• Lesbos en quarantaine, la situation des réfugiés

    Dans le camp de Mória sur l’île de Lesbos, des travailleurs humanitaires apportent leur soutien à des dizaines de milliers de migrants malgré le confinement et les conditions sanitaires catastrophiques. « ARTE Regards » lève le voile sur la situation désespérée dans ce site surpeuplé, considéré comme l’un des plus dangereux d’Europe.

    Leurs histoires ne font pas la une mais elles émeuvent, surprennent et donnent à réfléchir. En prise avec un thème d’actualité, les reportages choisis par ARTE Regards vont à la rencontre de citoyens européens et proposent une plongée inédite dans leurs réalités quotidiennes.

    https://www.arte.tv/fr/videos/090637-059-A/arte-regards-lesbos-en-quarantaine-la-situation-des-refugies
    #Moria #Lesbos #asile #migrations #réfugiés #distanciation_sociale #camps_de_réfugiés #coronavirus #covid-19 #Team_Humanity #humanitaire #solidarité #Grèce #délit_de_solidarité #dissuasion
    #film #vidéo #documentaire #campement #bagarres #agressions #queue #déchets #liberté_de_mouvement #hygiène #eau #accès_à_l'eau #eaux_usées #sécurité #insécurité #toilettes #résistance #relocalisation #
    ping @luciebacon

  • La justice relaxe Cédric Herrou, symbole de l’aide citoyenne aux migrants
    Par La rédaction Publié le : 13/05/2020 - InfoMigrants
    https://www.infomigrants.net/fr/post/24730/la-justice-relaxe-cedric-herrou-symbole-de-l-aide-citoyenne-aux-migran

    L’agriculteur militant Cédric Herrou a été relaxé de « toutes les poursuites » à son encontre, mercredi, par la Cour d’appel de Lyon. Il était notamment poursuivi pour avoir favorisé « l’entrée illégale » de migrants en France.

    « Je suis relaxé ! La solidarité n’est pas un délit et ne le sera jamais ! » C’est avec ce cri du coeur publié sur sa page Facebook que le militant Cédric Herrou a annoncé sa victoire en justice, mercredi 13 mai. Le militant, symbole de l’aide citoyenne aux migrants, a été « renvoyé de toutes les poursuites » à son encontre par la Cour d’appel de Lyon. Celle-ci le rejugeait après une décision historique en 2018 du Conseil constitutionnel, validant le « principe de fraternité » et censurant partiellement le « délit de solidarité ». (...)

    #solidarité #migrants

  • Ettore Castiglioni - Rai Radio 3 - RaiPlay Radio
    https://www.raiplayradio.it/audio/2019/05/WIKIRADIO-782ee5c2-5ed2-489c-9f41-0d859dbacd1d.html

    Ettore Castiglioni raccontato da Gian Luca Favetto
    Il 5 giugno 1944, nei pressi del passo del Forno, in provincia di Sondrio, viene ritrovato il corpo senza vita di Ettore Castiglioni

    con Gian Luca Favetto

    Repertorio:

    – Letture tratte da Il giorno delle Mésules. Diari di un alpinista antifascista di E. Castiglioni - Curatore: Marco Albino Ferrari - Editore: CDA & VIVALDA- voce di Claudio De Pasqualis,

    – Frammenti dal trailer Oltre il confine. La storia di Ettore Castiglioni , docufilm italo-svizzero (regia di Andrea Azzetti e Federico Massa) che ripercorre le vicende e la vita dello scalatore Ettore Castiglioni (1908-1944), attraverso le parole del suo diario. Produzione: Villi Hermann, Federico Massa, Giuliano Torghele, GIUMA PRODUZIONI, GOOLIVER, IMAGO FILM LUGANO, in coproduzione con RSI, 2015

    – Francesco De Gregori - Stelutis Alpinis

    #wikiradio #podcast #ettoreCastiglioni #alpinisme #CAI

  • Corona Chroniques, #Jour47 - davduf.net
    http://www.davduf.net/corona-chroniques-jour47

    12h, une poignée de volontaires des #Brigades_de_Solidarité_Populaire gagne la place du marché Croix de Chavaux à #Montreuil. Dans leurs cageots, des invendus de Rungis, qu’ils sont allés chercher hier, des fruits qu’ils ont triés, et des légumes qu’ils distribuent à une centaine de pauvres parmi les pauvres, les confinés de TOUT ; geste simple et magnifique, geste barrière suprême, « élan solidaire et autogestionnaire », comme ils disent ; une solidarité pensée, qui doit plus à l’Après qu’à l’Avant, à l’autodéfense qu’à la charité. Depuis le #Corona, le camion des BSP (création italienne, depuis internationale) maraude dans les quartiers populaires, un camion fait des tournées en continu, deux cantines mitonnent des repas prêts pour ceux qui n’ont même pas de cuisine.

    Mais 13h20, les voitures de police qui pimponnent. Mais 13h20, les motos des voltigeurs qui débarquent. Mais 13h20, #Lallement qui fait sonner la troupe. C’est brigades contre brigades, braves contre #BRAV (Brigades de Répression de l’Action Violente Motorisées). La distribution gratuite de denrées est interrompue. On nasse, on verbalise, pour manifestation non déclarée. Aux Brigadistes de rue — gantés, masqués, gelés — qui se plaignent d’être contrôlés comme Avant, sans précautions sanitaires ni distance d’aucune sorte, les Brigadistes de #préfecture rétorquent comme dans un aveu de l’Ordre imbécile : « Vous n’avez rien à dire, vos masques ne sont pas aux normes. »

    • Outre le suivi de la journée par Paris luttes ci-dessus. Des aperçus (avec photos et vidéo) de ce qui s’est passé à #Montreuil où la journée a commencée vers 13H30 par l’intervention d’une quarantaine de « BRAV » (voltigeurs de la police) pour mettre fin à une distribution de nourriture à Croix de Chavaux.

      1/ La Halle du marché, c’est un peu comme la vie
      https://twitter.com/Paroleerrante/status/1256184386824921088

      Ce matin un marché rouge était organisé, avec distribution de nourriture et tracts des #Brigades_de_solidarité_populaire. Une cinquantaine de personnes ont été nassées par la police (les « BRAV » voltigeurs) ss la halle du marché Croix de Chavaux, solidarité !!

      #délit_de_solidarité : Distribution de légumes à +ou-100 personnes, chorale, banderoles. Puis la milice du capital arnachée comme pas 2 vient nasser et distribue une cinquantaine de PV, y compris à des personnes simplement venues récupérer de quoi manger

      Le poulet au légumes du #PremierMai, nature morte, 2020.

      2/ Haut Montreuil
      https://twitter.com/Paroleerrante/status/1256208489766105088

      Après la nasse de Croix de Chavaux, avec la pullulation policière qui continue à la mairie

      En ce moment : une petite manif qui descend de la Boissière vers Mairie en occupant la route !

      3/ dernier fil, à la lecture du Parisien libéré
      https://twitter.com/Paroleerrante/status/1256288161673740288

      ce vendredi, les signes avant coureur de l’agitation à venir se faisaient sentir dans le centre-ville de Montreuil : une vingtaine de cars de CRS Le Parichien empêtré

      Mairie

      Un des lieux de retrouvailles, repos et de débriefing :)
      Si pas de muguet de Mai, dansons la capucine.

    • Pour les oubliés du confinement - Son, chant, images, hier au marché à Croix de chavaux, avant l’arrivée des BRAV

      Montreuil, place du Marché. 1er mai. Autodéfense populaire. Distribution de fruits & légumes avec une #chorale. Là où l’État n’est présent que par sa police, nous nous organisons pour répondre à des besoins nécessaire et vitaux.

      https://twitter.com/carlier_anna/status/1256555127139377152

    • 1er mai à Montreuil : la Boissière deter et révolutionnaire !
      https://paris-luttes.info/1er-mai-a-montreuil-la-boissiere-13931

      Nous vous livrons un petit CR à chaud et euphorique de la manif de la Boissière à Montreuil (93). Pour résumer rapidement : nous avons pu mener une manif sauvage de 1h30 entre le carrefour bd de la Boissière / bd Aristide Briand jusqu‘à Paul Signac puis jusqu‘à la lisière de la mairie de Montreuil, et retour par la rue de Romainville aux Trois Communes pour finir devant l‘hôpital André Grégoire. On voulait rejoindre la mairie, mais on a préféré éviter la nasse géante.

      Plein de gens aux fenêtres nous ont salué·e·s, acclamé·e·s et quelques voisin·e·s sont carrément descendu·e·s pour manifester avec nous ! Big up aux automobilistes qui ont voulu aller se garer pour nous rejoindre, à celleux qui ont mis l‘Internationale à fond dans leur appart pour qu‘on l‘entende, celleux qui nous ont offert un miniconcert à leur fenêtre avec tambour et accordéon, aux deux qui ont brandi un drapeau rouge à faucille et marteau à notre passage, à cette maman qui est descendue nous faire un coucou avec ses deux enfants déguisées en princesses, à ce gars en voiture qui nous a demandé quelles étaient nos revendications et a levé le pouce quand on lui a dit : « LA RÉVOLUTION ! ».

      Nous avons pu nous lâcher sur les slogans et la bonne humeur en n‘étant presque pas dérangé·e·s par les keufs (ni par la pluie !) : on a compté un camion de flics qui a fait demi-tour en nous voyant arriver, et une voiture de la police municipale devant l‘hôpital, peu avant le point de dispersion. Les deux municipaleux étaient totalement démunis, ont essayé de nous suivre, de faire demi-tour, l‘un d‘eux a même contrôlé au pif un pauvre automobiliste qui passait par là pour se donner de la contenance, et avant que leurs renforts n‘arrivent, tout le monde était dispersé et en sécurité (a priori).

      On était armé·e·s d‘attestations en bonne et due forme, de masques, de gestes barrière et surtout de 2 banderoles de ouf (qui sont elles aussi en sécurité) : une « Fermez les CRA » et une « Contre le Macronavirus, la Boissière révolutionnaire » avec un serpent magnifiquement vénère.

      On est encore tout.es retourné·e·s de la réaction des voisin.es aux balcons, aux fenêtres et dans la rue, l‘ambiance était si chaleureuse et solidaire ! C‘était en soi une sauvage toute tranquille avec des enfants et des petits moments de danse, mais c‘est surtout une manif du 1er mai 2020 qui s‘est déroulée sans accroc, dans un quartier particulièrement touché par le harcèlement policier et les violences policières, et ça c‘est ouf et ça fait du bien.

      Stratégiquement, on peut en déduire qu‘effectivement, surprendre les keufs et compagnies en manifestant dans des endroits inattendus, de manière mobile, spontanée et décentralisée, ça marche bien. Nous n‘étions qu‘un petit groupe, une vingtaine qui est devenue une trentaine, et on n‘a pas pu inviter et mobiliser toutes les personnes avec qui on aurait aimé manifester. Depuis le début du confinement, on s’organise dans notre quartier, on en est fier·ère·s et on va pas s’arrêter là. Aujourd’hui, c‘était un modèle de manif de quartier, avec ses avantages et ses inconvénients, qui nous a fait grave plaisir et nous a permis de montrer aux compas et au quartier que le confinement ne signifie pas la fin de la rébellion et des luttes !

      Un dernier mot : toute notre solidarité à celleux qui ont pris des amendes aujourd‘hui ou les jours précédents, ailleurs à Montreuil ou Paris. À la Boissière, les flics nous alignent pour rien, du coup notre petite balade sonnait comme une minirevanche. On va essayer de s‘organiser pour que les amendes soient prises en charge collectivement et on vous invite à faire de même !

      La Boissière, déter, et révolutionnaire !

      [...]
      _Suit une liste de #slogans_

  • La lutte pour l’abolition du « délit de solidarité » continue

    Le #Conseil_national a rejeté aujourd’hui l’initiative parlementaire "En finir avec le délit de solidarité" de #Lisa_Mazzone.

    En rejetant l’initiative « En finir avec le délit de solidarité » (https://www.parlament.ch/fr/ratsbetrieb/suche-curia-vista/geschaeft?AffairId=20180461), le Conseil national a raté l’opportunité de faire honneur à la tradition humanitaire de la Suisse. Mais la lutte ne s’arrêtera pas là ! Solidarité sans frontières continuera de soutenir les personnes condamnées dans les cas de recours, de faire connaître leurs histoires et de s’engager pour faire changer cette loi qui est non seulement inhumaine, mais est aussi une aberration juridique. Solidarité sans frontières tient aussi à rappeler que les juges ont une grande marge de manœuvre et peuvent décider d’abandonner les charges ou d’acquitter les peines. Plusieurs jugements étant actuellement en cours (#Anni_Lanz, #Lisa_Bosia und #Norbert_Valley notamment), nous encourageons les juges à abandonner les charges contre ces personnes qui ont agi de manière désintéressée.

    https://www.sosf.ch/fr/sujets/divers/informations-articles/rejet-initiative-parlementaire-mazzone.html

    #délit_de_solidarité #asile #migrations #réfugiés #frontières #Suisse #vote

  • La militante de #RESF #Vaucluse condamnée en appel pour avoir scolarisé un jeune migrant isolé

    La Cour d’Appel de Nîmes condamne ce jeudi #Chantal_Raffanel à 500 euros d’amende pour avoir scolarisé un jeune migrant à Vedène. La militante de RESF Vaucluse avait été relaxée en première instance mais le parquet avait fait appel.


    https://www.francebleu.fr/infos/faits-divers-justice/la-militante-de-resf-vaucluse-condamnee-pour-avoir-scolarise-un-jeune-mig
    #droit_à_l'éducation #enfants #scolarisation #enfance #école #condamnation #délit_de_solidarité #MNA #mineur_non_accompagné #justice (well...) #it_has_begun
    signalé par @reka sur FB

  • #Conférence_de_presse « La solidarité n’est pas un crime »
    https://www.facebook.com/sosf.fanpage/videos/786198595185108/?hc_location=ufi
    #délit_de_solidarité #statistiques #chiffres #asile #migrations #réfugiés #frontières #Suisse

    Pétition
    La solidarité n’est pas un crime ! Pour une modification de l’article 116 de la Loi fédérale sur les étrangers et l’intégration

    Mesdames et Messieurs les Parlementaires,

    De plus en plus, des individus venant en aide à des personnes en situation de très grande détresse se retrouvent face à un tribunal, parce qu’ils n’ont pas respecté l’article 116 de la Loi fédérale sur les étrangers et l’intégration (LEI) qui interdit l’aide à l’entrée, à la sortie et au séjour illégaux. Lisa Bosia, Norbert Valley ou encore Anni Lanz sont des exemples emblématiques de l’acharnement des autorités à casser l’élan de solidarité envers les réfugié·e·s qui grandit au sein de la population. Au lieu de rendre des comptes à propos de leur pratique de renvoi plus que discutable, elles se servent du droit pénal pour s’attaquer aux personnes qui agissent de manière critique.

    La solidarité n’est pas un crime. Elle doit être encouragée et non réprimée. Alors que toujours davantage d’exilé·e·s se retrouvent dans une grande précarité en raison des politiques xénophobes des gouvernements européens, l’assistance à autrui doit aller de soi, peu importe les papiers.

    Mesdames et Messieurs les Parlementaires, vous aurez bientôt une occasion de faire honneur à la tradition humanitaire de la Suisse et à des personnages dont nous pouvons être fiers comme Paul Grüninger ou Carl Lutz : soutenez l’initiative parlementaire 18.461 « En finir avec le délit de solidarité », qui vise à modifier l’article 116 de la LEI « pour ne plus criminaliser des individus prêtant assistance, dès lors que l’acte est désintéressé et que ces personnes n’en retirent aucun profit personnel ».


    http://article116.mystrikingly.com

    Pour télécharger la pétition en pdf :


    https://www.sosf.ch/cms/upload/pdf/Petition_Article116_Nouveau.pdf

    #Anni_Lanz #Solidarité_sans_frontières

    ping @isskein @karine4

    • Ouvrons les fenêtres

      La solidarité n’est pas un crime. Quelque 30’000 signatures ont été déposées mercredi pour que les amendes frappant des personnes venant en aide aux migrants cessent. L’an passé 972 personnes se sont retrouvées devant la justice… pour avoir fait preuve de générosité !

      La logique voudrait que soient condamnés des malhonnêtes qui exploitent la misère du monde : les passeurs, les usuriers, les marchands de sommeil. Mais, aujourd’hui, sous-louer à prix coûtant une chambre à une personne en détresse, aider un proche ou une personne frappée de non entrée en matière vous exposent à subir le marteau de la loi.

      Notre monde crève de son manque d’humanité ; mais il semble plus urgent à certains de combattre celles et ceux qui ne se résignent pas à vivre dans un monde sans cœur… Il est indispensable de biffer de la loi sur les étrangers et l’intégration ces dispositions liberticides.

      D’autant plus que, juridiquement, on ne comprend pas très bien à quoi correspond cette volonté de criminaliser des personnes qui n’ont rien fait de mal, à part écouter leur conscience. Ou plutôt, si on suit la logique profonde de cette législation, il semble urgent à d’aucuns de protéger la société contre l’aide désintéressée. Dans un monde fondé seulement sur le fric et le pouvoir, une démarche altruiste est en effet hautement suspecte et dangereuse pour l’ordre établi.

      Une initiative parlementaire demandant qu’il soit mis fin à ce dispositif légal va être débattue au printemps. Une nouvelle majorité est sortie des urnes cet automne. Il suffirait qu’une douzaine de députés de droite se rallient à ce texte pour faire bouger les lignes de crête. Ce serait là une belle occasion de montrer qu’un climat nouveau s’est effectivement installé au Palais fédéral.


      https://lecourrier.ch/2019/12/04/ouvrons-les-fenetres

  • As #Scott_Warren retrial nears, judge orders lawyer for volunteer nurse in migrant harboring case

    As Scott Warren — a No More Deaths volunteer charged with two counts of human smuggling — again faces trial, the judge has assigned a lawyer for a volunteer nurse who works with the humanitarian group, in one of several rulings issued Monday morning.

    Warren, a 36-year-old geography professor, faced trial in May on three felony charges, including one count of criminal conspiracy to transport and harbor illegal aliens, and two counts of harboring, stemming from his January 2018 arrest by U.S. Border Patrol agents in Ajo, Ariz.

    In early June, after days of deliberation, a jury refused to convict Warren, but did not find him not guilty. The judge declared a mistrial because of the hung jury.

    Undaunted by the jury’s non-decision, federal prosecutors announced in July that they would seek a new trial, but dropped the conspiracy charge against Warren. They also announced a possible plea deal for Warren, which he did not accept by the prosecution’s deadline.

    As the case has moved toward a second trial, federal prosecutors and Warren’s defense team have issued a flurry of motions and counter-motions that will set the stage for the new court proceeding, slated to begin November 12.

    Among these motions was a request that Susannah Brown, a nurse who regularly provides medical aid to migrants crossing the desert, be assigned a lawyer. Federal prosecutors Nathaniel Walters and Anna Wright argued that Brown should retain a lawyer because “as the government argued in closing” her testimony “demonstrated that she conspired with the defendant to harbor” two men at a ramshackle building used as a staging area for humanitarian organizations, called “the Barn” in Ajo.

    Along with Warren, BP agents arrested Kristian Perez-Villanueva, a 23-year-old man from El Salvador, and Jose Arnaldo Sacaria-Goday, a 21-year-old man from Honduras. The men arrived together and stayed for four days and three nights at the Barn after crossing the desert days earlier, ending up at a gas station in Why, Ariz., in the desert west of Tucson.

    During the trial, Brown became a surprising target for federal prosecutors who tried to show that Warren was involved in a “plan,” along Brown, and an organizer of shelters in Mexico — Irineo Mujica — to smuggle the two men into the United States.

    While Brown sat in the courtroom looking shocked, federal prosecutors essentially accused her of a felony, and showed as part of their evidence video from Perez-Villanueva’s phone. In the video, Brown briefly spoke with the Salvadorian during a Christmas Day celebration at the shelter in Sonoyta, Sonora. In the video, Perez-Villanueva asks Brown her name, and she responds with the same question.

    As Perez-Villanueva turns his camera, Mujica comes into view and tells the man to put the phone down. Mujica and Warren had repeatedly emailed about the shelter and its needs, according to documents shown during the trial. This included a plan to arrange a Jan. 12 visit to the shelter, and that a group of No More Deaths volunteers went to Mexico to bring water and operate a temporary medical clinic. The next day, Perez-Villanueva and Sacaria-Goday began their journey by climbing over the fence that separates the U.S. and Mexico.

    In motions, Warren’s lawyers told the court that Brown could invoke her 5th Amendment rights during a retrial “given the accusations” made against her.

    Collins also considered a motion filed by Greg Kuykendall and Amy Knight, who argued that they should be able to submit evidence that shows Border Patrol agents may “hold biases or prejudices against No More Deaths in general and Dr. Warren in particular.”

    In their motion, Kuykendall and Knight, argued that the jury should be shown evidence that the two agents who arrested Warren—Border Patrol agents Brendan Burns and John Marquez—might have had reasons to “perceive Dr. Warren in a negative light and/or shade their testimony against him.”

    During the trial, the two Border Patrol agents said they set up an observation post about 200-300 yards from the Barn, just across from a rural road on a patch of federally owned land.

    As part of an anti-smuggling unit called the “disrupt unit,” the agents said they worked to break up smuggling organizations, but on Jan. 17—the same day that No More Deaths published a report that was highly critical of the agency, including videos of Border Patrol agents destroying water drops that immediately went viral—the two plain-clothes agents parked themselves near the Barn, and using a spotting scope, zeroed in on Warren “gesturing” to the mountains with two men they believed to be illegally in the U.S.

    Kuykendall and Knight argued that “the government depended heavily on these agents’ subjective impressions and intentions.”

    “This case was essentially a credibility contest—the agents’ interpretation set against the NMD volunteers’ explanations for their actions. The government argued that everything the defense had described was a cover-up engineered to avoid criminal liability,” Warren’s attorneys wrote. “In this context, it is crucial for jurors to understand the various possible reasons the agents may portrayed Dr. Warren as they did.”

    They also argued that Warren’s arrest was part of campaign of selective enforcement carried out by Border Patrol because the agents were upset that NMD had “that very morning, released a humiliating report and accompanying video footage exposing the Border Patrol’s gleeful destruction of humanitarian aid supplies, giving them a specific reason to resent NMD and the people associated with it.”

    Reporter profile
    More by Paul Ingram

    Posted Oct 21, 2019, 1:59 pm

    Paul Ingram TucsonSentinel.com

    As Scott Warren — a No More Deaths volunteer charged with two counts of human smuggling — again faces trial, the judge has assigned a lawyer for a volunteer nurse who works with the humanitarian group, in one of several rulings issued Monday morning.

    Warren, a 36-year-old geography professor, faced trial in May on three felony charges, including one count of criminal conspiracy to transport and harbor illegal aliens, and two counts of harboring, stemming from his January 2018 arrest by U.S. Border Patrol agents in Ajo, Ariz.

    In early June, after days of deliberation, a jury refused to convict Warren, but did not find him not guilty. The judge declared a mistrial because of the hung jury.

    Undaunted by the jury’s non-decision, federal prosecutors announced in July that they would seek a new trial, but dropped the conspiracy charge against Warren. They also announced a possible plea deal for Warren, which he did not accept by the prosecution’s deadline.

    As the case has moved toward a second trial, federal prosecutors and Warren’s defense team have issued a flurry of motions and counter-motions that will set the stage for the new court proceeding, slated to begin November 12.

    Among these motions was a request that Susannah Brown, a nurse who regularly provides medical aid to migrants crossing the desert, be assigned a lawyer. Federal prosecutors Nathaniel Walters and Anna Wright argued that Brown should retain a lawyer because “as the government argued in closing” her testimony “demonstrated that she conspired with the defendant to harbor” two men at a ramshackle building used as a staging area for humanitarian organizations, called “the Barn” in Ajo.

    Along with Warren, BP agents arrested Kristian Perez-Villanueva, a 23-year-old man from El Salvador, and Jose Arnaldo Sacaria-Goday, a 21-year-old man from Honduras. The men arrived together and stayed for four days and three nights at the Barn after crossing the desert days earlier, ending up at a gas station in Why, Ariz., in the desert west of Tucson.

    During the trial, Brown became a surprising target for federal prosecutors who tried to show that Warren was involved in a “plan,” along Brown, and an organizer of shelters in Mexico — Irineo Mujica — to smuggle the two men into the United States.

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    While Brown sat in the courtroom looking shocked, federal prosecutors essentially accused her of a felony, and showed as part of their evidence video from Perez-Villanueva’s phone. In the video, Brown briefly spoke with the Salvadorian during a Christmas Day celebration at the shelter in Sonoyta, Sonora. In the video, Perez-Villanueva asks Brown her name, and she responds with the same question.

    As Perez-Villanueva turns his camera, Mujica comes into view and tells the man to put the phone down. Mujica and Warren had repeatedly emailed about the shelter and its needs, according to documents shown during the trial. This included a plan to arrange a Jan. 12 visit to the shelter, and that a group of No More Deaths volunteers went to Mexico to bring water and operate a temporary medical clinic. The next day, Perez-Villanueva and Sacaria-Goday began their journey by climbing over the fence that separates the U.S. and Mexico.

    In motions, Warren’s lawyers told the court that Brown could invoke her 5th Amendment rights during a retrial “given the accusations” made against her.

    Collins also considered a motion filed by Greg Kuykendall and Amy Knight, who argued that they should be able to submit evidence that shows Border Patrol agents may “hold biases or prejudices against No More Deaths in general and Dr. Warren in particular.”

    In their motion, Kuykendall and Knight, argued that the jury should be shown evidence that the two agents who arrested Warren—Border Patrol agents Brendan Burns and John Marquez—might have had reasons to “perceive Dr. Warren in a negative light and/or shade their testimony against him.”

    During the trial, the two Border Patrol agents said they set up an observation post about 200-300 yards from the Barn, just across from a rural road on a patch of federally owned land.

    As part of an anti-smuggling unit called the “disrupt unit,” the agents said they worked to break up smuggling organizations, but on Jan. 17—the same day that No More Deaths published a report that was highly critical of the agency, including videos of Border Patrol agents destroying water drops that immediately went viral—the two plain-clothes agents parked themselves near the Barn, and using a spotting scope, zeroed in on Warren “gesturing” to the mountains with two men they believed to be illegally in the U.S.

    Kuykendall and Knight argued that “the government depended heavily on these agents’ subjective impressions and intentions.”

    “This case was essentially a credibility contest—the agents’ interpretation set against the NMD volunteers’ explanations for their actions. The government argued that everything the defense had described was a cover-up engineered to avoid criminal liability,” Warren’s attorneys wrote. “In this context, it is crucial for jurors to understand the various possible reasons the agents may portrayed Dr. Warren as they did.”

    They also argued that Warren’s arrest was part of campaign of selective enforcement carried out by Border Patrol because the agents were upset that NMD had “that very morning, released a humiliating report and accompanying video footage exposing the Border Patrol’s gleeful destruction of humanitarian aid supplies, giving them a specific reason to resent NMD and the people associated with it.”

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    Collins accepted their argument in part, ruling that “the defense will be able to inquire as to the possible bias or prejudice of the government witnesses.” However, Collins ruled that a document released by No More Deaths itself “will not come into evidence and will not go to the jury.”

    Collins also denied and granted in part a motion filed by Warren’s lawyers to withhold the description of Perez-Villanueva and Sacaria-Goday’s journey in the United States. “The telling of the journey from Mexico to the United States is no longer relevant,” Collins wrote. However, what the two men said to Warren “is relevant and that can come in.”

    Collins also ruled that video from the Why-Not gas station could be played because the video shows the men moving around, buying sports drinks and food before they later received a ride to Ajo.

    “The Court will also allow the playing of the video at the gas station since the extent of the migrants’ injury is still an issue in the case,” Collins wrote.

    Along with this, Collins also will allow testimony that Warren made during a separate trial for misdemeanor charges that he was hit with for entering the Cabeza Prieta National Wildlife Refuge and leaving food and water.

    Collins did accept a motion to allow the defense to submit testimony made during the first trial by Ed McCullough, who showed maps describing where people have died attempting to cross the desert, but was unavailable to testify a second time.

    He also rejected a motion filed by prosecutors that would have kept Warren’s defense team from arguing that NMD had legal “protocols” that were established through consultation with Professor Andrew Silverman and that Warren was acting under the advice of counsel when he brought the two men into the Barn and gave them food, water, and medical care.

    During the first trial, Silverman told the jury that Warren was working under legal protocols that he had helped write, however, federal prosecutors had asked Collins to preclude the defense from “introducing evidence in support of an advice of counsel defense, including evidence pertaining to No More Deaths’ protocols and volunteer training.”

    “Such testimony is irrelevant, improper, and likely to confuse the jury about a material issue in this case,” they argued. Warren and his lawyers had “failed to establish any of the elements of an advice of counsel defense,” because they “did not offer any evidence that [Warren] consulted directly with any attorney and, in fact, objected to disclosing this information to the government.”

    “The defendant’s alleged compliance with the No More Deaths’ protocols also cannot satisfy the elements of the advice of counsel defense,” they wrote.
    First trial ended in jury deadlock

    Warren’s first felony trial began on May 29, and after a seven-day trial, jurors deliberated for about 11 hours over two days before they told the court they were struggling to reach a decision. Collins told the jurors to continue their deliberations, and issued an “Allen charge” instructing jurors to try to reach an unanimous verdict. Among the instructions read by Collins in court, jurors were told to "reexamine their own views, but not to change “an honest belief” because of the opinions of fellow jurors or “for the mere purpose of returning a verdict.”

    But,the next day, the third of deliberations, it became clear that the jury could not reach an unanimous verdict, and Collins declared a hung jury. Following the announcement, Collins set a new hearing for July 2, giving prosecutors time to consider whether they would pursue a retrial.

    During the trial, prosecutors argued that Warren “harbored and shielded from detection” two men in the country illegally at the Barn, and that he was at “hub” of a plan to transport and protect the two men after they illegally crossed the border by climbing over the border fence somewhere near Sonoyta, a Mexican border town.

    Warren, along with two men in the country without authorization, was arrested during at raid by several Border Patrol agents at “the Barn,” a ramshackle building on the town’s outskirts regularly used as a staging point for volunteers who have been working to stem an increasing number of deaths in the remote wildlife refuges west of the unincorporated town.

    As the trial loomed, Warren’s prosecution took on national and international importance, and humanitarian volunteers lead by No More Deaths collected more than 120,000 signatures and submitted them to the U.S. Attorney’s Office in Tucson just days before the trial began, asking for them to drop the charges.

    Warren’s prosecution also came to the attention of human rights experts from the United Nations, who wrote that “providing humanitarian aid is not a crime. We urge the U.S. authorities to immediately drop all charges against Scott Warren.”

    In a letter written by Michael Forst, a special rapporteur on the situation of human rights defenders, the UN body said that Warren’’s work is “vital and legitimate,” and said that No More Deaths" upholds the right to life and prevents the deaths of migrants and asylum seekers at the US-Mexican border."

    “The prosecution of Scott Warren represents an unacceptable escalation of existing patterns criminalising migrant rights defenders along the migrant caravan routes,” they said.

    Forst also noted that Warren’s arrest came “hours after the release of a report” by No More Deaths which linked Border Patrol agents to the “systematic destruction of humanitarian supplies, including water stores, and denounced a pattern of harassment, intimidation and surveillance against humanitarian aid workers.”

    The decision to retry Warren will be the first high-profile test for U.S. Attorney Michael Bailey, who was nominated by President Trump in February and just confirmed by the Senate on May 23. Bailey replaced Elizabeth Strange, who served as the acting U.S. attorney for more than two years after John S. Leonardo stepped down from the position in January 2017.

    Warren’s case is one of three high-profile prosecutions launched against No More Deaths volunteers, including two misdemeanor trials — one also involving Warren — for the group’s efforts to leave food, water, medicine, and other aid in the Cabeza Prieta National Wildlife Refuge.

    Warren’s trial in the misdemeanor charges concluded in May, but Collins has not rendered a verdict in the bench trial, leaving Warren’s fate in those charges also up in the air.

    After the announcement, Warren thanked supporters supporters and castigated the government for bringing charges against him.

    “In the time since I was arrested in January 2018, no fewer than 88 bodies were recovered from the Arizona desert,” Warren said. “The government’s plan in the midst of this humanitarian crisis? Policies to target undocumented people, refugees, and their families. Prosecutions to criminalize humanitarian aid, kindness, and solidarity. And now, the revelation that they will build an enormous and expensive wall across a vast stretch of southwestern Arizona’s unbroken Sonoran Desert.”
    Re-trial would be complete re-do of case

    With the jury deadlocked and the proceedings declared a mistrial, Collins scheduled a hearing for July 2 to review the felony case. Prosecutors may attempt to re-try Warren on the charges, as the jury did not render a verdict. If they do so, the second trial would be a complete re-do, including the selection of a new jury.

    During final arguments, prosecutors argued that Warren “harbored and shielded from detection” two men in the country illegally at “the Barn,” a ramshackle house used as a staging point for aid organizations trying to stem what volunteers like Warren have called a “humanitarian crisis” in the deserts west and south of Ajo, an unincorporated town about 110 miles west of Tucson. Prosecutors said he was at “hub” of a plan to transport and protect the two men after they illegally crossed the border by climbing over the border fence somewhere near Sonoyta, a Mexican border town.

    Warren testified in his own defense telling jurors that his spiritual values compel him to help those who “stumble” out of the desert into the neighborhoods of Ajo, Ariz., and that doing so is “good and right, especially in a place that feels like a low-intensity conflict.”

    No More Deaths has maintained that the arrests of Warren and others were retribution for the release that same day of a report by the humanitarian aid group, documenting claims that Border Patrol agents vandalized water caches placed for migrants crossing the desert.

    After the trial closed, Warren noted that “the other men arrested with me that day Jose Sacaria-Goday and Kristian Perez-Villanueva, have not received the attention and outpouring of support that I have. I do not know how they are doing now, but I do hope they are safe.”

    Warren and other volunteers testified that the men needed medical care, as they were suffering from blisters on their feet, a minor cold, and injuries from being in the desert. However, prosecutors said that this was a “smokescreen,” and repeatedly referred to selfie photos captured from Perez-Villanueva’s cellphone and surveillance video from the Why-Not gas station in Why, Arizona to show that the men were not injured or sick.

    Evidence of a humanitarian crisis, and the loss of lives in the desert didn’t matter , because border crossers haven’t died in Ajo. “That’s not this case, that’s a smokescreen and a distraction for this case,” assistant U.S. Attorney Anna Wright said during her closing arguments.

    As the case went to the jury, the Border Patrol said that it recovered the body of a Guatemalan woman who died trying to cross the Barry M. Goldwater bombing range, which sits just to the north of Ajo and straddles Highway 85.

    Wright said that after Perez-Villanueva and Sacaria-Goday arrived at the barn, Warren called Brown, a registered nurse who volunteers for No More Deaths, not in an effort to get the men medical attention, but rather because she was involved in the “plan” to smuggle the men.

    Brown sat in the courtroom and appeared shocked when she heard the federal prosecutor implicate her in a felony.

    Perez-Villanueva’s phone remained a linchpin to the prosecutor’s case, and Wright highlighted as much saying that while other people who testified might have a bias, the photos and video were evidence that “doesn’t lie.”

    As the trial began, assistant U.S. Attorney Nathaniel Walters told the jury that federal authorities are not targeting humanitarian aid along the border with Mexico.

    “No More Deaths is not on trial,” Walters told the jury. “Scott Warren is.”

    But during the trial, prosecutors argued that these calls and the visit was part of a plan to illegally aid migrants, and noted later that night, Perez-Villanueva and Sacaria-Goday decided to cross the border.

    This brief interaction was enough to show a nexus of relationships between Warren, Mujica, Perez-Villanueva and Brown that could not be a coincidence, Wright argued.

    While Warren testified Wednesday, Mujica was arrested in Sonoyta by Mexican authorities.

    Mujica was later released, and the case against Mujica later collapsed, although there are signs that Mexican officials could once agains launch a case against the organizer, even as he now moves freely from Sonora to areas where there are large numbers of African and Cuban migrants seeking asylum in Tapachula.

    Questions about the timing of Mujica’s arrest and the Mexican government’s case remain.

    During the trial, a Border Patrol agent testified that he reviewed 14,000 pages of data from Warren’s phone, and from those thousands of pages the agent produced a one-page report. “They were not interested in innocence,” Kuykendall said.

    Defense attorney Greg Kuykendall said during his closing argument that it was “frankly terrifying, just terrifying” that his client was charged with a “total lack of evidence.”

    “It’s just supposition,” he said.

    In his opening statement two weeks ago, Kuykendall said Warren did not intend to break the law when he came across two undocumented immigrants early last year.

    “Scott intended to perform basic human kindness,” he told jurors, and was acting in accordance with his Christian faith.

    After the jury said it was deadlocked, Kuykendall was asked if “humanitarian aid being targeted by the federal government?,” Kuykendall responded, “you should ask the federal government. And use your own common sense.”

    Kuykendall also told the court last week that emails between Mujica and Warren, along with others showed that Warren was working on search and rescue and recovery efforts, and that when volunteers went to help the “Hope Shelter” there, they should contact Mujica.

    The U.S. government, he said, had all the power and resources to direct the agent to investigate and present all the evidence to the jury, he said. He also argued that the government failed to interview Mujica, noting that as one of the agents, Burns, who arrested Warren testified, he was called to a checkpoint after Mujica was held in a secondary inspection area, and yet he did not “interrogate” the man who might be at the center of the conspiracy.

    Photos from Perez-Villanueva’s phone shows the two men inside a van, after apparently leaving a gas station in Ajo. In the warrant for Warren’s phone, another agent noted that in Mujica’s vehicle Burns found black water bottles, a notebook containing a “detailed account” of travel through Mexico, and identity cards of men who were later apprehended by Border Patrol. However, Mujica wasn’t arrested by Burns, and weeks later, a passenger in his van was apprehended for being in the country illegally, leaving questions about Mujica’s role in Warren’s case.

    During opening arguments, assistant U.S. Attorney Nathaniel Walters tried to downplay the case’s consequences for humanitarian aid in the borderlands. While Warren is a “high-ranking member” of No More Deaths, the group was not on trial, rather Warren is “on trial,” Walters said.

    “This case is not about humanitarian aid or anyone in medical distress,” Walters said. “But, rather, this is about an attempt to shield two illegal aliens for several days,” from law enforcement, he said.

    However, during her closing arguments, Wright focused on the idea that Warren was a “high-ranking member” of No More Deaths, and she admitted that Warren did not receive a financial benefit, but said that instead, Warren “gets to further the goals of the organization” and “thwart the Border Patrol at every turn.”

    During the trial, the two Border Patrol agents— Burns and John Marquez —said they set up an observation post about 200-300 yards from the Barn, just across from a rural road on a patch of federally owned land.

    As part of an anti-smuggling unit called the “disrupt unit,” the agents said they worked to break up smuggling organizations, but on Jan. 17—the same day that No More Deaths published a report that was highly critical of the agency, including videos of Border Patrol agents destroying water drops that immediately went viral—the two plain-clothes agents parked themselves near the Barn, and using a spotting scope, zeroed in on Warren “gesturing” to the mountains with two men they believed to be illegally in the U.S.

    Warren said during the trial that he was trying to “orient” the men, who were preparing to head north, and that he was telling them to stay inside a valley between Child’s Mountain and Hat Peak, where they “if they got in trouble” they could head to Highway 85 and seek help. Prosecutors said that Warren was telling the men how to bypass a Border Patrol checkpoint on the highway and that Warren was giving them a pathway to follow from Ajo toward Interstate 8.

    Warren said that he stayed outside and was working on building a fire in preparation for students from a high-school in Flagstaff to come the Barn, when he saw a “convoy” of vehicles heading his way. Once agents came up to the barn, Warren said during testimony that he was handcuffed within two minutes, but that he offered to walk into the Barn with the agents.

    Burns and Marquez arrived moments later, and went around to the back where Perez-Villanueva was sitting on the threshold in the bathroom door. Inside, Sacaria-Goday was hiding behind the shower curtain.

    Wright attacked Warren’s credibility, saying that by seeking “context” he was actually trying to “distract” from the central issue and that Warren use of the word “orientation” was just a “fancy word for giving people directions.” When he was outside and spotted by Border Patrol agents, he was giving the men information so they could go “from point A, Ajo, to point B, Interstate 8.” These directions gave the men a “path” to follow away from the Border Patrol checkpoint allowing them to “further their journey,” she said.
    Warren: ’Haunting crisis’

    During his testimony, Warren said that he went to Ajo in order to work on his dissertation as a doctoral candidate at Arizona State University. He became increasingly interested in issues in Ajo and met with members of the Ajo Samaritans after he attended one of the Border Patrol’s citizen academies, a six-week course designed to inform the public about the agency’s mission.

    He said that as he stayed in Ajo, his eyes were “really opened” to the humanitarian crisis in the desert surrounding the small desert town, and that he became heavily involved in the community, becoming an elected member of the West Pima County Community Council. “It’s an elected position, but everyone runs unopposed,” Warren quipped.

    As he lived in Ajo, it became clear that everyday migrants “are stumbling” out of the wilderness aching for food, water and shelter, and that helping them is a “ubiquitous experience,” for residents in the town. After months in Ajo, Warren found himself part of an effort to recover the remains of a migrant who had perished in the nearby Barry M. Goldwater Bombing Range, and the experience of finding human bones in the desert, “felt like a big transition for me,” Warren testified.

    “This crisis became real to me, in a haunting kind of way,” Warren said. He was used to finding animal bones in the desert, but the bones from a human being who had died “not long before,” stuck with him, he said.

    After finding the bones, he found that when he saw someone come out of the desert, he again saw the decaying bones at the “same time, almost like a split-screen,” and that he was struck by the “disturbing reality of how people who are living can be disappeared and lost to the desert,” he said.

    Warren testified that he has helped find and recover 18 sets of human remains in the desert around Ajo, and that the work is a “deeply profound effort.”

    During the hearing, Warren’s lawyer Kuykendall asked him, “what are you doing, spending your whole life helping strangers?”

    “It feels choice-less,” Warren said. “How could you not do that when there are people dying around you?” he asked. “How could you not respond?”

    “Everyone who enters that desert will suffer,” he said. Migrants attempt to cross the desert will have to walk a “long, long way” to cross the desert, and they’ll witness death, either of other migrants or their companions, along the way.

    “It’s an epic undertaking, you have to put everything you’ve got on the line in order to make it,” Warren said, telling the jury that migrants often have already faced danger and deprivation in Mexico before they even attempt “the hardest thing they’ve ever done in their lives.”

    Nonetheless, Warren testified that he felt it was important to follow the law, in part to protect the students and volunteers who came to the Barn.

    “Why would you want to understand the legal limits,” asked Kuykendall.

    “I want to work within the border of the law, and not be doing something illegal and put students in a situation where they’re doing something illegal,” Warren said.
    Payback?

    On the day Warren was arrested, NMD released a report that said that from 2012 to 2015, 415 caches of water left for crossers in the 800-square-mile corridor near Arivaca were vandalized, spilling nearly 3,600 gallons of water into the desert.

    During this same time period, the bodies of 1,026 people were found in the Sonoran Desert, according to records from the Pima County Office of the Medical Examiner.

    Using statistical analysis, including land-use patterns, as well as video from trail cameras, and personal experiences to support their claims, the group said that U.S. Border Patrol agents “are responsible for the widespread interference with essential humanitarian efforts.”

    As part of the report’s release, NMD also published videos of Border Patrol agents intentionally destroying water bottles, including a video in which a female Border Patrol agent systematically kicks a half-dozen water bottles, spilling their contents, and a 2017 video in which an agent punctures a water bottle with a knife.

    This report embarrassed and infuriated agents, prompting one to say that NMD had “gone too far” and “messed with the wrong guy,” according to a motion filed by Warren’s defense lawyers in March.

    Previous prosecutions
    Federal officials have attempted to prosecute humanitarian volunteers before, though after two high-profile cases in 2005 and 2008, the government avoided formal prosecutions until 2017, when nine No More Deaths volunteers–including Warren—were charged with entering a wildlife refuge without a permit and leaving food, water, and other supplies on the Cabeza Prieta National Wildlife Refuge, a 800,000-acre wilderness, west of Ajo.

    In 2005, agents arrested Shanti A. Sellz and Daniel M. Strauss after they stopped the two volunteers, and found three people in the country without authorization in their car. However, that indictment was tossed by U.S. District Judge Raner Collins—the same judge who is overseeing Warren’s case.

    In 2008, U.S. Fish and Wildlife officers cited volunteer Dan Millis for littering on the Buenos Aires National Wildlife Refugee after he left water jugs there, however, the Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals overturned his conviction.

    But, after eight years, a detente between the group and Border Patrol began to collapse, beginning with surveillance of the group’s camp on private land south of Arivaca in 2016, and followed by a June 2017 incident when, with a warrant in hand, Border Patrol agents raided the camp and arrested four men, all migrants suspected of being in the country illegally.

    That raid followed an announcement by then-Attorney General Jeff Sessions who told reporters during a press conference in Nogales on April 11, 2017 that federal prosecutors “are now required to consider for prosecution” the “transportation or harboring of aliens.”

    Sessions announcement was part of the Trump administrations “zero tolerance” policies as part of a hard-nosed crackdown on border and immigrant communities, and just nine months later, prosecutors in Tucson sought an indictment against Warren.

    Kuykendall also questioned the credibility of the agents, noting their use in messages in a group chat of the word “tonc.”

    The term “tonc” or “tonk” is widely used by agents to refer to border-crossers, but the term’s origin is unclear. Some have argued that the term refers to the sound of a metal flashlight hitting a skull, while others have said that it stands for “temporarily outside naturalized country,” or “true origin not known.”

    And, Kuykendall said that Burns did not know that the Barn remained unlocked and unsecured. After Warren’s arrest on Jan. 17, 2018, Border Patrol agents waited until Jan. 22 to execute a warrant and search the property. Burns appeared to not know that detail until he was told so by Kuykendall in court.

    “What kind of investigation is this, that leaves the building unsecured for 120 hours?,” the attorney rhetorically asked the jury.

    Kuykendall also argued that the two men who also arrested with Warren were given immunity from immigration charges so they would testify in a video deposition shown to the jury on Monday.

    “They are the government’s own witnesses” and yet they disputed some of Wright’s arguments. “This is the best the government can come up with?” he asked.

    Kuykendall said that government’s lack of evidence, “if it weren’t so scary, it would be laughable.”

    No More Deaths vows to continue aiding migrants
    “A hung jury means the government could not prove its case,” Warren defense attorney Amy Knight said. “Scott remains innocent and admirable.”

    Chris Fleischman, a volunteer with No More Deaths, said the organization plans to continue its humanitarian aid work following the announcement.

    “It’s still good to know that the Trump administration’s attempt to criminalize humanitarian aid has failed,” he said. “But we will still be working to end death and suffering in the borderlands.”

    It wasn’t immediately clear after the trial whether the government will seek a new case against Warren.

    “I would think that they wouldn’t waste their effort to do that,” Fleischman said, adding, “We’re concerned for his freedom. That he could be prosecuted for doing what we all had thought is legal anyway.”

    http://www.tucsonsentinel.com/local/report/102119_warren_trial/as-scott-warren-retrial-nears-judge-orders-lawyer-volunteer-nurse-mi

    #procès #justice #asile #migrations #réfugiés #délit_de_solidarité #solidarité #frontières #USA #Etats-Unis #USA

    Plus sur Scott Warren ici:
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    ping @isskein

    • *Government Doesn’t Want Trump or His Immigration Policies

      Mentioned in Retrial of Border Aid Worker Scott Warren*


      As they prepare to make their second attempt at sending a border-based humanitarian volunteer to prison, federal prosecutors in Arizona are worried that the politics behind the policies they enforce might creep into the courtroom.

      In a late-stage motion, government lawyers have urged an Arizona judge to bar any mention of President Donald Trump or his immigration policies from the upcoming retrial of Scott Warren, a 36-year-old geographer who was indicted on felony harboring and conspiracy charges for giving two young migrants crossing a deadly stretch of desert food, water, and a place to sleep for three days in 2018. Warren is one of nine volunteers with the faith-based organization No More Deaths that the administration has charged with federal crimes for their work in the Arizona desert since Trump’s inauguration.

      The prosecutors’ concerns that Warren’s trial could become a referendum on Trump’s policies — specifically those that involve pressing charges against people for providing humanitarian aid — are not entirely misplaced. According to new research examining public opinion around the president’s hard-line border enforcement measures, Americans, regardless of political affiliation, overwhelmingly reject the notion that providing lifesaving care to people in the desert should be criminalized, suggesting that the government’s crackdown in the borderlands is well outside the bounds of what most people expect or demand from law enforcement.

      A national survey conducted in August by Chris Zepeda-Millán, an associate professor of public policy at UCLA, and Sophia Jordán Wallace, an associate professor of political science at the University of Washington, posed the question: “Do you agree or disagree that it should be a crime for people to offer humanitarian aid, such as water or first-aid, to undocumented immigrants crossing the desert along the U.S.-Mexico border?” To the researchers’ surprise, nearly 87 percent of the 1,500 American adults surveyed disagreed. When the results were broken down along party lines, the survey became even more interesting: Nearly 70 percent of Republicans said they disagreed with criminal prosecution for the provision of humanitarian aid, and nearly 38 percent said they “strongly disagreed” with the idea.

      “The findings suggest that the vast majority of Americans, including the vast majority of Republicans, do not support the criminalization of the type of work that No More Deaths and Scott Warren were doing,” Zepeda-Millán told The Intercept.

      The survey was conducted for a forthcoming book and paper looking at public opinion around Trump’s most aggressive immigration and border policies. And while there’s still work to be done on that broader project, the researchers chose to share their findings on the humanitarian aid question in advance of Warren’s retrial — he returns to court on Tuesday and faces a decade behind bars if convicted and sentenced to consecutive terms — in part because of how striking they are.

      Students of U.S. immigration enforcement history tend to agree that the Trump administration’s approach did not suddenly materialize out of nowhere, but is instead the extension of a multidecade trajectory of increased criminalization of immigration offenses and an unprecedented build-up in border security infrastructure, now infused with the hard-right rhetoric of authoritarian regimes around the world. There is one area, however, in which the current administration has distinguished itself from its White House predecessors, Zepeda-Millán noted: the targeting of immigrant rights activists. While it keeps thousands of asylum-seekers in legal limbo in some of Mexico’s most dangerous border cities, the administration is simultaneously criminalizing — and in some cases arresting and deporting — those who challenge Trump’s policies, he noted.

      It’s a pattern of “anti-movement state repression,” Zepeda-Millán argued, and it’s why understanding public opinion on these policies is so critical. Traditionally, the best indicator of a person’s stance on a given immigration policy issue is their party affiliation, he explained. “When it comes to immigration, there’s usually a really strict and stable partisan divide,” he said. “As long as we know what your political party is, we can pretty much guess what your opinion is going to be on deportation, on the wall, etc.”

      The survey results bucked that trend in a major way, reflecting a rare thing in American politics: strong, bipartisan consensus on a matter of immigration-related policy in the era of Trump.

      The same Trumpian politics and policies that Zepeda-Millán and Wallace examined, and that prosecutors have sought to banish from Warren’s trial, have served as the backdrop for the government’s criminalization campaign in southern Arizona from the beginning.

      It started in the run-up to the 2016 election, with Border Patrol agents parking their vehicles outside the humanitarian aid camp that No More Deaths has used for years and urging the volunteers to “Vote Trump!” by megaphone. Shortly after Trump’s election, then-Attorney General Jeff Sessions flew to Arizona, where he encouraged his prosecutors to bring more cases like the one against Warren. “This is the Trump era,” Sessions said at the time.

      Not long after the visit, the Border Patrol raided No More Deaths’ camp in a show of force that involved a helicopter and roughly 20 agents, some carrying rifles, deployed to arrest four undocumented migrants who had crossed the desert and were receiving medical aid. Six days later, a senior Border Patrol agent in the Tucson sector told a world-renowned forensic anthropologist, who works on the issue of migrant deaths in the desert, that the humanitarian aid group had “messed with the wrong guy.” The anthropologist, in a sworn court declaration, said the agent told her his agency intended to “shut them down.”

      Throughout the summer of 2017, the Border Patrol and senior officials at U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service worked together to monitor the activity of No More Deaths volunteers who were leaving food and jugs of water on the Cabeza Prieta National Wildlife Refuge, a profoundly remote and extraordinarily deadly stretch of the Sonoran Desert. They compiled blacklists of volunteers and kept tabs on Warren’s movements in the tiny border community of Ajo, where he lives and works. As summer turned to fall, prosecutors filed federal misdemeanor charges — for littering and trespassing — against Warren and eight other No More Deaths volunteers for driving on designated wilderness and leaving humanitarian aid supplies on the wildlife refuge.

      On the morning of January 18, 2018, No More Deaths published a scathing report implicating the Border Patrol in the destruction of thousands of gallons of water, left in jugs for migrants crossing the desert. The report, which included video evidence that soon went viral, was shared with the patrol agent in charge of the Ajo Border Patrol station. Agents from the station then set up surveillance on a building known as “the Barn,” which serves as a base for Warren, No More Deaths, and other border aid groups. Late in the afternoon, the agents spotted Warren with two young men who they suspected to be undocumented. A raiding party composed of most of Ajo’s law enforcement community was quickly organized.

      Warren and the two young men were placed under arrest. Their names were Kristian Perez-Villanueva and Jose Arnaldo Sacaria-Godoy. They had fled El Salvador and Honduras, respectively, and crossed the desert by foot, where they were chased by immigration agents and lost the food they had brought with them. In the depositions they later gave, they described how a man in Ajo dropped them off at the Barn and they let themselves inside. Warren showed up not long after. They asked him for food and water, and he welcomed them to both. Warren came and went in the days that followed, the migrants said, along with a number of other humanitarian aid volunteers using the space at the time.

      Warren was indicted a month later on two charges of harboring and one count of conspiracy, bring the total time he faced in prison to 20 years. His trial, which began in late May, ended in a hung jury.

      With Warren’s retrial approaching, the prosecution and the defense have filed several motions in recent weeks, perhaps none so unusual as the one the government’s attorneys submitted on October 29. “For the first time, the United States learned the defense might mention the President of the United States, Donald Trump, his administration, or his administration’s policies,” the motion read.

      Such references, the prosecutors argued, “would be irrelevant and unfairly prejudicial.”

      The idea that Warren’s actions should now be divorced from the politics of the world at large is a new direction for Assistant U.S. Attorneys Anna Wright and Nathaniel J. Walters — though given the events during the last trial, that is perhaps understandable.

      While Walters, in his opening statement at Warren’s trial over the summer, insisted that the prosecution was not about No More Deaths, and that the government’s concern was Warren’s actions alone, the nature of the prosecution’s case was something else entirely. Throughout the eight-day trial, Walters and Wright argued that Warren was the lynchpin in a shadowy criminal conspiracy to move people into the country illegally for political purposes. According to the prosecutors, the goal was not to make a profit, unlike most other criminal operations, but to undermine the Border Patrol and further No More Deaths’ political aim of establishing a borderless world. Over and over, both at the trial and pretrial hearings, the prosecutors asked No More Deaths volunteers if they supported the abolishment of Immigration and Customs Enforcement, a policy proposal born in the midst of Trump’s immigration crackdown.

      Central to the government’s narrative was a characterization of Warren as a deceptive and “high-ranking leader” of No More Deaths who could not be trusted. In an effort to underscore this idea, Walters at one point entered into evidence an article Warren wrote for the Washington Post on the eve of his trial. The bungled and baffling attempt to draw some damning revelation from Warren’s own assessment of the case backfired spectacularly. On cross-examination, Warren’s attorney, Greg Kuykendall, argued that if Walters was going to cherry-pick details from the op-ed, the jury should hear the rest of what was written. District Judge Raner Collins directed Warren to read the piece out loud and, with that, Warren linked his case directly to Trump’s most infamous immigration enforcement policies, from the crackdown on humanitarian aid to the separation of families at the border to a pattern of potentially preventable deaths in the desert.

      For Warren’s friends and supporters, the introduction of the politics and policies that surround Warren’s prosecution into the official record felt like a turning point, a moment when the people deciding his fate were permitted to see what his case was really all about. In the end, eight jurors chose to oppose Warren’s conviction, while four supported it. In July, when the U.S. Attorney’s Office announced that it would be retry the case, it dropped the conspiracy charge.

      Any efforts to prohibit mention of Trump or his policies would violate Warren’s First, Fifth, and Fourteenth Amendment rights under the U.S. Constitution, defense attorney Amy Knight wrote in a motion responding to the government’s request last week. Knight argued that the motion amounted to a request for an “extraordinary ban” with zero “explanation whatsoever of the prejudice” that would result from “daring to mention the President, a man who maintains ultimate authority over this prosecution (notably, the same man who appointed both the United States Attorney General and the United States Attorney for the District of Arizona).” Not only that, she noted, “the government itself introduced the only mention of President Trump into the previous trial, when, while questioning Dr. Warren, it brought up an article he had written expressing some of his views.”

      Paige Corich-Kleim, a longtime volunteer with No More Deaths, said in a statement to The Intercept that the organization worked “to expose government misconduct and intervene in the border crisis.”

      “The government’s attempts to erase the political nature of this retrial is part of their continued efforts to hide what is truly happening along the border and evade responsibility for the violence they have caused,” she added. “Deaths on the border are the predictable outcome of not just border militarization, but also U.S. intervention in Latin America. Their attempts to limit the scope of evidence are self serving.”

      Whether or not the government’s “he who shall not be named” efforts are successful, there are realities in Warren’s case that the prosecutors cannot escape.

      Since 2001, in Pima County alone, more than 3,000 people have lost their lives trying to cross the Sonoran Desert, a grim result of government policies that began two decades before Trump’s election. These deaths, predominantly resulting from dehydration and exposure to the desert sun, are horrifically agonizing and, as Zepeda-Millán and Wallace’s survey shows, most people oppose criminalizing efforts to stop them from happening. It’s a fact that Zepeda-Millán finds both heartening and deeply sad.

      “The good news is that despite Republican support for very punitive, draconian immigration policies, we seem to have found a limit or a threshold to their nativism,” he said. Though they consistently support a wall to keep undocumented immigrants out, and aggressive deportation measures to remove them once they are here, Zepeda-Millán added, “At the moment of life and death that migrants in the desert often find themselves in, Republicans seem to be willing to throw undocumented migrants at least a momentary lifesaver. That’s the good news.”

      “The bad news,” he said, “is that’s a pretty low bar.”

      https://theintercept.com/2019/11/11/immigration-aid-scott-warren-retrial

  • France : Des enfants migrants privés de protection
    Human Rights Watch

    Le rapport de 80 pages, intitulé « ‘Ça dépend de leur humeur’ : Traitement des enfants migrants non accompagnés dans les Hautes-#Alpes », montre que les évaluateurs, dont le travail consiste à certifier la minorité d’un enfant, c’est-à-dire qu’il a moins de 18 ans, ne se conforment pas aux normes internationales. Human Rights Watch a constaté que les évaluateurs utilisent diverses justifications pour refuser d’octroyer une protection aux enfants, telles que des erreurs minimes de dates, une réticence à aborder dans le détail des expériences particulièrement traumatisantes, des objectifs de vie jugées irréalistes, ou encore le fait d’avoir travaillé dans le pays d’origine ou au cours du parcours migratoire.



    Vidéo https://www.hrw.org/fr/news/2019/09/05/france-des-enfants-migrants-prives-de-protection
    et rapport https://www.hrw.org/fr/report/2019/09/05/ca-depend-de-leur-humeur/traitement-des-enfants-migrants-non-accompagnes-dans-les
    #mineurs #MNA #frontière #refoulement #France #Italie #âge #réfugiés #asile #migrations #frontière_sud-alpine

    ping @cdb_77 @cede @isskein

    • Hautes-Alpes : HRW pointe des violations des droits des enfants migrants

      L’ONG Human Rights Watch publie ce jeudi 5 septembre un rapport sur la situation des mineurs migrants non accompagnés dans le département des #Hautes-Alpes, à la frontière franco-italienne. Basé sur une enquête auprès d’une soixantaine d’enfants et adolescents, essentiellement originaires de l’Afrique de l’Ouest, ce rapport dénonce de multiples violations aussi bien du droit français que des normes internationales de protection des #droits_des_enfants.

      Ils ont entre 15 et 18 ans. Victimes d’abus dans leurs pays d’origine, ils ont traversé la Méditerranée pour chercher refuge en Europe. Mal accueillis en Italie, ils tentent de passer en France, au risque d’être refoulés par la police aux frontières.

      « D’après ce que les enfants que nous avons interviewé nous ont raconté, quand il y a des renvois, ils sont souvent arbitraires et reposent souvent sur le bon vouloir d’un ou des agents. La conséquence, c’est que de nombreux enfants -pour éviter une interpellation- passent la frontière à travers la montagne dans des conditions extrêmement difficiles », explique Bénédicte Jeannerod de Human Rights Watch (HRW).

      Et quand ils arrivent à passer en France, ils ne sont pas au bout de leurs obstacles. La reconnaissance de la #minorité leur est souvent refusée. « Les procédures, telles qu’elles sont mises en oeuvre dans le département des Hautes-Alpes, sont extrêmement défectueuses, souligne encore Bénédicte Jeannerod. Par exemple, dans son entretien d’évaluation, l’enfant va être accusé de mentir ; ou alors il va donner beaucoup de détails sur son parcours et on va lui dire que c’est un signe de (sa) majorité... Tous les éléments donnés par l’enfant sont retournés contre lui et aboutissent à des rejets de minorité #arbitraire. »

      Human Rights Watch rappelle que la France a l’obligation de protéger tout migrant mineur et de lui assurer l’accès à l’hébergement, à l’éducation et à la santé.

      Les personnes aidant les migrants également ciblées

      HRW dénonce aussi le harcèlement policier à l’encontre des bénévoles humanitaires qui participent aux opérations de recherches et de sauvetages des migrants en montagne. « Ce ne sont pas des associations en particulier, ce sont vraiment les personnes qui mènent ce travail d’assistance et de secours en montagne et qui subissent des contrôles d’identité injustifiés, qui sont poursuivies par la justice ou alors qui vont voir leur véhicule fouillé de manière abusive », poursuit Bénédicte Jeannerod.

      Ce sont des #pratiques_policières qui dissuadent ces opérations qui peuvent être des opérations vitales et qui s’opposent à la dernière décision du Conseil constitutionnel qui considère « qu’une aide apportée à des migrants, même en situation irrégulière, ne peut pas être criminalisée ou sanctionnée tant que cette aide s’effectue dans un objectif humanitaire et qu’elle ne bénéficie pas de contrepartie. »

      Le Conseil constitutionnel a consacré l’an passé la valeur constitutionnelle du « principe de fraternité » en réponse précisément à une requête de plusieurs associations et particuliers dont Cédric Herrou, un agriculteur devenu le symbole de la défense des migrants de la vallée de la Roya (Alpes Maritimes), l’un des principaux points de passage des migrants arrivés en Europe par l’Italie.

      https://www.infomigrants.net/fr/post/19312/hautes-alpes-hrw-pointe-des-violations-des-droits-des-enfants-migrants

      https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=lVQjCoUTzPs


      #frontières #enfants #enfance #PAF #solidarité #délit_de_solidarité #maraudes_solidaires

      Le rapport en pdf:
      https://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/report_pdf/france0919fr_web.pdf

    • Les militants promigrants dans les Hautes-Alpes harcelés par la police, selon HRW

      Contrôles d’identité, contraventions pour un prétexte fallacieux… Human Rights Watch déplore, dans un rapport, les manœuvres des forces de l’ordre pour « entraver les activités humanitaires ».

      « #Harcèlement » et « #intimidation », tels sont les outils de la police française pour « entraver les activités humanitaires » des militants venant en aide aux migrants à la frontière franco-italienne, affirme, dans un rapport publié jeudi 5 septembre, l’organisation non gouvernementale (ONG) Human Rights Watch (HRW).

      La publication, qui intervient une semaine après la condamnation de trois dirigeants de l’organisation d’extrême droite Génération identitaire pour une opération menée dans cette même région en 2018, documente également les refoulements de « mineurs non accompagnés » vers l’Italie.

      Lors de leurs maraudes, les bénévoles et militants associatifs sont régulièrement ciblés par des contrôles d’identité « abusifs », souligne le rapport, qui se focalise sur la situation dans les Hautes-Alpes.

      « Dans de nombreux cas, la police semble recourir à ces procédures de façon sélective, à des fins d’intimidation et de harcèlement ou pour entraver les activités humanitaires », poursuit l’ONG de défense des droits humains qui réclame une enquête sur ces pratiques. L’objectif, « c’est de leur mettre des bâtons dans les roues » et de « gêner leurs actions », résume pour l’Agence France-Presse (AFP) Bénédicte Jeannerod, directrice France chez HRW.
      « Le délit de solidarité continue d’être utilisé »

      « Systématiquement, lorsqu’on part en maraude à Montgenèvre [commune limitrophe de l’Italie], il y a des contrôles (…), souvent plusieurs fois dans la soirée », raconte un bénévole cité dans le rapport, qui porte sur une enquête menée entre janvier et juillet 2019.

      Contraventions pour un balai d’essuie-glace défectueux, une absence d’autocollant signalant des pneus cloutés… « Le délit de solidarité continue d’être utilisé », déplore Mme Jeannerod.

      Même si le pic de la crise migratoire est passé, en matière de flux, « la pression sur les militants continue de s’accentuer », confirme Laure Palun, codirectrice de l’Association nationale d’assistance aux frontières pour les étrangers (Anafé), qui a publié en début d’année un rapport sur la situation à la frontière franco-italienne.

      Légalement, l’aide à l’entrée, à la circulation ou au séjour irréguliers en France est passible d’une peine maximale de cinq ans d’emprisonnement et de 30 000 euros d’amende. En juillet 2018, le Conseil constitutionnel a jugé qu’un acte « humanitaire » ne pouvait pas faire l’objet de sanctions, sauf s’il est effectué dans le cadre d’une aide à l’entrée sur le territoire.

      Malgré cette décision, des poursuites continuent d’être engagées contre des personnes soutenant des migrants, déplore encore Human Rights Watch.

      https://www.lemonde.fr/societe/article/2019/09/05/les-militants-pro-migrants-dans-les-hautes-alpes-harceles-par-la-police-selo
      #mineurs_non_accompagnés

  • 4 #Arizona Women Convicted for Leaving Water for Migrants

    Four aid workers were convicted Friday on charges connected to their efforts to leave food and water for migrants in an Arizona wildlife refuge along the U.S.-Mexico border.

    The volunteers, who are members of the faith-based humanitarian aid group No More Deaths, were caught on Aug. 13, 2017, by a Federal Wildlife officer as they left water jugs, beans and other supplies for migrants in Cabeza Prieta National Wildlife Refuge, which shares a 50-mile border with Mexico. No More Deaths claims that 155 migrants have died in the refuge since 2001, and that the organization aims to save lives by providing basic supplies.

    The judge, United States Magistrate Bernardo P. Velasco, ruled that three of the volunteers – Oona Holcomb, Madeline Huse and Zaachila Orozco-McCormick – were convicted of entering a national wildlife refuge without a permit and abandoning personal property or possessions. A fourth volunteer, Natalie Hoffman, was convicted on an additional charge of operating a motor vehicle in a wilderness area. Each of the volunteers faces up to six months in prison.

    The decision is the first conviction against humanitarian aid volunteers in a decade, the Associated Press reported.

    Velasco wrote in his verdict that the women had failed to get permits for expanded access to the wildlife refuge, had gone off the roads where they are allowed to travel and left behind their belongings. The verdict said that their actions “[erode] the national decision to maintain the refuge in its pristine nature.”

    No More Deaths responded to Velasco’s verdict by claiming that the decision is part of a larger crisis of conscience in the U.S. Catherine Gaffney, a volunteer for the organization, said that the four volunteers were driven by moral principles.

    “This verdict challenges not only No More Deaths volunteers, but people of conscience throughout the country. If giving water to someone dying of thirst is illegal, what humanity is left in the law of this country?” Gaffney said.

    Five other humanitarian aid volunteers are also facing trial later this winter on similar charges, the nonprofit said.

    The judge rejected several defenses the volunteers used to explain their actions, including a defense that they had been acting on their “moral, ethical and spiritual belief to help other people in need.”

    He also rejected the claim that an Assistant United States Attorney had deliberately misled the organization by telling them that the Department of Justice did not plan to prosecute aid workers.

    Velasco went on to chastise the organization for misleading the volunteers about the legal risks they faced.

    “Each one acted on the mistaken belief that the worst that could happen was that they could be banned, debarred… or fined,” he wrote in his verdict. “No one in charge of No More Deaths ever informed them that their conduct could be prosecuted as a criminal offense nor did any of the Defendants make any independent inquiry into the legality or consequences of their activities.”

    In response to the verdict, No More Deaths announced that it would hold a vigil outside of Eloy Detention Center in Arizona on Saturday night.


    https://time.com/5508196/no-more-deaths-migrants-border
    #USA #solidarité #délit_de_solidarité #Etats-Unis #frontières #asile #migrations #réfugiés #condamnation

    –-------

    4 femmes, après le cas #Scott_Warren :
    https://seenthis.net/tag/scott_warren

  • Sicilian fishermen risk prison to rescue migrants: ‘No human would turn away’

    A father and son describe what it’s like to hear desperate cries on the sea at night as Italy hardens its stance against incomers.

    Captain #Carlo_Giarratano didn’t think twice when, late last month, during a night-time fishing expedition off the coast of Libya, he heard desperate cries of help from 50 migrants aboard a dinghy that had run out of fuel and was taking on water. The 36-year-old Sicilian lives by the law of the sea. He reached the migrants and offered them all the food and drink he had. While his father Gaspare coordinated the aid effort from land, Carlo waited almost 24 hours for an Italian coastguard ship that finally transferred the migrants to Sicily.

    News of that rescue spread around the world, because not only was it kind, it was brave. Ever since Italy’s far-right interior minister, Matteo Salvini, closed Italian ports to rescue ships, the Giarratanos have known that such an act could land them with a hefty fine or jail. But if confronted with the same situation again, they say they’d do it all over 1,000 times.

    “No seaman would ever return to port without the certainty of having saved those lives,” says Carlo, whose family has sailed the Mediterranean for four generations. “If I had ignored those cries for help, I wouldn’t have had the courage to face the sea again.”

    I meet the Giarratanos at the port of #Sciacca, a fishing village on the southwestern coast of Sicily. I know the town like the back of my hand, having been born and raised there among the low-rise, colourful homes built atop an enormous cliff overlooking the sea. I remember the Giarratanos from the days I’d skip school with my friends and secretly take to the sea aboard a small fishing boat. We’d stay near the pier and wait for the large vessels returning from several days of fishing along the Libyan coast.

    https://i.guim.co.uk/img/media/40f43502497ca769131cd927a804fd478c18bbc5/0_274_6720_4032/master/6720.jpg?width=880&quality=85&auto=format&fit=max&s=e0e5c05662b6fb682bf3a5

    Those men were our heroes, with their tired eyes, sunburnt skin and ships overflowing with fish. We wanted to be like them, because in my hometown those men – heroic and adventurous like Lord Jim, rough and fearless like Captain Ahab, stubborn and nostalgic like Hemingway’s “Old Man” Santiago – are not simply fishermen; they are demigods, mortals raised to a divine rank.

    Fishermen in Sciacca are the only ones authorised to carry, barefoot, the one-tonne statue of the Madonna del Soccorso during religious processions. Legend has it that the statue was found at sea and therefore the sea has a divine nature: ignoring its laws, for Sicilian people, means ignoring God. That’s why the fishing boats generally bear the names of saints and apostles – except for the Giarratanos’, which is called the Accursio Giarratano.

    “He was my son,” says Gaspare, his eyes swelling with tears. “He died in 2002 from a serious illness. He was 15. Now he guides me at sea. And since then, with every rescue, Accursio is present.”

    Having suffered such a loss themselves, they cannot bear the thought of other families, other parents, other brothers, enduring the same pain. So whenever they see people in need, they rescue them.

    “Last November we saved 149 migrants in the same area,” says Carlo. “But that rescue didn’t make news because the Italian government, which in any case had already closed the ports to rescue ships, still hadn’t passed the security decree.”

    In December 2018 the Italian government approved a security decree targeting asylum rights. The rules left hundreds in legal limbo by removing humanitarian protection for those not eligible for refugee status but otherwise unable to return home, and were applied by several Italian cities soon afterwards. Then, in June, Rome passed a new bill, once again drafted by Salvini, that punished non-governmental organisation rescue boats bringing migrants to Italy without permission with fines of up to €50,000 and possible imprisonment for crew members.

    “I’d be lying if I told you I didn’t think I might end up in prison when I saw that dinghy in distress,” says Carlo. “But I knew in my heart that a dirty conscience would have been worse than prison. I would have been haunted until my death, and maybe even beyond, by those desperate cries for help.” It was 3am when Giarratano and his crew located the dinghy in the waters between Malta and Libya, where the Giarratanos have cast their nets for scabbard fish for more than 50 years. The migrants had left Libya the previous day, but their dinghy had quickly run into difficulty.

    “We threw them a pail to empty the water,” says Carlo. “We had little food – just melba toast and water. But they needed it more than we did. Then I alerted the authorities. I told them I wouldn’t leave until the last migrant was safe. This is what we sailors do. If there are people in danger at sea, we save them, without asking where they come from or the colour of their skin.”

    https://i.guim.co.uk/img/media/fc15a50ae9797116761b7a8f379af4a644092435/0_224_6720_4032/master/6720.jpg?width=880&quality=85&auto=format&fit=max&s=2af0085ebcf8bf6634dedc

    Malta was the nearest EU country, but the Maltese coastguard appears not to have responded to the SOS. Hours passed and the heat became unbearable. From land, Gaspare asked Carlo to wait while he contacted the press. Weighing on his mind was not only the duty to rescue the people, but also, as a father, to protect his son.

    “I wonder if even one of our politicians has ever heard desperate cries for help at high sea in the black of night,” Gaspare says. “I wonder what they would have done. No human being – sailor or not – would have turned away.” The Italian coastguard patrol boat arrived after almost 24 hours and the migrants were transferred to Sicily, where they disembarked a few days later.

    “They had no life vests or food,” says Carlo. “They ran out of fuel and their dinghy would have lost air in a few hours. If you decide to cross the sea in those conditions, then you’re willing to die. It means that what you’re leaving behind is even worse, hell.”

    Carlo reached Sciacca the following day. He was given a hero’s welcome from the townspeople and Italian press. Gaspare was there, too, eager to embrace his son. Shy and reserved, Carlo answered their questions.

    He doesn’t want to be a hero, he says, he was just doing his duty.

    “When the migrants were safely aboard the coastguard ship, they all turned to us in a gesture of gratitude, hands on their hearts. That’s the image I’ll carry with me for the rest of my life, which will allow me to face the sea every day without regret.”

    https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/aug/03/sicilian-fishermen-risk-prison-to-rescue-migrants-off-libya-italy-salvi
    #sauvetage #pêcheurs #Sicile #pêcheurs_siciliens #délit_de_solidarité #asile #migrations #réfugiés #Italie #Méditerranée #mer_Méditerranée #Gaspare_Giarratano #Giarratano #témoignage

  • La Tête haute, au cœur de la vallée de #la_Roya

    C’est l’histoire d’une vallée magnifique, paisible, en bordure de l’Italie. Et puis un jour, surgit l’inattendu. Des dizaines, bientôt des centaines de migrants, font irruption sur la route, sur les chemins. Une fois retombés les feux de l’actualité, que reste-t-il de cette aventure extraordinaire qui voit l’engagement des uns, les doutes des autres, la désobéissance civile des plus motivés, la sourde hostilité des silencieux ? Oui, qu’en reste-t-il ? C’est là que commence ce film.


    http://www.film-documentaire.fr/4DACTION/w_fiche_film/55120_1
    #film #documentaire #frontière #Roya #frontière_sud-alpine #asile #migrations #réfugiés #Alpes #don #contre-don #ça_nous_est_tombé_dessus #résistance #solidarité #misère #responsabilité #colonisation #Vintimille #France #Italie #Roya_citoyenne #marche #marche_solidaire #solidarité #Cédric_Herrou #justice #humanitaire #action_politique #incertitude #délit_de_solidarité #montagne

    #mémoriel #plaque_commémorative #morts #mourir_aux_frontières #décès :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/786000)

    • Quelques citations tirées du film...

      Chamberlain, réfugié :

      « Je dis à certaines personnes qui s’intéresse à savoir mon parcours : ’Si tu trouves cela pathétique, moi ça me vexe, parce que c’est ça qui m’a construit, c’est tout ça qui fait de moi ce que je suis’. »

    • René Dahon, habitant de la vallée:

      « Ma famille pendant la guerre a été déportée, parce qu’ici c’était une #ligne_de_front : derrière c’était l’Italie et sur #Sospel c’était la ligne de front français. Entre les deux, en 1943-45, ça a été une espèce de couloir, un no man’s land. #Saorge a été dans ce couloir. Et ma famille a été déportée en Italie. Donc, moi l’idée de la solidarité, je l’ai tout connement connue sur un truc de rien du tout. Ma grand-mère m’a dit ’Quand on a marché de Saorge à Turin à pied, quand on a traversé certains villages du Piémont, il y a des gens qui ont ouvert leurs portes et qui ont donné quelque chose. Et moi j’ai ça d’idée de la solidarité. Moi j’ai l’idée que dans la vallée derrière, c’était des solidaires »

      –----
      Toujours René Dahon:

      « ça fait 40 ans que je suis dans l’associatif. Je me bagarre dans plein de domaines, mais on voulait bien que je sois gauchiste et que je défende le train ou la poste et les écoles, ça pose pas de problèmes, mais défendre du Black, c’est ça le problème. C’est drôle ! Alors qu’ils en ont jamais vu à Tendre. TEndre n’a jamais été envahi par les Noirs »

    • Suzel PRIO :

      "La Roya terre d’accueil, la Roya solidaire c’est vraiment un cliché. Ça plait beaucoup ça, mais c’est beaucoup plus complexe que ça. Il y a aussi tous ces réflexes de #peur, des gens ici qui ne sont pas contents qu’on voit la Roya comme ça, qu’elle soit célèbre avec ces valeurs-là. Au début, il y avait des gens qui étaient vraiment sur l’humanitaire. Donc ce débat entre politique ou humanitaire, on l’a eu à plusieurs reprises. Certaines personnes souhaitant au début qu’on fasse que de l’#humanitaire et petit à petit d’autres personnes qui souhaitaient qu’on fasse que du #politique. Cela voulait dire, je ne sais pas... arrêter d’acheter des couvertures, arrêter de faire à manger et ne faire que des communiqués et des soirées... Au final, notre positionnement a été arrêté sur : ’C’est les deux. C’est simple, il faut les deux !’

  • 116 avocat-e-s contre le délit de solidarité

    Mesdames et Messieurs les journalistes,

    116 avocat-e-s de Suisse ont rejoint la #campagne en faveur de la modification de l’#article_116 de la loi sur les étrangers et l’intégration (LEI) et de la #dépénalisation de l’aide aux personnes en fuite lorsque le mobile est honorable. Dans la « Déclaration des avocat-e-s de Suisse sur le délit de solidarité », ils invitent le Pouvoir judiciaire des différents cantons à cesser de poursuivre et/ou à condamner des actes de solidarité.

    Les signataires de la #Déclaration, exerçant aux quatre coins de la Suisse, se sont engagés à défendre toute personne poursuivie pour avoir fait preuve de solidarité envers un être humain persécuté et dans le besoin. Paolo Bernasconi dr.h.c, avocat à Lugano et signataire de la déclaration, rappelle que « le Préambule de notre Constitution fédérale nous oblige à œuvrer dans un esprit de solidarité ».

    « Je ne veux pas uniquement appliquer la #loi, mais aussi la changer si son application ne va pas dans le sens de la #justice, comme c’est le cas de l’Art. #116 LEI. Punir quelqu’un parce qu’il a aidé des personnes en détresse ne peut en aucun cas être considéré comme juste », a déclaré l’avocate bernoise Melanie Aebli.

    Pour Olivier Peter, avocat à Genève et premier signataire de le Déclaration, l’article 116 est en contradiction avec la raison d’être du droit pénal. « La répression pénale doit être limitée aux infractions qui portent atteinte aux intérêts d’autrui ou aux intérêts publics. Comment concilier ce principe avec l’art. 116 LEI et son application aux cas de soutien apporté dans un but humanitaire ? Qu’y a-t-il de nuisible à soigner un malade, à héberger une femme enceinte ou un sans-abri, rajouter un couvert pour nourrir une personne affamée ? »

    Cette démarche s’inscrit dans une campagne plus large portée entre autres par la Conseillère nationale Lisa Mazzone (initiative parlementaire 18.461 « En finir avec le délit de solidarité » : https://www.parlament.ch/fr/ratsbetrieb/suche-curia-vista/geschaeft?AffairId=20180461) et Solidarité sans frontières (pétition « La solidarité n’est pas un crime » : http://article116.strikingly.com).

    Personnes de contact :

    Melanie Aebli, Berne, tél. 0786178717, info@djs-jds.ch
    Paolo Bernasconi, Lugano, tél. 091 910 06 06, paolo.bernasconi@pblaw.ch
    Olivier Peter, Genève, tél. 022 328 10 10, olivier.peter@interdroit.ch

    Sur la campagne en général : Amanda Ioset, Solidarité sans frontières, 079 258 60 49, amanda.ioset@sosf.ch

    https://www.sosf.ch/fr/sujets/divers/informations-articles/116-avocat-e-s-de-suisse-contre-le-delit-de-solidarite.html
    #Suisse #délit_de_solidarité #solidarité #asile #migrations #réfugiés #réisistance #LETr

  • Délit de solidarité : le guide est là ! ⋅ GISTI
    https://www.gisti.org/spip.php?article6189

    Délit de solidarité : le guide est là !

    Le 6 juillet 2019 marquera le premier anniversaire de la décision du Conseil constitutionnel consacrant la fraternité comme principe à valeur constitutionnelle. Une année où les poursuites et intimidations à l’encontre des solidaires ont gagné en légitimité dans le discours politique, en dépit de la reconnaissance du principe de fraternité.

    Procès des « 7 de Briançon » accusés d’avoir aidé à « l’entrée irrégulière » en prenant part à une manifestation entre l’Italie et la France, intimidations répétées des maraudeurs dans les Alpes, condamnations sur divers motifs tels que la diffamation, dégradation de bien, faux et usage de faux… le délit de solidarité continue d’être d’une brûlante actualité en France. Mais également dans toute l’Europe où les solidarités sont attaquées, que ce soit en Méditerranée pour des actions de sauvetage mises en place par des ONG ou des pêcheurs, dans les aéroports pour des actions d’opposition à des expulsions, dans les maisons où les citoyens et citoyennes s’organisent pour accueillir dignement.

    C’est dans ce contexte que le collectif Délinquants solidaires rend public un nouvel outil intitulé « Délit de solidarité : le guide ». Il s’adresse à tout·es celles et ceux qui se mobilisent en solidarité avec les personnes exilées, migrantes, sans papiers en France. En partant des questions que peuvent se poser les personnes solidaires quand il s’agit d’hébergement, d’opposition à des expulsions, de transport, etc. cet outil propose des éléments pour comprendre le cadre légal et les enjeux soulevés ainsi que des conseils pratiques afin d’agir sans être intimidé·e.

    Bref, un vrai guide pour se mobiliser en solidarité ! A diffuser sans modération.

    https://seenthis.net/messages/558925
    https://lignesdeforce.wordpress.com/2019/07/04/guide-juridique-et-pratique-de-la-solidarite-avec-les-refug
    #immigration #solidarité #Gisti

  • #Refus_d’entrée : criminaliser la solidarité

    En France, deux petites victoires ont été remportées contre les tentatives du gouvernement Français de criminaliser la solidarité envers les migrant·e·s. Un tribunal administratif a annulé deux ordres de la police française d’interdire de territoire des citoyen·ne·s européen·ne·s en raison de leur soutien aux migrant·e·s à Calais. L’interdiction ordonnée par la police a été déclarée illégale. Cette victoire au tribunal pourrait affecter des dizaines d’autres personnes placées sur des listes d’interdiction et dans les bases de données de surveillance par la police française.

    La liste des #interdictions_de_territoire

    En mars 2017, D. était à la gare de St Pancras à Londres pour prendre l’Eurostar en direction de Calais. Il s’y rendait pour participer à une réunion publique sur le rôle des sociétés privées impliquées à hauteur de plusieurs millions d’euros dans la sécurisation de la frontière Franco-Anglaise. Mais avant de monter dans le train, il est arrêté au contrôle des passeports, puis emmené dans une petite pièce par la Police aux Frontières française (#PAF). Après un moment d’entretien au téléphone, les agent·e·s de la PAF impriment un “Refus d’entrée”, document officiel l’informant qu’il lui est interdit d’entrer en France.
    Ce type de traitement n’est que trop courant envers les voyageurs et voyageuses non-européen·ne·s. Mais D. est titulaire d’un passeport européen. Le document qui lui a été remis stipulait qu’il figurait dans une base de donnée de la police française regroupant les personnes fichées comme « Danger pour l’ordre public ou la sécurité nationale ». En outre, la police lui annonce qu’il va également « avoir des problèmes » pour voyager dans d’autres pays, puisque son nom était dorénavant signalé sur la base de données du Système d’Information Schengen (SIS) utilisée par les polices aux frontières dans toute l’Europe.
    Le cas de D. n’est pas un incident isolé. Ainsi, en mars 2017 X. se rendait en Belgique en bus et a été arrêté·e par la PAF au port de Douvres. Après environ une heure d’attente, on informe X. que l’entrée en France lui est refusée et iel reçoit un papier notifiant simplement qu’iel est un « danger pour l’ordre public ou la sécurité nationale ».
    Ce n’était pas la première fois que X. a eu des problèmes pour entrer en France. En Octobre 2016, X. est arrêté·e à son arrivée à Calais et constate que les agent·e·s consultent une liste de trois pages avec des noms et des photographies. La police désigne à X. une photo d’iel prise en 2010 (date devinée grâce à la couleur de ses cheveux !) figurant en page 3 du document.
    On informe X. qu’en cas d’arrestation à Calais, iel serait interdit·e de présence sur le territoire français. Iel n’a pas été arrêté·e, malgré cela, l’entrée en France lui fut refusée la fois suivante.

    En examinant et recoupant l’enchaînement de ces incidents avec d’autres, il semble probable que la police ait établi une « liste de personnes interdites du territoire » juste avant l’expulsion de la jungle en octobre 2016.

    Nous savons que d’autres personnes ont reçu ces interdictions.
    D. et X., plutôt chanceux·se·s d’avoir pu le faire dans le délai imparti de deux mois, ont décidé de contester cette interdiction devant les tribunaux français. Iels ont été soutenu·e·s dans cette action par le réseau Calais Migrant Solidarity et par l’association française Anafé qui travaille avec les étrangers et étrangères empêché·e·s d’entrer en France. Nous pensons qu’il s’agit de l’une des premières fois qu’un refus d’entrée est contesté en France. La plupart des personnes à qui sont imposés ces refus d’entrée sont des migrant·e·s non-européen·ne·s, déporté·e·s loin de France et qui ont peu de chance de les contester.

    La #fiche_S

    Le ministère français de l’Intérieur a défendu l’interdiction devant la cour, arguant que D. et X. étaient bel et bien un “danger” pour la France. Mais de quel danger parle-t-on ? L’État français a tiré cet argument de son fichier consacré à D. et X. – une des tristement célèbres « fiche S » constituées par la police politique française sur de supposé·e·s fauteurs et fauteuses de troubles.

    Cette “fiche S” comportait deux parties. Tout d’abord, D. et X. sont identifié·e·s comme « membre de la mouvance anarcho-autonome d’ultra gauche (« no border ») susceptible de se livrer à des actions violentes dans les perspectives du démantèlement du camp de migrants de Calais ». L’État, dans ses pièces, ne mentionnait aucune violence de ce type, mais citait plutôt plusieurs articles de presse français traitant de la prétendue “violence” des “No Borders”.

    En fait, les assertions de ces médias étaient entièrement fondées sur des citations de sources policières, souvent anonymes. Ainsi, en un cercle parfait, la police a communiqué à la presse des affirmations sans fondements, puis a utilisé ces même citations de presse dans leurs propres “preuves”. Ni D., ni X., ni personne d’autre n’a jamais été poursuivi·e pour les prétendues “violences” mentionnées dans ces rapports, et encore moins reconnu·e coupable.

    La deuxième partie de la fiche S donne quelques exemples plus précis des activités de D. Par exemple, il est arrêté en 2010 dans une “occupation illégale” – c’est-à-dire qu’il était simplement présent dans l’Africa House, squat où habitaient environ 100 personnes venant principalement du Soudan, d’Érythrée et d’Éthiopie. Il a également été repéré par la police lors d’une manifestation de migrant·e·s à Calais en 2014. Le dossier de X. mentionnait que « du 5 au 7 février 2010, des activistes No Border, y compris X., ont illégalement occupé un hangar de la rue Kronstadt à Calais et ont accueilli des migrant·e·s, les forces de l’ordre devant expulser les lieux », et qu’en 2010, des activistes No Border, y compris X. ont déployé une banderole “solidarité avec les sans papiers” sur la façade du beffroi de la mairie de Calais.
    Comme l’a convenu la cour, tout ceci n’avait rien de bien sérieux, était inexact ou ancien, et que rien ne suggérait une menace imminente contre la nation française.

    Il y avait aussi des éléments issus de dossiers de la police britannique. Encore une fois, ceux-ci mentionnent simplement que D et X sont allé·e·s à des manifestations, et que X a été arrêté·e lors de l’une d’elle, mais jamais poursuivi·e.

    Ce que tout cela montre également est comment les polices britannique et française échangent de vagues « renseignements », des rumeurs policières et des soupçons, sur les personnes qu’ils identifient comme politiquement actives. Cette “intelligence” est ensuite utilisée comme une base pour bloquer les mouvements transfrontaliers des personnes, notamment en les ajoutant aux listes de surveillance internationales comme le Système d’Information Schengen.

    #No_Borders” : la menace fantôme

    En bref, la seule accusation réelle contre D et X était qu’iels appartenaient à une « violente » organisation « anarcho-autonome » appelée « No Borders ». Mais quelle est cette prétendue organisation ?

    Bien sûr, certaines personnes solidaires des migrant·e·s de Calais se considèrent anarchistes. Et certaines, anarchistes ou « ultra-gauchistes » ou non, s’identifient à l’idée de « No Borders ». Ces deux mots ont pu être compris différemment selon les personnes : un slogan, une demande, un défi, un rêve. En revanche ce qu’ils ne signifient absolument pas est l’appartenance à une organisation qui organiserait le soulèvement des migrant·e·s à Calais.

    C’est un fantôme créé par la police française et les journalistes qui alimentent des histoires en buvant quelques verres. Il n’existe tout simplement pas. Les journalistes des deux côtés de la Manche ont diffusé d’innombrables histoires de « No Borders » incitant à des émeutes, incendiant la jungle, alimentant des réseaux de passeurs, etc. Aucunes de ces affirmations n’ont jamais été étayées par des preuves ou des enquêtes, ni jamais justifiées devant un tribunal.

    Par ailleurs, les migrant·e·s à Calais sont généralement des personnes plutôt débrouillardes. Beaucoup ont vécu des guerres et des dictatures, des révolutions, traversé des mers et des déserts. Iels n’ont pas besoin d’aide pour être en colère, ni pour s’organiser pour franchir les frontières et passer à l’action.

    Lutter pour la solidarité

    Pour nous, cette contestation en justice ne concernait pas seulement deux individu·e·s . Il s’agissait de contester une arme largement utilisée par la police pour bloquer la libre circulation des personnes en toute impunité. C’était une petite participation à la résistance contre les gouvernements qui s’échinent à mettre fin aux mouvements de solidarité entre citoyen·ne·s et migrant·e·s.

    Au cours des dernières années, des milliers d’Européen·ne·s ont réagi au passage des réfugié·e·s avec soutien et solidarité, depuis les plages de Grèce en passant par les cols des Alpes jusqu’aux “Jungles” de Calais. Cela dérange les politicien·ne·s et les médias qui s’affairent à vouloir faire paniquer la population au sujet d’ « invasions de migrant·e·s ». Leur but est de semer la peur et la division, essayant d’empêcher les gens de s’unir contre les élites capitalistes qui sont nos ennemis communs. La solidarité concrète et pratique, quand les personnes avec et sans papiers résistent côte à côte, est une réelle menace pour leur projet de « diviser pour mieux régner ».

    C’est pourquoi les États répondent en diabolisant et en criminalisant la solidarité. À Lesbos ou à Lampedusa, des volontaires sont emprisonné·e·s ou harcelé·e·s pour avoir sauvé quelques-unes des milliers de personnes qui se noient en mer. A Calais, la police arrête et interdit de territoire arbitrairement quiconque qu’elle aura étiqueté comme « No Borders ». Iels espèrent ainsi effrayer les citoyen·ne·s et isoler les migrant·e·s. L’État et les médias peuvent ainsi discréditer et attaquer leurs boucs émissaires en toute liberté.

    Cette victoire judiciaire est une petite partie de la lutte contre cette guerre lancée contre la solidarité. Ce qui est primordial est que nous ne nous laissions pas effrayer et que nous continuions à combattre nos vrais ennemis qui traînent dans les halls de commerce et dans les lieux de pouvoir. Français·e·s ou Britanniques, Européen·ne·s ou Africain·e·s, nous avons les mêmes ennemis, ne les laissons pas nous diviser.

    #Calais #délit_de_solidarité #solidarité #asile #migrations #réfugiés #victoire #France

  • Procès de l’ex-maire d’une petite ville calabraise qui secourait les migrants
    10 juin 2019 - rts.ch
    https://www.rts.ch/info/monde/10498809-proces-de-l-ex-maire-d-une-petite-ville-calabraise-qui-secourait-les-mi

    Cinq ans environ après le terrible naufrage au large de Lampedusa, qui avait poussé le gouvernement italien à mettre sur pied l’opération « Mare Nostrum », s’ouvre le procès du maire de Riace, en Calabre, qui est très engagé pour la cause des migrants.

    Ce procès fait figure de symbole du virage opéré par l’Italie sur la question migratoire. Il se tient dès mardi à Locri, en Calabre.

    Le parquet a inculpé l’ex-maire, Domenico Lucano, pour deux chefs d’accusation. Le premier est celui de fraude aux dépens de l’Etat : Domenico Lucano se se serait passé d’appel d’offres pour attribuer la gestion des ordures de son village à des coopératives liées aux migrants.

    Il est par ailleurs soupçonné d’avoir favorisé des « mariages de convenance », afin d’aider des femmes déboutées du droit d’asile, à rester en Italie.

    ““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““““
    Italie : ouverture du procès de l’ex-maire de Riace qui accueillait des migrants
    Par RFI - Publié le 11-06-2019 - Avec notre correspondante à Rome, Anne Le Nir
    http://www.rfi.fr/europe/20190610-italie-ouverture-proces-ex-maire-riace-accueillait-migrants-domenico-lu

    Le village calabrais de Riace (extrême sud de l’Italie), qui est administré par un maire de la Ligue de Salvini depuis les élections municipales du 26 mai, retourne sous le feu des projecteurs. C’est en effet ce mardi 11 juin que s’ouvre le procès contre l’ancien édile, Dominico Lucano, dit « Mimmo » et 25 autres personnes qui collaboraient avec lui. Mis en examen en octobre 2018, l’homme symbole de l’accueil des réfugiés à échelle humaine, est notamment accusé d’aide à l’immigration illégale.

    #DomenicoLucano #Riace

  • Italie : La capitaine Pia Klemp menacée de 20 ans de prison - Secours Rouge
    https://secoursrouge.org/Italie-La-capitaine-Pia-Klemp-menacee-de-20-ans-de-prison


    Pia Klemp

    Pia Klemp a participé au sauvetage de réfugiés dans la méditerranée avec l’association Sea-Watch. Elle est maintenant accusée par la justice italienne d’aide à l’immigration illégale. Le parquet exige une peine de prison de 20 ans. Pour ses investigations, le parquet a eu recourt à des écoutes téléphoniques et à des agents infiltrés. Dans le cadre de ses six missions en tant que capitaine des bateaux de sauvetage Sea-Watch 3 et Iuventa, Pia Klemp dit avoir pu sauver les vies de 5000 personnes.

    • German boat captain Pia Klemp faces prison in Italy for migrant rescues

      Pia Klemp stands accused of aiding illegal immigration after she saved people from drowning in the Mediterranean. The Bonn native has accused Italian authorities of organizing “a show trial.”

      Nearly 60,000 people had signed a petition by Saturday afternoon demanding that Italy drop criminal proceedings against German boat captain Pia Klemp and other crew members who have rescued thousands of migrants in the Mediterranean Sea.

      In an interview with the Basler Zeitung daily on Friday, Klemp said that a trial against her was due to begin soon after she and some of her compatriots were charged in Sicily with assisting in illegal immigration.

      She said that she was told by her Italian lawyer that she could be looking at “up to 20 years in prison and horrendous fines.”

      Klemp added, however, that she intended to fight the case up to the European Court of Human Rights in Strasbourg, France, if she had to.

      The 35-year-old Bonn native has been under investigation in Italy since her ship, the Iuventa, was impounded in the summer of 2017, and the government has moved to ban her from sailing around the Italian coast. According to German public broadcaster WDR, through the work on that ship and the Sea-Watch 3, Klemp has personally assisted in the rescue of more than 1,000 people at risk of drowning in unsafe dinghies as they attempted to cross to Europe in search of a better life.

      Read more: Italy’s Matteo Salvini wants hefty fines for migrant rescue vessels

      Salvini’s crackdown

      An already immigrant-unfriendly government in Rome became even more so in June 2018, when newly appointed Interior Minister and Deputy Prime Minister Matteo Salvini of the far-right League party promised a crackdown the likes of which modern Italy had never seen.

      Since assuming office, Salvini has sought to put a stop to migrant rescue ships docking on Italian shores and allowing refugees to disembark. In January, the nationalist leader made headlines with the forced evacuation of hundreds of asylum-seekers from Italy’s second-largest refugee center and his refusal to clarify where the people, many of whom had lived in Castelnuovo di Porto for years and become integrated into town life, were being taken.

      Shortly thereafter, Sicilian prosecutors ruled that Salvini could be charged with kidnapping more than 177 migrants left stranded on a ship he had ordered impounded.

      ’A yearslong show trial’

      What frustrates Klemp the most, she told the Basler Zeitung, is that the costs — amounting to hundreds of thousands of euros — that she has had to prepare to cover from her own savings and some new donations “for what is likely to be a yearslong show trial” require money that could have been spent on rescue missions.

      “But the worst has already come to pass,” she said. “Sea rescue missions have been criminalized.”

      For this, the captain blames not only the Italian government but what she sees as a failure of the European Union “to remember its avowed values: human rights, the right to life, to apply for asylum, and the duty of seafarers to rescue those in danger at sea.”

      Klemp added that “demagogues” such as Salvini, former Austrian Chancellor Sebastian Kurz and German Interior Minister Horst Seehofer were effectively allowing thousands to perish in the Mediterranean each year.

      She pushed back at criticism that rescue missions encouraged more people to attempt the highly dangerous crossing. “There are scientific studies that disprove the idea that sea rescues are a so-called pull factor,” she said. “The people come because, unfortunately, there are so many reasons to flee.” And if countries close their borders, “they come via the Mediterranean because there is no legal way to get here,” she added.

      To cover her potentially exorbitant legal costs, a bar in Bonn has announced a fundraising campaign to help Klemp. Cafe Bla has announced that for every patron who orders the “Pia beer,” 50 euro cents will be donated to their former waitress.


      https://www.dw.com/en/german-boat-captain-pia-klemp-faces-prison-in-italy-for-migrant-rescues/a-49112348?maca=en-Twitter-sharing

    • Mobilisation pour la capitaine d’un navire humanitaire

      L’ancienne capitaine du « #Iuventa », immobilisé depuis 2017, encourt vingt ans de prison en Italie. Accusée de complicité avec les passeurs, elle affirme n’avoir fait que respecter le droit international, qui impose de porter secours à toute personne en détresse.

      https://www.liberation.fr/planete/2019/06/11/mobilisation-pour-la-capitaine-d-un-navire-humanitaire_1732973

    • I Helped Save Thousands of Migrants from Drowning. Now I’m Facing 20 Years in Jail | Opinion

      In today’s Europe, people can be sentenced to prison for saving a migrant’s life. In the summer of 2017, I was the captain of the rescue ship Iuventa. I steered our ship through international waters along the Libyan coastline, where thousands of migrants drifted in overcrowded, unseaworthy dinghies, having risked their lives in search of safety. The Iuventa crew rescued over 14,000 people. Today, I and nine other members of the crew face up to twenty years in prison for having rescued those people and brought them to Europe. We are not alone. The criminalization of solidarity across Europe, at sea and on land, has demonstrated the lengths to which the European Union will go to make migrants’ lives expendable.

      Two years ago, Europe made renewed efforts to seal the Mediterranean migrant route by draining it of its own rescue assets and outsourcing migration control to the so-called “Libyan Coast Guard”, comprised of former militia members equipped by the EU and instructed to intercept and return all migrants braving the crossing to Europe. NGO ships like the Iuventa provided one of the last remaining lifelines for migrants seeking safety in Europe by sea. For European authorities, we were a critical hurdle to be overcome in their war against migration.

      In August 2017, the Iuventa was seized by the Italian authorities and the crew was investigated for “aiding and abetting illegal immigration.” Thus began an ongoing spate of judicial investigations into the operation of search and rescue vessels. Sailors like myself, who had rallied to the civil fleet when it seemed no European authority cared people were drowning at sea, were branded as criminals. The ensuing media and political campaign against us has gradually succeeded in removing almost all NGOs from the central Mediterranean, leaving migrants braving the sea crossing with little chance of survival.

      We sea-rescuers have been criminalized not only for what we do but for what we have witnessed. We have seen people jump overboard their frail dinghies on sighting the so-called Libyan Coast Guard, preferring death at sea over return to the slavery, torture, rape and starvation that awaits them in EU-funded Libyan detention centers. We have also seen what becomes of those who are found too late. For days, I steered our ship through international waters with a dead two-year-old boy in the freezer. No European country had wanted to save him when they had the chance. His mother lived, and after days of drifting in wait of an open port, our ship brought her to Europe—when it no longer mattered to her. We rescuers know that those who drown at Europe’s doorstep are not unlucky casualties of the elements. The transformation of the Mediterranean into a mass grave for migrants is a European political project.

      Over the past year, Italy’s interior minister Matteo Salvini has provided a useful alibi for centrist European political forces–those avowedly committed to “European values” of human rights. His persistent targeting of rescue NGOs and his decision to seal Italian ports to ships carrying rescued migrants has seen him cast as the “rotten egg” of an otherwise largely liberal European Union. But Matteo Salvini is neither the architect of Fortress Europe, nor its sole gatekeeper.

      Alongside Italy’s ostentatious prosecution of sea rescuers, other European nations have adopted shrewder, subtler tactics, revoking their flags or miring ships’ crews in unnecessary and lengthy bureaucratic procedures. When Salvini sealed Italian ports, other member states expressed righteous indignation—but not one of them offered its own ports as havens for later rescues. One of two remaining rescue ships, Sea-Watch 3, has since spent weeks motoring along the European coast line with hundreds of refugees on board, pleading for an open port, only to find that their “cargo” was not wanted anywhere in Europe.

      In the coming months, as the conflict in Libya intensifies, thousands more will be forced to brave the sea crossing. I know from experience that without rescue, the majority of them will die. Common sense tells me that with humanitarian vessels barred from saving lives and European commercial and military and Coast Guard ships instructed to avoid migrant routes, their chances of rescue are shrinking. I suspect European leaders share my common sense.

      Meanwhile, we sea rescuers are not alone in facing charges for “crimes of solidarity.” On land across Europe, hundreds of men and women stand trial for having offered food, shelter or clothing to migrants. Among us are countless migrants criminalized for having helped other migrants in need, whose faces will likely not appear in esteemed publications.

      None of us has been prosecuted for helping white Europeans. The simple truth is that in intimidating and punishing those of us who have offered their solidarity to migrants, Europe has worked systematically and with precision to segregate, humiliate and isolate its weakest members—if not based on race and ethnicity de jure, then certainly de facto.

      None of us facing charges for solidarity is a villain, but neither are we heroes. If it is alarming that acts of basic human decency are now criminalized, it is no less telling that we have sometimes been lauded by well-intentioned supporters as saints. But those of us who have stood in solidarity with migrants have not acted out of some exceptional reserve of bravery or selfless compassion for others. We acted in the knowledge that the way our rulers treat migrants offers a clue about how they would treat the rest of us if they thought they could get away with it. Politicians who target, scapegoat and exploit migrants, do so to shore up a violent, unequal world—a world in which we, too, have to live and by which we, too, may be disempowered.

      The criminalization of solidarity today is not only about stripping Europe’s most precarious of their means of survival. It is also an effort at foreclosing the forms of political organization that alliances between Europeans and migrants might engender; of barring the realization that in today’s Europe of rising xenophobia, racism, homophobia and austerity, the things that migrants seek—safety, comfort, dignity—are increasingly foreclosed to us Europeans as well.

      And in hounding migrants and those standing in solidarity with them, Europe is not only waging a brutal battle of suppression. It is also belying its fear of what might happen if we Europeans and migrants made common cause against Fortress Europe, and expose it for what it is: a system that would pick us off one by one, European and migrant alike, robbing each of us in turn of our freedoms, security and rights. We should show them that they are right to be afraid.

      Captain Pia Klemp is a vegan nature-lover, animal-rights and human-rights activist. Before joining search and rescue missions, Captain Pia Klemp was an activist for maritime conservation with Sea-Shepherd. Chloe Haralambous, a researcher and fellow rescue crew member, contributed to this op-ed.

      The views expressed in this article are the author’s own.​​​​​

      https://www.newsweek.com/refugees-mediterranean-sea-rescue-criminalization-solidarity-1444618

  • Hundreds of Europeans ‘criminalised’ for helping migrants – as far right aims to win big in European elections

    Elderly women, priests and firefighters among those arrested, charged or ‘harassed’ by police for supporting migrants, with numbers soaring in the past 18 months.

    These cases – compiled from news reports and other records from researchers, NGOs and activist groups, as well as new interviews across Europe – suggest a sharp increase in the number of people targeted since the start of 2018. At least 100 people were arrested, charged or investigated last year (a doubling of that figure for the preceding year).


    https://www.opendemocracy.net/en/5050/hundreds-of-europeans-criminalised-for-helping-migrants-new-data-show
    #délit_de_solidarité #solidarité #asile #migrations #réfugiés #Europe
    #Allemagne #criminalisation #statistiques #chiffres #Suisse #Danemark #Espagne #France #journalisme #journalistes #presse #Grèce #Calais

    #Norbert_Valley #Christian_Hartung #Miguel_Roldan #Lise_Ramslog #Claire_Marsol #Anouk_Van_Gestel #Lisbeth_Zornig_Andersen #Daphne_Vloumidi #Mikael_Lindholm #Fernand_Bosson #Benoit_Duclois #Mussie_Zerai #Manuel_Blanco #Tom_Ciotkowski #Rob_Lawrie

    ping @isskein @karine4

    • The creeping criminalisation of humanitarian aid

      At the heart of the trial of a volunteer with American migrant aid group No More Deaths that began in Arizona last week lies the question of when humanitarian aid crosses the line and becomes a criminal offence.

      Scott Warren, 37, faces three felony charges after he helped two undocumented migrants by providing them food, shelter, and transportation over three days in January 2018 – his crime, prosecutors say, wasn’t helping people but hiding them from law enforcement officers.

      Whichever way the case goes, humanitarian work appears to be under growing threat of criminalisation by certain governments.

      Aid organisations have long faced suspensions in difficult operating environments due to geopolitical or domestic political concerns – from Pakistan to Sudan to Burundi – but they now face a new criminalisation challenge from Western governments, whether it’s rescue missions in the Mediterranean or toeing the US counter-terror line in the Middle East.

      As aid workers increasingly find themselves in the legal crosshairs, here’s a collection of our reporting to draw attention to this emerging trend.

      http://www.thenewhumanitarian.org/news/2019/06/07/creeping-criminalisation-humanitarian-aid

      Dans l’article une liste d’articles poubliés dans The New Humanitarian sur le délit de solidarité un peu partout dans le #monde...

    • European activists fight back against ‘criminalisation’ of aid for migrants and refugees

      More and more people are being arrested across Europe for helping migrants and refugees. Now, civil society groups are fighting back against the 17-year-old EU policy they say lies at the root of what activists and NGOs have dubbed the “criminalisation of solidarity”.

      http://www.thenewhumanitarian.org/news-feature/2019/06/20/european-activists-fight-criminalisation-aid-migrants-refugees

      Et le #rapport:
      Crackdown on NGOs and volunteers helping refugees and other migrants


      http://www.resoma.eu/sites/resoma/resoma/files/policy_brief/pdf/Final%20Synthetic%20Report%20-%20Crackdown%20on%20NGOs%20and%20volunteers%20h

    • Documentan incremento de amenazas contra defensores de migrantes tras acuerdo con EU

      Tras el acuerdo migratorio que México y los Estados Unidos firmaron el pasado junio, se han incrementado los riesgos y amenazas que sufren las y los activistas que defienden a migrantes en Centroamérica, México y Estados Unidos. Esa es la conclusión del informe “Defensores sin muros: personas defensoras de Derechos Humanos criminalizadas en Centroamérica, México y Estados Unidos”, elaborado por la ONG Frontline Defenders, el Programa de Asuntos Migratorios de la Universidad Iberoamericana y la Red Nacional de Organismos Civiles Todos los Derechos para Todas y Todos. El documento identifica 69 eventos de detención, amenazas, acoso, difamación, agresión, deportación, vigilancia o negación de entrada a un país. La mayoría de ellos, 41, tuvieron lugar durante 2019, según un listado que acompaña al informe. Uno de los grandes hallazgos: la existencia de colaboración entre México y Estados Unidos para cerrar el paso a los migrantes y perseguir a los activistas. “Los gobiernos tienen relaciones tensas, difíciles, complicadas. México y Estados Unidos están pasando por uno de sus peores momentos en bilaterales, pero cuando se trata de cooperar para restringir Derechos Humanos hay colaboración absoluta”, dijo Carolina Jiménez, de Amnistía Internacional. Entre estas colaboraciones destaca un trabajo conjunto de ambos países para identificar a activistas y periodistas que quedaron fichados en un registro secreto. El informe se presentó ayer en la Ciudad de México, al mismo tiempo en el que el presidente estadounidense, Donald Trump, habló ante la asamblea general de las Naciones Unidas, agradeciendo al presidente Andrés Manuel López Obrador “por la gran cooperación que estamos recibiendo y por poner a 27 mil soldados en nuestra frontera sur”.

      https://www.educaoaxaca.org/documentan-incremento-de-amenazas-contra-defensores-de-migrantes-tras-a
      #Amérique_centrale #Mexique

    • Migration and the Shrinking Humanitarian Space in Europe

      As of October 10th, 1071 deaths of migrants were recorded in the Mediterranean in 2019.[1] In their attempt to save lives, civilian maritime search and rescue organisations like Sea Watch or Proactive Open Arms have gained high levels of media attention over the last years. Cases such as the arrest of the captain of the Sea Watch 3, Carola Rackete, in June 2019 or the three weeks odyssey of Open Arms in August 2019 dominate the media and public discourse in Europe. The closing of ports in Italy, Spain and Malta, the confiscation of vessels, legal proceedings against crew members alongside tight migration policies and anti-trafficking laws have led to a shrinking space for principled humanitarian action in Europe. While maritime search and rescue (SAR) activities receive most of the attention, focusing solely on them prevents one from seeing the bigger picture: a general shrinking of humanitarian space in Europe. In the following, the analysis will shed some light on patterns in which the space for assisting and protecting people on the move is shrinking both on land and at sea.
      Migration and Humanitarian Action

      Migration is not a new phenomenon. Throughout history people have left their homes to seek safety and pursue a better life. Yet, due to increasing human mobility and mounting crisis migration the number of people on the move is consistently rising (Martin, Weerasinghe, and Taylor 2014). In 2019, The International Organisation for Migration (IOM) documents more than 258 million international migrants worldwide, compared to 214 million in 2009.[2]

      This number is composed of a variety of different migrant groups, such as students, international labour migrants or registered refugees. Based on a distinction between voluntary and involuntary migration, not all these groups are considered people in need of international protection and humanitarian assistance (Léon 2018). Accordingly, unlike refugees or internally displaced persons (IDPs) migrants generally fall out of the humanitarian architecture.[3] Yet, notwithstanding the reasons for migrating, people on the move can become vulnerable to human trafficking, sexual exploitation and other forms of abuse during their journey. They strand at borders and live in deplorable conditions (Léon 2018).

      The UN Secretary General’s Agenda for Humanity therefore stresses the importance of addressing the vulnerabilities of migrants. This entails providing more regular and legal pathways for migration but also requires “a collective and comprehensive response to displacement, migration and mobility”, including the provision of humanitarian visas and protection for people on the move who do not fall under the narrow confines of the 1951 Refugee Convention.[4] The view that specific vulnerabilities of migrants are to be integrated into humanitarian response plans is reflected in the International Red Cross and Red Crescent Movement’s approach to migration, which is strictly humanitarian and focuses on the needs and vulnerabilities of migrants irrespective of their legal status, type, or category (Linde 2009).

      Thereby, the term ‘migrant’ is deliberately kept broad to include the needs of labour migrants, vulnerabilities due to statelessness or being considered irregular by public authorities (ibid.). Despite this clear commitment to the protection of people on the move, migrants remain a vulnerable group with a high number losing their lives on migratory routes or going missing. Home to three main migratory routes, the Mediterranean is considered one of the world’s deadliest migration routes.[5]

      When in 2015 an unprecedented number of people made their way into Europe this exposed the unpreparedness of the EU and its member states in reacting quickly and effectively to the needs of people on the move. A report by the Overseas Development Institute (ODI) on refugees and vulnerable migrants in Europe concludes that “Europe’s actual humanitarian response must be judged a failure in many respects; basic needs have not been met and vulnerable people have not been protected” (De Largy 2016).

      For humanitarian organisations with experience in setting up and managing camps in countries of the Global South, managing the humanitarian response in their own backyard seems to have posed significant challenges. When more than one million people arrived in 2015, most international humanitarian organisations had no operational agreement with European states, no presences in affected areas, no funding lines for European activities and no established channels to mobilise resources (ibid.). This has led to protection gaps in the humanitarian response, which, in many cases, have been filled by activists, volunteers and civil society actors. Despite a number of factors, including the EU-Turkey deal, arrangements with Libya and toughening border controls, have since lead to a decline in the number of people arriving in Europe, sustained humanitarian action is needed and these actors continue to provide essential services to refugees and vulnerable migrants. However, with hostile attitudes towards migrants on the rise, and the marked effects of several successful smear campaigns, a number of organisations and civil society actors have taken it upon themselves to bring much needed attention to the shrinking space for civil society.
      Shrinking Humanitarian Space in Europe

      The shrinking space for civil society action is also impacting on the space for principled humanitarian action in Europe. While no agreed upon definition of humanitarian space[6] exists, the concept is used in reference to the physical access that humanitarian organisations have to the affected population, the nature of the operating environment for the humanitarian response including security conditions, and the ability of humanitarian actors to adhere to the core principles of humanitarian action (Collinson and Elhawary 2012: 2). Moreover, the concept includes the ability of affected people to reach lifesaving assistance and protection. The independence of humanitarian action from politics is central to this definition of humanitarian space, emphasising the need to adhere to the principles of humanity, neutrality, impartiality and independence as well as to maintain a clear distinction between the roles and functions of humanitarian in contrast to those of military and political actors (OCHA, 2003). Humanitarian actors within this space strive to achieve their mission of saving lives and alleviating suffering by seeking ongoing access to the affected population.

      Though the many organisations, volunteers and individuals that work on migration issues in Europe would not all self-identify or be considered purely humanitarian organisations, many of them provide life-saving services to people on the move. Thus, the humanitarian space is occupied by a diversity of actors, including human rights organisations, solidarity networks, and concerned individuals alongside more traditional humanitarian actors (Léon 2018).

      Referring to the limited room for agency and restricted access to the affected population, the shrinking humanitarian space in Europe has been linked to the spreading of populism, restrictive migration policies, the securitisation of migration and the criminalisation of humanitarian action (Hammerl 2019). These developments are by no means limited to Europe. Other regions of the world witness a similar shrinking of the humanitarian space for assisting people on the move. In Europe and elsewhere migration and asylum policies have to a great extent determined the humanitarian space. Indeed, EU migration policies have negatively affected the ways in which humanitarian actors are able to carry out their work along the migration routes, limiting the space for principled humanitarian action (Atger 2019). These policies are primarily directed at combatting human trafficking and smuggling, protecting European borders and national security interests. Through prioritising security over humanitarian action, they have contributed to the criminalisation of individuals and organisations that work with people on the move (ibid.). As has been particularly visible in the context of civilian maritime SAR activities, the criminalisation of humanitarian action, bureaucratic hurdles, and attacks on and harassment of aid workers and volunteers have limited the access to the affected population in Europe.
      Criminalisation

      The criminalisation of migration that has limited the space for principled humanitarian action is a process that occurs along three interrelated lines: first, the discursive criminalisation of migration; second, the interweaving of criminal law and policing for migration management purposes; and finally, the use of detention as a way of controlling people on the move (Hammerl 2019, citing Parkin). With media and public discourse asserting that migrants are ‘illegal’, people assisting them have been prosecuted on the grounds of facilitating illegal entry, human trafficking and smuggling.

      Already back in 2002, the Cypriot NGO Action for Equality, Support and Anti-Racism (KISA) was prosecuted under criminal law after it had launched a financial appeal to cover healthcare costs for a migrant worker (Fekete 2009). This is just been one of six cases in which the Director of an organisation has been arrested for his work with migrants.[7] While KISA takes a clear human rights stance, these trends are also observable for humanitarian activities such as providing food or shelter. Individuals and organisations providing assistance and transportation to migrants have faced legal prosecution in France and Belgium for human smuggling in 2018. Offering shelter to migrants in transit has led to arrests of individuals accused of human trafficking (Atger 2019).[8] The criminalisation of civilian maritime SAR activities has led to the arrest and prosecution of crew members and the seizing of rescue vessels.

      The tension between anti-smuggling and anti-trafficking laws and humanitarian action is a result of the European ‘Facilitators’ Package’ from 2002 that defines the facilitation of unauthorised entry, transit and residence.[9] Though the Directive and its implementation in national legislatures foresees humanitarian exemptions[10], the impact of these laws and regulations on the humanitarian space has been critical. Lacking clarity, these laws have been implemented differently by EU member states and created a sense of uncertainty for individuals and organisations assisting migrants, who now risk criminal prosecution (Carrera et al. 2018). In several EU member states with humanitarian exemptions, humanitarian actors were reportedly prosecuted (ibid.). A case in point is Greece, which has a specific humanitarian exemption applying to maritime SAR activities and the facilitation of entry for asylum seekers rescued at sea. Despite sounding promising at first, this has not prevented the prosecution of volunteer crew members of the Emergency Response Centre International (ERCI) due to the existence of two legal loopholes. The first of these works on the basis that rescuers are not able to identify who is in need of international protection, and second, the legal framework contains an exemption from punishment, but not prosecution.[11]
      Bureaucratic Hurdles

      Besides the criminalisation of humanitarian activities, across Europe – predominantly at borders – administrative decisions and rules have narrowed the space for humanitarian action (Atger 2019). In countries such as France, Germany, Hungary, Spain and Italy, laws and regulations prevent organisations from accessing reception centres or transit zones between borders (Hammerl 2019, Amnesty 2019). A reduction of financial support and tighter legal requirements for operation further hinder organisations to assist people on the move (Atger 2019). In the case of maritime SAR operations, NGOs had to stop their operations due to de-flagging of rescue ships as ordered by EU member state authorities.[12]

      Access to people on the move is obstructed in manifold ways and organisations face a mix of intimidations strategies and bureaucratic obstacles in their mission to deliver aid (Léon 2018). In Germany, new asylum policies in 2015 changed the provision of the previous cash-based assistance to in-kind aid.[13] This is inconsistent with German humanitarian policy in other migrant and refugee hosting countries, where the German Foreign Ministry promotes cash-based programming as an efficient, effective and dignified way of assisting people in need.

      Apart from instructions and orders by public authorities and law enforcement entities, other tactics range from frequent ID checks, parking fines to threats of arrest (Amnesty 2019). In Calais, humanitarian action was obstructed when the municipality of Calais prohibited the distribution of food as well as the delivery of temporary showers to the site by a local charity with two municipal orders in March 2017 (Amnesty 2019). In 2017, the Hungarian Parliament passed the so-called LEX NGO. Like the foreign agent law in Russia, it includes provisions for NGOs that receive more than EUR 23 000 per year from abroad (including EU member states) to register as “organisations receiving foreign funding”. Coupled with a draft bill of a new Tax Law that establishes a 25% punitive tax to be paid for “propaganda activities that indicate positive aspects of migration”, these attempts to curtail work with migrants has a chilling effect both on NGOs and donors. As the punitive tax is to be paid by the donor organisation, or by the NGO itself in case the donor fails to do so, organisations risk bankruptcy.[14]
      Policing Humanitarianism[15]

      An increasingly hostile environment towards migration, fuelled by anti-immigrant sentiments and public discourse, has led to suspicion, intimidation and harassment of individuals and organisations working to assist and protect them. The securitisation of migration (Lazaridis and Wadia 2015), in which migrants are constructed as a potential security threat and a general atmosphere of fear is created, has given impetus to a general policing of humanitarian action. Even when not criminalised, humanitarian actors have been hindered in their work by a whole range of dissuasion and intimidation strategies. Civilian maritime SAR organisations in particular have been targets of defamation and anti-immigration rhetoric. Though analyses of migratory trends have proved that a correlation between SAR operations and an increase of migrant crossings was indeed erroneous (Cusumano and Pattison, Crawley et al. 2016, Cummings et al. 2015), organisations are still being accused of both constituting a pull-factor for migration (Fekete 2018) and of working together with human traffickers. In some instances, this has led to them being labelled as taxis for ‘illegal’ migrants (Hammerl 2019). In Greece, and elsewhere, volunteers assisting migrants have been subject to police harassment. Smear campaigns, especially in the context of SAR operations in the Mediterranean, have affected the humanitarian sector as a whole “by creating suspicion towards the work of humanitarians” (Atger 2019). Consequently, organisations have encountered difficulties in recruiting volunteers and seen a decline in donations. This prevented some organisations from publicly announcing their participation in maritime SAR or their work with migrants.[16] In severe cases, humanitarian actors suffered physical threats by security personnel or “self-proclaimed vigilante groups” (Hammerl 2019).

      Moreover, having to work alongside security forces and within a policy framework that primarily aims at border policing and migration deterrence (justified on humanitarian grounds), humanitarian actors risk being associated with migration control techniques in the management of ‘humanitarian borders’ (Moreno-Lax 2018, Pallister-Wilkins 2018). When Italy in 2017 urged search and rescue organisations to sign a controversial Code of Conduct in order to continue disembarkation at Italian ports, some organisations refused to do so. The Code of Conduct endangered humanitarian principles by making life-saving activities conditional on collaborating in the fight against smugglers and the presence of law enforcement personnel on board (Cusumano 2019).

      Beyond the maritime space, the politicisation of EU aid jeopardises the neutrality of humanitarian actors, forcing them to either disengage or be associated with a political agenda of migration deterrence. Humanitarian organisations are increasingly requested to grant immigration authorities access to their premises, services and data (Atger 2019). In Greece, a legislation was introduced in 2016 which entailed the close monitoring of, and restrictive access for, volunteers and NGOs assisting asylum seekers, thereby placing humanitarian action under the supervision of security forces (Hammerl 2019). As a consequence of the EU-Turkey Deal in 2016, MSF announced[17] that it would no longer accept funding by EU states and institutions “only to treat the victims of their policies” (Atger 2019).
      The Way Ahead

      The shrinking space poses a fundamental challenge for principled humanitarian action in Europe. The shrinking humanitarian space can only be understood against the backdrop of a general shrinking civil space in Europe (Strachwitz 2019, Wachsmann and Bouchet 2019). However, the ways in which the shrinking space affects humanitarian action in Europe has so far received little attention in the humanitarian sector. The problem goes well beyond the widely discussed obstacles to civilian maritime SAR operations.

      Humanitarian organisations across Europe assist people arriving at ports, staying in official or unofficial camps or being in transit. An increasingly hostile environment that is fuelled by populist and securitisation discourses limits access to, and protection of, people on the move both on land and at sea. The criminalisation of aid, bureaucratic hurdles and harassment of individuals and organisations assisting migrants are just some of the ways in which humanitarian access is obstructed in Europe.

      A defining feature of humanitarian action in Europe has been the important and essential role of volunteers, civil society organisations and solidarity networks both at the grassroots’ level and across national borders. Large humanitarian actors, on the other hand, took time to position themselves (Léon 2018) or have shied away from a situation that is unfamiliar and could also jeopardize the financial support of their main donors – EU member states.

      Since then, the humanitarian space has been encroached upon in many ways and it has become increasingly difficult for volunteers or (small) humanitarian organisations to assist and protect people on the move. The criminalisation of humanitarian action is particularly visible in the context of civilian maritime SAR activities in the Mediterranean, but also bureaucratic hurdles and the co-optation of the humanitarian response into other political objectives have limited the space for principled humanitarian action. In order to protect people on the move, national, regional and international responses are needed to offer protection and assistance to migrants in countries of origin, transit and destination. Thereby, the humanitarian response needs to be in line with the principles of impartiality, neutrality, and independence to ensure access to the affected population. While the interests of states to counter organised crime, including human trafficking, is legitimate, this should not restrict humanitarian access to vulnerable migrants and refugees.

      In Europe, the biggest obstacle for effective humanitarian action is a lacking political will and the inability of the EU to achieve consensus on migration policies (DeLargy 2016). The Malta Agreement, a result of the latest EU Summit of Home Affairs Ministers in September 2019 and subsequent negotiations in Luxembourg in October of the same year, has failed to address the shortcomings of current migration policies and to remove the obstacles standing in the way of principled humanitarian action in the Mediterranean. For this, new alliances are warranted between humanitarian, human rights and migration focussed organizations to defend the humanitarian space for principled action to provide crucial support to people on the move both on land and at sea.

      http://chaberlin.org/en/publications/migration-and-the-shrinking-humanitarian-space-in-europe-2

      Pour télécharger le rapport:
      http://chaberlin.org/wp-content/uploads/2019/10/2019-10-debattenbeitrag-migration-shrinking-humanitarian-space-roepstorff
      #CHA #Centre_for_humanitarian_action

  • Message de @isskein :
    procès de Scott Warren - délit de solidarité aux USA

    29 mai premier jour du procès de #Scott_Warren, membre du groupe #No_More_Deaths qui aide les migrants perdus dans le désert d’Arizona, arrêté le 17 janvier 2018
    il est accusé de « complot criminel de transport et d’hébergement de migrants illégaux » pour avoir hébergé deux migrants dans une grange. Il risque 20 ans de prison.

    à l’été 2017 9 volontaires de No More Deaths, la plupart ne venant pas d’#Arizona, laissent des bidons d’#eau dans le désert ; ils sont accusés d’utilisation frauduleuse de véhicule et d’abandon de possessions - bref de jeter des ordures - dans une réserve fédérale, délits susceptibles d’un maximum de 6 mois
    Scott Warren a été arrêté peu après la publication d’un rapport documentant des abus de la U.S. Border Patrol.
    https://theintercept.com/2018/01/23/no-more-deaths-arizona-border-littering-charges-immigration (article de 2018 ne mentionnant alors que des peines de 5 ans)

    #désert #mourir_dans_le_désert #mourir_aux_frontières #frontières #migrations #asile #réfugiés #USA #Etats-Unis #Mexique #procès #délit_de_solidarité #solidarité

    Plus sur le groupe No More Deaths sur seenthis :
    https://seenthis.net/tag/no_more_deaths

    Et #Scott_Warren est... géographe, « college geography instructor »

    • Extending ’Zero Tolerance’ To People Who Help Migrants Along The Border

      Arrests of people for harboring, sheltering, leaving food and water or otherwise protecting migrants have been on the rise since 2017, when then-Attorney General Jeff Sessions ordered federal prosecutors to prioritize cases covered under the harboring statute.

      Scott Warren, a 36-year-old college geography instructor from Ajo, Ariz., works with a group called called No More Deaths or No Mas Muertes. The group’s volunteers leave water and food for migrants traversing the Arizona desert.

      Warren was arrested in 2017 and faces three felony counts including conspiracy to transport and harbor migrants. In its complaint, the government claims Warren was seen talking to two migrants who sheltered in Ajo. He denies being part of any sheltering plan.

      “It is scary to be intimidated like this and to be targeted but there really is no choice,” said Warren. He believes the government is violating his right to religious freedom by criminalizing his spiritual belief that mandates he help people in distress.

      “For the government, it’s kind of been an expansion of the interpretation of what it means to harbor,” he suggested.

      The stretch of desert near Ajo can be deadly. The Pima County Medical Examiner has documented 250 migrant deaths in the area since 2001. In the same time frame, thousands have died of dehydration and exposure in the Arizona borderlands.

      “It is life or death here. And a decision not to give somebody food or or water could lead to that person dying,” Warren said.

      ’Can I be compassionate?’

      Nine and half hours away by car from Ajo, in the west Texas town of Marfa, another case is unfolding that pits the government against a four-time elected city and county attorney, Teresa Todd.

      She is under investigation for human smuggling after stopping to help three migrants alongside the road at night in February, 2019.

      “I see a young man in a white shirt. He runs out toward the road where I am,” Todd recounted. She says the man was pleading for assistance. “I can’t just leave this guy on the side of the road. I have to go see if I can help.”

      The young man told Todd that his sister, 18-year-old Esmeralda, was in trouble.

      “I mean, she can hardly walk, she’s very dazed,” recalled Todd.

      The migrants took shelter in Todd’s car while she called and texted a friend who is the legal counsel for the local U.S. Border Patrol, asking for advice. Before that friend could reply, a sheriff’s deputy showed up. The deputy called in the U.S. Border Patrol.

      An agent was soon reading Todd her Miranda rights. Eight days later, a Department of Homeland Security investigator accompanied by a Texas Ranger arrived at Todd’s office with a search warrant for her cellphone. Todd says she was told she’d have the phone back in a matter of hours.

      “It makes people have to question, ’Can I be compassionate’?”

      Todd’s phone was returned 53 days later.

      The sheriff of Presidio County, Danny Dominguez, whose deputy called the Border Patrol, defended the action against Todd. He said anyone with undocumented migrants in their car risks arrest.

      A spokesman for the U.S. Attorney for the western district of Texas declined comment on Todd’s case.

      Todd is unrepentant: “I feel like I did the right thing. I don’t feel I did anything wrong.”

      Speaking by phone from the migrant detention center in Sierra Blanca, Texas, Esmeralda said of Todd, “I’m really grateful to her.” She said doctors told her she was on the brink of death by the time she got to the hospital.

      Figures confirmed to NPR by TRAC, the Transactional Records Access Clearinghouse at Syracuse University, show that in fiscal year 2018 there were more than 4,500 people federally charged for bringing in and harboring migrants. That is a more than 30% increase since 2015, with the greatest rise coming after Sessions’ order to prioritize harboring cases.

      “With these prosecutions, the government is saying, ’we’re extending our zero tolerance policy to Good Samaritans,’” said Ranjana Natarajan, director of the Civil Rights Clinic at the University of Texas School of Law. “People shouldn’t be helping migrants even if they might be at threat of death.”

      Accused of human smuggling

      Ana Adlerstein, a U.S. citizen and volunteer at a Mexican migrant shelter, has her own story to tell. Earlier this month, Adlerstein accompanied a migrant seeking asylum from Sonora, Mexico to the U.S. border crossing at Lukeville, Ariz. Adlerstein was present to observe the process. Instead, she says she was detained by Customs and Border Protection officers for several hours.

      “I was accused of human smuggling,” she stated.

      Border officials had been forewarned that a migrant seeking asylum was coming that day, accompanied by a U.S. citizen. Under current law, once a migrant steps onto U.S. soil, he or she can request asylum.

      “If that’s not how you’re supposed to seek asylum at a port of entry, how are you supposed to seek asylum in this country?” Adlerstein asked.

      U.S. Customs and Border Protection declined comment on Adlerstein’s specific claims. In an email, a CBP spokesperson added:

      “All persons entering the country, including U.S. citizens, are subject to examination and search. CBP uses diverse factors to refer individuals for selected examinations and there are instances when this process may take longer than normal. CBP is committed to ensuring the agency is able to execute its missions while protecting the human rights, civil rights, and dignity of those with whom we come in contact.”

      Adlerstein has not been charged but has received subsequent calls from a DHS investigator.

      In Texas, Teresa Todd is waiting to find out if she will be indicted for human smuggling.

      As for Scott Warren, he faces up to 20 years in prison if convicted on all three felony counts, a prospect he can’t even contemplate.

      https://www.npr.org/2019/05/28/725716169/extending-zero-tolerance-to-people-who-help-migrants-along-the-border?t=1559201
      #statistiques #chiffres

    • Scott Warren Provided Food & Water to Migrants in Arizona; He Now Faces Up to 20 Years in Prison

      An Arizona humanitarian aid volunteer goes to trial today for providing water, food, clean clothes and beds to two undocumented migrants crossing the Sonoran Desert in southern Arizona. If convicted, Scott Warren could spend up to 20 years in prison. Warren, an activist with the Tucson-based No More Deaths, is charged with three felony counts of allegedly “harboring” undocumented immigrants. For years, No More Deaths and other humanitarian aid groups in southern Arizona have left water and food in the harsh Sonoran Desert, where the temperature often reaches three digits during summer, to help refugees and migrants survive the deadly journey across the U.S. border. Warren was arrested on January 17, 2018, just hours after No More Deaths released a report detailing how U.S. Border Patrol agents had intentionally destroyed more than 3,000 gallons of water left out for migrants crossing the border. The group also published a video showing border agents dumping out jugs of water in the desert. Hours after the report was published, authorities raided the Barn, a No More Deaths aid camp in Ajo, where they found two migrants who had sought temporary refuge. We speak with Scott Warren and his fellow No More Deaths volunteer and activist Catherine Gaffney in Tucson.

      https://www.democracynow.org/2019/5/29/scott_warren_provided_food_water_to

    • Daily Trial Updates

      Day 3 – June 3, 2019

      We began the day with a powerful press conference featuring immigrant justice advocates from across the country. Patty Miller (Arivaca, AZ,) spoke on behalf of People Helping People in the Border Zone and the Rural Border Communities Coalition, followed by James Cordero and Jacqueline Arellano from Border Angeles (San Diego), Ravi Ragbir of the New Sanctuary Coalition (NYC) and Kaji Douša, Senior Pastor at The Park Avenue Christian Church in Manhattan.
      The prosecution continued to build their “case” against Scott, spending most of the day playing video recordings of the testimony given by the two undocumented Central American men–José and Kristian–who were arrested with Scott. (Note we will be using only the first names of deposed witnesses to respect privacy).
      Prosecutors attempted to erase the hardships experienced by undocumented people crossing the borderlands. One of the two witnesses, Kristian, testified that he had been traveling since October 4th, 2017 from his home in El Salvador. By the time of the arrest, he had been traveling for over three months and walking in the desert for two days. This is very different from the government narrative which claims the men were traveling for mere hours before they encountered help.
      During their journey, José and Kristian experienced the routine and deadly Border Patrol apprehension method known as chase and scatter–a practice in which Border Patrol agents pursue migrants in vehicles, on foot, or in helicopters, forcing them to scatter into the desert. In the chaos, the two men lost their belongings, including “food and two gallons of water.” The No More Deaths Abuse Documentation Working Group has provided extensive documentation of the lethal impacts of this deadly apprehension method in our report series, The Disappeared.
      José and Kristian testified that after arriving at the Barn, Scott gave them food, water, blankets and a place to rest. There was no evidence that Scott made any plans to transport them, hide them from law enforcement, or instruct them on how to evade any Border Patrol checkpoints.
      Border Patrol Forensic Phone Analyst Rogelio Velasco gave a rundown of the contents of Scott Warren’s phone–he summarized 14,000 pages of emails and texts into a one page report. One part of his analysis showed the day José and Kristian arrived at the barn, Scott called a nurse and a doctor on the No More Deaths medical team. When asked why Velasco didn’t review the myriad other emails and texts discussing Scott’s humanitarian work, he replied, “I was looking for elements of criminality. If it wasn’t relevant then I skipped it.”

      Day 2 – May 30, 2019

      We began the day with Pastor Allison Harrington of Southside Presbyterian Church sharing the poem “Imagine the Angels of Bread” by Martin Espada along with a morning prayer.
      Court opened with Border Patrol Agent John Marquez being cross-examined by the defense. He made it abundantly clear that he relied on racial profiling to determine the two men at the barn were migrants, claiming “they matched the description” of two migrants BP was looking for. However, when pressed by the defense, Agent Marquez admitted that he did not know whether they were “short, tall, fat, skinny, bearded, young, old, or even male.” He stated “In my experience, they appeared to be “Other Than Mexican.”
      Agent Marquez also stated that January 17, 2018 was the first time Border Patrol agents in Ajo set up surveillance at the Barn. This happened just hours after No More Deaths released a report called The Disappeared Part 2: Interference on Humanitarian and video of agents destroying humanitarian aid supplies.
      Second to take the stand was Border Patrol Agent Brendan Burns, who was the one who first referred to the migrants as “toncs”.
      According to Agent Burns, when he approached the Barn that day, defendant Scott Warren told him that it was private property and a humanitarian aid space. He also asked the Agents to leave the property. Burns ignored him because, according to his surveillance, “the aliens didn’t appear to be in need of humanitarian aid.” When asked by the defense whether he has any medical credentials, the agent admitted to having none.
      Five days after the arrests, a search warrant was issued for the Barn. Evidence seized included a receipt for a cherry coke, banana nut muffin and chips, a fridge note saying “bagels from flagstaff!” and a list of supplies for a camping trip.

      Day 1 – May 29, 2019

      After a moving press conference in the morning, a jury was selected of 15 people — 12 jurors and 3 alternates.
      In his opening argument this afternoon, US Attorney Nathaniel Walters claimed that “this case is not about humanitarian aid,” urging jurors to ignore the realities of death and disappearance happening in the desert surrounding Ajo, Arizona.
      The prosecution’s entire case for the charge of “conspiracy to harbor and transport” undocumented migrants appeared to hinge on the fact that two undocumented men arrived at the Barn, “and then Scott showed up” a few hours later.
      The prosecution also harped on the fact that the men had “eaten food” prior to arriving at the Barn, apparently arguing that because the two men split one burrito after walking for two days through the desert, they were not in need of food or water
      Lawyers for the defense firmly asserted in their opening arguments that this case IS about humanitarian aid, and that Scott’s actions must be understood as a part of his deep knowledge of suffering throughout the desert and commitment to working to end it. “Scott intended one thing: to provide basic human kindness in the form of humanitarian aid.”
      The government also argued that Scott was pointing out known landmarks to the two migrants. “Defendant appeared to be pointing out different features, lots of hand motions. I could not hear them but there were hand gestures, up and down, in wave motions, rolling hills, pointing to known points of interest.” However, as the defense firmly stated “orientation is just as much of a human right as is food, water, and shelter.” In the context of death and disappearance in the desert, knowing where you are can save your life.
      The government called their first witness, Border Patrol Agent John Marquez. Marquez testified to setting up surveillance on the Barn on January 17, 2018 and seeing Scott speaking with two men, who he presumed were undocumented based on “ill-fitting clothing” and the fact that they were “scanning the horizon.” No evidence was presented that Scott intended to hide or conceal anyone. Judge Collins called an end to the day before the defense’s cross-examination of Marquez.


      http://forms.nomoredeaths.org/dailytrialupdates
      #procès

      –---------

      Trial continued this afternoon with video testimony from José, the other material witness arrested with Scott, who confirmed that he and Kristian were both hungry, cold, and very tired when they arrived at the barn.

      José also described their experience of being scattered by the #BorderPatrol, and how most of the men in his group had to stop walking because they were so beat up from spending just one day in the desert.

      Chase and scatter is just one of the deadly apprehension tactics used by BP which result in increased numbers of deaths and disappearances. “Prevention through Deterrence” is the name of the overall strategy of pushing migrants deep into the desert.

      https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=J7Ux__uVfNA

      https://twitter.com/NoMoreDeaths/status/1135690665399017473

    • In Scott Warren’s No More Deaths Trial, Prosecutors Attempt to Paint a Web of Conspiracy

      For nearly a year and a half, U.S. government prosecutors in Arizona have sought to make an example out of Scott Warren. The 36-year-old geographer and border-based humanitarian aid volunteer was arrested with two undocumented migrants on January 17, 2018, and accused of providing the men with food, water, and a place to sleep over three days. A month later, a grand jury indicted him on two counts of harboring and one count of conspiracy, bringing the total amount time he could spend in prison — if convicted on all counts and sentenced to consecutive terms — to 20 years.

      Warren’s trial began in Tucson on Wednesday, marking the start of the most consequential prosecution of an American humanitarian aid provider in at least a decade. On Monday, assistant U.S. attorneys Anna Wright and Nathaniel J. Walters, who together have spearheaded an aggressive and controversial prosecutorial campaign against immigrant rights defenders in the Sonoran Desert, called their final witness to the stand.

      Over three and a half days of testimony, the prosecutors presented the jury with two Border Patrol agents who arrested Warren, a third who examined his phone, and some three hours of video-taped testimony from the young migrants he was arrested with, recorded before their deportations. The arresting agents provided little information beyond the bare facts of their operation as it unfolded, while the agent who testified about phone evidence seemed to paint a more incriminating picture of a man who was not charged in the case than he did of Warren. The migrants who were held as the government’s material witnesses described Warren as a figure who was hardly present during their short time in the U.S., beyond giving them permission to eat, sleep, and drink at a property he did not own, after they showed up with nothing but the clothes on their backs.

      The conspiracy charge in particular has cast an ominous pall over Warren’s case. As a prosecutorial tool, conspiracy charges can afford government attorneys sweeping powers in criminal cases. While the U.S. attorney’s office in Arizona was secretive about the nature of its theory of conspiracy with respect to Warren following his grand jury indictment, The Intercept revealed last month that the government considered Irineo Mujica, a prominent immigrants right advocate, a co-conspirator in the case. A dual U.S.-Mexican citizen, Mujica is the head of Pueblo Sin Fronteras, an immigrant rights organization known for its role in organizing the migrant caravans that have drawn President Trump’s outrage. He also operates a migrant shelter south of Ajo, the unincorporated community where Warren lives and works.

      In opening arguments last week, Walters confirmed that the government considered Mujica a key figure in Warren’s alleged offenses. “They were in contact with Irineo Mujica,” the prosecutor told the jury, referring to 23-year-old Kristian Perez-Villanueva and 20-year-old Jose Arnaldo Sacaria-Goday, the Central American migrants, from El Salvador and Honduras, respectively, whom Warren was arrested with. Not only that, Walters said, Mujica had driven the pair to “the Barn,” a property used by humanitarian volunteers operating in the area. Warren’s relationship to Mujica was that of a “shared acquaintance,” Walters said, and cellphone evidence would show that the two were in contact before the migrants arrived at the Barn.

      Mujica declined to comment for this story and has not been charged with a crime.

      On Monday afternoon, Rogelio Velasco, a Border Patrol agent in the Tucson sector’s intelligence unit, testified about the government’s telephonic evidence, describing how his work excavating cellphones is used to support the agency’s high-priority cases, often executed by its plainclothes “Disrupt” units. “We try to look for bigger cases where more people are involved,” he testified. Warren was arrested by a Disrupt unit.

      Wright and Walters’ interest in Warren and the humanitarian groups he volunteers with, particularly the faith-based organization No More Deaths, began in 2017, when the assistant U.S. attorneys brought federal misdemeanor charges against several members of the group — Warren included — for leaving water and other humanitarian aid supplies on public lands where migrants routinely die. Velasco explained how, after Warren’s arrest, the prosecutors directed him to focus on particular date ranges and communications included in Warren’s phone and a phone carried by Perez-Villanueva.

      As the Border Patrol agent carried out the prosecutors’ request, he said he found a series of communications between Perez-Villanueva and Mujica, beginning in December 2017 and extending through January 2018, when he and Sacaria-Goday, along with Warren, were arrested in Ajo. According to Velasco’s testimony, the messages showed that when the young migrants entered the U.S. on January 14, Perez-Villanueva texted Mujica, “We’re here.” To which Mujica replied, “I’m on my way.”

      The government’s efforts to tie alleged illegal activity between Mujica and Warren appeared to begin after Warren was taken into custody. Four months after Warren was indicted, Jarrett L. Lenker, a supervisory Border Patrol agent in the Tucson sector intelligence unit, submitted a search warrant affidavit for Warren’s iPhone, first uncovered by the Arizona Daily Star and obtained by The Intercept.

      Mujica was a central figure in Lenker’s affidavit. The Border Patrol agent described “a total of 16 phone calls or WhatsApp messages” exchanged between Perez-Villanueva and Mujica in the month before his arrest. Lenker’s affidavit also revealed that, through subpoenas, law enforcement identified two phone numbers “associated with Warren’s Verizon account” following his arrest: one belonging to Warren and the other belonging to his partner.

      In his testimony Monday, Velasco said that Mujica was a contact in Warren’s phone, and that the two had communications up through January 11, six days before his arrest. Warren also sent Mujica’s contact information to another person in his phone in the summer of 2017, Velasco testified.

      Following Velasco’s testimony, the prosecution called Border Patrol agent Brendan Burns, one of the Disrupt unit members principally involved in Warren’s arrest, to the witness stand. Burns described an incident a week after Warren’s arrest, in which Mujica was pulled over at a Border Patrol checkpoint outside Ajo. He drove to the scene and observed that Mujica’s van was the same vehicle featured in a selfie Perez-Villanueva and Sacaria-Goday took after they made it to the U.S. Inside the van were a number of items associated with illegal border crossings, Burns testified, including water jugs and foreign identification cards. The same incident was also described in Lenker’s affidavit, which noted that the ID cards belonged to individuals who had been removed from the U.S. Lenker also recounted an incident the following month, in which Mujica was again stopped at the same Border Patrol checkpoint and his passenger was arrested for being in the country illegally.

      Burns acknowledged having seen the photos of Perez-Villanueva and Sacaria-Goday in Mujica’s vehicle prior to his encounter with Mujica, and his knowledge that the vehicle belonged to Mujica. He testified that he did not, however, ask Mujica about the two young migrants, nor their alleged conspiracy with Scott Warren, nor did he place him under arrest.

      In opening statements last week, defense attorney Greg Kuykendall acknowledged that Warren had been in contact with Mujica days before his arrest, and that was because Mujica had information about a dead body outside Ajo. The remains of roughly 3,000 people have been recovered in the Arizona desert since 2000, the grim consequence of a government policy that deliberately funnels migrants into the most lethal areas of the U.S.-Mexico border. Since 2014, Warren has brought together a network of humanitarian groups working to confront the loss of life in the state’s deadliest region, the so-called west desert. Those efforts have yielded a historic increase in the number of bodies and human remains accounted for in the area.

      On cross examination Monday, Kuykendall zeroed in on the evidence Velasco’s examination of Warren’s phone had uncovered. The defense attorney first established, with Velasco’s admission, that there were no communications recorded between Perez-Villanueva and Warren (Sacaria-Goday tossed his phone while the pair were in the desert). He then focused on Warren’s communications with Mujica.

      “Are you aware that Scott and Irineo are involved in humanitarian aid efforts?” Kuykendall asked.

      “I think I might’ve heard something,” Velasco replied. “But I’m not exactly sure.”

      (Warren’s humanitarian aid work was noted in both internal Border Patrol reports and news accounts before and after his arrest — he and Mujica were featured in a Pulitzer Prize-winning newspaper series in 2017 detailing their efforts to find dead and lost migrants in the desert.)

      Velasco admitted that he had no idea what Warren and Mujica discussed the week before Warren’s arrest, nor had he taken note of what Warren had Googled as soon as the pair got off the phone. Kuykendall informed the jury that those searches included information on backcountry areas south of Ajo, a news report on a humanitarian group conducting search and rescue operations in the region, and the English translation of a Spanish word for scratches. Following the Google searches, Kuykendall told the jury, Warren called Dr. Norma Price, a physician who has long provided medical advice to No More Deaths volunteers.

      Kuykendall questioned Velasco about his testimony regarding Warren’s communications with a woman named “Susannah.” Velasco admitted that he did not know who Susannah was and that he “saw nothing that directly suggested” she and Warren were communicating about criminal activity. Instead, he testified, they were messaging one another about “providing water in different areas.” Moving along, Kuykendall asked if Velasco was aware that Perez-Villanueva worked for Mujica while staying at his shelter in Mexico — a potential explanation for their repeated communications in the winter of 2017. Velasco appeared uncertain, and acknowledged that from January 10 to the afternoon of January 14, when the migrants arrived in Ajo, there were no communications between Perez-Villanueva and Mujica.

      “When he was crossing I didn’t come up with any messages,” Velasco testified.

      In opening arguments last week, Kuykendall explained how, in the days leading up to his arrest, Warren spent his time training new humanitarian volunteers, assisting sheriff’s deputies in the search for a body, and performing his duties as a new instructor at Tohono O’odham Community College, a school for residents of the Native American reservation outside Ajo. In early January 2018, five new No More Deaths volunteers had arrived in Ajo. As the local expert, it was up to Warren to show them the ropes and familiarize them with the organization’s protocols — protocols, Kuykendall said, that are intended to ensure the group’s work is “effective, responsible, and legal.”

      On Thursday, January 11, Warren was at home when Mujica called to inform him about the human remains he had heard about, Kuykendall said, noting that Warren had the experience and know-how to organize a grid search in the area. Efforts to coordinate a search were the extent of communications between Warren and Mujica, the defense attorney said. The following day, Warren took the new volunteers to a migrant shelter in Mexico, where they distributed “harm reduction” kits, consisting of chlorine to purify water, ointment for blisters, combs for removing cholla cactus spines, and lists of emergency numbers, including 911.

      “No More Deaths’ role is to reduce the harm,” Kuykendall told the jury, not to encourage people to cross a desert that has claimed thousands of lives.

      Warren spent much of the following weekend at home with the flu, Kuykendall said, coordinating rescue operations by phone and working to link up Pima County sheriff’s deputies with No More Deaths volunteers in the field. Warren’s responsibilities involved preparing new volunteers, operationally and emotionally, for the possibility of finding a dead body in the desert. On the night of Sunday, January 14, they also included making dinner for the new recruits at the Barn. Warren returned to the building with groceries that afternoon to find two young men — Perez-Villanueva and Sacaria-Goday — already inside.

      “Scott’s spooked,” Kuykendall said of Warren’s reaction.

      In the depositions played for the jury Monday, Perez-Villanueva and Sacaria-Goday described a harrowing journey through the desert that involved being chased by law enforcement and losing many of their supplies. Perez-Villanueva described fleeing problems in El Salvador and said that he had no intention to enter the U.S. until those problems cropped up in Mexico. The pair had crossed in a group of five but were quickly on their own, their companions slowed down by thorns in their feet. “Between the two of us, we made a good team,” Perez-Villanueva said. “We supported each other mutually.” The young men testified to crossing the desert and tossing their food and backpacks when they were chased by immigration agents. They eventually made it to a gas station outside Ajo, where “a gringo” drove them to second gas station in town.

      Neither of the migrants identified the man who then drove to the Barn, though Perez-Villanueva testified that the man told them not to describe his role in delivering them there, and that he honored that request. The pair let themselves in through an unlocked door. Warren arrived approximately 40 minutes later. “They tell him that they’re hungry,” Kuykendall told the jury. “They tell him that they’re thirsty. They tell him that they’re tired.”

      Warren grabbed a form No More Deaths uses to catalog medical evaluations of migrants encountered in the field, the defense attorney said. Warren, a certified wilderness first responder, found that Perez-Villanueva had blisters on his feet, a persistent cough, and signs of dehydration. Sacaria-Goday’s conditions were much the same, though he was also suffering from chest pain. In keeping with No More Deaths’ protocol, Warren called a nurse before starting dinner for the volunteers that were set to arrive — as well as their two new guests.

      “He gives food to hungry men,” Kuykendall told the jury. “They share a meal with the volunteers.”

      By phone, Dr. Price advised the two young migrants to stay off their feet for a couple days, to stay hydrated, and asked the volunteers to keep them under observation, Kuykendall told the jury. Warren came and went in the days that followed, as did other No More Deaths volunteers. “He hardly spent time there,” Sacaria-Goday testified. “I hardly spoke with him,” Perez-Villanueva said.

      On Tuesday, January 16, Warren had his first day teaching at the community college. The following day, he worked from home. A group of high school students were scheduled to visit the Barn that night. Warren pulled up to the Barn in the afternoon, Kuykendall said, as Perez-Villanueva and Sacaria-Goday were preparing to leave. The three spoke outside. Across a desert wash, two plainclothes Border Patrol agents were conducting “covert surveillance,” in the words of Walters, the government prosecutor.

      “Toncs at the barn,” agent Burns wrote in a group text, using a slang word for migrants known to reflect the sound a flashlight makes when it connects with a human skull.

      The lead agent on the arrest operation was John Marquez. In his testimony last week, Marquez’s narrative began the afternoon of Warren’s arrest, though he acknowledged doing a bit of “background research,” in Kuykendall’s words, on Warren before taking him into custody. In fact, texts messages The Intercept has previously reported upon show Marquez repeatedly communicating with local Fish and Wildlife agents about Warren’s whereabouts and No More Deaths’ humanitarian activity in the run-up to his arrest. In a report he filed after Warren was taken into custody, Marquez described him as a “recruiter” for the organization, who regularly comments publicly on immigration issues.

      Under questioning from the prosecution, Marquez highlighted hand gestures Warren allegedly made while standing outside with Perez-Villanueva and Sacaria-Goday as evidence that he was providing them directions north. Upon cross examination, however, he acknowledged that this apparently important detail was not included in his arrest report. Perez-Villanueva and Sacaria-Goday, meanwhile, both testified that Warren did not provide them directions for their journey. He never advised them to hide in the Barn, they said, and they were free to come and go as they pleased.

      Marquez and Burns descended on the Barn with backup provided by a law enforcement caravan that had mustered at a hotel down the road. Warren, Perez-Villanueva, and Sacaria-Goday were all placed under arrest. The migrants were held in government custody for several weeks before providing their testimony and being deported to their home countries.

      “There is one question in this case,” Kuykendall told the jury considering Warren’s actions in the days leading up to his arrest. “Did he intend to violate the law?” The government did not have the evidence to prove that he did, the defense attorney argued.

      “Scott intended one thing,” he said. “To provide basic human kindness in the form of humanitarian aid.”

      https://theintercept.com/2019/06/04/scott-warren-no-more-deaths-trial-conspiracy-phone

    • UN experts urge US authorities to drop charges against aid worker Scott Warren

      GENEVA (5 June 2019) – UN human rights experts* have expressed grave concerns about criminal charges brought against Scott Warren, a U.S. citizen who works for an aid organisation providing water and medical aid to migrants in the Arizona desert.

      Warren’s trial began on 29 May 2019, and if found guilty he faces up to 20 years in jail.

      “Providing humanitarian aid is not a crime. We urge the US authorities to immediately drop all charges against Scott Warren,” the experts said.

      Warren, 36, lives in the desert town of Ajo, Arizona, where he helped to establish the organisation No More Deaths, which provides humanitarian assistance along migration routes. For the past 10 years, he has helped migrants and asylum seekers attempting to cross the Arizona - Mexican border through the Sonora desert.

      Border Control agents arrested the human rights defender on 17 January 2018 at “the Barn”, a humanitarian shelter in the Sonora Desert, while he was providing assistance to two undocumented migrants. His arrest came hours after the release of a report from No More Deaths which documented the implication of Border Control agents in the systematic destruction of humanitarian supplies, including water stores, and denounced a pattern of harassment, intimidation and surveillance against humanitarian aid workers.

      Warren faces charges on two counts of “harboring” migrants and one count of “conspiring to transport and harbor” migrants.

      Arizona has some of the deadliest migrant corridors along the US border, accounting for more than a third of more than 7,000 border deaths recorded by US authorities over the last two decades. The actual numbers are likely to be higher, given the remains of many of those who die are not recovered.

      “The vital and legitimate humanitarian work of Scott Warren and No More Deaths upholds the right to life and prevents the deaths of migrants and asylum seekers at the US-Mexican border,” said the UN experts.

      “The prosecution of Scott Warren represents an unacceptable escalation of existing patterns criminalising migrant rights defenders along the migrant caravan routes.”

      The experts are in contact with the U.S. authorities on the issues.

      https://www.ohchr.org/EN/NewsEvents/Pages/DisplayNews.aspx?NewsID=24675&LangID=E

    • Judge declares mistrial in Tucson trial of aid volunteer accused of harboring migrants

      Jurors in the high-profile felony trial against Scott Warren — a humanitarian-aid volunteer charged with harboring two undocumented immigrants in southwestern Arizona — were unable to reach a verdict, prompting the judge to declare a mistrial in the case.

      U.S. District Judge Raner C. Collins brought the 12-person jury into the Tucson federal courtroom on the afternoon of June 11, after they indicated for a second time that they were deadlocked on all three charges Warren faced.

      The judge dismissed the jury after each member told him that additional time deliberating would not result in a verdict.

      Collins scheduled a status conference on the trial for July 2, when prosecutors with the U.S. Attorney’s Office in Arizona will decide whether to try Warren again before another jury.

      Prosecutors declined to comment after the judge dismissed the jury, and the U.S. Attorney’s Office in Arizona has not responded to a request for comment.

      Warren, 36, a volunteer with the group No More Deaths, faced up to 20 years in federal prison if convicted.

      He’s accused of conspiring to transport two undocumented immigrants, Kristian Perez-Villanueva and Jose Arnaldo Sacaria-Goday, and of harboring them for several days in January 2018 in Ajo, Arizona.

      Speaking to reporters outside the federal courthouse, Warren acknowledged that he’d be back in court in a month’s time to learn if the legal case against him would continue.

      But he thanked his supporters who filled the courthouse to capacity on each of the seven days of testimony.

      “But the other men arrested with me that day, Jose Sacaria-Goday and Kristian Perez-Villanueva, have not received the outpouring of support that I have,” Warren said. “I do not know how they are doing now. But I desperately hope that they are safe.”

      Warren said that the need to provide humanitarian aid to migrants crossing the desert along the U.S.-Mexico border still is “as necessary” as ever.

      He pointed out that since his arrest on Jan. 17, 2018, the remains of 88 migrants were recovered from the Ajo corridor, a remote and notoriously rugged desert wilderness in southwestern Arizona.

      Greg Kuykendall, the lead attorney in his defense team, praised volunteers, such as Warren, for using their time and resources to help migrants in need.

      He declined to answer questions about the possibility of a retrial.

      “The government put on its best case, with the full force and countless resources, and 12 jurors could not agree with that case,” Kuykendall said. “We remain devoted today in our commitment to defend Scott’s lifelong devotion to providing humanitarian aid.”
      Volunteers say border humanitarian work will continue

      The hung jury in Warren’s felony trial follows the convictions of several other No More Deaths volunteers for carrying out humanitarian aid duties along protected wilderness areas along the Arizona border.

      In January, a federal judge in Tucson convicted four volunteers of misdemeanors for entering a wildlife refuge without a permit and dropping off food and water for migrants. He sentenced them to 15 months probation, ordered them to pay a fine of $150, and banned them from the refuge.

      The following month, four other No More Deaths volunteers pleaded guilty to a civil infraction of entering a wildlife refuge without a permit, and agreed to pay $280 in fines.

      Warren is also awaiting the outcome of a separate misdemeanor case brought against him for entering protected wilderness areas without a permit.

      Page Corich-Kleim, a longtime volunteer with No More Deaths, said despite these results, their work in providing humanitarian aid will continue along southwestern Arizona.

      “This evening, we have a group of volunteers driving out to Ajo to put water out,” she said. “So throughout this whole trial, we haven’t stopped doing our work and we’re not going to stop doing our work.”

      The jury began deliberations midday on Friday, after attorneys presented their closing arguments in Tucson federal court. But after nearly 15 hours of deliberations, they were unable to reach consensus on the three felony counts against Warren.

      The jurors first notified Collins late Monday afternoon that they were unable to reach a verdict in the case. But the judge asked them to try once again on Tuesday morning.

      But after deadlocking once again on Tuesday morning, Collins thanked them and dismissed them from jury duty.

      The jurors left the courthouse without speaking to the media.
      Prosecutors said Warren conspired to harbor migrants

      During the trial, prosecutors with the U.S. Attorney’s Office in Arizona argued that the two migrants were in good health and did not need medical care when they showed up to a building known as “the Barn” on Jan. 14, 2018.

      The prosecutors argued that Warren had conspired with Irineo Mujica, a migrants-rights activist who runs a shelter in nearby Sonoyta, Mexico, to take in the two migrants and shield them from Border Patrol. They also alleged that the humanitarian aid was used as a “cover” to help them further their journey illegally into the United States.

      Agents arrested Warren, as well as Perez-Villanueva and Sacaria-Goday, during a Jan. 17, 2018, raid of the Barn, after they had set up surveillance of the area.

      Defense attorneys for Warren said he had no idea that the two men would be at the Barn when he arrived, and that he had followed the protocols No More Deaths had established to provide a medical assessment, as well as food, water, shelter and orientation to the two migrants.

      Warren’s intent was not to break the law, but rather to provide lifesaving aid, his attorneys said.

      https://eu.azcentral.com/story/news/politics/border-issues/2019/06/11/scott-warren-verdict-aiding-undocumented-immigrants-on-us-mexico-border-no-more-deaths/1387036001

    • Jurors refuse to convict activist facing 20 years for helping migrants

      Jury could not reach a verdict against Scott Daniel Warren who was arrested in 2018 for giving migrants water, food and lodging.

      A US jury could not reach a verdict on Tuesday against a border activist who, defense attorneys say, was simply being kind by providing two migrants with water, food and lodging when he was arrested in early 2018.

      Scott Daniel Warren, a 36-year-old college geography instructor, was charged with conspiracy to transport and harbor migrants in a trial that humanitarian aid groups said would have wide implications for their work. He faced up to 20 years in prison.

      Prosecutors maintained the men were not in distress and Warren conspired to transport and harbor them at a property used for providing aid to migrants in an Arizona town near the US-Mexico border.

      The case played out as humanitarian groups say they are coming under increasing scrutiny under Donald Trump’s hardline immigration policies.

      Outside the courthouse, Warren thanked his supporters and criticized the government’s efforts to crack down on the number of immigrants coming to the US.

      “Today it remains as necessary as ever for local residents and humanitarian aid volunteers to stand in solidarity with migrants and refugees, and we must also stand for our families, friends and neighbors in the very land itself most threatened by the militarization of our borderland communities,” Warren said.

      Glenn McCormick, a spokesman for the US attorney’s office in Arizona, declined to comment on whether Warren would face another trial. The judge set a 2 July status hearing for the defense and prosecution.

      Warren is one of nine members of the humanitarian aid group No More Deaths who have been charged with crimes related to their work. But he is the only one to face felony charges.

      In west Texas, a county attorney was detained earlier this year after stopping her car on a dark highway to pick up three young migrants who flagged her down. Teresa Todd was held briefly, and federal agents searched her cellphone.

      Border activists say they worry about what they see as the gradual criminalization of humanitarian action.

      Warren has said his case could set a dangerous precedent by expanding the definition of the crimes of transporting and harboring migrants to include people merely trying to help border-crossers in desperate need of water or other necessities.

      Warren and other volunteers with the No More Deaths group also were targeted this year in separate federal misdemeanor cases after leaving water, canned food and other provisions for migrants hiking through the Cabeza Prieta national wildlife refuge in southern Arizona.

      In Warren’s felony case, the defense team headed by Greg Kuykendall argued that Warren could not, in good conscience, turn away two migrants who had recently crossed the desert to enter the US.

      Jurors said on Monday that they could not reach a consensus on the charges against Warren, but a federal judge told them to keep deliberating. They were still deadlocked on Tuesday and ultimately dismissed.

      Thousands of migrants have died crossing the border since the mid-1990s, when heightened enforcement pushed migrant traffic into Arizona’s scorching deserts.

      https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2019/jun/11/arizona-activist-migrant-water-scott-daniel-warren-verdict

    • The gripping case of Scott Warren

      Is offering assistance to illegal immigrants a protected religious practice?

      ONE TROUBLE with liberty is that you never know what people will do with it. In recent years, American conservatives have been passionate defenders of individual religious freedoms, such as the right to have nothing to do with same-sex weddings. But Scott Warren (pictured), an idealistic geographer who is facing felony charges for succouring migrants in the Arizona desert, has now become a standard-bearer for a very different sort of conscientious objection.

      On June 11th his trial, which has been closely watched at the liberal end of America’s religious spectrum, reached deadlock after jurors failed to agree despite three days of deliberation. That was a better result than Mr Warren and his many supporters feared. Prosecutors may seek a retrial.

      https://www.economist.com/united-states/2019/06/15/the-gripping-case-of-scott-warren

    • USA: Decision to retry Dr. Scott Warren is part of wider campaign against human rights defenders

      In response to US federal prosecutors deciding today to retry the human rights defender Dr. Scott Warren after a previous attempt to prosecute him ended in a mistrial, Erika Guevara-Rosas, Americas director Amnesty International, said:

      “By deciding to mount an entirely new trial against Dr. Scott Warren, the Trump administration is doubling down on its attacks against human rights defenders who are doing necessary and life-saving work at the US-Mexico border.”

      “Amnesty International has documented that the criminalization of Dr. Warren is not an isolated incident, but part of a larger politically-motivated campaign of harassment and intimidation by the US government that is in clear violation of US and international law. The US government must immediately halt these campaigns, and Congress should hold authorities accountable for their abuse of power.”


      https://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/news/2019/07/usa-decision-retry-scott-warren-part-of-wider-campaign-against-human-rights

  • Refugee, volunteer, prisoner: #Sarah_Mardini and Europe’s hardening line on migration

    Early last August, Sarah Mardini sat on a balcony on the Greek island of Lesvos. As the sun started to fade, a summer breeze rose off the Aegean Sea. She leaned back in her chair and relaxed, while the Turkish coastline, only 16 kilometres away, formed a silhouette behind her.

    Three years before, Mardini had arrived on this island from Syria – a dramatic journey that made international headlines. Now she was volunteering her time helping other refugees. She didn’t know it yet, but in a few weeks that work would land her in prison.

    Mardini had crossed the narrow stretch of water from Turkey in August 2015, landing on Lesvos after fleeing her home in Damascus to escape the Syrian civil war. On the way, she almost drowned when the engine of the inflatable dinghy she was travelling in broke down.

    More than 800,000 people followed a similar route from the Turkish coast to the Greek Islands that year. Almost 800 of them are now dead or missing.

    As the boat Mardini was in pitched and spun, she slipped overboard and struggled to hold it steady in the violent waves. Her sister, Yusra, three years younger, soon joined. Both girls were swimmers, and their act of heroism likely saved the 18 other people on board. They eventually made it to Germany and received asylum. Yusra went on to compete in the 2016 Olympics for the first ever Refugee Olympic Team. Sarah, held back from swimming by an injury, returned to Lesvos to help other refugees.

    On the balcony, Mardini, 23, was enjoying a rare moment of respite from long days spent working in the squalid Moria refugee camp. For the first time in a long time, she was looking forward to the future. After years spent between Lesvos and Berlin, she had decided to return to her university studies in Germany.

    But when she went to the airport to leave, shortly after The New Humanitarian visited her, Mardini was arrested. Along with several other volunteers from Emergency Response Centre International, or ERCI, the Greek non-profit where she volunteered, Mardini was charged with belonging to a criminal organisation, people smuggling, money laundering, and espionage.

    According to watchdog groups, the case against Mardini is not an isolated incident. Amnesty International says it is part of a broader trend of European governments taking a harder line on immigration and using anti-smuggling laws to de-legitimise humanitarian assistance to refugees and migrants.

    Far-right Italian Deputy Prime Minister Matteo Salvini recently pushed through legislation that ends humanitarian protection for migrants and asylum seekers, while Italy and Greece have ramped up pressure on maritime search and rescue NGOs, forcing them to shutter operations. At the end of March, the EU ended naval patrols in the Mediterranean that had saved the lives of thousands of migrants.

    In 2016, five other international volunteers were arrested on Lesvos on similar charges to Mardini. They were eventually acquitted, but dozens of other cases across Europe fit a similar pattern: from Denmark to France, people have been arrested, charged, and sometimes successfully prosecuted under anti-smuggling regulations based on actions they took to assist migrants.

    Late last month, Salam Kamal-Aldeen, a Danish national who founded the rescue non-governmental organisation Team Humanity, filed an application with the European Court of Human Rights, challenging what he says is a Greek crackdown on lifesaving activities.

    According to Maria Serrano, senior campaigner on migration at Amnesty International, collectively the cases have done tremendous damage in terms of public perception of humanitarian work in Europe. “The atmosphere… is very hostile for anyone that is trying to help, and this [has a] chilling effect on other people that want to help,” she said.

    As for the case against Mardini and the other ERCI volunteers, Human Rights Watch concluded that the accusations are baseless. “It seems like a bad joke, and a scary one as well because of what the implications are for humanitarian activists and NGOs just trying to save people’s lives,” said Bill Van Esveld, who researched the case for HRW.

    While the Lesvos prosecutor could not be reached for comment, the Greek police said in a statement after Mardini’s arrest that she and other aid workers were “active in the systematic facilitation of illegal entrance of foreigners” – a violation of the country’s Migration Code.

    Mardini spent 108 days in pre-trial detention before being released on bail at the beginning of December. The case against her is still open. Her lawyer expects news on what will happen next in June or July. If convicted, Mardini could be sentenced to up to 25 years in prison.

    “It seems like a bad joke, and a scary one as well because of what the implications are for humanitarian activists and NGOs just trying to save people’s lives.”

    Return to Lesvos

    The arrest and pending trial are the latest in a series of events, starting with the beginning of the Syrian war in 2011, that have disrupted any sense of normalcy in Mardini’s life.

    Even after making it to Germany in 2015, Mardini never really settled in. She was 20 years old and in an unfamiliar city. The secure world she grew up in had been destroyed, and the future felt like a blank and confusing canvas. “I missed Syria and Damascus and just this warmness in everything,” she said.

    While wading through these emotions, Mardini received a Facebook message in 2016 from an ERCI volunteer. The swimming sisters from Syria who saved a boat full of refugees were an inspiration. Volunteers on Lesvos told their story to children on the island to give them hope for the future, the volunteer said, inviting Mardini to visit. “It totally touched my heart,” Mardini recalled. “Somebody saw me as a hope… and there is somebody asking for my help.”

    So Mardini flew back to Lesvos in August 2016. Just one year earlier she had nearly died trying to reach the island, before enduring a journey across the Balkans that involved hiding from police officers in forests, narrowly escaping being kidnapped, sneaking across tightly controlled borders, and spending a night in police custody in a barn. Now, all it took was a flight to retrace the route.

    Her first day on the island, Mardini was trained to help refugees disembark safely when their boats reached the shores. By nighttime, she was sitting on the beach watching for approaching vessels. It was past midnight, and the sea was calm. Lights from the Turkish coastline twinkled serenely across the water. After about half an hour, a walkie talkie crackled. The Greek Coast Guard had spotted a boat.

    Volunteers switched on the headlights of their cars, giving the refugees something to aim for. Thin lines of silver from the reflective strips on the refugees’ life jackets glinted in the darkness, and the rumble of a motor and chatter of voices drifted across the water. As the boat came into view, volunteers yelled: “You are in Greece. You are safe. Turn the engine off.”

    Mardini was in the water again, holding the boat steady, helping people disembark. When the rush of activity ended, a feeling of guilt washed over her. “I felt it was unfair that they were on a refugee boat and I’m a rescuer,” she said.

    But Mardini was hooked. She spent the next two weeks assisting with boat landings and teaching swimming lessons to the kids who idolised her and her sister. Even after returning to Germany, she couldn’t stop thinking about Lesvos. “I decided to come back for one month,” she said, “and I never left.”
    Moria camp

    The island became the centre of Mardini’s life. She put her studies at Bard College Berlin on hold to spend more time in Greece. “I found what I love,” she explained.

    Meanwhile, the situation on the Greek islands was changing. In 2017, just under 30,000 people crossed the Aegean Sea to Greece, compared to some 850,000 in 2015. There were fewer arrivals, but those who did come were spending more time in camps with dismal conditions.

    “You have people who are dying and living in a four-metre tent with seven relatives. They have limited access to water. Hygiene is zero. Privacy is zero. Security: zero. Children’s rights: zero. Human rights: zero… You feel useless. You feel very useless.”

    The volunteer response shifted accordingly, towards the camps, and when TNH visited Mardini she moved around the island with a sense of purpose and familiarity, joking with other volunteers and greeting refugees she knew from her work in the streets.

    Much of her time was spent as a translator for ERCI’s medical team in Moria. The camp, the main one on Lesvos, was built to accommodate around 3,000 people, but by 2018 housed close to 9,000. Streams of sewage ran between tents. People were forced to stand in line for hours for food. The wait to see a doctor could take months, and conditions were causing intense psychological strain. Self-harm and suicide attempts were increasing, especially among children, and sexual and gender-based violence were commonplace.

    Mardini was on the front lines. “What we do in Moria is fighting the fire,” she said. “You have people who are dying and living in a four-metre tent with seven relatives. They have limited access to water. Hygiene is zero. Privacy is zero. Security: zero. Children’s rights: zero. Human rights: zero… You feel useless. You feel very useless.”

    By then, Mardini had been on Lesvos almost continuously for nine months, and it was taking a toll. She seemed to be weighed down, slipping into long moments of silence. “I’m taking in. I’m taking in. I’m taking in. But it’s going to come out at some point,” she said.

    It was time for a break. Mardini had decided to return to Berlin at the end of the month to resume her studies and make an effort to invest in her life there. But she planned to remain connected to Lesvos. “I love this island… the sad thing is that it’s not nice for everybody. Others see it as just a jail.”
    Investigation and Arrest

    The airport on Lesvos is on the shoreline close to where Mardini helped with the boat landing her first night as a volunteer. On 21 August, when she went to check in for her flight to Berlin, she was surrounded by five Greek police officers. “They kind of circled around me, and they said that I should come with [them],” Mardini recalled.

    Mardini knew that the police on Lesvos had been investigating her and some of the other volunteers from ERCI, but at first she still didn’t realise what was happening. Seven months earlier, in February 2018, she was briefly detained with a volunteer named Sean Binder, a German national. They had been driving one of ERCI’s 4X4s when police stopped them, searched the vehicle, and found Greek military license plates hidden under the civilian plates.

    When Mardini was arrested at the airport, Binder turned himself in too, and the police released a statement saying they were investigating 30 people – six Greeks and 24 foreigners – for involvement in “organised migrant trafficking rings”. Two Greek nationals, including ERCI’s founder, were also arrested at the time.

    While it is still not clear what the plates were doing on the vehicle, according Van Esveld from HRW, “it does seem clear… neither Sarah or Sean had any idea that these plates were [there]”.

    The felony charges against Mardini and Binder were ultimately unconnected to the plates, and HRW’s Van Esveld said the police work appears to either have been appallingly shoddy or done in bad faith. HRW took the unusual step of commenting on the ongoing case because it appeared authorities were “literally just [taking] a humanitarian activity and labelling it as a crime”, he added.
    Detention

    After two weeks in a cell on Lesvos, Mardini was sent to a prison in Athens. On the ferry ride to the mainland, her hands were shackled. That’s when it sank in: “Ok, it’s official,” she thought. “They’re transferring me to jail.”

    In prison, Mardini was locked in a cell with eight other women from 8pm to 8am. During the day, she would go to Greek classes and art classes, drink coffee with other prisoners, and watch the news.

    She was able to make phone calls, and her mother, who was also granted asylum in Germany, came to visit a number of times. “The first time we saw each other we just broke down in tears,” Mardini recalled. It had been months since they’d seen each other, and now they could only speak for 20 minutes, separated by a plastic barrier.

    Most of the time, Mardini just read, finishing more than 40 books, including Nelson Mandela’s autobiography, which helped her come to terms with her situation. “I decided this is my life right now, and I need to get something out of it,” she explained. “I just accepted what’s going on.”

    People can be held in pre-trial detention for up to 18 months in Greece. But at the beginning of December, a judge accepted Mardini’s lawyer’s request for bail. Binder was released the same day.
    Lingering fear

    On Lesvos, where everyone in the volunteer community knows each other, the case came as a shock. “People started to be... scared,” said Claudia Drost, a 23-year-old from the Netherlands and close friend of Mardini’s who started volunteering on the island in 2016. “There was a feeling of fear that if the police… put [Mardini] in prison, they can put anyone in prison.”

    “We are standing [up] for what we are doing because we are saving people and we are helping people.”

    That feeling was heightened by the knowledge that humanitarians across Europe were being charged with crimes for helping refugees and migrants.

    During the height of the migration crisis in Europe, between the fall of 2015 and winter 2016, some 300 people were arrested in Denmark on charges related to helping refugees. In August 2016, French farmer Cédric Herrou was arrested for helping migrants and asylum seekers cross the French-Italian border. In October 2017, 12 people were charged with facilitating illegal migration in Belgium for letting asylum seekers stay in their homes and use their cellphones. And last June, the captain of a search and rescue boat belonging to the German NGO Mission Lifeline was arrested in Malta and charged with operating the vessel without proper registration or license.

    Drost said that after Mardini was released the fear faded a bit, but still lingers. There is also a sense of defiance. “We are standing [up] for what we are doing because we are saving people and we are helping people,” Drost said.

    As for Mardini, the charges have forced her to disengage from humanitarian work on Lesvos, at least until the case is over. She is back in Berlin and has started university again. “I think because I’m not in Lesvos anymore I’m just finding it very good to be here,” she said. “I’m kind of in a stable moment just to reflect about my life and what I want to do.”

    But she also knows the stability could very well be fleeting. With the prospect of more time in prison hanging over her, the future is still a blank canvas. People often ask if she is optimistic about the case. “No,” she said. “In the first place, they put me in… jail.”

    https://www.thenewhumanitarian.org/feature/2019/05/02/refugee-volunteer-prisoner-sarah-mardini-and-europe-s-hardening-
    #criminalisation #délit_de_solidarité #asile #migrations #solidarité #réfugiés #Grèce #Lesbos #Moria #camps_de_réfugiés #Europe

    Avec une frise chronologique:

    ping @reka

    • Demand the charges against Sarah and Seán are dropped

      In Greece, you can go to jail for trying to save a life. It happened to Seán Binder, 25, and Sarah Mardini, 24, when they helped to spot refugee boats in distress. They risk facing up to 25 years in prison.

      Sarah and Seán met when they volunteered together as trained rescue workers in Lesvos, Greece. Sarah is a refugee from Syria. Her journey to Europe made international news - she and her sister saved 18 people by dragging their drowning boat to safety. Seán Binder is a son of a Vietnamese refugee. They couldn’t watch refugees drown and do nothing.

      Their humanitarian work saved lives, but like many others across Europe, they are being criminalised for helping refugees. The pair risk facing up to 25 years in prison on ‘people smuggling’ charges. They already spent more than 100 days in prison before being released on bail in December 2018.

      “Humanitarian work isn’t criminal, nor is it heroic. Helping others should be normal. The real people who are suffering and dying are those already fleeing persecution." Seán Binder

      Criminalising humanitarian workers and abandoning refugees at sea won’t stop refugees crossing the sea, but it will cause many more deaths.

      Solidarity is not a crime. Call on the Greek authorities to:

      Drop the charges against Sarah Mardini and Seán Binder
      Publicly acknowledge the legitimacy of humanitarian work which supports refugee and migrant rights

      https://www.amnesty.org/en/get-involved/write-for-rights/?viewCampaign=48221

  • Hiding rejected asylum seekers - a legal and moral dilemma

    There’s a growing movement in Germany of people sheltering rejected asylum seekers who are at risk of being deported. They call it humane and an act of civil disobedience. But some critics warn that ’citizens’ asylum’ is illegal and may not help anyone in the long run.

    Hossein* was in his twenties when he decided to become a Christian. After this was discovered by the authorities in his native Iran, he was arrested and harassed, Hossein says. He managed to escape to Turkey, continued to Italy and finally arrived in Germany, where he ended up in a town in the Barnim district on the Polish border.

    When Hossein learned that German authorities were going to send him back to Italy, he panicked. “They put me in jail there and took my savings away from me. There was no way I wanted to go back there,” he told dpa. He took an overdose of sleeping pills.

    Social worker Anna Claßen says they picked Hossein up from the hospital and took him to a private home where he remains, hidden from German authorities and safe from the threat of deportation.

    Claßen belongs to one of a growing number of “citizens’ asylum” groups across the country. There are similar collectives in #Berlin, #Hanover, #Göttingen, #Hildesheim, #Nürnberg-Fürth, #Osnabrück, and #Cologne. The refugee advocacy group, Pro Asyl, says there are a lot more initiatives that are never publicized because of fears there will be legal consequences.

    Risks to asylum seekers

    Anyone who refuses to comply with a deportation order and hides is liable to prosecution for remaining in the country illegally, warns Karl-Heinz Schröter, Brandenburg’s interior minister.

    So far, this hasn’t happened to anyone sheltered by the Barnim Citizens’ Asylum group that took in Hossein, its members say. However, the activist group #Solidarity_City also warns that asylum seekers could find themselves in pre-deportation detention sooner if they are discovered trying to evade deportation.

    Is it illegal to hide asylum seekers?

    According to Minister Schröter, there is no question that those who help asylum seekers to hide are breaking the law. The federal interior ministry also issued the warning this week: “arbitrarily preventing #Dublin transfers or returns from being carried out is unacceptable.”

    Under the Dublin regulation, asylum seekers have to register and remain in the country through which they first entered Europe. If they travel irregularly to another European country, they may be transferred back to the arrival country.

    Others have suggested that a person offering protection to the asylum seeker may not be committing any offense. The Constitution guarantees the individual’s right to freedom of opinion and expression, a spokesperson for the state government in Lower Saxony points out. As long as they are not violent, citizens can’t be prosecuted for exercising their right to prevent deportations, the spokesperson said.

    In Bavaria, Pro Asyl, the Refugee Council and local activists regularly try to forewarn people facing imminent deportation. So far they have not been acting illegally, but that could change under a proposed new law to make deportations easier, the “#Geordnete_Rückkehr_Gesetz”, or Orderly Returns Act.

    Solidarity City says their activities “CAN lead to police proceedings or a court case,” and suggest that members should also be prepared to pay a small fine. They add that it is not an offense to offer accommodation to a person who has a valid “#Duldung” or “Tolerated Stay” status. If this isn’t the case, they suggest people considering offering protection to a deportee should seek advice on the extent of the risk they are taking.

    Civil disobedience

    Solidarity City say citizens’ asylum is an act of civil disobedience similar to blockading nuclear reactors or stopping Nazi parades. They also see themselves as an extension of the Church asylum system, which is largely tolerated by the German government.

    The government disagrees: “(Church asylum) was developed in accordance with the principle of the rule of law,” a federal interior ministry spokesperson said.

    Pastor Katharina Falkenhagen, whose Frankfurt parish has given protection to many asylum seekers threatened with deportation, doubts that asylum seekers benefit from citizen asylum. “The legal consequences for the supporters are not pleasant – preliminary legal proceedings, financial penalties,” Falkenhagen told dpa.

    Church asylum is more like a pause button to stop a deportation from going ahead at short notice, according to Bernd Mesovic, spokesperson for Pro Asyl. The church also has a “special moral role,” he adds.

    Supporters of citizens’ asylum say they are also fulfilling a moral obligation in preventing deportations. For Daniel Kurth, the head of the Barnim district authority, this exposes a dilemma: “If we start to use morality as a way of overriding existing law, we will find ourselves in a very difficult situation.”

    *Hossein is an assumed name

    https://www.infomigrants.net/en/post/16116/hiding-rejected-asylum-seekers-a-legal-and-moral-dilemma

    #Allemagne #sans-papiers #asile #migrations #réfugiés #cachette #cacher #dilemme #résistance #désobéissance_civile #délit_de_solidarité #solidarité #Eglise #renvois #expulsions #renvois_Dublin #règlement_Dublin #Hannover #Köln
    ping @karine4 @isskein @_kg_

    • Geordnete-Rückkehr-Gesetz (Orderly Returns Act)

      Presseerklärung
      17. April 2019
      Unsicherheit, Entrechtung, Haft

      PRO ASYL warnt vor Wirkung des »Geordnete-Rückkehr-Gesetzes«
      PRO ASYL appelliert an die Bundesregierung, das ins Kabinett eingebrachte »Geordnete-Rückkehr-Gesetz« nicht im Hau-Ruckverfahren durchzupeitschen. »Es gibt keine Rechtfertigung für derart weitreichende Eingriffe«, sagte Günter Burkhardt, Geschäftsführer von PRO ASYL. »Das Gesetz zielt auf Entrechtung, mehr Haft und einem Verdrängen aus Deutschland durch Entzug von Sozialleistungen!« Das Gesetz baut somit systematisch die Rechte geflüchteter Menschen ab. Es schadet der Integration durch jahrelange Unsicherheit aufgrund der Verlängerung der Frist für Widerrufsverfahren auf fünf Jahre. Mit der Einführung einer neuen Duldungsart, einer »Duldung light«, werden die betroffenen Menschen stigmatisiert und der Weg in ein Bleiberecht stark erschwert. Außerdem wird das Gesetz zur Verunsicherung der Zivilgesellschaft aufgrund der weiterhin bestehenden Gefahr der Kriminalisierung führen. Denn in der Flüchtlingsarbeit Tätige könnten durch die Weitergabe von bestimmten Informationen im Rahmen einer Beratung der »Beihilfe zum Geheimnisverrat« bezichtigt werden.

      Zu Kernpunkten der Kritik im Einzelnen:

      Extreme Kürzungen im Asylbewerberleistungsgesetz

      Für in anderen EU-Mitgliedstaaten anerkannte, ausreisepflichtige Flüchtlinge sollen Leistungen nach zwei Wochen komplett gestrichen werden. Die Rückkehr in Staaten wie Italien, Griechenland und Bulgarien soll mit Hunger und Obdachlosigkeit durchgesetzt werden, obwohl ein solcher Leistungsausschluss dem Grundgesetz widerspricht.

      Massive Ausweitung der Abschiebungshaft

      Im Abschiebungshaftrecht soll eine Beweislastumkehr eingeführt werden, wodurch die Inhaftnahme vereinfach werden soll. Eine solch krasse Verschiebung zu Ungunsten der Betroffenen, die nicht einmal eine/n Anwalt/Anwältin gestellt bekommen, steht nicht in Einklang mit dem Grundsatz, dass jede Inhaftierung nur als letztes Mittel angewendet werden soll. Dass Abschiebungshaft nun sogar in normalen Gefängnissen durchgeführt werden soll, bricht europäisches Recht.

      Bedrohung der Zivilgesellschaft

      Indem der gesamte Ablauf der Abschiebung – inklusive Botschafts- oder Arzttermine – unverhältnismäßigerweise als »Geheimnis« deklariert wird, könnten in der Flüchtlingsarbeit Tätige, die z.B. über den Termin bei einer Botschaft informieren, der Beihilfe zum Geheimnisverrat bezichtigt werden. Allein die Möglichkeit einer Anklage wird zu starker Verunsicherung bei den Menschen führen, die sich für schutzsuchende Menschen engagieren. Im §353b StGB sind nämlich nur PressevertreterInnen von der Beihilfe zum Geheimnisverrat ausgenommen, nicht aber zivilgesellschaftliche Akteure. Die Veränderungen des Referentenentwurfes im Zuge der Koalitionsverhandlungen haben die Bedrohung der Zivilgesellschaft nicht beseitigt.

      Anerkannte Flüchtlinge auf Jahre in Unsicherheit

      Für die Widerrufs- und Rücknahmeverfahren von in 2015 bis 2017 Anerkannten soll das BAMF statt wie bisher drei nun bis zu fünf Jahre Zeit haben. Dabei betreffen die Verfahren vor allem Flüchtlinge aus Syrien, Irak und Eritrea. In diesen Ländern hat sich die Lage aber eben nicht nachhaltig und grundlegend verbessert – was der Grund wäre, eine Anerkennung zu widerrufen. Der Integrationsprozess der betroffenen Flüchtlinge wird durch eine solche Unsicherheit fahrlässig blockiert.

      Einführung einer prekären Duldung light

      Durch die neue Duldung für Personen mit »ungeklärter Identität« werden die betroffenen Menschen pauschal mit Arbeitsverbot und Wohnsitzauflage belegt. Außerdem gilt die Zeit in dieser Duldung light nicht als Vorduldungszeit für Bleiberechtsregelungen. Dies könnte vor allem minderjährigen Flüchtlingen trotz guter Integration den Weg in ein Bleiberecht verbauen, da sie vier Jahre vor dem 21. Geburtstag geduldet sein müssen. Die Definition der Passbeschaffungspflicht ist zudem so offen gehalten, dass die Grenzen der Zumutbarkeit nicht erkennbar sind – so könnte eine Vielzahl an Personen unter die Duldung light fallen, da von ihnen immer neue Handlungen verlangt werden können, auch wenn diese im Endeffekt nicht zu Passbeschaffung führen.

      Die neue Welle von Gesetzesverschärfungen ist nicht nachvollziehbar. Seit 2015 gab es über 20 neue Gesetze, die noch nicht ausreichend evaluiert wurden. Öffentlich wird behauptet, man wolle mit den Gesetzesverschärfungen vor allem das Verhalten sogenannter »Identitätstäuscher« sanktionieren. Dabei sind aktuell bereits folgende Sanktionen für geduldete Menschen, die das Abschiebungshindernis angeblich selbst zu vertreten haben, möglich: Arbeitsverbot (§ 60a Abs. 6 AufenthG), Residenzpflicht (§ 61 Abs. 1c AufenthG), Ausschluss von der Aufenthaltserlaubnis (§ 25 Abs. 5 AufenthG) sowie Leistungskürzungen (§ 1a Abs. 3 AsylbLG). Bezüglich der Gründe für gescheiterte Abschiebeversuche musste die Bundesregierung selbst eingestehen, dass sie diese in den meisten Fällen nicht einmal kennt – trotzdem sollen auch hier gesetzliche Maßnahmen ergriffen werden.

      Die vollständige Stellungnahme von PRO ASYL zum »Geordnete-Rückkehr-Gesetz« im Rahmen der Verbändeanhörung finden Sie hier.

      Zudem haben weitere Verbände im Rahmen der Verbändeanhörung die Regelungen des »Geordnete-Rückkehr-Gesetzes« kritisiert:

      Gemeinsame Stellungnahme der EKD und des Kommissariats der Deutschen Bischöfe:

      »Nach § 1a Abs. 7 AsylbLG-E erhalten Ausländer, die eine Asylgestattung besitzen oder vollziehbar ausreisepflichtig sind, auch wenn eine Abschiebungsandrohung noch nicht oder nicht mehr vollziehbar ist und deren Asylantrag aufgrund der Dublin III-VO als unzulässig abgelehnt wurde, nur noch Leistungen zur Deckung ihres Bedarfs an Ernährung und Unterkunft einschließlich Heizung sowie Körper- und Gesundheitspflege. Die Kirchen halten eine derartige Regelung für europa- und verfassungsrechtlich bedenklich. […] Die von § 1a Abs. 7 AsylbLG-E Betroffenen haben demnach keine Möglichkeit, den Einschränkungen der Leistungen durch ihr eigenes Verhalten zu entgehen. Ein derartiges Vorgehen scheint den Kirchen auch nicht mit dem Urteil des Bundesverfassungsgerichts (BVerfG) vom 18. Juli 201211 vereinbar zu sein, wonach die Menschenwürde nicht migrationspolitisch relativierbar ist.«

      Der Paritätische Gesamtverband:

      »Die Ausweitung der Gründe, die für eine Fluchtgefahr sprechen bei gleichzeitiger Umkehr der Beweislast zulasten der Ausreisepflichtigen droht in der Praxis zu zahlreichen Verstößen gegen Art. 2 Abs. 2 GG zu führen. Die Freiheit der Person aber ist ein besonders hohes Rechtsgut, in das nur aus wichtigen Gründen eingegriffen werden darf. Dabei spielt der Grundsatz der Verhältnismäßigkeit eine besondere Rolle: Haft darf stets nur das letzte Mittel, also „ultima ratio“ sein.«

      Das Deutsche Rote Kreuz:

      »Nach dem vorliegenden Gesetzentwurf müssen Beratende nunmehr befürchten, sich der Beihilfe oder Anstiftung zum Geheimnisverrat strafbar zu machen. Die Arbeit der Beratungsstellen wird damit wesentlich erschwert. Sucht eine Beraterin um Auskunft bei einer Ausländerbehörde zum konkreten Verfahrensstand eines Ratsuchenden, könnte sie damit zu einer Straftat anstiften, wenn der Mitarbeitende in der Ausländerbehörde Informationen zu Terminen bei Botschaften und Amtsärzten mitteilt und die Beraterin diese dem Ratsuchenden zum Zwecke der umfassenden Sachverhaltsaufklärung weitergibt.«

      Der Jesuitische Flüchtlingsdienst:

      »Die Regelung des §60b geht fälschlicherweise davon aus, dass das Fehlen von Identitätsnachweisen in der Regel dem betreffenden Ausländer anzulasten sei. In unserer alltäglichen Beratungspraxis machen wir jedoch immer wieder die Erfahrung, dass die Probleme vor allem bei den Auslandsvertretungen bestimmter Herkunftsstaaten liegen. So erklärt die Botschaft des Libanon beispielsweise regelmäßig in Fällen von Palästinensern aus dem Libanon, dass Identitätsdokumente erst dann ausgestellt würden, wenn die zuständige Ausländerbehörde schriftlich erkläre, dass dem betreffenden Ausländer ein Aufenthaltstitel erteilt werden soll. Wenn die Ausländerbehörde dies aber verweigert, ist es dem Ausländer nicht möglich, die Botschaft zu einer anderen Verhaltensweise zu zwingen. Gerade auf diese und ähnliche Fälle nimmt der vorgesehene § 60b überhaupt keine Rücksicht.«

      http://go.proasyl.de/nl/o56x/lyuqt.html?m=AMMAADYFCcwAAcVQ1_gAAGWo4wEAAAAAEhMAFqrwAAS0dQBctrCzTuXcNcsL

  • Angeli sotto accusa : quando la solidarietà diventa un crimine

    #Riccardo_Noury parle de la naissance de la criminalisation des ONG (à partir de la minute 3’20) :

    "La criminalizzazione delle ONG è iniziata, per rimanere in questo decennio e per rimanere in Europa, in Russia con delle leggi contro le associazioni, sempre accusate di essere spie o agenti stranieri per il fatto di ricevere dei finanziamenti dall’estero. Poi questa legge è stata fotocopiata in Ungheria. Poi questa legge è stata promossa in Polonia. E oltre alle leggi che colpiscono tanto la libertà di associazione quanto singoli comportamenti di assistenza, c’è una deligittimazione fatta di titoli di giornale, fatta di dichiarazioni politiche. Io ricordo sempre quel giorno di aprile 2017 in cui gli ’angeli del mare’ diventarono coloro che, da un giorno all’altro, non salvavano più persone ma erano in commutta (?) con i trafficanti. E lì questa narrazioni è esplosa anche in Italia.

    http://www.rainews.it/dl/rainews/media/angeli-sotto-accusa-1b555f32-1679-4b77-8820-13d564896233.html

    Sur le #délit_de_solidarité #criminalisation #ONG #solidarité #asile #migrations #réfugiés #Méditerranée #sauvetage #Alpes #frontière_sud-alpine #Russie #Hongrie #Italie #Pologne #loi #histoire

  • Nouvelle #condamnation d’un militant solidaire

    #Loïc, 29 ans, membre de l’Anafé, vient d’être condamné par la cour d’appel d’Aix-en-Provence à 3 000 euros d’amende avec sursis pour « aide à l’entrée d’un étranger en France » alors même qu’il avait été relaxé par le tribunal correctionnel de Nice en première instance le 14 mars 2018.

    « L’Anafé apporte son soutien à Loïc, qui a été condamné alors qu’il a répondu à un élan de solidarité et d’humanité et dont la motivation au quotidien est la défense des droits des personnes à la frontière franco-italienne. Censée sanctionner les personnes et les organisations qui font du passage illégal des frontières un business hautement lucratif, exploitant les personnes étrangères qui souhaitent entrer sur le territoire français, cette pénalisation a une nouvelle fois été déviée de sa cible », déclare Laure Palun, co-directrice de l’Anafé.

    « Cette condamnation montre à quel point il est temps de changer d’approche sur la question des frontières. L’État français a la responsabilité d’administrer sa frontière. Pour autant, cela ne justifie pas que le seul franchissement irrégulier ou l’aide à un tel franchissement, sans contrepartie, puisse être considéré comme un délit, passible d’une peine de prison. C’est pourtant ce que prévoit la loi française. Et les effets produits sur les personnes sont disproportionnés. Ces questions sont de nature administrative. Elles devraient le rester », ajoute Jean-François Dubost, responsable du Programme protection des populations civiles à Amnesty International France.

    Nos associations demandent à ce que la loi française soit modifiée en ce sens.

    Des porte-paroles sont disponibles pour des interviews.

    Complément d’information

    Le 18 janvier 2018 Loïc est arrêté lors d’un contrôle d’identité au péage de La Turbie dans le sens Italie-France. À bord de son véhicule, il y avait un ressortissant éthiopien. Ils ont tous les deux été arrêtés. Loïc a reconnu avoir aidé cette personne dans son parcours migratoire pour des motifs humanitaires. Quelques jours avant, un homme avait été retrouvé mort sur le toit du train en provenance de Vintimille – il avait été électrocuté. Le ressortissant éthiopien a été immédiatement renvoyé en Italie.

    À l’issue de sa garde à vue, Loïc a été présenté au tribunal correctionnel de Nice en comparution immédiate. L’audience a été reportée au 14 mars. Pendant cette période, il avait l’interdiction de sortir du département des Alpes-Maritimes et devait se présenter une fois par semaine au commissariat.

    Le 14 mars 2018, le tribunal correctionnel de Nice a relaxé Loïc en raison notamment de l’absence d’audition du ressortissant éthiopien dans la procédure pénale et de l’absence de procédure relative à la situation administrative de cette personne sur le territoire français. Le tribunal avait en effet estimé que « la culpabilité ne peut être retenue sur la seule base de l’auto-incrimination, le délit poursuivi n’apparaît pas suffisamment caractérisé en l’absence d’enquête sur la situation administrative de l’étranger visé à la procédure ».

    Le parquet avait alors fait appel de la décision. L’audience en appel s’est tenue le 20 mars 2019 à la cour d’appel d’Aix-en-Provence.

    https://solidaires.org/Nouvelle-condamnation-d-un-militant-solidaire-Alerte-Amnesty-Internation
    #solidarité #délit_de_solidarité #France #asile #migrations #réfugiés #frontières #amende #justice

    • France : Un travailleur humanitaire condamné pour un #tweet. Première #condamnation de ce type en France

      La condamnation pour diffamation, le 25 septembre, d’un travailleur humanitaire pour un tweet ironique représente une dangereuse escalade dans le harcèlement officiel d’associations fournissant une aide cruciale aux migrants, a déclaré Human Rights Watch. C’est la première condamnation de ce type en France.

      Le tribunal de Boulogne-sur-Mer, dans le nord de la France, a déclaré #Loan_Torondel coupable de #diffamation pour un tweet qu’il avait publié début janvier et l’a condamné à une amende avec sursis et à verser des dommages et intérêts. Sous une photo montrant deux policiers debout au-dessus d’un jeune homme assis dans un champ, Torondel imagine que le jeune homme proteste du fait que la police lui ait confisqué son sac de couchage alors que la température extérieure est de 2 degrés Celsius, et que l’officier lui répond : « Peut-être, mais nous sommes la nation française, monsieur ».

      « Cette condamnation constitue un dangereux précédent et est symptomatique de la manière pernicieuse dont les autorités françaises cherchent à entraver le travail des personnes travaillant auprès des migrants et des demandeurs d’asile », a déclaré Bénédicte Jeannerod, Directrice France de Human Rights Watch.

      La réplique fictive de l’officier était une allusion à un discours prononcé fin décembre 2017 par le Président Emmanuel Macron dans lequel il exhortait le public à surmonter l’adversité en disant : « N’oubliez jamais que nous sommes la Nation française ». L’expression est rapidement devenue un mème moqueur, y compris parmi ceux qui s’opposaient à la façon dont étaient traités les migrants et autres sans-abri pendant l’hiver très froid.

      Loan Torondel, 21 ans, a passé deux ans au sein de l’association L’Auberge des Migrants à Calais, d’abord comme bénévole, puis en tant que coordinateur des opérations, jusqu’en juillet 2018, date à laquelle il est parti reprendre ses études.

      Le recours à des accusations de diffamation à l’encontre de travailleurs humanitaires est sans précédent en France. Dans le cas de Loan Torondel, les policiers qui apparaissaient sur la photo twittée ont déposé plainte en diffamation à la suite de quoi le Procureur a demandé l’ouverture d’une enquête.

      La diffamation est un délit pénal en France, passible d’une peine maximale de 45 000 euros d’amende. Loan Torondel a été condamné à une amende de 1 500 euros avec sursis et à verser 500 euros de dommages et intérêts et 475 euros de frais de justice. Il a fait appel de cette décision.

      Le droit international relatif aux droits humains prévoit des restrictions à la liberté d’expression pour protéger la réputation d’autrui, mais ces restrictions doivent être nécessaires et étroitement définies. Les lois pénales sur la diffamation sont une restriction inutile et disproportionnée à la liberté d’expression et créent un « effet dissuasif » qui restreint de fait autant les propos légitimes que les propos nuisibles.

      C’est pourquoi le Rapporteur spécial des Nations Unies sur la liberté d’opinion et d’expression et le Représentant pour la liberté des médias de l’Organisation pour la sécurité et la coopération en Europe (OSCE), ainsi que le Rapporteur spécial de l’Organisation des États américains pour la liberté d’expression, ont conclu que la diffamation ne constitue « pas une restriction légitime à la liberté d’expression » et ont demandé à ce que ces lois soient supprimées. Dans une autre déclaration conjointe, ces autorités et le Rapporteur spécial de la Commission africaine des droits de l’Homme et des peuples sur la liberté d’expression et l’accès à l’information ont noté que les lois pénales sur la diffamation constituent « une menace à la liberté d’expression ».

      Le Rapporteur spécial des Nations Unies sur la liberté d’opinion et d’expression a estimé que les États devraient veiller tout particulièrement à ce que les lois sur la diffamation – qu’elles relèvent du droit civil ou pénal – « ne soient jamais utilisées pour empêcher toute critique à l’égard du gouvernement » et « doivent refléter le principe que les personnalités publiques sont davantage exposées aux critiques que les citoyens privés ».

      Les travailleurs humanitaires à Calais ont régulièrement fait état de cas de harcèlement de la part de la police. Nombre d’entre eux ont rapporté à Human Rights Watch, au Défenseur des droits et aux observateurs de l’ONU que la police leur infligeait des amendes répétées pour des infractions mineures ou de stationnement et les soumettait à des contrôles d’identité de manière répétée. Des travailleurs humanitaires ont affirmé que, lorsqu’ils ont photographié ou filmé des agents de police – comme la loi française les y autorise – des policiers ont saisi temporairement leurs téléphones pour effacer ou regarder le contenu, sans autorisation. Dans certains cas, des travailleurs humanitaires ont dit que la police les avait aspergés de gaz lacrymogène, les avait forcés à se mettre à terre ou les avait bousculés.

      Entre novembre 2017 et juillet 2018, quatre associations travaillant à Calais – Help Refugees, L’Auberge des Migrants, Utopia 56 et Refugee Info Bus – ont documenté 600 cas d’intimidation policière contre leur personnel et leurs bénévoles, notamment le recours excessif aux contrôles d’identité, aux amendes de stationnement arbitraires, aux fouilles, menaces, insultes et autres injures ou à la violence physique.

      En juillet, le Conseil constitutionnel a estimé que le fait d’aider des personnes dans le besoin, y compris des migrants en situation irrégulière, était protégé par le principe constitutionnel de fraternité.

      « Cette condamnation risque d’ouvrir la porte à de futures poursuites par les autorités malgré la décision du Conseil constitutionnel », a estimé Bénédicte Jeannerod. « Plutôt que de criminaliser les travailleurs humanitaires qui apportent une assistance vitale aux migrants et aux demandeurs d’asile et dénoncent des pratiques abusives, les autorités françaises devraient mettre un terme à ces abus et sanctionner les responsables. »

      https://www.hrw.org/fr/news/2018/09/27/france-un-travailleur-humanitaire-condamne-pour-un-tweet
      #réseaux_sociaux #justice #twitter

  • University of Arizona will charge 2 students over protest of Border Patrol event on campus

    Two students at the University of Arizona will be charged with misdemeanors after a video showing them protesting a Customs and Border Protection event on campus went viral, UA President Robert Robbins announced Friday.

    The potential charges stem from a Border Patrol presentation to a student club, the Criminal Justice Association, on campus on March 19.

    Video of the incident showed two Border Patrol agents in a classroom giving a presentation, with people outside the door recording them and calling them “Murder Patrol,” "murderers" and “an extension of the KKK.”

    After the agents leave the classroom, a group followed them until they left campus, chanting “Murder Patrol,” video footage on social media shows.

    Conservative media and commentators shared the video on social media and blogs as an example of free speech issues on college campuses.

    In the letter sent to students posted online, Robbins said the protest represented a “dramatic departure from our expectations of respectful behavior and support for free speech on this campus.”

    UA police determined Friday that they “will be charging” two students involved in the incident with “interference with the peaceful conduct of an educational institution,” which is a misdemeanor. A Class 1 misdemeanor could result in up to six months of jail time.

    Charges have not been filed yet, UA Police Chief Brian Seastone said in an email. The names of the two students have not been released.

    Robbins wrote that UA police will continue to investigate the matter for potential “additional criminal violations.” The Dean of Students’ office also is reviewing the incident to determine if the student code of conduct was violated.

    Separately, Robbins said the university would conduct a “probe into actions involving UA employees.” It’s unclear what role employees played in the situation.

    Robbins also has directed staff members to examine university policies “to ensure we are working effectively to help prevent similar incidents in the future” while still maintaining First Amendment rights.
    ’Protest is protected … but disruption is not’

    “At the core of these inquiries is the University of Arizona’s commitment to free speech,” he wrote. “The student club and the CBP officers invited by the students should have been able to hold their meeting without disruption. Student protest is protected by our support for free speech, but disruption is not.”

    In the days after the March 19 incident, Robbins wrote a statement affirming the university’s commitment to free speech.

    Top officers from the Associated Students of the University of Arizona, the school’s student government organization, wrote a letter dated March 21 that said unannounced visits to campus by Border Patrol were “unacceptable.”

    The letter pointed to an arrest by Border Patrol a few miles from campus the same day as the UA presentation, saying the concerns of undocumented and Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals students were valid.

    Students should be notified in advance of Border Patrol visits to campus, the letter said. And there should be an understanding that the “mere presence” of Border Patrol on campus can negatively affect DACA and undocumented communities, it stated.

    On Monday, DACA recipients who attend UA also released a letter saying they face “discomfort and fear” when they see Customs and Border Protection.

    “As DACA recipients at the university, the presence of CBP on campus has a traumatic impact on our overall well being and impedes us from fully engaging with our academics. In a space where all students are given the right to pursue an education, their presence was and will always be an infringement on that right,” the letter states.

    Since the video was released, students have been “bombarded with threats to their physical and emotional well being,” the letter claimed.

    Robbins’ announcement of criminal charges for two students proves “the swiftness with which institutions criminalize people of color,” the letter said.

    The DACA recipients wrote that they are in “full support” of students who spoke out against Border Patrol on campus.

    https://eu.azcentral.com/story/news/local/arizona-education/2019/04/01/protest-university-arizona-over-border-patrol-event-result-charges-for-2-students/3335688002
    #liberté_d'expression #résistance #criminalisation #USA #Etats-Unis #frontières #protestations #délit_de_solidarité