critiques dotera l’UE des outils permettant de lui garantir l’accès à un approvisionnement sûr et durable en matières premières critiques, principalement par les moyens suivants :

    Définir des priorités d’action claires : en plus de mettre à jour la liste des matières premières critiques, la législation dresse une liste de matières premières stratégiques, qui sont essentielles pour les technologies importantes pour les ambitions écologiques et numériques de l’Europe ainsi que pour les applications spatiales et de défense, mais dont l’approvisionnement futur n’est pas sûr. Le règlement intègre en même temps, dans le droit de l’UE, la liste des matières premières critiques et celle des matières premières stratégiques. Il fixe des valeurs de référence claires en ce qui concerne les capacités intérieures tout au long de la chaîne d’approvisionnement en matières premières stratégiques pour diversifier l’approvisionnement de l’UE à l’horizon 2030 :

    - l’extraction dans l’UE doit permettre de produire au moins 10 % de sa consommation annuelle,
    - la transformation opérée dans l’UE doit permettre de produire au moins 40 % de sa consommation annuelle,
    - le recyclage effectué dans l’UE doit permettre de produire au moins 15 % de sa consommation annuelle,
    - pas plus de 65 % de la consommation annuelle de l’Union de chaque matière première stratégique à n’importe quel stade de transformation pertinent ne doit provenir d’un seul pays tiers.

    Créer des chaînes d’approvisionnement européennes sûres et résilientes en matières premières critiques : la législation réduira la charge administrative et simplifiera les procédures d’autorisation pour les projets relatifs aux matières premières critiques dans l’UE. En outre, les projets stratégiques sélectionnés bénéficieront d’un soutien pour l’accès au financement et les délais d’autorisation seront raccourcis (24 mois pour les permis d’extraction et 12 mois pour les permis de traitement et de recyclage). Les États membres devront également élaborer des programmes nationaux d’exploration des ressources géologiques.

    Veiller à ce que l’UE soit en mesure d’atténuer les risques liés à l’approvisionnement : pour garantir la résilience des chaînes d’approvisionnement, la législation prévoit un suivi des chaînes d’approvisionnement en matières premières critiques et la coordination des stocks de matières premières stratégiques entre les États membres. Certaines grandes entreprises devront réaliser un audit de leurs chaînes d’approvisionnement en matières premières stratégiques, comportant un test de résistance à l’échelle de l’entreprise.

    Investir dans la recherche, l’innovation et les compétences : la Commission renforcera l’adoption et le déploiement de technologies de pointe dans le domaine des matières premières critiques. En outre, la mise en place d’un partenariat à grande échelle pour les compétences relatives aux matières premières critiques et d’une académie des matières premières promouvra les compétences pertinentes pour la main-d’œuvre travaillant dans les chaînes d’approvisionnement en matières premières critiques. Sur le plan extérieur, la stratégie « Global Gateway » servira de vecteur pour aider les pays partenaires à développer leurs compétences et leurs propres capacités d’extraction et de traitement.

    Protéger l’environnement en améliorant la circularité et la durabilité des matières premières critiques : l’amélioration de la sécurité et du caractère abordable de l’approvisionnement en matières premières critiques doit aller de pair avec l’intensification des efforts visant à atténuer toute incidence négative, tant au sein de l’UE que dans les pays tiers, en ce qui concerne les droits du travail, les droits humains et la protection de l’environnement. Les efforts visant à développer les chaînes de valeur des matières premières critiques de manière plus durable contribueront également à promouvoir le développement économique dans les pays tiers ainsi que la gouvernance en matière de durabilité, les droits humains, la résolution des conflits et la stabilité régionale.

    Les États membres devront adopter et mettre en œuvre des mesures nationales visant à améliorer la collecte des déchets riches en matières premières critiques et à garantir leur recyclage en matières premières critiques secondaires. Les États membres et les opérateurs privés devront étudier les possibilités de récupération des matières premières critiques provenant des déchets d’extraction des activités minières actuelles mais aussi des déchets provenant des anciens sites miniers. Les produits contenant des aimants permanents devront satisfaire aux exigences en matière de circularité et être accompagnés d’informations sur leur recyclabilité et leur teneur en matières recyclées.

    Engagement international

    Diversifier les importations de matières premières critiques dans l’Union : l’Union ne couvrira jamais ses propres besoins en matières premières et continuera de dépendre des importations pour la majeure partie de sa consommation. Le commerce international est donc essentiel pour soutenir la production mondiale et assurer la diversification de l’approvisionnement. L’UE devra renforcer son engagement mondial avec des partenaires fiables afin de mettre en place des investissements et de les diversifier, de promouvoir la stabilité du commerce international et de renforcer la sécurité juridique pour les investisseurs. Elle recherchera en particulier des partenariats mutuellement bénéfiques avec les marchés émergents et les économies en développement, notamment dans le cadre de sa stratégie « Global Gateway ».

    Elle intensifiera ses actions commerciales, notamment en créant un club des matières premières critiques pour tous les pays partageant les mêmes valeurs et désireux d’améliorer les chaînes d’approvisionnement mondiales, en renforçant l’Organisation mondiale du commerce (OMC), en élargissant son réseau d’accords de facilitation des investissements durables et d’accords de libre-échange et en insistant davantage sur l’application de la législation afin de lutter contre les pratiques commerciales déloyales.

    L’UE poursuivra le développement des partenariats stratégiques : elle collaborera avec des partenaires fiables pour favoriser leur propre développement économique de manière durable par la création de chaînes de valeur dans leur propre pays, tout en promouvant des chaînes de valeur sûres, résilientes, abordables et suffisamment diversifiées pour l’UE.

    Prochaines étapes

    Le règlement proposé sera examiné et approuvé par le Parlement européen et le Conseil de l’Union européenne avant son adoption et son entrée en vigueur.

    Contexte

    Cette initiative se compose d’un règlement et d’une communication. Le règlement établit un cadre réglementaire pour soutenir le développement des capacités intérieures et renforcer la durabilité et la circularité des chaînes d’approvisionnement en matières premières critiques dans l’Union. La communication propose des mesures visant à soutenir la diversification des chaînes d’approvisionnement grâce à de nouveaux partenariats internationaux qui se renforcent mutuellement. L’accent est également mis sur la maximisation de la contribution des accords commerciaux de l’UE, en pleine complémentarité avec la stratégie « Global Gateway ».

    La législation sur les matières premières critiques a été annoncée par la présidente von der Leyen lors de son discours sur l’état de l’Union de 2022, dans lequel elle a appelé à s’attaquer à la dépendance de l’UE à l’égard des importations de matières premières critiques, en sécurisant un approvisionnement intérieur diversifié et durable en ce qui concerne ces matières. Elle fait suite à la déclaration de Versailles de 2022 adoptée par le Conseil européen, qui soulignait l’importance stratégique des matières premières critiques pour garantir l’autonomie stratégique de l’Union et la souveraineté européenne. Elle répond également aux conclusions de la conférence sur l’avenir de l’Europe et à la résolution du Parlement européen de novembre 2021 sur une stratégie européenne pour les matières premières critiques.

    Les mesures sont appuyées sur l’évaluation de la criticité de 2023, le rapport de prospective axé sur les technologies stratégiques et les actions lancées dans le cadre du plan d’action de 2020 sur les matières premières critiques. La proposition présentée aujourd’hui s’appuie sur les travaux scientifiques du Centre commun de recherche (JRC) de la Commission. Parallèlement à son rapport de prospective, le JRC a remanié le système d’information sur les matières premières, qui apporte des connaissances sur les matières premières tant primaires (extraites/récoltées) que secondaires (par exemple issues du recyclage). L’outil fournit des informations sur des matériaux et des pays spécifiques ainsi que sur différents secteurs et technologies, et comprend des analyses de l’offre et de la demande actuelles et futures.

    La législation sur les matières premières critiques est présentée parallèlement à celle pour une industrie « zéro net », qui vise à accroître la production européenne de technologies clés neutres en carbone ou « zéro net », afin de garantir des chaînes d’approvisionnement sûres, durables et compétitives en matière d’énergie propre en vue d’atteindre les ambitions climatiques et énergétiques de l’UE.

    https://ec.europa.eu/commission/presscorner/detail/fr/ip_23_1661
    #matières_premières #apprivoisement #UE #EU #Union_européenne #relocalisation #diversification #zéro_net #dépendance #alternative #risque #pénurie #ici_en_Europe #batteries #raffinage #transformation #recyclage #plan_industriel_du_pacte_vert #matières_premières_stratégiques #extraction #extractivisme #règlement #déclaration_de_Versailles #Critical_Raw_Materials #European_Critical_Raw_Materials_Act

    –—

    ajouté à la métaliste sur l’#extraction de #terres_rares dans les #Alpes :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/1013289

  • Blancs des cartes et boîtes noires algorithmiques

    Chaque carte présente ses propres #blancs, inconscients ou volontaires. Ces lacunes ou ces oublis, d’aucuns l’ont bien montré, ont joué un rôle déterminant dans l’histoire, en particulier coloniale. Hier privilège des États, ce pouvoir de blanchir ou de noircir la carte est aujourd’hui celui des données numériques. Car le déluge d’#informations_géographiques, produit par une multitude d’acteurs, n’est pas uniformément réparti sur l’ensemble des territoires, laissant des zones entières vides.
    S’inscrivant dans le champ émergent des #critical_data_studies, cette recherche singulière, abondamment illustrée, revient sur les enjeux politiques des cartes et nous invite à explorer les rouages les plus profonds de la cartographie contemporaine. En s’attachant à l’#Amazonie, Matthieu Noucher déconstruit les vides pour interroger le sens de la #géonumérisation du monde. Pour mener son enquête, il s’intéresse à trois dispositifs en particulier : la détection de l’#orpaillage illégal, la mesure de la #biodiversité et le repérage des #habitats_informels.
    Ce livre débouche sur deux modalités de #résistance au comblement des blancs des cartes : la #contre-cartographie et la #fugue_cartographique pour appréhender les blancs des cartes comme une opportunité de diversifier nos manières de voir le monde.


    https://www.cnrseditions.fr/catalogue/geographie-territoires/blancs-des-cartes-et-boites-noires-algorithmiques
    #cartographie #vides #vide #livre #Matthieu_Noucher #colonialisme #géographie_du_vide #géographie_du_plein

    ping @reka

  • Q&A: How the EU wants to race to net-zero [by 2050] with ‘#Green_Deal_Industrial_Plan’
    https://www.carbonbrief.org/qa-how-the-eu-wants-to-race-to-net-zero-with-green-deal-industrial-plan

    According to the commission, the plan can be split into four pillars.

    The first pillar of the plan is to create a “simpler regulatory framework”.

    To achieve this, the commission is proposing a new #Net-Zero_Industry_Act [NZIA] to “identify goals for net-zero industrial capacity and provide a regulatory framework suited for its quick deployment”. (...)

    The commission added that the Net-Zero Industry Act will be complemented by a #Critical_Raw_Materials_Act [CRMA] to “ensure sufficient access to those materials”. (...)

    The second pillar of the plan is to “speed up investment for clean-tech production in Europe”. To achieve this, the commision wants to amend its framework for state subsidies to increase support for low-carbon technologies. The commission also promised to facilitate the use of existing EU funds for low-carbon projects, it says.

    The third pillar of the plan is to ensure the transition to net-zero creates new high-skilled jobs, according to the commission (...).

    And the final pillar of the plan is to ensure that any green trade is carried out “under the principles of fair competition and open trade”. (It comes after the EU accused the US of flouting World Trade Organization rules with the IRA, more detail below.)

    All of the new legislation proposed by the commission will need to be approved by member state governments in the European Council and by public representatives in the European Parliament, before it can be implemented.

    Sur le NZIA :

    The proposed act sets a “headline benchmark” of ensuring that at least 40% of low-carbon technology needs are met by manufacturing within the EU by 2030.

    Specifically, this target applies to a list of eight “strategic net-zero technologies”, which excludes nuclear power.

    [...] Some environmental NGOs have expressed concern about deregulation and looser permitting processes that might clash with environmental protections.

    Sur le CRMA :

    The EU is 100% dependent on imports for half of the 30 minerals it defined as “critical”, as of 2020, according to research institute DIW Berlin. The institute also notes that many of the countries the bloc is dependent on are “less democratic”.

    [...] As it stands, permitting for mines in the EU can take a decade or more. The act emphasises the need to speed up the early stages of strategic projects, noting that assessment processes “should remain light and not overly burdensome”.

    Campaigners have expressed concerns that this would mean environmental safeguards are overlooked and communities are ignored. The development of new mines in some parts of the bloc is already facing a backlash, for example from Portuguese villagers and Indigenous groups in Sweden.

    [...] The act sets a target of not being dependent on one single nation outside of the EU for more than 65% of any one critical raw material by 2030. This proposal has reportedly already made waves in China’s renewables industry.

  • Life in soil: The psychology of soil in California

    Isabelle Legeron travels to California, a part of the world whose soil holds a complex history. She meets the indigenous Californians reviving ancestral methods of tending to the land, and the soil scientists exploring the impact of colonisation and agriculture on the soil of the Golden State.

    With indigenous Californian land steward Redbird (Pomo/Paiute/Wailaki/Wintu), director of the California Indian museum Nicole Lim (Pomo), indigenous ecologist Dr Melissa Nelson (Anishinaabe/Métis/Norwegian), indigenous educator Sara Moncada (Yaqui/Irish), professor Paul Starrs (USA) and soil scientists Suzanne Pierre (India/Haiti/USA), Kenzo Esquivel (Japanese/Mexican/USA) and Yvonne Socolar (USA).

    https://www.bbc.co.uk/sounds/play/w3ct43cn

    #sol #terre #Californie #peuples_autochtones #colonisation #colonialisme #géographie_du_vide #paysage #agriculture #maïs #USA #Etats-Unis #végétation
    #podcast #audio

    ping @_kg_

  • Q&A with Dan Thorburn, director of Salt Water Town
    https://www.mydylarama.org.uk/Q-A-with-Dan-Thorburn-director-of-Salt-Water-Town

    Salt Water Town was part of the British and Yorkshire shorts selection at the Leeds International Film Festival. It stood out for its impressive cinematography, troubling plot and standout performances by Owen Teale and Tom Glynn-Carney. Liam helps run a failing caravan park in a Welsh coastal town with his father Glenn, who clings to the belief that prosperity will soon return. When an insurance inspector reveals the land they own is worthless as a result of rising sea levels, Liam must (...) #Festivals

    / #Critical

    https://www.danthorburn.co.uk

  • Global Climate Wall | Transnational Institute
    https://www.tni.org/en/publication/global-climate-wall

    This report finds that the world’s biggest emitters of green house gases are spending, on average, 2.3 times as much on arming their borders as they are on climate finance. This figure is as high as 15 times as much for the worst offenders. This “Global Climate Wall” aims to seal off powerful countries from migrants, rather than addressing the causes of displacement.

    #climate_change #borders #critical_border_studies

  • Higher Ed, We’ve Got a Morale Problem — And a Free T-Shirt Won’t Fix It

    Let’s say, hypothetically, that it’s been a difficult start to the fall semester for many of us who work as staff and faculty on college campuses in America.

    Perhaps we allowed ourselves the faintest glimmer of hope for better working conditions compared to last year, only to be met by sterile emails enforcing inflexible personnel policies, signs about “masking up” on campus as hoards of unmasked fans descend on football stadiums, and pressures to pantomime normalcy for students when our own lives feel far from normal.

    Maybe we have experienced a cruel deja vu, once again juggling hours of Zoom meetings with the needs of our unvaccinated children as the delta variant courses through schools and day care centers. Let’s say we’re not just physically and emotionally depleted, but we question whether our institutions have our best interests at heart. We might wonder if we can still enact our values in higher education, given our employers’ leadership and decision-making.

    Hypothetically speaking.

    Assuming that some part of the scenario above sounds vaguely familiar, college leaders may be casting about for ways to lift their employees’ spirits. More than a few, it seems, have turned to gimmicks that have little chance of meaningfully moving the dial on morale. That’s because the root of many morale issues in higher education run deep enough that a free T-shirt will feel shallow and even insulting.

    Morale can absolutely be improved in higher education, but it requires the type of sustained attention necessary to shift organizational culture. Leaders need to be ready to put in the work, starting with admitting there is a morale problem and actively listening to what staff and faculty are saying.
    From Burnout to Demoralization

    There was considerable discussion last fall about burnout among college staff and faculty. I wrote about how college leaders should prepare for a wave of burnout as the pandemic brewed a potent blend of constant work and worry. Recently, I’ve seen an increasing number of stories about workers who aren’t just exhausted. They are fed up.

    Stories have chronicled boycotts of in-person teaching, protests and die-ins to demand mask and vaccine mandates, faculty senate resolutions, and even faculty members walking away from jobs. I’ve heard from several colleagues at multiple institutions that morale is the lowest they have ever seen. People in higher education are using a new word to describe their experience: “demoralized.”

    Doris A. Santoro, a professor at Bowdoin College who wrote a book on teacher demoralization, has explained that teachers of all kinds are facing stressors during the pandemic that put them at heightened risk for burnout and demoralization. But she also draws clear distinctions between the two. Whereas burnout happens when teachers are entirely depleted, demoralization “happens when teachers are consistently thwarted in their ability to enact the values that brought them to the profession.” Anne Helen Peterson and John Warner have also written eloquently about demoralization and how it differs from burnout.

    Suffice it to say, demoralization suggests an ethical indictment of organizations, professions and society broadly. We still often talk about burnout (and its solutions) at the individual level, but we refer to demoralization among a group, like workers at a particular company or in an entire profession. In fact, many definitions of “morale” focus on collective sentiments, equating it to esprit de corps. Low morale, like demoralization, means a group is struggling to maintain belief in an institution or goal, especially when times get tough. As such, it provides a stronger push for people thinking about leaving their jobs. If burnout means driving while drowsy, demoralization means seeking the nearest off-ramp.
    What Has Changed This Fall?

    How did we get from burnout to demoralization in a year? In truth, the delta variant didn’t suddenly trigger demoralization. These issues predate the pandemic and have long co-existed. And, of course, the feeling isn’t universal. But it does seem like wading through another semester of Pandemic University—or, more accurately, through the ways that policymakers and college leaders responded to the pandemic—shattered many people’s fragile defenses. While writing this piece, I received many emails and messages about why morale is low at their institutions or why they left higher education, and a few themes surfaced.

    There’s a pervasive frustration that leaders didn’t learn any lessons from last year. It’s almost as if last year didn’t happen at all, or leaders are exercising a sort of selective amnesia about the trauma of the past 18 months. In practice, this manifests in zealously pursuing Normal Fall™ regardless of employees’ concerns and worsening public health indicators. Relatedly, many people feel that leaders simply aren’t listening, aren’t taking questions about fall plans in meetings, or aren’t transparently answering the questions they received. Values-based conflict emerged as staff and faculty sought compassion and thoughtful answers in the face of elevated risk and instead heard: “Everything’s fine!”

    Low compensation, of course, was frequently mentioned. A recent article in The Chronicle of Higher Education included results from a survey showing that 88 percent of respondents believed uncompetitive salaries are a top reason people leave college student affairs jobs. While staff and faculty may have previously tolerated inadequate pay, the equation changed significantly with the addition of excessive work demands and the possibility of serious illness. The fact that many leaders continued to ask employees to work under these conditions without additional compensation felt exploitative.

    Another reason for low morale is inadequate staffing. As people have left jobs, institutions have faced vacancies they haven’t been able to fill or fill fast enough. Or they simply haven’t ever hired enough people to do the work well. Sociologists Laura Hamilton and Kelly Nielsen described the pervasive and purposeful under-staffing of institutions in their book “Broke” as the austerity-driven goal of “tolerable suboptimization,” with workers “toiling under exceptionally high workloads with little relief in sight.” For many staff and faculty, the combination of low pay and ballooning workloads reveals institutions care little for employee wellbeing.

    Norms within the higher education profession aren’t helping matters. As Margaret Sallee, who recently edited a book on sustainable careers in student affairs, told me, “I’ve been so concerned about the ways that student affairs eats its people up. I think it’s been exacerbated by the pandemic … but, I hate to say it, I think it’s gotten worse in the last three months.” The profession normalizes working long hours to support students, and many senior student affairs leaders “are stuck in a rut of how we used to do things and how we’ve always done things.” Sallee attributes some of the low morale this year to disappointment after it looked like the field may shift away from these “ideal worker” norms: “Instead I just see this knee-jerk reaction to going back to how it was.”

    There are also tensions surfacing between different categories of university employees. Some workers have had autonomy to decide what was best for them and their families, while others have not. And some staff, in particular, are tired of having their expertise ignored. That’s what I heard when I spoke to a staff member at a rural community college who asked to not be named to protect their job. “Staff have degrees, they have expertise, they are publishing and doing these things that are just completely ignored by faculty,” the staff member explained. “It’s just really hard to be constantly dismissed.” They likened higher education to a class system: “I don’t have academic freedom. I don’t have any type of protection … I think that has become more apparent with the pandemic, being told who is ‘essential,’ who has to be on campus.”

    This staff member and their colleagues have been sending each other job ads: “There are data analyst jobs I could do and easily make double what I’m making.” But what bothers them about staff leaving is the sense that nobody cares. “We see a lot of ‘quit lit’ from faculty. We don’t see it often from staff, mainly because staff just disappear.”
    Gimmicks Won’t Get It Done

    Just as there were college leaders genuinely worried about burnout, there are leaders who want to do something about low morale. Too frequently, however, the solutions they devise don’t match the magnitude of the problems or initiate the long-term, cultural changes many employees desire.

    When I expressed my worry that many college leaders won’t put in the work to address low morale, my Twitter followers filled my mentions with examples of small tokens of appreciation or one-time events. It was clear they found many of these gifts or programs to range from comically unhelpful to infuriating. In no particular order, these examples included: a credit to the performing arts center, tickets to a football game, free ice cream, raffles for gift cards, a coupon to the coffee shop, food trucks, and free hats and T-shirts.

    To be clear, I don’t imagine most leaders believe these efforts will fix everything. They know what they have asked of staff and faculty during the pandemic, and they want to recognize that effort. However, they may not fully appreciate how these initiatives can trivialize concerns and have the opposite effect of what they intended.

    How Leaders Can Start to Improve Morale

    There are some obvious answers to higher education’s morale problem. People want compensation that reflects the realities of their labor and the value they bring to the institution. They also want their departments and units to be properly staffed to meet expectations and serve students well. This last point bears repeating: Students’ success is inextricably linked to staff and faculty working conditions. You don’t get the former without investing in the latter.

    It’s true that raises and adding new positions are huge expenses for most institutions, but that doesn’t make them impossible. Just as important, the price tag doesn’t prevent leaders from making a commitment and a plan. Leaders should tell staff and faculty that increasing pay is a priority, even if it takes time to implement, then develop a plan to analyze workload issues across the institution and create a timeline for addressing them. Knowing there is movement toward adequate pay and equitable workloads is more meaningful for many staff and faculty than a dozen thank-you emails.

    I’ve heard of a few other low-cost ideas. For example, leaders should think about their communication choices. I suggest they excise “return to normal” from their vocabulary, stop worshipping at the altar of “in-person” instruction and activities, and feel comfortable admitting when morale is low. Josie Ahlquist, an expert on digital leadership in higher education, recently wrote that leaders should give up on messages imbued with “toxic positivity” and consider instead a position of “critical hope.”

    I asked her about this in an interview, and she explained: “Leaders in the past could just be performative or hide behind, ‘I’m fundraising, attending big football games, and it’s all good.’ And we haven’t had ‘all good.’ To say ‘everything’s fine’ isn’t being emotionally connected.”

    She drew inspiration from professor Jessica Riddell, who wrote that many leaders have leaned on toxic positivity in their responses to the pandemic. By putting on a constantly cheery facade that brooks no dissent, leaders have silenced “candid and uncomfortable conversations.” On the other hand, critical hope acknowledges that we are in the midst of a radical transformation and welcomes complexity and discomfort as cornerstones of a process to reimagine higher education.

    Given how many people have told me they feel ignored, I can’t recommend enough the power of giving staff and faculty platforms to speak—and then listening to them. In practice, this means collecting perspectives and questions, then providing complete and transparent responses. It means bringing important campus decisions to shared governance bodies for deliberative discussion, rather than seeking “input” after the decisions have already been made. Ahlquist stressed the value of being accessible, whether it’s blocking off time for anyone in the campus community to meet, doing listening tours, or allowing people to send direct messages via social media. Even small efforts like these can help employees feel seen.

    I spoke with Terisa Riley, chancellor of the University of Arkansas at Fort Smith, after learning she asked a student affairs group on Facebook for ideas to improve staff wellbeing. “I’m a real active social listener, which will sometimes drive people crazy,” she explained. Although initially some people were suspicious of her engagement on multiple social media sites, Riley maintains it helps her get to the bottom of frustrations, note complaints, and collaborate with colleagues to find solutions.

    Listening isn’t enough to completely prevent departures. “We’ve started to face some of the turnover that we’ve been reading about,” Riley explained. But she is keenly aware that “other industries are much more flexible, they understand that the human being doesn’t divorce the family or responsibilities they have when they walk through the door at 8 a.m.”

    She’s a firm believer that higher education needs to do a better job of managing its talent. And that might mean leaders need to give people the ability to individually renegotiate their working conditions. As Riley put it: “If someone is thinking that leaving is their only option, I say, ‘Please don’t let it be. Can we talk through what you personally think you need to be here? I’ll try to help meet your needs, I want to hear from you personally.’ Because I only have 1,000 employees. I can work with all of them if I need to do it.”

    Importantly, this approach doesn’t treat workers as expendable. Colleges have a bad track record of operating as if there will be an endless supply of people who want to work at them. I think that’s both factually and ethically wrong—it’s also a terrible approach to attracting and retaining highly-skilled workers, many of whom are, at this very moment, perusing job ads.

    The simple truth is that while morale can tank quickly, rebuilding it takes time and sustained energy. And it’s harder still to rebuild as the pandemic continues. But I wouldn’t be writing this if I didn’t have my own critical hope that the “business as usual” systems and decisions that got us here can be transformed for the better. Save the T-shirts for another day and start building the type of organizational culture that staff and faculty can believe in again.

    https://www.edsurge.com/news/2021-09-27-higher-ed-we-ve-got-a-morale-problem-and-a-free-t-shirt-won-t-fi

    #burn-out #démoralisation #enseignement (pas pas que...) #ESR #université #facs #valeurs #moral

    ping @_kg_

  • The Man Behind Critical Race Theory | The New Yorker
    https://www.newyorker.com/magazine/2021/09/20/the-man-behind-critical-race-theory

    Bell spent the second half of his career as an academic and, over time, he came to recognize that other decisions in landmark civil-rights cases were of limited practical impact. He drew an unsettling conclusion: racism is so deeply rooted in the makeup of American society that it has been able to reassert itself after each successive wave of reform aimed at eliminating it. Racism, he began to argue, is permanent. His ideas proved foundational to a body of thought that, in the nineteen-eighties, came to be known as critical race theory. After more than a quarter of a century, there is an extensive academic field of literature cataloguing C.R.T.’s insights into the contradictions of antidiscrimination law and the complexities of legal advocacy for social justice.

    For the past several months, however, conservatives have been waging war on a wide-ranging set of claims that they wrongly ascribe to critical race theory, while barely mentioning the body of scholarship behind it or even Bell’s name. As Christopher F. Rufo, an activist who launched the recent crusade, said on Twitter, the goal from the start was to distort the idea into an absurdist touchstone. “We have successfully frozen their brand—‘critical race theory’—into the public conversation and are steadily driving up negative perceptions. We will eventually turn it toxic, as we put all of the various cultural insanities under that brand category,” he wrote. Accordingly, C.R.T. has been defined as Black-supremacist racism, false history, and the terrible apotheosis of wokeness. Patricia Williams, one of the key scholars of the C.R.T. canon, refers to the ongoing mischaracterization as “definitional theft.”

    Republican lawmakers, however, have been swift to take advantage of the controversy. In June, Governor Greg Abbott, of Texas, signed a bill that restricts teaching about race in the state’s public schools. Oklahoma, Tennessee, Idaho, Iowa, New Hampshire, South Carolina, and Arizona have introduced similar legislation. But in all the outrage and reaction is an unwitting validation of the very arguments that Bell made. Last year, after the murder of George Floyd, Americans started confronting the genealogy of racism in this country in such large numbers that the moment was referred to as a reckoning. Bell, who died in 2011, at the age of eighty, would have been less focussed on the fact that white politicians responded to that reckoning by curtailing discussions of race in public schools than that they did so in conjunction with a larger effort to shore up the political structures that disadvantage African Americans.

    The historians Mary L. Dudziak, Carol Anderson, and Penny Von Eschen, among others, later substantiated Bell’s point, arguing that America’s racial problems were particularly disruptive to diplomatic relations with India and the African states emerging from colonialism, which were subject to pitched competition for their allegiance from the superpowers. The civil-rights movement’s victories, Bell argued, were not a sign of moral maturation in white America but a reflection of its geopolitical pragmatism. For people who’d been inspired by the idea of the movement as a triumph of conscience, these arguments were deeply unsettling.

    Crenshaw contributed what became one of the best-known elements of C.R.T. in 1989, when she published an article in the University of Chicago Legal Forum titled “Demarginalizing the Intersection of Race and Sex: A Black Feminist Critique of Antidiscrimination Doctrine, Feminist Theory and Antiracist Politics.” Her central argument, about “intersectionality”—the way in which people who belong to more than one marginalized community can be overlooked by antidiscrimination law—was a distillation of the kinds of problems that C.R.T. addressed. These were problems that could not have been seen clearly unless there had been a civil-rights movement, but for which liberalism had no ready answer because, in large part, it had never really considered them. Her ideas about intersectionality as a legal blind spot now regularly feature in analyses not only of public policy but of literature, sociology, and history.

    As C.R.T. began to take shape, Bell became more deeply involved in an ongoing push to diversify the Harvard law-school faculty. In 1990, he announced that he would take an unpaid leave to protest the fact that Harvard Law had never granted tenure to a Black woman. Since Bell’s hiring, almost twenty years earlier, a few other Black men had joined the faculty, including Randall Kennedy and Charles Ogletree, in 1984 and 1989. But Bell, cajoled by younger feminist legal scholars, Crenshaw among them, came to recognize the unique burdens that went with being both Black and female.

    That April, Bell spoke at a rally on campus, where he was introduced by the twenty-eight-year-old president of the Harvard Law Review, Barack Obama. In his comments, Obama said that Bell’s “scholarship has opened up new vistas and new horizons and changed the standards of what legal writing is about.” Bell told the crowd, “To be candid, I cannot afford a year or more without my law-school salary. But I cannot continue to urge students to take risks for what they believe if I do not practice my own precepts.”

    In 1991, Bell accepted a visiting professorship at the N.Y.U. law school, extended by John Sexton, the dean and a former student of Bell’s. Harvard did not hire a Black woman and, in the third year of his protest, Bell refused to return, ending his tenure at the university. In 1998, Lani Guinier became the first woman of color to be given tenure at the law school.

    The 2008 election of Barack Obama to the Presidency, which inherently represented a validation of the civil-rights movement, seemed like a refutation of Bell’s arguments. I knew Bell casually by that point—in 2001, I had interviewed him for an article on the L.D.F.’s legacy, and we had kept in touch. In August of 2008, during an e-mail exchange about James Baldwin’s birthday, our discussion turned to Obama’s campaign. He suggested that Baldwin might have found the Senator too reticent and too moderate on matters of race. Bell himself was not much more encouraged. He wrote, “We can recognize this campaign as a significant moment like the civil rights protests, the 1963 March for Jobs and Justice in D.C., the Brown decision, so many more great moments that in retrospect promised much and, in the end, signified nothing except that the hostility and alienation toward black people continues in forms that frustrate thoughtful blacks and place the country ever closer to its premature demise.”

    #Derrick_Bell #Critical_race_theory #Intersectionalité

  • Research: Transforming Cities - Pathways to Sustainability
    University of Utrecht
    https://www.uu.nl/en/research/transforming-cities/research/inclusive-cities-and-global-urban-transformation

    Inclusive cities and global urban transformation

    In the face of current events such as the pandemic, climate crises, Black Lives Matter, and continually widespread urban evictions, how to envision cities to become more inclusive is increasingly an urgent question. International agendas such as the United Nations’ New Urban Agenda and 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development push forward the ideal of ‘making cities inclusive, safe, resilient, and sustainable (SDG11)’. However, they tend to result in more top-down physical infrastructural development, which create new dynamics of inclusion and exclusion. We need a set of alternative global urban strategies that address various forms of urban exclusion and survival and bottom-up experiences of sustainable development in order to establish how sustainable cities that prioritize social inclusion of vulnerable and excluded groups will look like. We propose here that the kind of sustainable urban development towards social inclusions is conceptually underpinned by agencies of urban dwellers in various urban settlements and neighborhoods, which scholars and activists are increasingly observing and analysing as everyday urban forms of socio-cultural practices and heterogeneous infrastructural constellations.
    Andheri West, Mumbai, Maharashtra, India
    Andheri West, Mumbai, Maharashtra, India, photo by Alfarnas Solkar on Unsplash

    With this platform of Global Urban Transformation and Inclusive Cities, where the critical urban scholarship and activities unpack the relationship between urban and social transformations and address questions of power relationships and political equality that underlie existing vulnerability, exclusion and marginalization of urban dwellers. The platform hopefully becomes a network where we can discuss urban social justice and inclusion, not just within the academic circles, but more specifically in city planning, policy development and public debates that shape our common urban futures.

    Planned activities:

    Call for chapter proposals for a book: Inclusive cities in times of global urban transformations: Intersectionalities, infrastructures and sustainable development.

    Workshop for sharing case studies of global urban transformation and inclusive cities for an edited book (August 2021)

    Book launch (November 2021)

    #Trust #critical_urbanism

  • Academic freedom is in crisis ; free speech is not

    In August 2020, the UK think tank The Policy Exchange produced a report on Academic Freedom in the UK (https://policyexchange.org.uk/publication/academic-freedom-in-the-uk-2), alleging a chilling effect for staff and students expressing conservative opinions, particularly pro-Brexit or ‘gender critical’ ideas. This is an issue that was examined by a 2018 parliamentary committee on Human Rights which found a lack of evidence for serious infringements of free speech (https://publications.parliament.uk/pa/jt201719/jtselect/jtrights/1279/127904.htm). In a university context, freedom of speech is protected under the Human Rights Act 1998 as long as the speech is lawful and does not contravene other university regulations on issues like harassment, bullying or inclusion. Some of these controversies have been firmly rebutted by Chris Parr (https://www.linkedin.com/pulse/free-speech-crisis-uk-universities-chris-parr) and others who describe how the incidents have been over-hyped.

    Despite this, the government seems keen to appoint a free speech champion for universities (https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2021/feb/15/tories-war-on-the-woke-ministers-statues-protests) which continues a campaign started by #Sam_Gyimah (https://academicirregularities.wordpress.com/2018/07/06/sams-on-campus-but-is-the-campus-onto-sam) when he was minister for universities in 2018, and has been interpreted by some commentators as a ‘war on woke’. In the current climate of threats to university autonomy, many vice chancellors wonder whether this might be followed by heavy fines or reduced funding for those institutions deemed to fall on the wrong side of the culture wars.

    While public concern has been directed to an imagined crisis of free speech, there are more significant questions to answer on the separate but related issue of academic freedom. Most university statutes echo legislation and guarantee academics ‘freedom within the law to question and test received wisdom, and to put forward new ideas and controversial and unpopular opinions, without placing themselves in jeopardy of losing their jobs or privileges they may have at their institutions.’ [Section 202 of the Education Reform Act 1988]. In reality, these freedoms are surrendered to the greater claims of academic capitalism, government policy, legislation, managers’ responses to the pandemic and more dirigiste approaches to academics’ work.

    Nevertheless, this government is ploughing ahead with policies designed to protect the freedom of speech that is already protected, while doing little to hold university managers to account for their very demonstrable violations of academic freedom. The government is suspicious of courses which declare a sympathy with social justice or which manifest a ‘progressive’ approach. This hostility also extends to critical race theory and black studies. Indeed, the New York Times has identified a right wing ‘Campaign to Cancel Wokeness’ (https://www.nytimes.com/2021/02/26/opinion/speech-racism-academia.html) on both sides of the Atlantic, citing a speech by the UK Equalities Minister, Kemi Badenoch, in which she said, “We do not want teachers to teach their white pupils about white privilege and inherited racial guilt…Any school which teaches these elements of critical race theory, or which promotes partisan political views such as defunding the police without offering a balanced treatment of opposing views, is breaking the law.”

    This has now set a tone for ideological oversight which some university leaders seem keen to embrace. Universities will always wish to review their offerings to ensure they reflect academic currency and student choice. However, operating under the cover of emergency pandemic planning, some are now seeking to dismantle what they see as politically troublesome subject areas.

    Let’s start with the most egregious and transparent attack on academic freedom. The University of Leicester Business School, known primarily for its disdain of management orthodoxy, has announced it will no longer support research in critical management studies (https://www.uculeicester.org.uk/redundancy-briefing) and political economy, and the university has put all researchers who identify with this field, or who at some time might have published in CMS, at risk of redundancy. Among the numerous responses circulating on Twitter, nearly all point to the fact that the critical orientation made Leicester Business School distinctive and attractive to scholars wishing to study and teach there. Among those threatened with redundancy is the distinguished former dean, Professor Gibson Burrell. The sheer volume of protest at this anomaly must be an embarrassment to Leicester management. We should remember that academic freedom means that, as a scholar of proven expertise, you have the freedom to teach and research according to your own judgement. When those in a field critical of structures of power have their academic freedom removed, this is, unarguably, a breach of that expectation. Such a violation should be of concern to the new freedom of speech champion and to the regulator, the Office for Students.

    If the devastation in the School of Business were not enough humiliation for Leicester, in the department of English, there are plans to cancel scholarship and teaching in Medieval and Early Modern literature. The thoughtless stripping out of key areas that give context and coherence within a subject is not unique to Leicester – similar moves have taken place in English at University of Portsmouth. At Leicester, management have offered the justification that this realignment will allow them to put resources towards the study of gender and sexuality. After all, the Vice Chancellor, Nishan Canagarajah, offered the keynote speech at the Advance HE conference in Equality, Diversity and Inclusion on 19th March (https://www.advance-he.ac.uk/programmes-events/conferences/EDIConf20#Keynotes) and has signalled that he supports decolonising the curriculum. This might have had more credibility if he was not equally committed to extinguishing critical scholarship in the Business School. The two positions are incompatible and reveal an opportunistic attempt to reduce costs and remove signs of critical scholarship which might attract government disapproval.

    At the University of Birmingham, the response to the difficulties of maintaining teaching during the pandemic has been to issue a ruling that three academic staff must be able to teach each module. The explanation for this apparent reversal of the ‘lean’ principle of staffing efficiency, is to make modules more resilient in the face of challenges like the pandemic – or perhaps strike action. There is a consequence for academic freedom though – only the most familiar, established courses can be taught. Courses that might have been offered, which arise from the current research of the academic staff, will have to be cancelled if the material is not already familiar to other colleagues in the department. It is a way of designing innovation and advancement out of courses at the University of Birmingham.

    Still at Birmingham, UCU is contesting a proposal for a new ‘career framework’ (https://www.timeshighereducation.com/news/strike-warning-over-birminghams-or-out-probation-plan) by management characterised as ‘up or out’. It will require newly appointed lecturers to achieve promotion to senior lecturer within five years or face the sort of performance management procedures that could lead to termination of their appointment. The junior academics who enter on these conditions are unlikely to gamble their careers on academic risk-taking or pursue a challenge to an established paradigm. We can only speculate how this apprenticeship in organisational obedience might restrain the pursuit of discovery, let alone achieve the management’s stated aim to “develop and maintain an academic culture of intellectual stimulation and high achievement”.

    Meanwhile at the University of Liverpool, Vice Chancellor Janet Beer is attempting to apply research metrics and measures of research income over a five-year period to select academics for redundancy in the Faculty of Life Sciences. Staff have been threatened with sacking and replacement by those felt to hold more promise. It will be an unwise scholar who chooses a niche field of research which will not elicit prime citations. Astoundingly, university mangers claim that their criteria are not in breach of their status as a signatory to the San Fransisco Declaration on Research Assessment (https://news.liverpool.ac.uk/2021/03/08/project-shape-update). That is correct insofar as selection for redundancy by grant income is clearly such dishonorable practice as to have been placed beyond contemplation by the international board of DORA.

    It seems we are reaching a pivotal moment for academic freedom for higher education systems across the world. In #Arkansas and some other states in the #USA, there are efforts to prohibit the teaching of social justice (https://www.chronicle.com/article/no-social-justice-in-the-classroom-new-state-scrutiny-of-speech-at-public).

    In #France, the education minister has blamed American critical race theory (https://www.theatlantic.com/ideas/archive/2020/11/france-about-become-less-free/617195) for undermining France’s self-professed race-blindness and for causing the rise of “islamo-gauchisme”, a term which has been cynically deployed to blunt any critique of structural racism.

    In Greece, universities are now bound by law to ensure policing and surveillance of university campuses (https://www.crimetalk.org.uk/index.php/library/section-list/1012-exiting-democracy-entering-authoritarianism) by ‘squads for the protection of universities’ in order to suppress dissent with the Orwellian announcement that the creation of these squads and the extensive surveillance of public Universities are “a means of closing the door to violence and opening the way to freedom” and an assertion that “it is not the police who enter universities, but democracy”.

    Conclusion

    It occurs to me that those public figures who feel deprived of a platform to express controversial views may well be outnumbered by the scholars whose universities allow their work to be suppressed by targeted intellectual purges, academic totalitarianism and metric surveillance. It is telling that assaults on academic freedom in the UK have not attracted comment or action from the organisations which might be well placed to defend this defining and essential principle of universities. I hereby call on Universities UK, the Office for Students and the freedom of speech champion to insist on an independent audit of academic freedom and autonomy for each higher education institution.

    We now know where intervention into the rights of academics to teach and research autonomously may lead. We also know that many of the candidates targeted for redundancy are UCU trade union officials; this has happened at University of East London and the University of Hull. Make no mistake, this is a PATCO moment (https://www.politico.com/story/2017/08/05/reagan-fires-11-000-striking-air-traffic-controllers-aug-5-1981-241252) for higher education in the UK as management teams try to break union support and solidarity in order to exact greater control in the future.

    Universities are the canary down the mine in an era of right-wing authoritarianism. We must ensure that they can maintain their unique responsibility to protect against the rise of populism and the dismantling of democracy. We must be assertive in protecting the rights of academics whose lawful and reasoned opinions are increasingly subject to some very sinister threats. Academic freedom needs to be fought for, just like the right to protest and the right to roam. That leaves a heavy responsibility for academics if the abolition of autonomy and academic freedom is not to be complete.

    http://cdbu.org.uk/academic-freedom-is-in-crisis-free-speech-is-not
    #liberté_académique #liberté_d'expression #UK #Angleterre #université #facs #justice_sociale #black_studies #races #race #approches_critiques #études_critiques #privilège_blanc #économie_politique #Leicester_Business_School #pandémie #crise_sanitaire #Birmingham #Liverpool #Janet_Beer #concurrence #Grèce #Etats-Unis #métrique #attaques #éducation_supérieure #populisme #démocratie #autonomie #canari_dans_la_mine

    ping @isskein @cede

    • The Campaign to Cancel Wokeness. How the right is trying to censor critical race theory.

      It’s something of a truism, particularly on the right, that conservatives have claimed the mantle of free speech from an intolerant left that is afraid to engage with uncomfortable ideas. Every embarrassing example of woke overreach — each ill-considered school board decision or high-profile campus meltdown — fuels this perception.

      Yet when it comes to outright government censorship, it is the right that’s on the offense. Critical race theory, the intellectual tradition undergirding concepts like white privilege and microaggressions, is often blamed for fomenting what critics call cancel culture. And so, around America and even overseas, people who don’t like cancel culture are on an ironic quest to cancel the promotion of critical race theory in public forums.

      In September, Donald Trump’s Office of Management and Budget ordered federal agencies to “begin to identify all contracts or other agency spending related to any training on ‘critical race theory,’” which it described as “un-American propaganda.”

      A month later, the conservative government in Britain declared some uses of critical race theory in education illegal. “We do not want teachers to teach their white pupils about white privilege and inherited racial guilt,” said the Tory equalities minister, Kemi Badenoch. “Any school which teaches these elements of critical race theory, or which promotes partisan political views such as defunding the police without offering a balanced treatment of opposing views, is breaking the law.”

      Some in France took up the fight as well. “French politicians, high-profile intellectuals and journalists are warning that progressive American ideas — specifically on race, gender, post-colonialism — are undermining their society,” Norimitsu Onishi reported in The New York Times. (This is quite a reversal from the days when American conservatives warned darkly about subversive French theory.)

      Once Joe Biden became president, he undid Trump’s critical race theory ban, but lawmakers in several states have proposed their own prohibitions. An Arkansas legislator introduced a pair of bills, one banning the teaching of The Times’s 1619 Project curriculum, and the other nixing classes, events and activities that encourage “division between, resentment of, or social justice for” specific groups of people. “What is not appropriate is being able to theorize, use, specifically, critical race theory,” the bills’ sponsor told The Arkansas Democrat Gazette.

      Republicans in West Virginia and Oklahoma have introduced bills banning schools and, in West Virginia’s case, state contractors from promoting “divisive concepts,” including claims that “the United States is fundamentally racist or sexist.” A New Hampshire Republican also proposed a “divisive concepts” ban, saying in a hearing, “This bill addresses something called critical race theory.”

      Kimberlé Crenshaw, a pioneering legal scholar who teaches at both U.C.L.A. and Columbia, has watched with alarm the attempts to suppress an entire intellectual movement. It was Crenshaw who came up with the name “critical race theory” when organizing a workshop in 1989. (She also coined the term “intersectionality.”) “The commitment to free speech seems to dissipate when the people who are being gagged are folks who are demanding racial justice,” she told me.

      Many of the intellectual currents that would become critical race theory emerged in the 1970s out of disappointment with the incomplete work of the civil rights movement, and cohered among radical law professors in the 1980s.
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      The movement was ahead of its time; one of its central insights, that racism is structural rather than just a matter of interpersonal bigotry, is now conventional wisdom, at least on the left. It had concrete practical applications, leading, for example, to legal arguments that housing laws or employment criteria could be racist in practice even if they weren’t racist in intent.

      Parts of the critical race theory tradition are in tension with liberalism, particularly when it comes to issues like free speech. Richard Delgado, a key figure in the movement, has argued that people should be able to sue those who utter racist slurs. Others have played a large role in crafting campus speech codes.

      There’s plenty here for people committed to broad free speech protections to dispute. I’m persuaded by the essay Henry Louis Gates Jr. wrote in the 1990s challenging the movement’s stance on the first amendment. “To remove the very formation of our identities from the messy realm of contestation and debate is an elemental, not incidental, truncation of the ideal of public discourse,” he wrote.

      Disagreeing with certain ideas, however, is very different from anathematizing the collective work of a host of paradigm-shifting thinkers. Gates’s article was effective because he took the scholarly work he engaged with seriously. “The critical race theorists must be credited with helping to reinvigorate the debate about freedom of expression; even if not ultimately persuaded to join them, the civil libertarian will be much further along for having listened to their arguments and examples,” he wrote.

      But the right, for all its chest-beating about the value of entertaining dangerous notions, is rarely interested in debating the tenets of critical race theory. It wants to eradicate them from public institutions.

      “Critical race theory is a grave threat to the American way of life,” Christopher Rufo, director of the Center on Wealth and Poverty at the Discovery Institute, a conservative think tank once known for pushing an updated form of creationism in public schools, wrote in January.

      Rufo’s been leading the conservative charge against critical race theory. Last year, during an appearance on Tucker Carlson’s Fox News show, he called on Trump to issue an executive order abolishing “critical race theory trainings from the federal government.” The next day, he told me, the White House chief of staff, Mark Meadows, called him and asked for his help putting an order together.

      Last month, Rufo announced a “new coalition of legal foundations and private attorneys that will wage relentless legal warfare against race theory in America’s institutions.” A number of House and Senate offices, he told me, are working on their own anti-critical race theory bills, though none are likely to go anywhere as long as Biden is president.

      As Rufo sees it, critical race theory is a revolutionary program that replaces the Marxist categories of the bourgeois and the proletariat with racial groups, justifying discrimination against those deemed racial oppressors. His goal, ultimately, is to get the Supreme Court to rule that school and workplace trainings based on the doctrines of critical race theory violate the 1964 Civil Rights Act.

      This inversion, casting anti-racist activists as the real racists, is familiar to Ian Haney López, a law professor at the University of California, Berkeley, who specializes in critical race theory. “There’s a rhetoric of reaction which seeks to claim that it’s defending these higher values, which, perversely, often are the very values it’s traducing,” he said. “Whether that’s ‘In the name of free speech we’re going to persecute, we’re going to launch investigations into particular forms of speech’ or — and I think this is equally perverse — ‘In the name of fighting racism, we’re going to launch investigations into those scholars who are most serious about studying the complex forms that racism takes.’”

      Rufo insists there are no free speech implications to what he’s trying to do. “You have the freedom of speech as an individual, of course, but you don’t have the kind of entitlement to perpetuate that speech through public agencies,” he said.

      This sounds, ironically, a lot like the arguments people on the left make about de-platforming right-wingers. To Crenshaw, attempts to ban critical race theory vindicate some of the movement’s skepticism about free speech orthodoxy, showing that there were never transcendent principles at play.

      When people defend offensive speech, she said, they’re often really defending “the substance of what the speech is — because if it was really about free speech, then this censorship, people would be howling to the high heavens.” If it was really about free speech, they should be.

      https://www.nytimes.com/2021/02/26/opinion/speech-racism-academia.html

      #droite #gauche #censure #cancel_culture #micro-agressions #Trump #Donald_Trump #Kemi_Badenoch #division #critical_race_theory #racisme #sexisme #Kimberlé_Crenshaw #Crenshaw #racisme_structurel #libéralisme #Richard_Delgado #Christopher_Rufo #Ian_Haney_López

    • No ‘Social Justice’ in the Classroom: Statehouses Renew Scrutiny of Speech at Public Colleges

      Blocking professors from teaching social-justice issues. Asking universities how they talk about privilege. Analyzing students’ freedom of expression through regular reports. Meet the new campus-speech issues emerging in Republican-led statehouses across the country, indicating potential new frontiers for politicians to shape campus affairs.

      (paywall)
      https://www.chronicle.com/article/no-social-justice-in-the-classroom-new-state-scrutiny-of-speech-at-public

  • Quelle gouvernance des #eaux pour quelle construction étatique dans les territoires palestiniens ? : l’étude des constellations hydropolitiques des eaux douces et usées entre #adaptation, #fragmentation et #colonialité

    Cette thèse propose d’étudier la coproduction de la #gestion_de_l'eau et de l’#agriculture et des processus de formations étatiques en #Cisjordanie. Elle associe l’étude des discours, des constellations d’acteurs et des processus de #territorialisation qui façonnent et résultent de la gouvernance de la #terre et de l’eau. Elle se fonde sur des travaux de terrains en Cisjordanie et des concepts de la #critical_political_ecology. L’objectif de notre recherche est de comprendre les transformations socio-politiques des territoires investis par les discours sur l’efficience pour caractériser la fragmentation du pouvoir politique en Cisjordanie. Les alliances politico-économiques dans certains territoires jouent un rôle important dans la fabrication par le haut d’une structure étatique palestinienne, ignorant et fragilisant l’organisation sociale et politique traditionnelle. Dans le même temps, les territoires délaissés par l’#Autorité_palestinienne, les bailleurs et les investissements privés s’organisent autour de nouvelles formes de tenure de l’eau et de la terre. Cette thèse contribue ainsi à éclairer les effets des politiques et projets d’amélioration de l’efficience de l’#irrigation et leurs implications dans la formation d’une structure étatique en Cisjordanie.

    http://www.theses.fr/2020MON30008

    #Palestine #eau #eau_douce #eaux_usées #écologie_politique #thèse #doctorat #Jeanne_Perrier
    –—

    Pour info, l’autrice de cette thèse n’a pas obtenu la qualif :
    https://twitter.com/Thesard_es/status/1370789575094849544

    ping @nepthys @reka

    • Les lois palestiniennes de l’eau : entre #centralisation, #décentralisation et mise en #invisibilité

      Cet article explore les processus de #réformes des lois palestiniennes de l’eau, en particulier la dernière loi de l’eau promulguée en 2014. Ces réformes législatives s’inscrivent dans un contexte international de modernisation des lois de l’eau, et dans un contexte national palestinien d’une réforme de la gestion de l’eau entamée en 2008. Celles-ci reprennent les idées clés formulées dans les Principes de Dublin en 1992. L’État et le concept d’efficience se retrouvent au cœur des dispositions des lois modernes de l’eau, et s’accommodent parfaitement du contexte conflictuel entre Israël et l’Autorité palestinienne.
      L’objectif de cet article est de déconstruire le processus de réformes de la gestion de l’eau palestinienne pour comprendre les véritables enjeux de pouvoir. Pour y parvenir, nous analyserons le contexte politique et discursif de production de la loi de l’eau palestinienne de 2014. Celle-ci a pour objectif de mettre en place une gestion plus démocratique des ressources en eau, notamment à travers un processus de décentralisation de l’Autorité palestinienne de l’eau vers de nouveaux acteurs, tels que les fournisseurs régionaux ou encore les associations d’usagers de l’eau. Cependant sa mise en œuvre s’avère un échec. Cet article montre comment elle a ignoré les constellations hydropolitiques locales et les enjeux de pouvoir entre les différents acteurs de cette gestion de l’eau.
      Le pouvoir de l’Autorité palestinienne de l’eau reste limité. Il se heurte à la réalité du pluralisme juridique, en pratique dans la gestion de l’eau palestinienne. L’occupation israélienne accentue ces difficultés. Cependant, les outils législatifs, tels que la loi de l’eau de 2014 et les récentes réglementations, permettent d’avancer petit à petit les pions d’une centralisation de la gestion des ressources en eau. Ainsi, les discours de décentralisation promus par les bailleurs de fonds et repris par l’Autorité palestinienne de l’eau pour justifier les réformes sur l’eau cachent une dynamique d’intégration verticale de la gestion des ressources en eau. Le règlement sur les associations d’usagers de l’eau en est exemple frappant. L’analyse des documents législatifs couplés aux stratégies palestiniennes et aux dynamiques internes nous permet de révéler ces dynamiques de centralisation qui menacent les pratiques locales de la gestion de l’eau.

      https://www.afd.fr/fr/ressources/les-lois-palestiniennes-de-leau-entre-centralisation-decentralisation-et-mise-en

    • Water driven Palestinian agricultural frontiers: the global ramifications of transforming local irrigation

      Water-driven Palestinian agricultural frontiers:the global ramifications of transforming local irrigation Julie Trottier1Jeanne PerrierCNRS, FranceUniversité Paul Valéry, FranceAbstractIn agricultural transformations, small scale farmer driven processes interact with globally driven processes. Donor-led or foreign investor-led irrigation development systematically interacts with local, farmer-led irrigation development. This article harnesses Kopytoff’s concept of ’interstitial frontier’to study such interactions. It discusses the shape an agricultural frontier may have and its interactions with local forms of water and land tenure. It discusses the manner in which changing access to water may spur the development of agricultural pioneer fronts. It distinguishes surface water driven, groundwater driven and wastewater driven agricultural frontiers. It then explores the manner such frontiers are transforming water tenure in the West Bank. This is an important aspect of the globalization of Palestinian society. The method this article develops is applicable elsewhere. Within interstitial frontiers, investors, whether local farmers or outsiders, enroll a globally maintained scientific discourse of efficient water use to secure donor funding. Meanwhile, they try developing clientelist ties with the authorities to secure their new access to water. The impacts on neighbouring, peasant-run irrigated systems, food security, housing security and many other mechanisms that sustain a society, are important and too often neglected

      https://halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-02103773v1

  • [Les Promesses de l’Aube] « Promesses » quand tu nous tiens
    http://www.radiopanik.org/emissions/les-promesses-de-l-aube/promesses-quand-tu-nous-tient

    Elise en différé, #Laszlo, #Jean-Phi et #Violaine en direct du studio vous reveillent !

    Entre éphémerides, billet d’humeur, point zad et point culture.

    #La_Marmite et leur nouveau clip : CoronaHiatus-1984 sont avec v.nous.

    #Extinction_Rebellion #Elise #Critical_Mass #Extinction_Rebellion,Jean-Phi,Laszlo,Elise,Violaine,La_Marmite,Critical_Mass
    http://www.radiopanik.org/media/sounds/les-promesses-de-l-aube/promesses-quand-tu-nous-tient_09361__1.mp3

  • Academics are not a #vital_profession

    Amidst the COVID-19 crisis, Dutch universities claim the status of ‘vital profession’, but that claim gambles with the health of academics and support and maintenance staff. Shocking as it may be to take in, most academics do not perform ‘vital’ tasks, and ‘business as usual’ is not what is demanded from educational leadership at this moment.

    There is no democracy without a vibrant intellectual climate, and universities are an important constitutive element of such a climate. Acutely, however, most of what academics in universities do can be missed, or at the very least postponed. At this point in the COVID-19 crisis, we should admit this, rather than claim special status in order to stick to the bureaucratic formats that have become the prevailing ways in which academic teaching is performed. It may come as a shock to academics, well-versed as we are in accumulating signs of status, but nurses, doctors, firemen, (hospital) janitors, primary school teachers, shop keepers, and electricity mechanics are much more vital at this moment than most academics. And this should have consequences for the ways universities respond to the current situation.
    A vital profession?

    When Dutch academics began asking for a ‘vital profession’ status in this pandemic, this initially struck us as a joke. The Dutch government had decided to close all schools, but remain open for parents with a ‘vital profession’ and no alternative childcare. ‘Vital professions’ include educational staff, but mostly as a way to support health care professionals, meaning teachers in primary schools. And beyond that, ‘vital professions’ include teachers with responsibility for secondary schooling exams. It soon turned out that, indeed, academics and universities were not joking but were actively lobbying to be considered ‘vital’, so that they too could claim continued access to childcare and schools. The lobby was successful, apparently, because on March 17, the VSNU sent the following press release:

    “University staff fall under the ‘crucial professions’ when they are needed to organise (distance) education, as the VSNU is assured by the Ministry of Education, Culture and Science. According to the VSNU, this definition applies in practice in any case, but not exhaustively, to:

    Teachers
    ICT personnel required to maintain the ICT infrastructure and distance learning support programmes.

    For further information we refer to the website of the central government.”

    Subsequently, emails were distributed with messages such as this: ‘The ministry has clarified that university teachers belong to the vital occupations in the Netherlands. This means that if you have no one else at home who can take care of your children, you have a right to send them to daycare or school.’

    As of yet, however, this ‘vital profession’ status is not made explicit on the official government website the VSNU refers to, although the Ministry of Education sent a letter to Parliament on March 19th confirming this ‘vital profession’ status. The list on the central government’s website, however, still only mentions ‘school teachers’ – a label university boards appear, all of a sudden, to be entirely comfortable with.

    “It may come as a shock to academics but nurses, doctors, firemen, (hospital) janitors, primary school teachers, shop keepers, and electricity mechanics are much more vital at this moment.”

    These emails were surely meant to support staff that was struggling to combine work and care at home. Teaching staff in particular has indeed been put in a highly stressful and overwhelming situation, trying to ‘move’ teaching to online spaces, navigate anxieties about the pandemic and worries about loved ones, often while juggling homeschooling and childcare. It makes sense to provide support. Yet, the ‘vital professions’ claim makes clear that universities as employers have difficulty organizing solidarity.

    Yes, some courses run through this semester and certainly, students should be enabled to graduate this academic year (that is, in absence of compensation enabling an extra year of study). But not all staff is involved in these tasks. Instead of effectively redistributing work and supporting staff that needs the support, the universities opted for a general ‘vital profession’ claim, effectively overburdening the already quite precarious health care system and schools in the Netherlands while exposing more people than necessary to infection. In the process, choices that are highly personal and ethical – do I take my child to daycare in the midst of a pandemic? – are decided by decree.
    The delirium of ‘impact’

    For some time now, Dutch universities are in a delirium over their ‘impact to society’. Being a ‘vital profession’ is part of that delirium. And it takes our mind off of what should now be done. Many students are not coping with the situation in such a way that it allows for the ‘business as usual’ model currently adopted. Especially international students are struggling. They are anxious about the virus itself and are far away from family, or they have moved back home and are therefore far away from the university. Students do not always have the support network in place to help them through this crisis and they often live in very small rooms. With hospitality and other businesses locked down, many also have to survive without the additional income they earn in part time jobs. The students need support and universities’ staff is offering this, often by digital means and from home. But many students, and in particular international students, we find, need more to alleviate mental stress and financial uncertainty about the future.

    The first thing not to do, is to act as if we’re in ‘business as usual’. What we see happening is massive resources being deployed to keep students to deadlines rather than apply leniency, to not change teaching objectives (bureaucratically expressed in ‘learning goals’), to move all face-to-face teaching to online, digitally mediated teaching, through platforms controlled by the tech industry. This is madness. We are experiencing a crisis unprecedented in the history of modern higher education, which is profoundly changing the nature of higher education while putting everybody, students and staff, under intense pressure. In the face of a transformation of such magnitude, ‘business as usual’ cannot be the preferred course of action. There are two main reasons for this.
    We cannot teach, so don’t pressure students to learn

    The first is that teaching cannot properly be done. Only when education and pedagogy is expressed in bureaucratic ‘learning goals’ does it make sense to provide students with recorded lectures and consider it equivalent to what the meeting of students and teachers can and should be. Digital alternatives are, of course, provided with the best intentions, and considered as substitutes for lack of better options. But the very idea that they are substitutes is revealing with respect to how our society has to come understand what education is. What we have to resist is the idea that we are now doing ‘online teaching’.

    “Students are anxious about the virus itself, about being far away from family, or moved back home and therefore far away from the university.”

    What we are doing, rather, is trying to make it to the end of the semester without harming the interests of our students. But in the current crisis, the flight to the digital is a form of denial rather than a way of coping with the crisis. This is the hard pill to swallow: teaching, challenging each other’s minds, studying and discovering together, is not possible at the moment. Therefore, in order to ensure that students do not incur delays, why not enact leniency, and adapt learning goals given the circumstances under which learning must take place? Why stick to bureaucratically engrained ‘learning goals’? Alternative options should be considered, such as a pass or fail grading option, or adapting exam requirements.

    The second is that the ‘business as usual’ approach takes an exorbitant toll on supporting staff and outsourced personnel and heightens inequalities between tenured and temporary staff, and therefore signifies a lack of solidarity of academics with support staff, catering services, cleaning staff, as well as with primary school teachers and day care professionals. When we received the first emails requesting us to work from home and ‘move teaching online’, it became apparent which workers were asked to continue being on site: maintenance staff. Some of those e-mails assured staff who needed to come in for emergency meetings that ‘coffee machines will continue to be maintained, and can be used.’ So, workers were, and currently are, maintaining coffee machines and cleaning offices, after academics were already working home and before the buildings began to close (but note that many buildings remain open).

    “The first thing not to do, is to act as if we’re in ‘business as usual’.”

    This put maintenance staff, generally badly paid and often non-white, at risk of being infected with COVID-19. The vitality of academics, thus depends on the vulnerability of others to a potentially lethal disease. And after the schools closed on Monday March 16th, it also put them in the situation of needing to make arrangements for childcare in order to show up for their job, just because we presumably cannot endure without our coffee. It is crucial that in the time to come, we include outsourced maintenance staff in our considerations of who is the university and who is actually ‘vital’. This crisis has made visible, yet again, that, to a large extent, vital work is indeed social reproductive work – the work that makes so-called productive work possible in the first place. We should make sure that, like academic staff, maintenance staff should continue to be paid throughout this crisis, and that no one loses their job in this crisis.

    What we demand from Dutch universities:

    1) Barring medical researchers and staff who are immediately involved in managing the COVID-19 crisis, the claim to a ‘vital profession’ should be rescinded;

    2) All efforts should be aimed at providing relief for students, and this includes leniency, adjusting deadlines, extra retakes, all in such a way as to make sure students can both move on with their studies or graduate, and incur the least financial burdens;

    3) Both the safety and the continuation of pay for support and maintenance staff should be secured, regardless of whether their work has been outsourced;

    4) Temporary staff in particular requires extra support; leniency should be applied in tenure tracks, and PhD trajectories should be extended.

    5) Pressure should be put on the central government to provide financial support for temporary staff, but in particular for students. Government has announced a huge package of financial relief measures for businesses. Why not for students? The forgiving of student debt and the extension of studies without tuition are two obvious options beyond postponing debt payments and, effectively, extending student debt, as announced by the Ministry’s letter to Parliament of March 19.

    Earlier this, week, hundreds of Cambridge students asked their university to let them retake this year. These are not outrageous demands; they are demands that appreciate the size of what hit us, and of what is likely to come. It is time to start operating in radically different registers, that face the magnitude of what is happening to our educational institutions in and beyond this crisis. Rather than a digitized ‘business as usual’, this is what is demanded of the kind of educational leadership now required.

    https://www.scienceguide.nl/2020/03/academics-are-not-a-vital-profession
    #Pays-Bas #profession_vitale #coronavirus

    Ce terme de #profession_vitale , appliquée au monde académique... à rapprocher avec celui de #continuité_pédagogique en France :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/831759

    #terminologie #mots #vocabulaire

  • « Five Ways This Impeachment Isn’t Good Enough » by umair haque, 15.10.2019
    https://eand.co/five-ways-this-impeachment-isnt-good-enough-5b4207248572
    #awareness #fascism #impeachment #critic

    Main argument of the article: America is unable to do justice to fascism and authoritarianism and this moral failure is going to weight on american people for long after an (hypothetical) impeachment.

    « We are trying for a President to be tried for the least bad thing he’s done — not his true evils. Among a long, long list of truly terrible and horrific evils to choose from: building camps, putting kids in them, tearing families apart, inciting violence, dehumanizing vulnerable people, and so forth.

    We might feel a sense of strength and power now [if we would impeach him] — but that is just mania, just frenzy, a high. What trying a monster for the least bad thing he has done tells history and the world how weak the society which tries him really is. […]

    America will not be respected again. At least not in our lifetimes. Its friends will abandon it, its enemies will laugh at it. And in its own eyes, too, it will lose self-respect. That much is deserved for those who give evil a free pass. Isn’t it? »

  • Quoi ? Rien sur la #critical_mass sur seenthis ?

    La Critical Mass de #Genève fête ses 20 ans !

    Depuis bientôt 20 ans, qu’il vente, qu’il pleuve ou qu’il neige, tous les derniers vendredis du mois se déroule à Genève un événement à nul autre pareil. Pour dénoncer l’emprise du trafic motorisé sur l’#espace_public, des gens à #vélos se donnent rendez-vous ce jour-là à 18h30 au pont des Bergues, point de départ de la critical mass. Regard croisé d’Alain et Eddie (prénoms d’emprunt) sur cette coïncidence cycliste et cyclique qui va bien au-delà d’une simple balade à vélo.


    https://renverse.co/home/chroot_ml/ml-geneve/ml-geneve/public_html/local/cache-gd2/00/6990edb887ff96b80aa6217bd31f42.jpg?1557935250

    #vélo #vélos #vendredi #vendredis

    En France, je dirais qu’on appelle cela #Vélorution...
    Ici à #Grenoble : https://www.le-tamis.info/evenement/velorution-grenobloise

    La Vélorution est une #manifestation à #bicyclette, ouverte à toutes et tous avec les idées de chacun et chacune. Sachant que l’un des moyens les plus efficaces de diminuer les risques en vélo est d’atteindre une #masse_critique de cyclistes, nous proposons de se réunir tous les derniers vendredi du mois pour une #déambulation_militante dans les rues de Grenoble et alentours.

    Les vélorutions se distinguent des véloparades par leur aspect plus revendicatif et politique. Nous revendiquons le #droit_de_circuler_en_sécurité (augmentation du nombre de cyclistes, limitation du trafic motorisé, création d’infrastructures, etc. ).


    #revendications

    ping @carfree

  • Walking a mile in someone else’s shoes — Northstar Community
    https://www.northstarcommunity.com/devotionals/2019/2/3/walking-a-mile-in-someone-elses-shoes

    My husband and I are practicing the discipline of not blaming. It’s hard not to complain when we believe someone else made a mistake whose consequence we live with, but the damage done by criticizing and blaming is harder.

    #blame #criticism

  • You’re not even criticising #scrum
    https://hackernoon.com/youre-not-even-criticising-scrum-caecf4eb19d3?source=rss----3a8144eabfe3

    I’ve been reading quite a bit of material produced by the #agile community of late. I’ve looked into engineering practices and culture. I’ve observed agile metrics and product identification. I’ve even stumbled into the realm of marketing and team building. In all of this, I’ve seen the same old trope wheeled out — “Scrum isn’t appropriate for the modern age”. Then, what follows is what I can only describe as the ultimate straw man convention. Arguments so fragile, I could write an application in VB.net and brute force them into submission. With that in mind, I thought I’d address some of the common critiques that I bump into regularly.Scrum is old nowI’m endlessly confused by people who equate an idea being old with it being ineffective. People just say “Scrum isn’t relevant any more” and leave it (...)

    #scrum-criticisms #criticising-scrum #kanban

  • What is Critical Citizen Science? (A Dialogue - Part 1) (avec images) · danmcquillan · Storify

    http://storify.com/danmcquillan/what-is-critical-citizen-science-a-dialogue

    royalist: what is this critical citizen science of which you speak?
    nomad: it is a way of seeing and a way of being critical; it is these fused in to a practice.
    royalist: be more specific! what does it consist of? and why now?
    nomad: it consists of these things; crowdmapping, open hardware sensors, emerging hackerspaces, the internet of things. it breathes through the critical pedagogy of Paulo Freire and critical conviviality of Ivan Illich. it will make your eyes roll...

    –---

    What is Critical Citizen Science? (A Dialogue - Part 2) (avec images) · danmcquillan · Storify
    http://storify.com/danmcquillan/what-is-critical-citizen-science-a-dialogue-part-2

    When we last spoke, you conveyed a reasonable sense of gathering innovation around crowdmapping, open hardware sensors and the internet of things. I’m even persuaded that some communities will be proactive in their citizen science, not just enrolled in an establishment activity. Why pepper the whole thing with a mystical metaphysics about Royal Science and Smooth Science?
    nomad: Starting from the technical conditions of daily life, critical citizen science will come to question the nature of science itself. “The problem is not with science’s actual, particular positive claims; but rather with its pretensions to universality, its need to deny the validity of all claims and practices other than its own” says Shaviro, summarising Stengers. In the practice of critical citizen science, this challenge will be come inescapable.

    #critical_science #Dan_Mc_QUillan