We’re Not Innovating, We’re Just Forgetting Slower
▻https://www.elektormagazine.com/articles/opinion-no-innovation-forgetting-slower
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#innovation #history #memory #culture #knowledge #complexity #reliability #hypecycle #understanding #technology
Editorial: Innovative and creative behaviours in the modern #workplace: causes and consequences
▻https://www.frontiersin.org/journals/psychology/articles/10.3389/fpsyg.2025.1647616/full
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#innovation #creativity #work #psychology #organizations #culture #managementHR #motivation #knowledgesharing #training #leadership #LMX
Macron, Rachida Dati : mais qui veut la peau du « Palais de la Découverte » ?
▻https://www.lemediatv.fr/emissions/2025/macron-rachida-dati-mais-qui-veut-la-peau-du-palais-de-la-decouverte-OfwwW
Le Palais de la Découverte, joyau de la vulgarisation scientifique, est-il condamné à disparaître ?
À Nantes, la chasse à l’homme est devenue une 🏴affaire de femmes 🏴🖕
▻https://nantes.indymedia.org/posts/148149/a-nantes-la-chasse-a-lhomme-est-devenue-une-%f0%9f%8f%b4affaire-de
Le décor est planté, ici même, à Nantes. Une jeune femme de 19 ans, lardée de 50 coups de couteau par son ex. Un crime qui aurait pu, qui aurait DÛ être évité. Car ce n’est pas un drame imprévisible, c’est le résultat d’une faillite systémique, d’un abandon organisé. Analysons…
#anarcha-féminisme #culture_du_viol #vss #Nantes_et_alentours #Local
« La rue n’est pas qu’un décor : c’est un espace à reconquérir » – Entretien avec #Dugudus
▻https://lvsl.fr/la-rue-nest-pas-quun-decor-cest-un-espace-a-reconquerir-entretien-avec-dugudus
Depuis plusieurs années, les œuvres de Dugudus se sont imposées dans le paysage visuel de la gauche française. Connu pour son style distinctif et pour son engagement politique, celui qui se présente comme un « graphiste social » a su allier l’art et le militantisme pour créer des visuels qui résonnent avec les luttes sociales. Dans cet […]
#Culture #Entretiens #affiches_politiques #art #culture #Esthétique #France_Insoumise #graphisme #Nouveau_Front_Populaire #PCF #Ruffin
Trump Has a Thin Cultural Vision of the Future
▻https://jacobin.com/2025/06/trump-culture-traditionalism-fascism-history
Est-ce que le #trumpisme est un #fascisme ? La réponse n’est pas évidente. Sur le plan culturel il est mille fois est pire que le fascisme italien et cent fois plus réactionnaire que les #nazis allemands. Au fond il a une vision apocalyptique qui se nourrit du récit de l’enlèvement évangélical et de L’Île à hélice pris un peu trop au sérieux par la noblesse libertaire de la silicon valley .
24.6.2025 by Matthew Grumbach - On art and culture, Donald Trump and the movement behind him are offering a highly circumscribed vision of the future in comparison to far-right movements of the past.
On November 16, 1989, protesters lined the sidewalk outside of Artists Space in New York City to protest the rescinding of federal funds for an exhibition dedicated to the AIDS crisis. The National Endowment for the Arts (NEA) had withdrawn a $10,000 grant because, as then NEA director John E. Frohnmayer claimed, “a large portion of the content [was] political rather than artistic in nature.”
The cut came on the heels of NEA-supported exhibitions featuring works by the artists Andres Serrano and Robert Mapplethorpe. These exhibitions sparked debates in Congress, with far-right Senator Jesse Helms and Representative William Dannemeyer pushing through tighter controls over what kinds of art could receive federal funding.
The AIDS activist group ACT UP and the artist David Wojnarowicz were quick to call out Frohnmayer’s dissimulations and homophobia at the NEA. Wojnarowicz linked the right-wing backlash to earlier waves of repression, writing, “We as a society have been in this political climate before. It is cyclical and similar bigots and extremists have reared their conservative/fascist heads before in order to conduct witch-hunts.” Like today, the invocation of fascism was not uncommon. A sign at the Artists Space protest read, “Fascism begins with censorship.”
Although the funding was eventually restored, the NEA’s reversal was a Pyrrhic victory and set the stage for culture war battles to come. As we face a new wave of censorship and cuts, analogies to fascism abound and have galvanized debate. In a recent Guardian piece, Naomi Klein and Astra Taylor describe Trumpism’s vision of endless war and assert that we are facing an end-times fascism that offers no utopian future. The seemingly peripheral sphere of cultural policy can help us assess this provocative claim. Examining matters of art not only confirms that today’s neofascism does not offer a future vision comparable to classical fascism but also reveals the contradictions of Trumpism’s shallow mode of governance.
Trump’s Miserly Return to the Past
One of the first moves that provoked comparisons to fascism came in late 2020 when Trump issued the Executive Order on Promoting Beautiful Federal Civic Architecture. The order criticized modernist architecture and called for new federal buildings to use classical and traditional designs (picture the US Capitol Building and its Corinthian columns). On January 20, 2025, Trump doubled down and released a memorandum directing the General Services Administration to come up with a plan “to advance the policy that Federal public buildings should be visually identifiable as civic buildings and respect regional, traditional, and classical architectural heritage.”
Beyond architecture, Trump 2.0 has continued down the traditionalist path and staged a hostile takeover of federal art institutions. First came the purges at the Kennedy Center, where Trump named himself chairman. Under its new direction, the center will no longer honor “radical left lunatics.” Then, in March 2025, Trump issued an executive order charging J. D. Vance with the task of removing “improper ideology” from the Smithsonian Institution. If Trump’s vision for federal architecture recalled the monumental neoclassicism of Albert Speer, then the overhaul of the Smithsonian was the nail in the coffin that prompted further comparisons with the Nazis and their purging of “degenerate art.”
However, Trump’s cultural policy is not only marked by historical revisionism, traditionalism, and a backward-looking élan. It is also exceptionally austere, even for a nation with a stingy welfare state. Not only has the administration drastically shrunk the National Endowment for the Humanities (NEH), but in May 2025, the NEA began canceling grants for arts organizations across the country. The termination letters state that “the NEA is updating its grantmaking policy priorities to focus funding on projects that reflect the nation’s rich artistic heritage and creativity as prioritized by the President.” The agency specifically plans on elevating projects that “foster AI competency,” “foster skilled trade jobs,” and “make America healthy again,” among other stated aims.
Given these new priorities, it is doubtful that we will see robust public funding for the arts anytime soon, even for art that conforms to Trumpism’s hackneyed patriotism. As of now, the only major projects on the table are the National Garden of American Heroes sculpture park and the Celebrate America! grant program, the NEH soliciting applications in preparation for the 250th anniversary of the Declaration of Independence in 2026.
Art Under Italian Fascism
While it is possible that the National Garden of American Heroes may end up resembling the ring of marble athletic sculptures that encloses the Foro Mussolini’s Stadio dei Marmi, that is where the similarities end. With regard to culture, Trumpism is both more traditionalist and repressive, and less generous and visionary than Italian Fascism.
Stadio dei Marmi in Rome Italy. (Wikimedia Commons)
Since Nazism looms large in the public consciousness and tends to be the focus of liberal scholars of fascism like Jason Stanley and Timothy Snyder, the bulk of recent commentary often collapses key distinctions between German and Italian fascism. One major difference has to do with how the regimes approached art.
Whereas the Nazis promoted a naturalist, sentimental realism, with Adolf Hitler demanding the “absolute correctness in the presentation of the female and male body,” no such mandate emerged in fascist Italy. Benito Mussolini called for the creation of “a new art of our times” and when artists and intellectuals debated how to fulfill the Duce’s wishes in the pages of Critica fascista, they came to the consensus that the regime should not intervene in the artistic process and established that fascist art needed to be socially engaged but not overtly didactic or propagandistic.
The cultural empresario and Critica fascista founder Giuseppe Bottai held tight to these principles. His often-repeated credo was, “Fascism does not promulgate aesthetics.” When he took charge of the Ministry of National Education in 1936, Bottai expanded the state patronage system and supported modernism from Novecento and futurism to post-impressionism and post-Cubism. Through competitions, state acquisitions, and encouragement prizes, avant-garde artists were rewarded for producing artworks that instilled national values and reflected the progress of the fascist epoch.
In addition to providing direct financial assistance to artists, Bottai and his deputies also spearheaded new initiatives that sought to increase traffic between center and periphery and ensure that Italy’s underdeveloped south was not deprived of culture. These measures aligned with the regime’s broader efforts to democratize culture through subsidizing train tickets for art exhibitions and programs like the Sabato teatrale, which provided discounted tickets to theater performances.
Of course, like Trumpism, Italian Fascism was embroiled in internal conflict and factional disputes, and not all fascists agreed with Bottai’s modernist approach to state patronage. The bellicose squadristi leader and former secretary of the National Fascist Party Roberto Farinacci and his philonazi faction were fierce critics. In the province where he ruled, Farinacci established the Premio Cremona, a painting competition that had prescribed themes and promoted an Italian version of national socialist realism.
The fascist culture wars went deeper than matters of taste and reflected long-standing tensions. In the early 1920s, after the March on Rome, Bottai and Farinacci were locked in a struggle over the future of fascism. According to the historian Edward Tannenbaum, “the squadristi idea of the fascist revolution was the conversion of Italy to a demagogic, gangsterlike form of militarism.” Bottai did not wholly oppose violence, but for him it represented “the negative phase of fascism,” and once the movement achieved power, it would have to move from destruction to construction.
The fascist future that he envisioned would be realized through “translating ideas into institutions.” To fulfill the revolution, it was thus incumbent on the movement to consolidate the state and expand its activities and functions. Bottai’s approach to cultural policy reflected his conviction that fascism ultimately needed to build something new and articulate a positive vision.
End-Times Fascism and Hegemony in the Long Downturn
Some scholars have grown wary of using classical fascism as a yardstick against which to measure the far right. And while there may be drawbacks to identifying new forms of fascism using the example of interwar Europe as our sole criteria, considering figures like Bottai and Farinacci can help us decipher the vision of Trumpism.
Klein and Taylor argue that the techno-capitalist and populist wings of Trumpism have converged on an apocalyptic politics of destruction that, unlike classical fascism, offers no “vision for a future golden age after the bloodbath that, for its in-group, would be peaceful, pastoral and purified.” While it is certainly not a perfect double, Trumpism’s “supremacist survivalism” dovetails with Farinacci’s rural gangsterism.
Given the libertarian leanings of the techno-capitalists, this is perhaps not surprising. In Late Fascism, Alberto Toscano notes the similarities between Italian Fascism’s “state-led anti-statism,” of which Farinacci was an exponent, and the minimal state advocated by market fundamentalists like Ludwig von Mises. The techno-capitalists that surround Trump are just the latest in a long line of progeny.
Focusing on trade policy, Adam Tooze has responded that Trumpism does indeed have a future vision that delivers by rejecting the status quo, reviving blue-collar manufacturing, and instilling unity through sacrifice so men can return to heavy industry. John Ganz also emphasizes the gendered dimensions of this industrial promise land. And Jamelle Bouie lists off Trump’s many destructive attacks but ends up siding with Tooze and Ganz to affirm that Trumpism has a future orientation that fits the definition of reactionary modernism.
But if Farinacci in some ways prefigures Trumpism’s narrow horizon, how does Bottai square with Trumpism’s techno-industrial futurism? However imperfect, the art initiatives that Bottai established offer a glimpse of the kinds of programs that fascists developed to break down regional divides, mobilize different segments of the population, transform their consciousness, and sometimes even put money in their pockets. When we consider the scope of these programs, the future vision that Tooze, Ganz, and Bouie attribute to Trumpism looks skimpy and circumscribed.
Trumpism’s future orientation at best constitutes a thin form of hegemony. It is often forgotten that Antonio Gramsci’s concept of hegemony is not a purely ideological phenomenon. The ruling classes need to make their narrow economic interests appear as the universal interest of society, yes, but the exercise of hegemony also requires that they develop their organizational capacity and make real material concessions to subordinate groups.
The Right has made strides in this direction by building a robust network of think tanks and media outlets. Art, however, plays less of a role in the exercise of hegemony than it did in the past. This is not only because Trumpism’s populist wing denounces cosmopolitan elites, but also because the techno-capitalists appear uninterested.
Michael McCarthy notes “that despite being flush with cash, the crypto world has failed to fund any truly public goods like public education, health, or even more mundane things like public infrastructure, parks for sports, or public centers for art making. Instead, this world funds the renaming of stadiums, like the Crypto.com Arena in Los Angeles and SBF’s FTX Arena in Miami, or Superbowl ads.”
And while pronatalist baby bonuses are a step toward redistribution, it is hard to say if anti-woke TikTok videos, space fantasies, Ultimate Fighting Championship fights, and psychological wages will secure the active consent of the masses in the long run or endow Trumpism with a unifying moral-cultural vision. There is also a good chance that Trumpism will slide into domination without hegemony due to structural and economic constraints. Even if Steve Bannon, Josh Hawley, and the populist wing begin to command greater influence, how will Trumpism deliver the goods if the state is nothing but a hollow shell?
Upward redistribution remains the rule of the day, and it is unlikely that the kind of zero-sum redistribution that Bannon hopes would uplift white Christian households will come to pass as productivity growth slows and profitability declines. When we combine historical comparison with considerations of how neoliberal conditions reduce state functions and constrain the exercise of hegemony, Klein and Taylor’s diagnosis of end-times fascism looks more and more convincing.
We obviously cannot accept any form of fascism, whether it resembles the bleak Farinaccian version or the more inventive one that Bottai helped construct. Specifying the contours of neofascism is critical for locating our adversary’s vulnerabilities and determining how we resist. As alarming as end-times fascism sounds, it is unclear whether it is sustainable and can produce a resilient form of rule.
If Trumpism transforms society into a bunker world, then civil society is likely to degenerate, perhaps becoming “primordial and gelatinous,” as Gramsci once referred to civil society in tsarist Russia. Without “a sturdy structure of civil society” to offer support, end-times fascism may prove unstable. Time will tell. But as Klein and Taylor argue, any future success will hinge on our ability to unify a mass movement that articulates “a story not of end times, but of better times.”
NEH Announces Grant Opportunity to Create Statues of Iconic Americans for the National Garden of American Heroes | National Endowment for the Humanities
▻https://www.neh.gov/news/neh-announces-grant-opportunity-create-statues-iconic-americans-national-garden
First proposed by President Trump in 2020, the National Garden of American Heroes sculpture garden will feature life-size statues of 250 great individuals from America’s past who have contributed to our cultural, scientific, economic, and political heritage. The National Garden, which will be constructed for the 2026 semiquincentennial and located at a site to be determined, will create a public space where Americans can gather to learn about and honor American heroes.
Enlèvement de l’Église
▻https://fr.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Enl%C3%A8vement_de_l%27%C3%89glise?searchToken=d9fxncl6q2lx2g0yj4uic
L’Île à hélice
►https://fr.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/L%27%C3%8Ele_%C3%A0_h%C3%A9lice
Texte
▻https://fr.m.wikisource.org/wiki/L%E2%80%99%C3%8Ele_%C3%A0_h%C3%A9lice
Liste de prédictions de la fin du monde
▻https://fr.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Liste_de_pr%C3%A9dictions_de_la_fin_du_monde
septembre 1935 Cet évangélique annonce que « le monde va « bouffer » et disparaître » en septembre 1935. Voliva, qui a acquis une notoriété nationale grâce à sa vigoureuse défense de la doctrine de la terre plate, a également prédit que la fin du monde viendrait en 1923, 1927, 1930, 1934 et 1935. États-Unis Wilbur Glenn Voliva (en), Protestants, Évangéliques
Date : 1936 Événement : Le fondateur de l’Église universelle de Dieu a dit aux membres de son église que l’enlèvement devait avoir lieu en 1936 et qu’ils seraient seuls sauvés. Après l’échec de sa prophétie, il a changé la date trois fois. Lieu : États-Unis Prédicatdur : Herbert W. Armstrong (en), Protestants, Évangéliques
1943 La première des trois dates révisées d’Armstrong après sa prédiction de 1936 n’a pas pu se réaliser.
1972 Troisième date d’Armstrong après ses prédictions de 1936 et 1943.
1977 Le fondateur de l’Église chrétienne israélite a prédit cette année qu’Armageddon se produirait. Angleterre John Wroe (en), Protestants, Évangéliques, Église chrétienne israélite
Ce Pasteur Pentecôtiste a prédit que l’enlèvement se produirait au plus tard en 1977. États-Unis
2038 Une « fin du monde » similaire au bug de l’an 2000 avait été supposée pour 2038 avec le retour à zéro des dates UNIX (nombre de secondes écoulées depuis le 1er janvier 1970, sur 32 bits). Le remplacement progressif des architectures 32 bits par des 64 bits au cours de la décennie 2010-2020 semble écarter tout risque de cet ordre.
2060 Fin du monde selon des calculs réalisés par Isaac Newton à partir de la Bible.
2239-3239 Selon une interprétation courante du Talmud par les juifs orthodoxes, l’avènement du véritable Messie doit se produire 6 000 ans après la création d’Adam (en) (fixée supposément à l’an -3761, selon l’actuel calendrier hébraïque). S’ensuivra une période de grand chambardement pendant 1 000 ans, qui se conclura par l’instauration du Royaume des Cieux.
etc.
A.I. Is Homogenizing Our Thoughts | The New Yorker
▻https://www.newyorker.com/culture/infinite-scroll/ai-is-homogenizing-our-thoughts
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#LLMs #chatbot #artificialintelligence #generativeai #creativity #norm #cognition #thinking #cliché #diversity #similarity #opinion #homogenization #culture #singularity #bestof
sans paywall : ▻https://archive.ph/4Xrnb
oAnth :
Compte tenu de l’omniprésence de la numérisation dans la vie quotidienne, l’article ne présente guère de détails surprenants pour quelqu’un qui a suivi les discussions sur cette thématique des 15 dernières années, y compris dans le domaine de l’éducation et du développement cognitif des enfants et des adolescents.
En outre, il est bien évident qu’une personne qui s’est penchée sur l’histoire de l’art et les théories esthétiques de ses époques, même de manière limitée, ne peut que secouer la tête devant les prétentions que les milieux transhumanistes attribuent à l’IA.
Il est d’autant plus grave que l’on se sente obligé de revêtir un manteau scientifique pour des vérités traditionnelles aussi fondamentales ; manifestement, les géants des télécommunications veulent se préserver une marge de manœuvre pour faire avancer l’homogénéisation sans résistance de la société dans le système scolaire et de formation, ainsi dans le système universitaire, sans parler des médias. Les critiques ultérieures à l’encontre de cette approche ne sont accueillies qu’avec un sourire fatigué.
#hégémonie (Gramsci, Chomsky et al.)
Les sorcières, premières féministes ? Mythe et histoire | Paule Petitier, Julien Théry
▻https://www.lemediatv.fr/emissions/2025/les-sorcieres-premieres-feministes-mythe-et-histoire-paule-petitier-julien
C’est un historien, Jules Michelet, qui a inventé au XIXe siècle la figure de la sorcière comme emblème de la puissance, de la liberté et de la révolte féminines. Rencontre avec Paule Petitier, qui a récemment publié un livre à ce sujet
Sa soeur pognardée🔪 : À Nantes, la chasse à l’homme est devenue une 🏴affaire de femmes 🏴🖕
▻https://nantes.indymedia.org/posts/148149/sa-soeur-poignardee%f0%9f%94%aa-a-nantes-la-chasse-a-lhomme-est-de
Le décor est planté, ici même, à Nantes. Une jeune femme de 19 ans, lardée de 50 coups de couteau par son ex. Un crime qui aurait pu, qui aurait DÛ être évité. Car ce n’est pas un drame imprévisible, c’est le résultat d’une faillite systémique, d’un abandon organisé. Analysons…
#anarcha-féminisme #culture_du_viol #vss #Nantes_et_alentours #Local
#Dakar, portrait d’une ville capitale
▻https://metropolitiques.eu/Dakar-portrait-d-une-ville-capitale.html
Dakar, métamorphoses d’une capitale, ouvrage des architectes Carole Diop et Xavier Ricou, offre l’occasion de retracer la trajectoire de la capitale sénégalaise, depuis les villages Lebu antérieurs à la colonisation jusqu’au laboratoire urbain d’aujourd’hui. Un livre-capital(e). Voilà ce que proposent les architectes sénégalais Carole Diop et Xavier Ricou avec l’ouvrage Dakar, métamorphoses d’une capitale. Grâce à un minutieux travail d’archives et une iconographie particulièrement soignée, les auteurs #Commentaires
/ Dakar, #histoire, #Sénégal, #croissance_urbaine, #planification, #logement, #politique_de_logement, #culture, #patrimoine, (...)
#Afrique
▻https://metropolitiques.eu/IMG/pdf/met_choplin2.pdf
Le Coran vu par l’Occident à travers les âges : cette histoire dont l’extrême-droite ne veut pas | John Tolan
▻https://www.lemediatv.fr/emissions/2025/le-coran-vu-par-loccident-a-travers-les-ages-cette-histoire-dont-lextreme-
John Tolan, qui dirige des recherches sur l’histoire de la vision du Coran par les Européens depuis le Moyen Âge, fait face à des attaques de l’extrême-droite islamophobe et complotiste. Il est l’invité de cet épisode de « La grande H »
Shadows of Illiberalism | Resisting the Radical Right June 13th until 15th, 2025
▻https://www.disruptionlab.org/shadows-of-illiberalism
Bon, c’est toujours un événement culturel dans un espace qu’ils ont hérité de la première génération de squatteurs berlinois. Alors on peut y aller juste pour voir ce que c’est devenu le Bethanien .
Part of the movement
House struggle and eviction Yorck59
Occupation and legalization NewYorck
Self-management
In the press
Et voici les disrupteuses et disrupteurs .
SHADOWS OF ILLIBERALISM: Resisting the Radical Right
Exploring the roots of far-right politics and challenging its influence through art, activism, and tech
Conflicts are escalating both locally in Berlin and across Europe, with the rise of right-wing extremism and far-right ideologies. On a global scale, since Trump’s second term, ultra-conservative social visions are being implemented, immigration policies are being enforced, and national sovereignty and borders are being defended. This context requires a scientific analysis that goes beyond polarisation and the instrumentalisation of conflicts for political purposes, often targeting the most vulnerable sectors of society. In analysing such a complex issue, we propose to use artistic strategies as visual evidence to inform about the reality in which we live and to promote a constructive dialogue between different actors in our field of art and culture.
With the term “shadows of illiberalism” we refer to the concept of “illiberal democracy”, which describes a governing system that hides its nondemocratic practices behind formally democratic institutions and procedures. Amnesty International notes that in July 2014, the Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán gave what has come to be known as his “illiberal democracy” speech in Romania, in which he juxtaposes a democratic “Western" system based on liberal values and accountability to what he calls an “Eastern” approach based on a strong state and weak opposition.
To date, Orbán’s new right-wing sovereigntist alliance, Patriots for Europe, has gained enough support to become a political group in the EU Parliament, bringing together MEPs from 12 EU member states, including members from Austria, Belgium, the Czech Republic, Denmark, France, Greece, Italy, Latvia, the Netherlands, Portugal and Spain, as well as Hungary. In addition, other members who have expressed interest in joining are from Poland and Slovakia, and other parties that are speculated to join include MEPS from Slovenia and Aternative für Deutschland (AfD) in Germany.
In Germany, nationalism and far-right ideology have been on the rise for more than a decade, and the AfD as the second most popular party since 2023. Similarly, a conservative movement against “wokeness” is taking over in the US, a country where Donald Trump is the new president since January 20, 2025, criticising race theory, gender rights and queer theory, often provoking irrational chains of reactions supported by conspiracy theories and harassment campaigns based on isolationism, anti-feminism, homophobia, white supremacy as well as anti-Semitism and Islamophobia.
On the other hand, Russia’s invasion of Ukraine has created a threat to neighbouring countries such as Georgia, where a controversial ’foreign agent’ law was passed, threatening the existence of many local NGOs working on democracy and civil rights, and the escalation of violence against LGBTQ+ communities made headlines during the attack on Tbilisi Pride 2023, a violent counter-demonstration organised by far-right, nationalist and ultra-nationalist groups.
In such a scenario, which is clearly based on the weaponisation of culture, the role of art and visual culture becomes necessary to produce evidence of these phenomena. This conference builds on our previous 2018 series entitled ’Misinformation Ecosystems’, which analysed cultural, political and technological issues related to fake news and right-wing supremacist ideologies through our conferences HATE NEWS and INFILTRATION.
We aim to update a previous debate on the strategic production of misinformation and misleading propaganda by bringing together speakers who share methods (from these or similar cases) that can be used to produce evidence of online hate, systematic discrimination, targeting of women, minorities, and people at risk. The focus will be on the strategic use of online tools by political right-wing groups, the weaponisation of LGBTQ+ culture by far-right groups online and offline, the rise of anti-democratic and authoritarian ideologies in Europe and the complicit role of Big Tech, where algorithms and social media platforms are misused by the far-right to polarise users and increase online traffic.
In this conference programme, we want to raise awareness by reflecting on possible counter-measures from artistic, technological and political frameworks.
SHADOWS OF ILLIBERALISM will showcase technological/media, artistic and activist practices to produce strategies to counteract human rights violations and environmental violence by state or corporate actors. The conference is preceded by a meetup at nGbK where to analyse a specific local case study where to understand how weaponised discrimination works.
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Full Programme
16:00 CET · Doors open
16:30–16:40 · OPENING
Tatiana Bazzichelli (Artistic Director, Disruption Network Lab, Director, Disruption Network Institute, IT/DE).
16:40 – 18:10 · KEYNOTE
Exhaustion and Hyper-Colonialism: The Disintegration of the West · Get tickets
Franco Berardi (Philosopher, Media Theorist, IT). In conversation with Yasmeen Daher (Philosopher, Co-director, Febrayer Network, PS/DE).
In this keynote, Franco Berardi will try to understand the contemporary political crisis as a manifestation of the techno-anthropological mutation that is underway. This is followed by a presentation by Yasmeen Daher reflecting on the issue of hyper-colonialism and the topics covered in the keynote speech.
Disintegration
The illiberal oligarchy has taken control of the most powerful nuclear powers, US, and Russia, and now it is striving to take control of a number of European countries, while Liberal democracy is losing ground. However, the fight between the two political forms is far from over, and it is resulting in a disintegration of both geopolitical and socio-economic order. This is resulting in a process of disintegration of the Western system. But if we want to understand the roots of this process we must go beyond the political surface and dig up the cultural and psychological roots of the present unravelling. These roots lie crisis of the white supremacy over the world, and the emergence of hyper-colonialism.
ExhaustioN
After the crisis of colonial rule after the Second world war, colonialism has taken a new deterritorialised form (that Franco Berardi labels hyper-colonialism), and has been resurfacing in the new Century, together with the aggressive return of the mythology of white supremacy. Illiberalism is based on the furious return of racism, fuelled by the perception of the exhaustion of white supremacy. Exhaustion is the reversal of the Futurist expansionism of the past Century has cultural, economic, and demographic features, but it is also (and basically) an effect of the aging of the white population, following the prolongation of life-time, and the unstoppable fall of birth-rate.
18:10 – 18:40 · BREAK
18:40 – 20:40 · PANEL
Art, Activism & the Rise of Illiberalism in Hungary, Poland & Slovakia · Get tickets
Péter Adamik (Freie Ungarische Botschaft, HU/DE), Anna Krenz (Artist, Architect and Activist, Founder Dziewuchy Berlin, PL/DE), Slavo Krekovič (Artistic Director, A4 Space for Contemporary Culture, SK). Moderated by Tonia Mastrobuoni (Journalist, Correspondent La Repubblica, IT/DE).
Today, when nationalist and conservative forces are rising across Germany, Europe and beyond, a critical, transnational outlook is more crucial than ever. This panel presents case studies and projects that address the rise of illiberalism across Central and Eastern Europe, focusing specifically on Hungary, Poland and Slovakia. It also looks at the countermeasures that have been adopted both locally and abroad, thanks to the efforts of diasporic communities in these countries and in Berlin. Speakers will explore how art serves to challenge authoritarian power structures, confront propaganda and the ongoing war on culture. The panel will examine the political dimensions of artistic practice and how art and activism can respond effectively to strengthen and support grassroots communities. Which political and artistic strategies can shift public consciousness and drive real political change? Can art truly save us?
Hungary used to be among the rather progressive, well-developing countries in the Central Eastern European region in the 90’s and in times of socialism when the country was often referred to as the “happiest barrack” in the Eastern Block with its soft-handed “Goulash-Communism”. 35 years after the fall of communism, Viktor Orbán has successfully built up during 15 years of reign a “Goulash-Democracy”, or turning the tone more serious, Illiberal Democracy, sending the country economically to the bottom of the league in the EU, its people trapped with low salaries, a more than ever divided society and a constantly shrinking population. Although illiberalism may appear to be gaining strength as well-connected right-wing radicals rise to power around the world, this cannot be a long-term success when paired with mafia-like organised state corruption. Péter Adamik from the Freie Ungarische Botschaft will expose the real face of the Orbán’s System and the authoritarian playbook his government is exporting. In his talk, “Trapped in the Goulash Democracy: Illiberalism is not the answer”, he will use footages from “The Dynasty” – the recent Direkt36’s documentary about the economic empire of the Orbán family, and present artistic and activist practices to generate a critique of the status quo.
Polish women and men have a long tradition of resistance and political art, both of which have shaped Polish culture for decades. Under the conservative PiS government in Poland (2015–2023), democracy became a fragile structure. The determined efforts of thousands of activists, including those abroad, ultimately restored a pro‑democracy administration, proving that collective struggle can succeed. The fight for democracy remains inseparable from the fight for women’s rights, and art continues to serve as a powerful tool of resistance.
An auto‑ethnographic perspective on feminist Polish activism and political art in Berlin reveals how these practices counter the illiberal narratives promoted by conservative regimes and build transnational feminist solidarity. Berlin is home to a large and partly politically engaged Polish diaspora. Since 2016, the Dziewuchy Berlin collective has organised protests and demonstrations in solidarity with women* and the LGBT+ community in Poland, as well as campaigns for women’s rights in Germany, reacting and responding to political events in both countries and countering right-wing movements. For example, Anna Krenz’s ARTivist interventions—such as Global Scream (One‑Minute Scream, 2019) and Instant Theatre (2020)—blur the lines between art and protest, challenging conventional definitions of political art. Initiatives and projects of Dziewuchy Berlin reshaped perceptions of Polish women in Berlin, showcasing their resilience and resistance, at the same time offering empowerment.
Slavo Kreković, the artistic director of A4, a Space for Contemporary Culture in Bratislava, will talk about “Slovakia’s War on Culture: Destruction and Resistance”. Since September 2023, the new Slovak government has launched a systematic attack on democracy, civil society, minorities and also the cultural sector—dismantling institutions, rewriting legislation, and replacing experts with loyal extremists, including those at national institutions as well as the main funding body Slovak Arts Council. The talk maps the unfolding devastation and highlights the tactics of response by the cultural community: the formation of voluntary cultural activist platforms, and waves of protests and artistic resistance. As illiberalism advances through institutional capture and ideological cleansing, the cultural field in Slovakia becomes both a target and a frontline of resistance.
Saturday, June 14, 2025 · Get tickets
16:00 · Doors open
16:30 – 18:10 · KEYNOTE
The New Right’s Cultural Hegemony and Contradictions · Get tickets
Katrien Jacobs (Associate Professor, Monash University Malaysia, BE/MY), Florian Cramer (Professor of Artistic Research, Willem de Kooning Academy, Rotterdam University of Applied Sciences, NL). Moderated by Tatiana Bazzichelli (Artistic Director, Disruption Network Lab, IT/DE).
In order to gain cultural and political hegemony, the New Right can often take contradictory positions: queerness versus anti-gender politics, disruption versus traditionalism, technocracy versus ecofascism, populism versus elitism, etc. These contradictions make their program seem inclusive and attractive to larger demographics. But in the end, they are just a tactic of playing both sides at once. Once in power, the veil comes off. This keynote will consist of two parts: the first will examine the cultural politics of the New Right in general, and the second will focus on gender and sex politics as a case study.
Florian Cramer will address the dialectics of “liberalism” and “illiberalism” - how the latter emerged from the former, and how liberal concepts of spontaneous order informed experimental arts, technological developments, free-market economics, and ultimately the New Right and today’s oligarchic regimes, from the 1950s to the 2020s. The question remains to what extent the cultural regimes of the New Right are aligned with today’s oligarchies, whether its fascism can be called postmodern, and whether it doesn’t amount to an extremism of the political center rather than of the political right.
Katrien Jacobs will argue that New Right politics and the struggle for cultural hegemony thrive on apocalyptic world views including gender phantasms and a contradictory “illiberal sex revolution”. The talk is based on research into anti-gender movements in Belgium and the Netherlands, enigmatic grassroots alliances between religious groups, conspiracy theorists and political campaigns against sex education that led arson in several secondary schools. The talk will also look into Naomi Klein’s ideas of “mirroring” to show that New Right cultural hegemony borrows radical-left sex/gender politics, such as feminist critiques of dry-analytical thought and alt-queer D.I.Y. porn-making.
18:10 – 18:30 · BREAK
18:30 – 19:00 · LECTURE PERFORMANCE
Ask Me for Those Unborn Promises That May Seem Unlikely to Happen in the Natural · #2 2025 · Get tickets
Donatella Della Ratta (Associate Professor of Communication and Media Studies, John Cabot University. IT).
Generative AI creates speculative visuals that, while not based on factual events, remain plausible, constructing realities that have yet to unfold. Situated within the domain of possibility rather than empirical certainty, these visuals introduce a new form of ’synthetic realism’. By reshaping both past and present through their world-building potential, these seemingly innocuous images—detached from tangible references, historical ties, lineage, or context—wield a quiet yet profound violence against history and factuality.
Sunday, June 15, 2025 · 18:00 · Related event at Tatwerk
AI Framing the Future - The Visual Script That Makes Violence Feel Inevitable
with Donatella Della Ratta at Tatwerk
Read more & register
The lecture performance examines ’speculative violence,’ a developing mode of the image’s existence that oscillates between overt destruction and subtle, almost imperceptible effects. Blending text with visuals—including found footage, social media threads, and AI-generated media—the piece takes the audience on an unsettling journey through the violence of the not-yet-realised, traversing landscapes from Palestine to Trump’s America, and implicating oblivious cows.
The lecture performance is happening in the context of Donatella Della Ratta’s residency at the Disruption Network Institute (1 May-1 November 2025), as part of the research “Speculative Violence. Ethics, Aesthetics, and Power in the Age of AI-Generated ’Synthetic Realism’”, granted by the Italian Council (Public Call 2024). The research project investigates the role of synthetic images—those generated by artificial intelligence—within contemporary dynamics of violence, analysing their ethical, political, and aesthetic implications.
Read more about the research here.
19:00 – 20:30 · PANEL
Generative AI, Weaponised Language & Political Shadow Campaigns · Get tickets
Donatella Della Ratta (Associate Professor of Communication and Media Studies, John Cabot University. IT), Míriam Juan-Torres (Head of Research, Democracy & Belonging Program, UC Berkeley, ES), Amber Macintyre (Research Lead, Tactical Tech, SCOT/UK/DE). Moderated by Tina Lee (Editor-in-Chief, Unbias the News, US/DE).
In recent years, the consolidation of far-right movements within institutional frameworks across both Europe and the United States has marked a significant shift in the political landscape. This evolution has been accompanied by the articulation of political agendas rooted in rhetorics of violence — discourses that intensify social polarisation, incite hatred, and reinforce structures of discrimination. What emerges is a new paradigm of performative transgression, one that is both disseminated and magnified through the algorithmic logic of social media and the infrastructure of automated technologies and generative AI.
According to Míriam Juan-Torres, we are in what scholars call the third wave of autocratisation, marked by leaders who rise to power by mustering popular support and then legitimise authoritarian practices under the guise of defending democracy from perceived “Others.”
Once in power, countries seem to transform into competitive autocracies, where seemingly certain democratic institutions coexist with targeting of opponents and marginalised communities and creating an uneven playing field. In the talk “The Paradox of Authoritarian Populist Politics: Appropriating Democracy, Advancing Authoritarianism through Othering”, Míriam Juan-Torres will look at the specific approach of authoritarian populism, which combines tactics from both the authoritarian and populist playbooks, and how gender specifically is leveraged to advance six strategies to further the authoritarian populist project.
In the talk “Far-Right Campaigns: Shadowy Networks or Institutionalised Practices?” Amber Macintyre will examine what institutionalised practices are involved behind the scenes in creating far-right language and imagery through an analysis of a database of political firms and observations of centre-right campaign practitioners. Far-right digital campaigns have been understood as “shadowy” yet recently it has become clear that recognised institutions – especially technology firms – have shown their support for far-right ideals. Furthermore, the language and image within far-right campaigns is often based on analysis that technology firms support including data collection and analysis.
Following her lecture-performance Ask Me for Those Unborn Promises That May Seem Unlikely to Happen in the Natural #2 (2025), Donatella Della Ratta will join the panel discussion to explore how speculative generative AI technologies extend the reach of violence into the realm of the not-yet-realised. Her contribution interrogates the destabilisation of conventional notions of fact and evidence, particularly within contested political and mediated landscapes—from the ongoing war in Palestine to the socio-political dynamics of Trump-era America.
Sunday 15 June · Register before June 5
Workshop · Defending Civic Space: Countering Disinformation in Challenging Environments
Sunday 15 June, 13:00–16:00, Stadtwerkstatt (Karl-Liebknecht-Straße 11, 10178 Berlin)
Register before June 5
With Maya Talakhadze (Director, Regional Development Hub – Caucasus, GE)
Max 30 participants. No prior technical knowledge or special equipment are required.
Around the world, civic space is becoming increasingly restricted. In many countries, governments are using legal, administrative and narrative tools to limit activism, weaken independent media and discredit opposition voices. This workshop will examine how disinformation - including conspiracy theories and misleading narratives - is used to justify these actions. It will also explore the wider impact of such tactics on protest movements, media freedom and the safety of human rights defenders.
Led by Maya Talakhadze, Director of the Regional Development Hub - Caucasus (Tbilisi, Georgia) the session will draw on case studies from Georgia, Hungary, Russia and Turkey to examine both strategies of repression and forms of resistance. These examples will help participants to recognise how disinformation is weaponised to shape public perceptions and undermine democratic space.
The workshop will begin with a short presentation on the global trend of shrinking civic space and its impact on activism, providing a common ground for deeper engagement. Participants will then work in small groups to compare real cases, analyse government rhetoric, and reflect on resistance strategies that have been effective in different contexts. Interactive exercises throughout the session will encourage critical thinking, creativity and collaborative learning. The workshop will conclude with a strategic discussion on countering disinformation, amplifying independent voices, and sustaining civic engagement in increasingly challenging environments.
This workshop is designed for around 25 international participants with an interest in media freedom, human rights and governance. No prior technical skills or special equipment are required.
Bizarre le format de telles conférences. On dirait un forum pro (genre médical, ou agro-industriel). Ca change des rencontres sous un chapiteau, les pieds dans la terre, ou dans un gymnase. Ca donne un côté aseptisé au sujet, donc moins populaire.
Merci pour la découverte des #Bethanien.
Dem Morgenrot entgegen
▻https://www.ingeb.org/Lieder/demmorge.html
Wir haben selbst erfahren
der Arbeit Frongewalt
in düstren Kinderjahren
und wurden früh schon alt.
Sie hat an unserm Fuß geklirrt,
die Kette, die nur schwerer wird.
|: Wir sind die junge Garde
Des Proletariats! :|
A propos
▻https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Dem_Morgenrot_entgegen
Republikanisches Blasorchester, Dirigent Willy Kuhn, Berlin, 1928
►https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=xY6p8KQlggk
Schalmeien-Orchester Fritz Weineck, Berlin, 1999
▻https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=xHpKQI4k3Os
Вперед заре навстречу
►https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=xY6p8KQlggk
#hikikomori : idiome de #détresse, de #fuite ou de #révolte ? - Chaire de Philosophie à l’Hôpital
▻https://chaire-philo.fr/hikikomori-idiome-de-detresse-de-fuite-ou-de-revolte
— Permalink
#japon #marsupial #culture #protestation #phobie #anxiété #attachement #sociologie #psychologie #psychiatrie #politique #bestof
L’Éternaute : une œuvre radicale tapie sous un format mainstream
▻https://lvsl.fr/leternaute-une-oeuvre-radicale-tapie-sous-un-format-mainstream
La série argentine l’Éternaute, diffusée sur une plateforme de streaming bien connue, connaît un succès mondial. La série attire l’attention du New York Times, ou celle du célèbre concepteur de jeux vidéos Hideo Kojima, qui la qualifie de « chef d’œuvre ». Ce succès rappelle que les productions audiovisuelles argentines sont toujours vivantes, malgré la récente suppression […]
#Culture #El_Eternauta #Francisco_Solano_López #Héctor_Germán_Oesterheld #L'Éternaute
Bilan du 78ème #Festival_de_Cannes : le miroir du chaos du monde
▻https://lvsl.fr/bilan-du-78eme-festival-de-cannes-le-miroir-du-chaos-du-monde
Le 78ème Festival de Cannes s’est achevé ce samedi 24 mai par le sacre d’Un simple accident de #Jafar_Panahi. À tous points de vue, les films sélectionnés étaient le reflet d’innombrables inquiétudes contemporaines et d’un monde en proie au chaos. Le Vent Se Lève y était présent. Reportage et analyse. Le Festival de Cannes a […]
#Culture #Cinéma #Géopolitique #Palme_d'or #Un_simple_accident
#Corps de rêve : quand l’#extrême_droite dicte les #normes_esthétiques
Corps tonique, mince, reproductif et blanc : de la tradwife aux réseaux sociaux, comment l’extrême droite tente d’imposer une esthétique réactionnaire et hygiéniste.
En mars dernier, les images de la secrétaire à la Sécurité intérieure des États-Unis, posant devant des prisonniers vénézuéliens déportés vers un centre pénitentiaire du Salvador, sont devenues virales. Look glamour. Maquillage prononcé. Longue chevelure ondulée. Rolex, pantalon slim et tee-shirt moulant. L’image de ce corps parfait exposé devant des hommes non-blancs, torse nu, mis en cage, est apparue comme le symbole du modèle de féminité qui domine les politiques néoréactionnaires.
Les langages et les images des industries de la #mode et de la beauté s’adaptent très bien à l’atmosphère culturelle produite par l’extrême droite dans le monde occidental. Au-delà de l’obsession de la #minceur, des prescriptions esthétiques âgistes, toute une #culture_du_corps eugéniste et autoritaire s’immisce dans les modes de consommation de la beauté et du bien-être.
De la tradwife à la chanteuse country
Elle circule dans les médias populaires, amplifiée par les algorithmes, dans le luxe, ou les sphères politiques, artistiques. L’univers #Maga aux États-Unis la recycle ad nauseam. De la #tradwife à la chanteuse country, jusqu’aux tendances « #girlboss », les idées réactionnaires sont incarnées par une #esthétique_corporelle genrée aisément identifiable : corps tonique, mince ; cheveux raides, longs (idéalement blonds) ; peau blanche ; maquillage prononcé ; chirurgie esthétique ; efficience productive et reproductive (le corps qui produit des richesses est aussi celui qui enfante).
Cette conception hygiéniste, raciste, classiste et transphobe de la #féminité s’affirme contre un modèle repoussoir : celui du corps improductif de la #femme de gauche – « fauchée » (#broke), « laide » (#ugly), « pas rasée » (#female_armpit_hair) – pour reprendre les termes d’un musicien conservateur sur Fox News. Le corps des « femmes laides » décrivant finalement l’ensemble du corps politique situé à gauche, moche, non-blanc, sale et pauvre.
Cette esthétique réactionnaire agressive n’est pas exclusive à l’Amérique blanche. On se rappelle les sorties, en France, contre « la gauche sale et débraillée qui crie partout », visant à disqualifier la Nupes. Les propos sur les « punks à chiens » sur les bancs situés à gauche de l’Assemblée nationale, ou encore sur la « ménopause » d’une politicienne féministe médiatique…
Véhicules idéologiques
Ces discours implicitement ou explicitement genrés sont compatibles avec l’esthétique « filtre » des réseaux sociaux qui les imposent massivement. Ils ringardisent un activisme intersectionnel de type #nappy, anti-grossophobie ou body-positif, qui refuse que la différence conduise à une existence recluse, où on ne s’expose pas publiquement, où on ne peut ni s’aimer ni l’être en retour.
Cette « #déchettisation » de la différence trouve dans la #représentation du corps des #femmes son terrain d’expression favori, faisant de la mode, des tutos maquillage, des vidéos de fitness ou de lifestyle des véhicules idéologiques redoutablement efficaces, jouant sur notre image sociale et nos désirs.
Qui rêve de mourir sans famille, sans ami·es, entouré de chats ? D’être moche, démuni et sale ? Ces questions peuvent apparaître ridicules, mais elles nourrissent un système de représentations affectives et genrées qui est un des fonds de commerce de l’extrême droite. Il faut s’y opposer avec énergie. Et réveiller les puissances libératrices du difforme, de l’inassimilable, de l’improductif, des monstres et autres figures impures et merveilleuses, dans la formation d’#imaginaires et de pratiques anti-autoritaires, vivantes et féroces.
▻https://www.politis.fr/articles/2025/05/corps-de-reve-quand-lextreme-droite-dicte-les-normes-esthetiques
#esthétique #beauté #hygiénisme #âgisme #genre #idéologie
C’était le 17 mai 2025...
#Remigration_Summit, Piantedosi : « Non avere paura di idee forti ».
Videomessaggio del neo vicesegretario federale della Lega al primo summit europeo» dedicato alla remigrazione, ovvero all’espulsione in massa di immigrati.
Scontri con le forze dell’ordine si sono verificati al corteo a Milano contro il Remigration summit, «il primo summit europeo» dedicato alla remigrazione, ovvero all’espulsione in massa di immigrati, che si svolge a Gallarate, in provincia di Varese: manganellate mentre i manifestanti lanciavano fumogeni.
Piantedosi: corteo anti Remigration pretesto per disordini ++
Il ministro dell’Interno, Matteo Piantedosi, su X parla di «soliti professionisti del disordine» che «con il pretesto di manifestare contro il Remigration Summit, hanno provocato scontri contro le forze di polizia presenti. Ai militari feriti ieri a Torino (durante una rivolta in un Cpr, ndr) e a tutti gli uomini e le donne in divisa va il mio più convinto sostegno. Operano ogni giorno con coraggio e professionalità, anche in contesti estremamente complessi».
Commentando la richiesta arrivata dal Pd di vietare il Remigration Summit Piantedosi aveva detto: «In democrazia non bisogna avere paura di nulla, anche di idee che possano apparire molto forti, molto controverse, molto discutibili anche, non condivise in qualche modo».
Intanto il summit si è aperto nel segno del generale Roberto Vannacci: il neo vicesegretario federale della Lega ha inviato un video alla manifestazione, scusandosi di non poter essere presente. «Vi do il mio sostegno» ha detto aggiungendo che «la remigrazione non è uno slogan ma una proposta concreta». «Vuol dire mette al centro gli italiani, gli europei. È una battaglia di libertà e civiltà, di sicurezza, che è il vero spartiacque fra destra e sinistra».
Piantedosi: non avere paura di idee forti
«Io da ministro dell’Interno ho l’obbligo di garantire la libera espressione del pensiero da parte di chiunque - ha aggiunto - salvo pensieri che siano di per sé lesivi della sfera giuridica altrui o comunque della Costituzione o di qualsiasi altra cosa. Per cui non credo ci sia contraddizione. È giusto che qualcuno possa ritenere in qualche modo interessanti questi forum di discussione che periodicamente vengono messi in campo. Ci sono altri, come in questa sede (il ministro è interventi all’evento di Noi moderati a Napoli, ndr) che invece hanno un altro tipo di merito e di metodo di discussione».
A Milano articoli Costituzione contro Remigration Summit
Da Elly Schlein a Maurizio Landini, da Nicola Fratoianni ad Angelo Bonelli fino al cantante dei Modena City Ramblers gli organizzatori della manifestazione contro il Remigration Summit sono saliti a turno sul palco allestito in piazza San Babila per leggere gli articoli della Costituzione. La segretaria del Pd Schlein ha letto il numero 3, dedicato all’uguaglianza, e poi ha aggiunto «è sempre l’Italia antifascista. Ora e sempre Resistenza».
Vannacci: porterò battaglia remigrazione a Bruxelles
Vannacci ha assicurato che continuerà a battersi per questo «e porterò questa battaglia a Bruxelles con orgoglio e determinazione perché se l’Europa non torna a proteggere i suoi popoli non ha futuro». «Invece di preoccuparsi di avere più armi, più cannoni, più sistemi missilistici - ha aggiunto - dovrebbe ricordarsi che il suo primo dovere è proteggere i propri cittadini dentro i confini europei. Che senso ha parlare di difesa comune se lasciamo le nostre città in mano alla criminalità, l’immigrazione illegale e il caos?». La Lega, ha assicurato, «c’è e continuerà a combattere per una politica di rimpatri seri, selettivi ed efficaci, per una Europa che protegga e non si svenda e per una Italia che non si arrenda alla paura ma trovi l’orgoglio delle sue radici». Vannacci ha chiuso il suo intervento ringraziando i presenti e con una critica al sindaco «Sala che non ci concede un posto per fare questo a Milano».
Evento sold out da giorni
Il videomessaggio di Vannacci ha dato il “la” all’avvio dell’iniziativa che chiama a raccolta l’estrema destra europea intorno a ideologie xenofobe e razziste e che rappresenta un raduno peculiare. Non si tratta di un congresso quanto piuttosto di una convention con tanto di biglietti e possibilità di crowdfunding. A sentire gli organizzatori l’evento è sold out da giorni. I partecipanti, provenienti da tutta Europa, hanno pagato il biglietto per esserci dai 49 euro della versione base ai 250 euro di quella premium.
Lo scontro politico
Per lo svolgimento della manifestazione, gli organizzatori hanno alla fine puntato su Gallarate, in provincia di Varese, dopo una serie di ipotesi circolate nei giorni scorsi perché il luogo del ritrovo è rimasto avvolto dal mistero fino alla fine. Il nome della località è stato infatti comunicato all’alba di sabato. Anche perché il raduno dell’ultradestra ha scatenato un mare di polemiche, con il Pd che ha definito un “dovere” vietare un incontro «di razzisti che inneggiano ad odio e intolleranza» e il leader della Lega Matteo Salvini che ha replicato: «non siamo mica in Unione Sovietica». Anche in Prefettura si è svolta una lunga riunione con le forze dell’ordine per il timore di problemi di ordine pubblico, anche alla luce delle contromanifestazioni già annunciate.
Cos’è la remigrazione
Ma quali sono le idee dei remigrazionisti? Si tratta di un’espulsione forzata di massa da un Paese verso un altro. Il termine appartiene al lessico accademico e a quello dello studio dei flussi migratori, ma ha perso ogni connotazione neutra nel momento in cui la destra se ne è appropriato per non usare la parola “deportazione”. In altre parole, un concetto che fino a poco tempo fa non era nemmeno pronunciabile ora sta diventando sempre più mainstream.
Chi c’è dietro il Remigration Summit 2025?
Il Remigration Summit 2025 è organizzato dall’associazione ‘Azione, Cultura, Tradizione’, il cui portavoce è #Andrea_Ballarati, ed è stato promosso dal noto attivista austriaco di destra #Martin_Sellner.
Chi è Andrea Ballarati, il vate italiano dei remigrazionisti
Ballarati, portavoce italiano del Remigration summit, 23 anni, è uno studente di Economia, ex militante di #Gioventù_Nazionale, la sezione giovanile di #Fratelli_d’Italia, che ha poi lasciato per entrare a far parte di movimenti politici extraparlamentari. Dal 2022 è tra i fondatori dell’associazione identitaria “Azione, Cultura, Tradizione” di Como, di cui è presidente. Sarebbe stato proprio lui a proporre l’Italia come sede del convegno, a cui sono invitati anche l’attivista austriaco xenofobo Martin Sellner, l’esponente olandese di estrema destra #Eva_Vlaardingerbroek e il politico della National front francese #Jean-Yves_Le_Gallou.
Il mito della sostituzione etnica
Il leader di “Azione, Cultura, Tradizione” ufficialmente esclude la sua adesione alle deportazioni di massa ma chiede, oltre all’espulsione dei migranti irregolari, la revisione dei sistemi di asilo e l’introduzione dei rientri volontari. Nel suo breve percorso Ballarati si è rapidamente avvicinato a Sellner, giovane ideologo viennese della remigrazione e militante della Fpo (partito dell’ultradestra austriaca), espulso in Svizzera e Germania per i suoi legami con movimenti neonazisti. Alla base della teoria della remigrazione, di cui Ballarati sarebbe uno dei massimi sostenitori in Italia, ci sono le tesi - portate avanti dall’ultradestra fin da oltre dieci anni - sulla minaccia della sostituzione etnica, secondo cui la civiltà occidentale sarebbe vittima di un piano organizzato dai potenti del mondo che vogliono sostituirla con una società multietnica o di ispirazione islamica.
Islamici nel mirino
A coagulare il mix - formato da complottismo, derive no vax e reazioni xenofobe alle crisi migratorie - è il concetto di “remigrazione” diffuso per la prima volta nel libro ’Cambio di regime da destra: uno schizzo strategico’ di Sellner, uscito nel 2024. Secondo l’autore ogni singola nazione europea deve difendere la propria “cultura dominante” dalla globalizzazione, puntando ad espellere in massa i migranti irregolari, i richiedenti asilo, ma anche quelli con regolare permesso di soggiorno e i loro discendenti che non si adeguano alla cosiddetta “cultura dominante” del Paese che li ospita, in particolare gli stranieri islamici visti come la prima minaccia. Per chi la critica, la remigrazione è una forma soft di pulizia etnica, che sta diventando sempre meno soft e sta acquistando una forza rumorosa.
▻https://www.ilsole24ore.com/art/cos-e-remigration-summit-e-chi-e-leader-italiano-AHW6YZn
#Italie #Gallarate #migrations #réfugiés #rémigration #extrême_droite #Azione_Cultura_Tradizione #culture #globalisation
Cannes 2025 : #A_light_that_never_goes_out, et la musique fut
▻https://lvsl.fr/cannes-2025-a-light-that-never-goes-out-et-la-musique-fut
Avec A light that never goes out, Pauli-Matti Parppei s’émancipe du cadre surexploité du retour au pays. Il délaisse l’attendu conflit de classe pour une étude de la réaction des corps à la musique expérimentale. En 1986, The Smiths sortait son troisième album avec, à la neuvième place, une ballade intitulée : « There Is a Light […]
Quand #Gaza vient hanter le #Festival_de_Cannes
▻https://lvsl.fr/put-your-soul-on-your-hand-and-walk-fenetre-sur-gaza
À Cannes, Julian Assange arborait un T-Shirt avec le nom de 4986 enfants tués par l’armée israélienne. Au dos : « Stop Israel ». Quelques jours auparavant, la présidente du jury Juliette Binoche rendait un hommage plus policé à #Fatma_Hassona, elle aussi victime de Tsahal. Journaliste palestinienne, protagoniste de #Put_your_soul_on_your_hand_and_walk, […]
Festivals, concerts, artistes : comment des milliardaires s’accaparent l’industrie musicale | StreetPress
►https://www.streetpress.com/sujet/1747301198-festivals-concerts-artistes-milliardaires-industrie-musique-
Après la presse et l’édition, une poignée de grandes fortunes mettent la main sur la musique et les festivals. Le syndicat des musiques actuelles (SMA) publie une cartographie pour alerter sur la concentration en cours en France.
« La plupart des festivals détenus par des grands groupes sont soutenus par des collectivités », souligne le chercheur Matthieu Barreira. Un cadeau aux plus riches qui s’explique par l’aptitude de #Live_Nation, #Vivendi ou #Fimalac à se rendre indispensables et attractifs par leur réseau et leur force de frappe. Des choix politiques plus proches du marketing que de l’accès du public à la culture.
En face, les festoches indés qui observent chaque année une diminution globale des subventions publiques et l’inflation globale font la gueule. Celui dirigé par Lisa Bélangeon a lieu en Pays de la Loire, région dont la présidente Horizons #Christelle_Morançais a tout bonnement supprimé les subventions pour la culture en 2025. « Ça a été hyper violent », raconte la membre du SMA. « Il y a un vrai risque de disparitions de festivals indépendants. »
"Contribution à la critique de l’économie politique" de Karl #marx par le sociologue Bernard Lahire
▻https://www.radiofrance.fr/franceculture/podcasts/le-souffle-de-la-pensee/le-souffle-de-la-pensee-emission-du-vendredi-02-mai-2025-2813419
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#sociologie #société #capital #production #structure #perception #déterminisme #liberté #volonté #conscience #existence #domination #hiérarchie #nature #culture #science #bestof
Cannes 2025 : #Enzo, un film à quatre mains
▻https://lvsl.fr/cannes-2025-enzo-un-film-a-quatre-mains
Avec Enzo, présenté en ouverture de la Quinzaine des cinéastes 2025, #Laurent_Cantet et #Robin_Campillo proposent un film à mi-chemin entre le récit d’apprentissage et le portrait d’adolescent qui interroge la figure traditionnelle du #Transfuge_de_classe. Un geste subversif aussi intime que politique. L’année dernière, les festivaliers présents pour l’ouverture de la Quinzaine […]
Quels sont les bienfaits du bilinguisme ?
Quels sont les avantages du bilinguisme chez l’#enfant et l’3adolescent ? #Développement_cérébral, réussite scolaire, perception du monde : nos invités, spécialistes et parents, partagent leurs expériences.
Quelles sont les #vertus du bilinguisme, notamment chez les enfants et les adolescents, quand on sait que la moitié des enfants du monde parle une langue différente de celle parlée à la maison ? Dans notre pays, un enfant sur quatre parle chez lui une autre langue que le français… Alors à quoi ressemble le développement cérébral et intellectuel des bilingues ? De quelle façon le bilinguisme ou le plurilinguisme contribue-t-il à la #réussite_scolaire ? Les bilingues pensent-t-ils et voient-ils le monde autrement ? Nous verrons également si certaines langues sont plus valorisées que d’autres.
Langues invisibles : un bilinguisme à deux vitesses
Dans une France où le plurilinguisme est une réalité pour des millions d’enfants, toutes les langues ne bénéficient pas de la même #reconnaissance. Si l’#arabe est la deuxième langue la plus parlée du pays avec près de 4 millions de locuteurs, elle est pourtant « sept fois moins transmise que l’#anglais », souligne Anna Stevanato, fondatrice de l’association Dulala, qui milite pour la valorisation de toutes les #langues_familiales, en accompagnant parents et professionnels de l’éducation.
Cette #inégalité de #transmission, souvent liée à des freins culturels et institutionnels, se manifeste dans la manière dont certaines langues sont perçues. Michel Launay, linguiste et auteur de La République et les langues (Raisons d’agir, 2023), dénonce ainsi un « #bilinguisme_du_riche », valorisé lorsqu’il s’agit d’anglais ou d’#espagnol, face à un « #bilinguisme_du_pauvre », souvent stigmatisé : « Si un enfant parle anglais à la maison, on s’extasie ; mais s’il parle wolof, on s’inquiète de sa réussite scolaire », déplore-t-il.
Dans ce contexte, les parcours familiaux diffèrent : certains parents, attachés à leur #culture_d’origine, transmettent leur langue comme un trésor identitaire ; d’autres préfèrent inscrire leurs enfants à des cours privés de langues pour anticiper leur réussite. Par ailleurs, environ 80 000 enfants allophones, nouvellement arrivés, sont scolarisés dans des dispositifs spécifiques (UPE2A) dès le primaire, mais très peu en maternelle, où l’on attend souvent des enfants qu’ils fassent seuls le pont entre la langue du foyer et celle de l’école.
Briser les #mythes : les bienfaits du bilinguisme enfin reconnus
Malgré les preuves scientifiques actuelles en faveur du bilinguisme, de nombreuses familles issues de l’immigration continuent de douter de ses bienfaits. « À l’hôpital Robert-Debré, en échangeant avec des familles venues du monde entier, j’ai été frappée d’entendre que certaines ne voulaient pas que leurs enfants parlent leur #langue_maternelle », rapporte Nawal Abboub, chercheuse spécialisée en développement du cerveau et de l’apprentissage à l’Université Paris-Cité. Un renoncement souvent motivé par la peur d’entraver le développement cognitif de l’enfant, une inquiétude profondément enracinée dans l’histoire.
« Dès les années 1920, on trouvait dans les écrits l’idée que parler deux langues provoquait une #confusion mentale, voire un #retard intellectuel », explique-t-elle. Ces #représentations ont été renforcées par des études américaines peu rigoureuses qui comparaient des enfants anglophones à des enfants issus de l’immigration encore en phase d’#apprentissage. « Pendant longtemps, y compris dans les milieux médicaux et éducatifs, on a véhiculé la croyance que le plurilinguisme nuisait au développement de l’enfant », rappelle Michel Launay. Il cite l’ouvrage d’AndréeTabouret-Keller, Le bilinguisme en procès, cent ans d’errance, qui retrace cette période où la diversité linguistique était perçue comme pathogène.
Or, les avancées scientifiques depuis les années 1960 sont catégoriques : non seulement le bilinguisme n’a aucun effet négatif, mais il favorise au contraire les capacités intellectuelles. « Il n’y a aucun retard cognitif chez les enfants bilingues, bien au contraire », insiste Nawal Abboub. Des recherches menées sur des enfants franco-anglais au Canada ont montré qu’ils « surpassaient les monolingues dans les mesures verbales et non verbales de l’intelligence ». Il est donc urgent de « rassurer les familles » et de former les professionnels de l’éducation et de la santé pour en finir avec ces mythes.
le cerveau des tout-petits, une machine à langues
Les recherches en neurosciences confirment aujourd’hui ce que beaucoup pressentaient : le cerveau des jeunes enfants est une véritable #éponge_linguistique. « Les neurones au début de la vie ont encore cette flexibilité, cette malléabilité », explique Nawal Abboub, soulignant leur capacité « incroyable » à apprendre plusieurs langues en simultané, bien avant que les automatismes d’une langue maternelle ne s’ancrent durablement.
Contrairement aux idées reçues, les bébés bilingues ne confondent pas les langues. « Ils font la différence très tôt dans le développement, dès les premiers mois de vie », assure-t-elle, rappelant qu’un mot peut être tiré d’une langue ou d’une autre, selon sa pertinence. Ce mécanisme, loin d’être un frein, leur confère même un avantage : « Ils compensent plus facilement, ce qui leur donne des atouts linguistiques, mais aussi cognitifs. »
Les données de la neuro-imagerie renforcent ces observations : chez les bilingues précoces, les deux langues activent les mêmes zones du cerveau, tandis que les bilingues tardifs sollicitent des circuits supplémentaires liés à l’effort attentionnel. « Leur cerveau fait plus d’effort pour traiter l’information », explique la neuroscientifique. Une fatigue que ressentent bien des adultes apprenant une langue étrangère sur le tard. Mais le #bilinguisme_précoce va bien au-delà du langage : « À seulement sept mois, des enfants exposés à deux langues montrent déjà une meilleure #flexibilité_mentale », affirme-t-elle, évoquant leur capacité à s’adapter à des changements de règles dans des jeux simples. Une preuve, s’il en fallait, que le bilinguisme n’est pas un obstacle au développement, mais bien une richesse à cultiver dès la naissance.
Invités :
– Nawal Abboub, spécialiste du développement du cerveau et de l’apprentissage, docteure en sciences cognitives de l’université Paris-Cité. Elle participe activement à la lutte contre les inégalités sociales en co-construisant des programmes dans le champ de la petite enfance. Elle est l’autrice de La puissance des bébés (Fayard, 2022 ; rééd. Poche, 2023).
– Claire Etchegoyhen, directrice du pôle héros Bayard Jeunesse.
– Michel Launey, linguiste. Il a travaillé sur deux langues amérindiennes (nahuatl et palikur) et sur la scolarisation en français des élèves allophones, en particulier en Guyane. Il est l’auteur de La République et les langues (Raisons d’agir, 2023) et membre des linguistes atterrées.
– Ninon Ninghui Liu-Merlin, interprète, et son fils Victor Wolfenstein, enfant multilingue.
– Anna Stevanato, linguiste spécialisée dans le bilinguisme. Elle est la fondatrice et directrice de l’association « Dulala » (D’une langue à l’autre), qui vise à faire du multilinguisme un levier pour favoriser l’égalité des chances et lutter contre les discriminations.
▻https://www.radiofrance.fr/franceinter/podcasts/grand-bien-vous-fasse/grand-bien-vous-fasse-du-mercredi-14-mai-2025-5992942
#langues #bilinguisme #multilinguisme #stigmatisation
#podcast #audio
Le sacrifice mis à nu : sur #Tardes_de_soledad d’Albert Serra
▻https://lvsl.fr/le-sacrifice-mis-a-nu-sur-tardes-de-soledad-dalbert-serra
Avec Tardes de soledad, #Albert_Serra dresse le portrait d’Andrés Roca Rey, jeune péruvien de 28 ans, superstar de la tauromachie contemporaine. Violence extrême de la mise à mort, solitude du matador et du taureau, artifices scéniques, gestes millimétrés et virilisme exacerbé des toréros… Sans prendre parti pour ou contre la #corrida, le cinéaste espagnol […]