• EU grants €87m to Egypt for migration management in 2024

    Over 2024, the EU will provide €87 million and new equipment to Egypt for a migration management project started in 2022, implemented by the UN migration agency and the French Interior Ministry operator Civipol, three sources close to the matter confirmed to Euractiv.

    The €87 million may increase up to €110 million after the next EU-Egypt Association Council meeting on 23 January, two sources confirmed to Euractiv.

    The European Commission is also conducting parallel negotiations with Cairo to make a raft of funding for other projects which regards a wide range of sectors, including migration, conditional under the International Monetary Fund requests for reforms, a source close to the negotiations told Euractiv.

    The €87 million will be dedicated to increasing the operation capacity of the Egyptian navy and border guards for border surveillance and search and rescue operations at sea.

    The EU-Egypt migration management project started in 2022 with an initial €23 million, with a further €115 million approved for 2023, one of the three sources confirmed to Euractiv.

    The funds for 2022 and 2023 were used for border management, anti-smuggling and anti-trafficking activities, voluntary returns and reintegration projects.

    “With these EU funds, IOM [the UN’s migration agency, the International Organisation of Migration] is supporting Egyptian authorities through capacity building activities which promote rights-based border management and the respect of international law and standards, also with regard to search and rescue operations,” an official source from IOM told Euractiv. IOM is involved in the training and capacity building of the Egyptian authorities.

    French operator Civipol is working on the tendering, producing and delivering the search new rescue boats for 2024, one of the three sources confirmed to Euractiv.

    However, according to the EU’s asylum agency’s (EUAA) 2023 migration report, there have been almost no irregular departures from the Egyptian coasts since 2016, with most Egyptian irregular migrants to the EU having departed from Libya.

    At the same time, there has been a significant increase in Egyptian citizens applying for visas in EU countries in recent years, the EUAA report said, mainly due to the deteriorating domestic situation in the country.
    Deepening crisis in Egypt

    Egypt, a strategic partner of the EU, is experiencing a deepening economic and political crisis, with the country’s population of 107 million facing increasing instability and a lack of human rights guarantees.

    In a letter to heads of state and EU institutions last December, the NGO Human Rights Watch asked the EU to “ensure that any recalibration of its partnership with Egypt and related macro-financial assistance provide[s] an opportunity to improve the civil, political, and economic rights of the Egyptian people”.

    “Its impact will only be long-lasting if linked to structural progress and reforms to address the government’s abuses and oppression, that have strangled people’s rights as much as the country’s economy,” the NGO wrote.

    The human rights crisis cannot be treated as separate from the economic crisis, Timothy E. Kaldas, deputy director of the Tahrir Institute for Middle East Policy, told Euractiv. “Political decisions and political practices of the regime play a central role in why Egypt’s economy is the way that it is,” he said.

    “The regime, in an exploitative manner, leverages the Egyptian state. For instance, it forces the making of contracts to regime-owned companies to do infrastructure projects that are extremely costly, and not necessarily contributing to the public good,” Kaldas argued, citing the construction of wholly new cities, or “new palaces for the president”.

    While such projects are making the Egyptian elites richer, the Egyptian people are increasingly poor, and in certain cases, forced to leave the country, Kaldas explained.

    With food and beverage inflation exceeding 70% in Egypt in 2023, the currency facing multiple shocks and collapses reducing Egyptians’ purchasing power and private investors not seeing the North African country as a good place to invest, “the situation is very bleak”, the expert said.

    The independence of the private sector was slammed in a report by Human Rights Watch in November 2018. In the case of Juhayna Owners, two Egyptian businessmen were detained for months after refusing to surrender their shares in their company to a state-owned business.

    Recent events at the Rafah crossing in Gaza, frictions in the Red Sea with Houthi rebels in Yemen and war in the border country of Sudan have compounded the instability.
    Past EU-Egypt relations

    During the last EU-Egypt Association Council in June 2022, the two partners outlined a list of partnership priorities “to promote joint interests, to guarantee long-term stability and sustainable development on both sides of the Mediterranean and to reinforce the cooperation and realise the untapped potential of the relationship”.

    The list of priorities regards a wide range of sectors that the EU is willing to help Egypt. Among others, the document which outlines the outcomes of the meeting, highlights the transition to digitalisation, sustainability and green economy, trade and investment, social development and social justice, energy, environment and climate action, the reform of the public sector, security and terrorism, and migration.

    https://www.euractiv.com/section/politics/news/eu-grants-e87m-to-egypt-for-migration-management-in-2024

    #Egypte #asile #migrations #réfugiés #externalisation #EU #aide_financière #Europe #UE #équipement #Civipol #gardes-frontières #surveillance #technologie #complexe_militaro-industriel #réintégration #retours_volontaires #IOM #OIM

    • L’UE offre à l’Egypte une aide économique contre un meilleur contrôle des migrants

      Les représentants de l’Union européenne signeront dimanche au Caire un partenariat avec le gouvernement d’Abdel Fattah Al-Sissi. Il apportera un soutien de plus de 7 milliards d’euros en échange d’une plus grande surveillance des frontières.

      Après la Tunisie, l’Egypte. Trois premiers ministres européens – Giorgia Meloni, la présidente du conseil italien, Alexander De Croo et Kyriakos Mitsotakis, les premiers ministres belge et grec – et Ursula von der Leyen, la présidente de la Commission européenne, sont attendus dimanche 17 mars au Caire. Ils doivent parapher une « #déclaration_commune » avec Abdel Fattah #Al-Sissi, le président égyptien, pour la mise en place d’un #partenariat global avec l’Union européenne (UE). A la clé pour l’Egypte un chèque de 7,4 milliards d’euros, comme l’a révélé le Financial Times le 13 mars.

      Cet accord survient après l’annonce, au début de mars, d’un #prêt de 8 milliards de dollars (plus de 7,3 milliards d’euros) du #Fonds_monétaire_international à l’Egypte et, surtout, à la mi-février d’un vaste plan d’investissements de 35 milliards de dollars des #Emirats_arabes_unis. A cette aune, l’aide européenne semble plutôt chiche.

      Pour Bruxelles, l’urgence est d’éviter un écroulement de l’économie égyptienne, très dépendante de l’extérieur. Depuis le Covid-19 et la guerre en Ukraine, elle est plongée dans le marasme et les déficits budgétaires s’enchaînent. De surcroît, le pays doit faire face aux conséquences de la guerre à Gaza et, notamment, aux attaques houthistes en mer Rouge, qui ont entraîné une réduction du nombre de cargos dans le canal de Suez et fait chuter les revenus du pays. Enfin, le tourisme, qui avait atteint des records en 2023 avec plus de quinze millions de visiteurs, pourrait pâtir de la guerre aux portes du pays.

      Crainte d’une arrivée massive de Palestiniens

      Dans le détail, la Commission européenne devrait apporter 5 milliards d’euros de soutien budgétaire à l’Egypte, dont 1 milliard déboursé d’ici au mois de juin, selon une procédure d’urgence. Les 4 autres milliards suivront à plus long terme. Le ministre des finances égyptien, Mohamed Maait, a confirmé cette somme, évoquant une aide de « 5 milliards à 6 milliards de dollars » (4,5 milliards à 5,5 milliards d’euros).

      (#paywall)
      https://www.lemonde.fr/international/article/2024/03/16/l-ue-offre-a-l-egypte-une-aide-economique-contre-un-meilleur-controle-des-mi

    • Egitto-Ue, l’accoglienza? Tocca ai Paesi di transito

      La visita di Giorgia Meloni, Ursula von der Leyen e altri leader nazionali dell’Ue in Egitto rilancia l’attenzione sulla dimensione esterna delle politiche migratorie. In ballo ci sono oltre 7 miliardi di euro di aiuti per il bilancio pubblico egiziano in affanno. Non si tratta di un’iniziativa estemporanea. Il nuovo patto Ue sull’immigrazione e l’asilo definito nel dicembre scorso dedica un capitolo all’argomento, con cinque obiettivi: sostenere i Paesi che ospitano rifugiati e comunità di accoglienza; creare opportunità economiche vicino a casa, in particolare per i giovani; lottare contro il traffico di migranti; migliorare il rimpatrio e la riammissione; sviluppare canali regolamentati per la migrazione legale.

      Le istituzioni europee adottano un linguaggio felpato, ma esprimono una linea politica molto netta: l’Ue intende far sì che i profughi vengano accolti lungo la rotta, nei Paesi di transito. Parla di sviluppo dei luoghi di provenienza, facendo mostra d’ignorare sia l’impatto di guerre e repressioni (si pensi al Sudan e all’Etiopia), sia le evidenze circa i legami tra la prima fase di un processo di sviluppo e l’aumento delle partenze. Insiste molto sui rimpatri, volontari e forzati, e sul reinserimento in patria. Rilancia la criminalizzazione dei trasportatori, assemblati sotto l’etichetta di trafficanti, nascondendo il fatto che per i profughi dal Sud del mondo non vi sono alternative: la lotta ai trafficanti è in realtà una lotta contro i rifugiati. In cambio, le istituzioni europee e i governi nazionali offrono una cauta apertura agli ingressi per lavoro, guardando a paesi amici o presunti tali, come appunto l’Egitto, non paesi in guerra o sotto regimi brutali come la Siria o l’Afghanistan.

      Non si tratta peraltro di una novità. L’Ue ha già sottoscritto numerosi accordi con vari Stati che la attorniano o che sono collocati sulle rotte delle migrazioni spontanee: dalle operazioni di Frontex nei Balcani Occidentali, alle intese con i governi dei paesi rivieraschi, dal Marocco alla Turchia, spingendosi anche all’interno dell’Africa in casi come quello del Niger, posto sulla rotta che dall’Africa occidentale arriva al Mediterraneo. Quando si discute di questi accordi, si fronteggiano due posizioni preconcette: quella pro-accoglienza, secondo cui sono inutili, perché migranti e rifugiati arriveranno comunque; dall’altra parte, quella del fronte del rifiuto, che li saluta con entusiasmo come la soluzione del problema, senza badare alle implicazioni e conseguenze. Cercando di arrecare al dibattito un po’ di chiarezza, va anzitutto notato: l’esternalizzazione delle frontiere, tramite gli accordi, (purtroppo) funziona, quando dall’altra parte i governi hanno i mezzi, una certa efficienza e la volontà politica di compiacere i partner europei. Soprattutto reprimendo i migranti in transito, una politica che non comporta sgradevoli contraccolpi in termini di consenso interno. I casi di Turchia e Marocco lo dimostrano. I viaggi della speranza non cessano, ma diventano più lunghi, costosi e pericolosi. Dunque meno praticabili.

      Occorre però considerare i costi umani e politici di questo apparente progresso. Sotto il profilo politico, l’Ue diventa più dipendente dai gendarmi di frontiera stranieri che ha ingaggiato, e la tolleranza verso Erdogan e ora verso Al-Sisi ne è un’eloquente espressione. Al Cairo solo il premier belga ha speso qualche parola in difesa dei diritti umani. Sotto il profilo umano, tra violenze, ricatti, detenzione e abbandono, i profughi pagano il conto della riaffermazione (selettiva) dei confini e della presunta sicurezza che i governi europei dichiarano di voler difendere. Solo una visione cinica e angusta può inalberare come un successo la diminuzione degli sbarchi: meno persone possono sperare in una vita migliore, molte altre sono destinate a perdere la vita nel viaggio, a languire in una terra di mezzo, a rinunciare a sognare libertà e dignità nel continente che se ne fa paladino.

      https://www.avvenire.it/attualita/pagine/egittoue-laccoglienza-tocca-ai-paesi-di-transito

  • Nous préférons le vent de la révolte
    à celui de l’aménagement verdâtre des territoires

    https://lavoiedujaguar.net/Nous-preferons-le-vent-de-la-revolte-a-celui-de-l-amenagement-verdat

    Déclaration commune lue lors du rassemblement du 10 février 2018
    à la ZAD de Notre-Dame-des-Landes

    Ce qu’ils nous préparent en vérité c’est toujours le même projet. Une guerre généralisée au vivant, au nom de l’économie, sous couvert d’« aménagement des territoires ». Une guerre avec son lot de nouvelles mascarades et d’opérations policières. Avec son mélange de répression et de « consultation », comme ils disent. Qu’ils nous consultent autant qu’ils veulent, qu’ils essaient ! Quand c’est non, c’est non. À Bure, Roybon ou l’Amassada, c’est non. Les autoroutes, centres de commerce ou de loisir, lignes à grande vitesse, centrales biomasse, projets nucléaires ou d’éolien industriel, d’écoquartiers, de smart cities, d’extraction de sable, de minerais ou de souches, c’est non.

    Nous l’avions déjà dit en décembre lors d’un communiqué commun à plusieurs territoires en lutte, nous le répétons aujourd’hui : leur écologie n’est pas la nôtre. Elle est avant tout un prétexte pour intensifier l’administration et le contrôle des territoires et de leurs habitants, ces territoires dans lesquels nous vivons. (...)

    #ZAD #territoires_en_lutte #déclaration_commune