The Death of Asylum and the Search for Alternatives
March 2021 saw the announcement of the UK’s new post-Brexit asylum policy. This plan centres ‘criminal smuggling gangs’ who facilitate the cross border movement of people seeking asylum, particularly in this case, across the English Channel. It therefore distinguishes between two groups of people seeking asylum: those who travel themselves to places of potential sanctuary, and those who wait in a refugee camp near the place that they fled for the lottery ticket of UNHCR resettlement. Those who arrive ‘spontaneously’ will never be granted permanent leave to remain in the UK. Those in the privileged group of resettled refugees will gain indefinite leave to remain.
Resettlement represents a tiny proportion of refugee reception globally. Of the 80 million displaced people globally at the end of 2019, 22,800 were resettled in 2020 and only 3,560 were resettled to the UK. Under the new plans, forms of resettlement are set to increase, which can only be welcomed. But of course, the expansion of resettlement will make no difference to people who are here, and arriving, every year. People who find themselves in a situation of persecution or displacement very rarely have knowledge of any particular national asylum system. Most learn the arbitrary details of access to work, welfare, and asylum itself upon arrival.
In making smugglers the focus of asylum policy, the UK is inaugurating what Alison Mountz calls the death of asylum. There is of course little difference between people fleeing persecution who make the journey themselves to the UK, or those who wait in a camp with a small chance of resettlement. The two are often, in fact, connected, as men are more likely to go ahead in advance, making perilous journeys, in the hope that safe and legal options will then be opened up for vulnerable family members. And what makes these perilous journeys so dangerous? The lack of safe and legal routes.
Britain, and other countries across Europe, North America and Australasia, have gone to huge efforts and massive expense in recent decades to close down access to the right to asylum. Examples of this include paying foreign powers to quarantine refugees outside of Europe, criminalising those who help refugees, and carrier sanctions. Carrier sanctions are fines for airlines or ferry companies if someone boards an aeroplane without appropriate travel documents. So you get the airlines to stop people boarding a plane to your country to claim asylum. In this way you don’t break international law, but you are certainly violating the spirit of it. If you’ve ever wondered why people pay 10 times the cost of a plane ticket to cross the Mediterranean or the Channel in a tiny boat, carrier sanctions are the reason.
So government policy closes down safe and legal routes, forcing people to take more perilous journeys. These are not illegal journeys because under international law one cannot travel illegally if one is seeking asylum. Their only option becomes to pay smugglers for help in crossing borders. At this point criminalising smuggling becomes the focus of asylum policy. In this way, government policy creates the crisis which it then claims to solve. And this extends to people who are seeking asylum themselves.
Arcane maritime laws have been deployed by the UK in order to criminalise irregular Channel crossers who breach sea defences, and therefore deny them sanctuary. Specifically, if one of the people aboard a given boat touches the tiller, oars, or steering device, they become liable to be arrested under anti-smuggling laws. In 2020, eight people were jailed on such grounds, facing sentences of up to two and a half years, as well as the subsequent threat of deportation. For these people, there are no safe and legal routes left.
We know from extensive research on the subject, that poverty in a country does not lead to an increase in asylum applications elsewhere from that country. Things like wars, genocide and human rights abuses need to be present in order for nationals of a country to start seeking asylum abroad in any meaningful number. Why then, one might ask, is the UK so obsessed with preventing people who are fleeing wars, genocide and human rights abuses from gaining asylum here? On their own terms there is one central reason: their belief that most people seeking asylum today are not actually refugees, but economic migrants seeking to cheat the asylum system.
This idea that people who seek asylum are largely ‘bogus’ began in the early 2000s. It came in response to a shift in the nationalities of people seeking asylum. During the Cold War there was little concern with the mix of motivations in relation to fleeing persecution or seeking a ‘better life’. But when people started to seek asylum from formerly colonised countries in the ‘Third World’ they began to be construed as ‘new asylum seekers’ and were assumed to be illegitimate. From David Blunkett’s time in the Home Office onwards, these ‘new asylum seekers’, primarily black and brown people fleeing countries in which refugee producing situations are occurring, asylum has been increasingly closed down.
The UK government has tended to justify its highly restrictive asylum policies on the basis that it is open to abuse from bogus, cheating, young men. It then makes the lives of people who are awaiting a decision on their asylum application as difficult as possible on the basis that this will deter others. Forcing people who are here to live below the poverty line, then, is imagined to sever ‘pull factors’ for others who have not yet arrived. There is no evidence to support the idea that deterrence strategies work, they simply costs lives.
Over the past two decades, as we have witnessed the slow death of asylum, it has become increasingly difficult to imagine alternatives. Organisations advocating for people seeking asylum have, with diminishing funds since 2010, tended to focus on challenging specific aspects of the system on legal grounds, such as how asylum support rates are calculated or whether indefinite detention is lawful.
Scholars of migration studies, myself included, have written countless papers and books debunking the spurious claims made by the government to justify their policies, and criticising the underlying logics of the system. What we have failed to do is offer convincing alternatives. But with his new book, A Modern Migration Theory, Professor of Migration Studies Peo Hansen offers us an example of an alternative strategy. This is not a utopian proposal of open borders, this is the real experience of Sweden, a natural experiment with proven success.
During 2015, large numbers of people were displaced as the Syrian civil war escalated. Most stayed within the region, with millions of people being hosted in Turkey, Jordan and Lebanon. A smaller proportion decided to travel onwards from these places to Europe. Because of the fortress like policies adopted by European countries, there were no safe and legal routes aboard aeroplanes or ferries. Horrified by the spontaneous arrival of people seeking sanctuary, most European countries refused to take part in burden sharing and so it fell to Germany and Sweden, the only countries that opened their doors in any meaningful way, to host the new arrivals.
Hansen documents what happened next in Sweden. First, the Swedish state ended austerity in an emergency response to the challenge of hosting so many refugees. As part of this, and as a country that produces its own currency, the Swedish state distributed funds across the local authorities of the country to help them in receiving the refugees. And third, this money was spent not just on refugees, but on the infrastructure needed to support an increased population in a given area – on schools, hospitals, and housing. This is in the context of Sweden also having a welfare system which is extremely generous compared to Britain’s stripped back welfare regime.
As in Britain, the Swedish government had up to this point spent some years fetishizing the ‘budget deficit’ and there was an assumption that spending so much money would worsen the fiscal position – that it would lead both to inflation, and a massive national deficit which must later be repaid. That this spending on refugees would cause deficits and hence necessitate borrowing, tax hikes and budget cuts was presented by politicians and the media in Sweden as a foregone conclusion. This foregone conclusion was then used as part of a narrative about refugees’ negative impact on the economy and welfare, and as the basis for closing Sweden’s doors to people seeking asylum in the future.
And yet, the budget deficit never materialised: ‘Just as the finance minister had buried any hope of surpluses in the near future and repeated the mantra of the need to borrow to “finance” the refugees, a veritable tidal wave of tax revenue had already started to engulf Sweden’ (p.152). The economy grew and tax revenue surged in 2016 and 2017, so much that successive surpluses were created. In 2016 public consumption increased 3.6%, a figure not seen since the 1970s. Growth rates were 4% in 2016 and 2017. Refugees were filling labour shortages in understaffed sectors such as social care, where Sweden’s ageing population is in need of demographic renewal.
Refugees disproportionately ended up in smaller, poorer, depopulating, rural municipalities who also received a disproportionately large cash injections from the central government. The arrival of refugees thus addressed the triple challenges of depopulation and population ageing; a continuous loss of local tax revenues, which forced cuts in services; and severe staff shortages and recruitment problems (e.g. in the care sector). Rather than responding with hostility, then, municipalities rightly saw the refugee influx as potentially solving these spiralling challenges.
For two decades now we have been witnessing the slow death of asylum in the UK. Basing policy on prejudice rather than evidence, suspicion rather than generosity, burden rather than opportunity. Every change in the asylum system heralds new and innovative ways of circumventing human rights, detaining, deporting, impoverishing, and excluding. And none of this is cheap – it is not done for the economic benefit of the British population. It costs £15,000 to forcibly deport someone, it costs £95 per day to detain them, with £90 million spent each year on immigration detention. Vast sums of money are given to private companies every year to help in the work of denying people who are seeking sanctuary access to their right to asylum.
The Swedish case offers a window into what happens when a different approach is taken. The benefit is not simply to refugees, but to the population as a whole. With an economy to rebuild after Covid and huge holes in the health and social care workforce, could we imagine an alternative in which Sweden offered inspiration to do things differently?
#asile #alternatives #migrations #alternative #réfugiés #catégorisation #tri #réinstallation #death_of_asylum #mort_de_l'asile #voies_légales #droit_d'asile #externalisation #passeurs #criminalisation_des_passeurs #UK #Angleterre #colonialisme #colonisation #pull-factors #pull_factors #push-pull_factors #facteurs_pull #dissuasion #Suède #déficit #économie #welfare_state #investissement #travail #impôts #Etat_providence #modèle_suédois
A Modern Migration Theory. An Alternative Economic Approach to Failed EU Policy
The widely accepted narrative that refugees admitted to the European Union constitute a fiscal burden is based on a seemingly neutral accounting exercise, in which migrants contribute less in tax than they receive in welfare assistance. A “fact” that justifies increasingly restrictive asylum policies. In this book Peo Hansen shows that this consensual cost-perspective on migration is built on a flawed economic conception of the orthodox “sound finance” doctrine prevalent in migration research and policy. By shifting perspective to examine migration through the macroeconomic lens offered by modern monetary theory, Hansen is able to demonstrate sound finance’s detrimental impact on migration policy and research, including its role in stoking the toxic debate on migration in the EU. Most importantly, Hansen’s undertaking offers the tools with which both migration research and migration policy could be modernized and put on a realistic footing.
In addition to a searing analysis of EU migration policy and politics, Hansen also investigates the case of Sweden, the country that has received the most refugees in the EU in proportion to population. Hansen demonstrates how Sweden’s increased refugee spending in 2015–17 proved to be fiscally risk-free and how the injection of funds to cash-strapped and depopulating municipalities, which received refugees, boosted economic growth and investment in welfare. Spending on refugees became a way of rediscovering the viability of welfare for all. Given that the Swedish approach to the 2015 refugee crisis has since been discarded and deemed fiscally unsustainable, Hansen’s aim is to reveal its positive effects and its applicability as a model for the EU as a whole.
Compile ci-dessous faite par ▻https://twitter.com/attica45/status/1339108908875599877
Musique : l’industrie qui n’aimait pas les femmes
Mediapart a eu accès à des centaines de témoignages de l’opération #MusicToo visant à dénoncer des violences sexistes et sexuelles. Ils décrivent une industrie où le sexisme est banalisé, où la précarité ou la consommation d’alcool représentent des dangers pour les femmes.
Violences sexuelles : à Strasbourg, le patron du label Deaf Rock mis en cause
Après l’appel à témoignages #MusicToo et une enquête conjointe de Mediapart et Rue89 Strasbourg, une dizaine de femmes dénoncent des comportements déplacés, voire violents, à caractère sexuel, de la part du patron du label #Deaf_Rock, référence dans le #rock_français .
The space tourism we were promised is finally here—sort of | MIT Technology Review
SpaceX weathered through the onset of the covid-19 pandemic last year to become the first private company to launch astronauts into space using a commercial spacecraft.
It’s poised to build on that success with another huge milestone before 2021 is over. On Monday, the company announced plans to launch the first “all-civilian” mission into orbit by the end of the year. Called Inspiration4, the mission will take billionaire Jared Isaacman, a trained pilot and the CEO of digital payments company Shift4Payments, plus three others into low Earth orbit via a Crew Dragon vehicle for two to four days, possibly longer.
Inspiration4 includes a charity element: Isaacman (the sole buyer of the mission and its “commander”) has donated $100 million to St. Jude Children’s Research Hospital, in Memphis, and is attempting to raise at least $100 million more from public donors. One seat is going to a “St. Jude ambassador” that’s already been chosen. But the two others are still up for grabs: one will be raffled off to someone who donates at least $10 to St. Jude, while the other will be a business entrepreneur chosen through a competition held by Shift4Payments.
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“This is an important milestone towards enabling access to space for everyone,” SpaceX CEO Elon Musk told reporters on Monday. “It is only through missions like this that we’re able to bring the cost down over time and make space accessible to all."
Inspiration4 marks SpaceX’s fourth scheduled private mission in the next few years. The other three include a collaboration with Axiom Space to use Crew Dragon to take four people for an eight-day stay aboard the International Space Station (now scheduled for no earlier than January 2022); another Crew Dragon mission into orbit later that year for four private citizens through tourism company Space Adventures; and Japanese billionaire Yusaku Maezawa’s #dearMoon mission around the moon in 2023 for himself plus seven to 10 others aboard the Starship spacecraft.
SpaceX has never really billed itself as a space tourism company as aggressively as Blue Origin and Virgin Galactic have. While Crew Dragon goes all the way into low-Earth orbit, Virgin Galactic’s SpaceShipTwo and Blue Origin’s New Shepard vehicles just go into suborbital space, offering a taste of microgravity and a view of the Earth from high above for just a few minutes—but for way less money. And yet, in building a business that goes even farther, with higher launch costs and the need for more powerful rockets, SpaceX already has four more private missions on the books than any other company does.
When Crew Dragon first took NASA astronauts into space last year, one of the biggest questions to come up was whether customers outside NASA would actually be interested in going.
“A lot of people believe there is a market for space tourism,” says Howard McCurdy, a space policy expert at American University in Washington, DC. “But right now it’s at the very high end. As transportation capabilities improve, the hope is that the costs will come down. That begs the question of whether or not you can sustain a new space company on space tourism alone. I think that’s questionable.”
So why has SpaceX’s expansion into the private mission scene gone so well so far? Part of it must be that it’s such an attractive brand to partner with at the moment. But even if a market does not materialize soon to make private missions a profitable venture, SpaceX doesn’t need to be concerned. It has plenty of other ways to make money.
“I’m not sure Elon Musk cares much if he makes money through this business,” says McCurdy. “But he’s very good at leveraging and financing his operations.” SpaceX launches satellites for government and commercial customers around the world; it’s got contracts with NASA for taking cargo and astronauts alike to the space station; it’s ramping up progress with building out the Starlink constellation and should start offering internet services to customers some time this year.
“It really reduces your risk when you can have multiple sources of revenue and business for an undertaking that’s based upon the single leap of rockets and space technologies,” says McCurdy. “The market for space tourism is not large enough to sustain a commercial space company. When combined with government contracts, private investments, and foreign sales it starts to become sustainable.”
Space tourism, especially to low-Earth orbit, will still remain incredibly expensive for the foreseeable future. And that underscores the issue of equity. “If we’re going into space, who’s the ‘we’?” asks McCurdy. “Is it just the top 1% of the top 1%?”
The lottery concept addresses this to some extent and offers opportunities to ordinary people, but it won’t be enough on its own. Space tourism, and the rest of the space industry, still needs a sustainable model that can invite more people to participate.
For now, SpaceX appears to be leading the drive to popularize space tourism. And competitors don’t necessarily need to emulate SpaceX’s business model precisely in order to catch up. Robert Goehlich, a German-based space tourism expert at Embry-Riddle Aeronautical University, notes that space tourism itself is already multifaceted, encompassing suborbital flights, orbital flights, space station flights, space hotel flights, and moon flights. The market for one, such as cheaper suborbital flights, is not necessarily faced with the same constraints as the others.
Still, there is no question this could be the year private missions become a reality. “We’ve waited a long time for space tourism,” says McCurdy. “We’re going to get a chance this year to see if it works as expected.”
Des paysages et des visages, le voyage intellectuel de #Felwine_Sarr
Felwine Sarr nous invite, dans "La saveur des derniers mètres", à partager ses voyages à travers le monde, mais aussi un cheminement intellectuel, celui d’un homme qui veut repenser notre manière d’et redéfinir la relation entre l’Afrique et les autres continents.
L’économiste sénégalais Felwine Sarr est l’un des intellectuels importants du continent Africain. Ecrivain et professeur d’économie, il est également musicien. Deux de ses livres ont notamment fait date : Afrotopia (2016) et Habiter le monde (2017). Avec Achille Mbembé, il est le fondateur des Ateliers de la pensée de Dakar. Chaque année, des intellectuels et artistes s’y rencontrent lors d’un festival des idées transdisciplinaire pour “repenser les devenirs africains” à travers des concepts adaptés aux réalités contemporaines.
La littérature, les arts, la production d’imaginaires et de sens demeurent de formidables boussoles pour l’humanité. Nous sommes dans une crise de l’imaginaire, nous n’arrivons pas à déboucher les horizons. (Felwine Sarr)
L’utopie nous dit qu’on peut féconder le réel, faire en sorte qu’il y ait un surcroit de réel. (...) Le premier travail est d’imaginer qu’ "il est possible de..." (...) Il faut reprendre le chantier qui consiste à dire qu’il existe des horizons souhaitables, qu’il faut les penser, les imaginer, et travailler pour les faire advenir. (Felwine Sarr)
Felwine Sarr a été, avec l’historienne de l’art Bénédicte Savoy, chargé de rédiger un rapport sur la restitution des œuvres d’art africaines spoliées lors de la colonisation, remis à Emmanuel Macron en novembre 2018.
Nous devons reprendre notre élan notamment en reconstruisant un rapport à notre patrimoine, à notre histoire. (Felwine Sarr)
Son livre La saveur des derniers mètres (éditions Philippe Rey) est une invitation au voyage intellectuel et physique, le voyage des idées et des hommes, un plaidoyer presque, pour l’importance des rencontres et du dialogue avec l’autre. La confrontation avec des ailleurs (Mexico, Mantoue, Le Caire, Istanbul, Port-au-Prince, Cassis, Kampala, Douala), mais aussi le retour chez soi, l’île de Niodior, sa terre natale, son point d’ancrage, sa matrice. Imaginaire en voyage et voyage des imaginaires.
Goûter à la saveur du monde est un droit qui doit être équitablement réparti. Il faut considérer la mobilité comme un droit fondamental. (Felwine Sarr)
Un récit entre le carnet de voyage, les notes de l’économiste, les réflexions anthropologiques et les évasions poétiques. Une plongée intime dans des transports de la pensée et du coeur.
Voyager permet d’avoir un regard en biais, en relief, à la fois en dedans et en dehors. (Felwine Sarr)
Appartenir à une île, c’est devoir la quitter. (Felwine Sarr)
Lecture d’un texte de #Tanella_Boni :
« Y aurait-il, depuis toujours, des peuples et des individus qui auraient droit à l’#aventure, suivraient leurs désirs de se déplacer en bravant toute sorte d’obstacles, et d’autres qui n’en auraient pas le droit. #Nous_sommes_tous_des_migrants et tout migrant a des #rêves et des #désirs. Certes, les lois doivent être respectées et les passages aux frontières autorisés, on ne part pas comme ça à l’aventure, dit-on. Comme ça, sur un coup de tête. Ou par pur #plaisir. Mais qui donc part aujourd’hui par pur plaisir sur les routes inhospitalières de nulle part. Dans certains pays où le mal-être des individus est palpable, chacun pourrait habiter quelque part, il y aurait moins de migration illégale. Je rêve, tandis que l’on continue de mesurer le seuil de pauvreté dans le monde. De nombreux pays africains vivent en dessous de ce seuil. Tout compte fait, est-ce que je sais de quoi habiter est le nom ? »
–-> à l’occasion du festival Banquet d’été 2020
#faire_monde #restitution #pillage #art #Afrique #colonialisme #imagination #imaginaire #utopie #futur #téléologie_inversée #covid-19 #coronavirus #rêves_collectifs #ouvrir_les_futurs #frontières #habiter #mobilité #migrations #liberté_de_mouvement #citoyenneté #liberté_de_circulation #inégalités #décolonialité #décolonial #décolonisation
La saveur des derniers mètres
Ce texte célèbre le #voyage et son charme essentiel : la #rencontre de l’#inattendu. Felwine Sarr y évoque les lieux qu’il découvre lors de ses #pérégrinations, mais aussi les #paysages_intérieurs que ceux-ci dessinent en lui. Car si le voyage est une #déambulation_sensible sur les chemins du monde, il est parfois immobile et se fait au point nul de l’#errance.
Des endroits de son enfance au Sénégal jusqu’aux villes visitées – Kampala, Douala, Mexico, Mantoue, Le Caire, Istanbul, Port-au-Prince, Cassis… –, l’auteur donne à voir, à sentir et à entendre le quotidien, ses angles morts et ses lignes de fuite : les seaux pleins de mollusques portés par des femmes qui « marchent sur l’eau » vers l’île de Kooko, le rythme d’un fado entonné dans une rue de Lisbonne, ou la saveur toute particulière des derniers mètres d’une course à pied… Justesse d’une poésie oubliée du monde, rugosité de ses échos troublés.
L’île de #Niodior est la matrice, un point d’ancrage et de désancrage où Felwine Sarr revient périodiquement. Car si les voyages provoquent l’émerveillement face à l’ailleurs, ils sont surtout un retour à soi-même, et une invite à écouter ses voix les plus intimes.
"Bete für mich"
Am 23. Oktober 2019 entdeckte die britische Polizei östlich von London einen Lkw mit 39 Toten, alle stammten aus Vietnam. Wer waren diese Menschen? Und wie kamen sie nach England? Die Geschichte zweier Zwillingsschwestern – von denen eine in dem Laster starb
Des nouilles ! Des nouilles ! Des nouilles !
J’espère vraiment que Anne Sylvestre a su combien elle nous a fait du bien tous les midis pendant la guerre...
ValK. a posté une photo :
[Les petites photos]
#hommage #tribute #homenaje
#mort #death #muerte
#nouilles #noddles #tallarines #nourriture
#photo : ValK.
☆ autres photos : ►https://frama.link/valk
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🖤 Merci d’avoir vécu.
Merci pour la tendresse
Et tant pis pour vos fesses
Qui ont fait ce qu’elles ont pu... 🎶
ValK. posted a photo :
[Les Petites Photos] :: : Pour Anne Sylvestre
#hommage #tribute #homenaje #mort #death #muerte #escargot #snail #caracol #rouille #rust #óxido #orange #naranja #automne #autumn #fall #otoño #syncrétisme #syncretism #sincretismo #arttherapie #arttherapy #arteterapia #soeurcellerie #femmesartistes #womensartist #mujeresartistas
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Anne Sylvestre nous a quitté ! Nous sommes le 1er décembre 2020 et en ce jour de deuil nous sommes des centaines de milliers de sorcières à nous envoler avec elle vers d’autres cieux retrouver toutes celles qui y sont déjà et qui nous ont ouvert les voies de la résistance au système patriarcal responsable de millions de féminicides !
Tricoteuse de mots ; c’est avec la poésie et la musique que Anne Sylvestre a sensibilisé nos conscience et attisé nos désirs de libertés.
Dans l’ombre des grands médias pendant des décennies, elle a refusé d’adapter son discours et ses poèmes révoltés et poétiques pour cédé aux appels des sirènes du show bisness. Aucune compromission n’était possible et c’est sans humilité qu’elle a revendiqué son statut d’autrice, de chanteuse, de poétesse féministe, même si le mot ne lui convenait pas toujours refusant obstinément d’être « encartée » sous quelques formes d’idéologies que ce soit « ce ne sont pas des idées que je cherche, ce sont des histoires, les histoires des gens... ». Voilà ce qui composaient la substance de c’est textes, de ses chansons de ses colères parfois.
Des histoires singulières pour parler de la Grande Histoire, telles étaient les histoires que Anne racontait.
En hommage à Anne Sylvestre, nous vous rediffusons un entretien réalisé aux villages des Magnans à Pierrerue dans les Alpes de hautes-Provence où elle est venue donner des ateliers d’écritures à des chansonnier.ères apprenti.es qui auront eu l’immense chance de partager ces moment intenses et riches d’exigences et de tendresse, de rires et de grognements.
Cette émission est donc réalisée sur la base de cette entretien et des quelques émissions faites en direct de ces semaines de stage.
Un monde obèse
En 2030, on estime que la moitié de la planète sera obèse ou en surpoids, entraînant une explosion du diabète, des maladies cardio-vasculaires et de certains cancers. Enquête sur un fléau planétaire.
Alors que l’obésité charrie son lot de clichés, des gènes tout-puissants aux volontés individuelles défaillantes, et que les industriels comme les autorités publiques continuent de pointer du doigt le manque d’activité physique ("Manger moins, bouger plus"), ce fléau ne serait-il pas le fruit d’un échec collectif mitonné dans nos assiettes ?
Puis les des voix s’élèvent pour dénoncer les conséquences funestes de cette révolution, les multinationales de l’agroalimentaire, jamais rassasiées, dépensent des milliards en lobbying pour préserver leur pré carré, tout en répandant le poison de la malbouffe et des boissons sucrées à travers le globe.
Il faut des citoyens engagés pour dresser un état des lieux édifiant de cette épidémie planétaire, qui constitue le problème de santé le plus grave au monde. Mais si les constats, étayés de chiffres, se révèlent effrayants, le documentaire en expose les causes de manière limpide, et explore des solutions pour stopper cette bombe à retardement.
#obésité #choix #responsabilité #volonté_individuelle #volonté_personnelle #épidémie #industrie_agro-alimentaire #système_alimentaire #alimentation #exercice_physique #coca-cola #calories #culpabilité #culpabilisation #honte #métabolisme #graisse #sucre #céréales #produits_transformés #manipulation_des_ingrédients #aliments_artificialisés #hormones #déséquilibre_hormonal #insuline #glucides #satiété #flore_intestinale #microbiote #grignotage #multinationales #économie #business #prix #pauvres #désert_alimentaire #marketing #manipulation #publicité #santé_publique #diabète #suicide_collectif #prise_de_conscience
Une personne interviewée dans le film ayant mis en place la #campagne :
« Ce qui a le plus d’impact, c’est quand je montre aux jeunes un plan de San Francisco avec les #statistiques par quartier du nombre d’#hospitalisation pour des #amputations, des #insuffisances_rénales et du #diabète. Ensuite je leur montre les dépenses pour les campagnes de pub dans ces mêmes quartiers, pour coca-cola, les #sodas, les #sucreries etc.
Au premier atelier qu’on a organisé une jeune fille noire m’a regardé et m’a dit : ’Pourquoi ils nous font ça ?’
Je lui ai répondu : ’Voilà le thème de ton poème’ »
Le voici :
Tassiana Willis, 24, is a poet, singer, and actor from San Francisco. “The Longest Mile,” is bookended with an anecdote about running the mile in school, but what Tassiana really wants you to take away from the piece is reflecting on the “tragic traditions” low income families are often forced to practice when some of the most marketed and accessible sources of joy are unhealthy foods.
site web de la campagne :
The Bigger Picture (a partnership with UCSF’s Center for Vulnerable Populations at Zuckerberg San Francisco General Hospital) inspires young people to change the conversation about Type 2 diabetes by exposing the environmental and social conditions that lead to its spread.
I loved Allen Ginsberg with the passion that only a teenager knows, but that passion did not end when adolescence did.
On the day of the bar mitzvah newspapers reported in huge headlines that the Supreme Court had ruled child pornography illegal. I was thrilled. I knew that Allen would not be. I did think he was a civil libertarian. But in fact, he was a pedophile. He did not belong to the North American Man- Boy Love Association out of some mad, abstract conviction that its voice had to be heard. He meant it. I take this from what Allen said directly to me, not from some inference I made. He was exceptionally aggressive about his right to fuck children and his constant pursuit of underage boys.
Ginsberg would not leave me alone. He followed me everywhere I went from the lobby of the hotel through the whole reception, then during the dinner. He photographed me constantly with a vicious little camera he wore around his neck. He sat next to me and wanted to know details of sexual abuse I had suffered. A lovely woman, not knowing that his interest was entirely pornographic, told a terrible story of being molested by a neighbor. He ignored her. She had thought, “This is Allen Ginsberg, the great beat poet and a prince of empathy. ” Wrong. Ginsberg told me that he had never met an intelligent person who had the ideas I did. I told him he didn’t get around enough. He pointed to the friends of my godson and said they were old enough to fuck. They were twelve and thirteen. He said that all sex was good, including forced sex.I am good at getting rid of men, strictly in the above-board sense. I couldn’t get rid of Allen. Finally I had had it. Referring back to the Supreme Court’s decision banning child pornography he said, “The right wants to put me in jail. ” I said, “Yes, they’re very sentimental; I’d kill you. ” The next day he’d point at me in crowded rooms and screech, “She wants to put me in jail. ” I’d say, “No, Allen, you still don’t get it. The right wants to put you in jail. I want you dead. ” He told everyone his fucked-up version of the story (“You want to put me in jail”) for years. When he died he stopped.
● NEWS ● #CommonDreams #deathcult ☞ “He’s Describing a Massacre”: #Trump Touts #HerdImmunity Approach to Covid That Experts Warn Would Kill Millions ▻https://www.commondreams.org/news/2020/09/16/hes-describing-massacre-trump-touts-herd-immunity-approach-covid-exper
Dead Elvis & his one man grave
#Loveparade - Die Verhandlung
Am 24. Juli 2010 kommt es bei der Loveparade in Duisburg zur Katastrophe: 21 Menschen sterben im Gedränge, 652 werden verletzt. Erst mehr als sieben Jahre später, im Dezember 2017, beginnt die juristische Aufarbeitung der Katastrophe. Chronologisch folgt der Dokumentarfilm dem Prozess.
Eine gigantische Rave-Party endete in Tod und Verzweiflung. Wer ist für die Tragödie verantwortlich? 21 Jahre nach ihrer Gründung war die Loveparade in Duisburg angekommen. Was einst als Kleinstparade im Westberlin der Wendezeit begann, war längst zu einem Millionenspektakel von weltweiter Anziehungskraft geworden. An diesem 24. Juli 2010 kommt es in Duisburg zur Katastrophe: Auf den Zu- und Abgangswegen zum Festgelände stauen sich Zehntausende Menschen. 21 Menschen sterben im Gedränge, über 600 werden verletzt. Die Opfer stammen aus Deutschland, China, Australien, Spanien, Italien und den Niederlanden. Erst mehr als sieben Jahre später, im Dezember 2017, beginnt die juristische Aufarbeitung der Katastrophe. Der Loveparade-Prozess war ein Mammut-Verfahren, das am 4. Mai 2020 nach 184 Verhandlungstagen ohne Urteil zu Ende ging. Das Landgericht Duisburg stand unter enormen Erwartungsdruck und sollte auch eine Aufarbeitung der Katastrophe leisten. Chronologisch folgt die Dokumentation dem Prozess. Was das Gericht verhandelt, verhandelt der Film – mit dem Personal, das auch im Gericht eine Rolle hat. Der Film navigiert durch die schweren Wasser von „Recht“ und „Gerechtigkeit“, ohne dabei zu moralisieren.
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Latest Tactic to Push Migrants From Europe ? A Private, Clandestine Fleet
The government of Malta enlisted three privately owned fishing trawlers to intercept migrants in the Mediterranean, and force them back to a war zone, officials and a boat captain say.
With the onset of the coronavirus, Malta announced that it was too overwhelmed to rescue migrants making the precarious crossing of the Mediterranean Sea, where the tiny island nation has been on the front line of the maritime migration route over the past decade.
In secret, however, the Maltese authorities have worked hard to make sure no migrants actually reach the island.
It dispatched a small fleet of private merchant vessels in April to intercept migrants at sea and return them by force to a war zone in Libya, according to information provided by the captain of one of the boats, a senior commander in the Libyan Coast Guard, and a former Maltese official involved in the episode.
The three repurposed fishing trawlers are privately owned, but acted on the instructions of the Armed Forces of Malta, the captain and the others said.
The clandestine operation, which some experts consider illegal under international law, is just the latest dubious measure taken by European countries in recent years to stem the migration from Africa and the Middle East that has sown political chaos in Europe and fueled a populist backlash.
Since 2017, European states, led by Italy, have paid the Libyan government to return more migrants to Libya, hassled the private rescue organizations that try to bring them to Europe, and asked passing merchant vessels to intercept them before they enter European waters.
But Malta’s latest tactic may be among the most egregious, maritime experts say, because it involved a designated flotilla of private vessels, based in a European port, that intercepted and expelled asylum seekers from international waters that fall within the responsibility of European coast guards.
“Against a pattern of increased abuses against asylum seekers in recent years, this newest approach stands out,” said Itamar Mann, an expert in maritime and refugee law at the University of Haifa in Israel. “Its methods chillingly resemble organized crime, and indeed the operations of people smugglers, which European policymakers so adamantly denounce.”
“The facts available raise serious concerns that we are seeing the emergence of a novel systematic pattern, such that may even put Maltese state officials in danger of criminal liability, at home or abroad,” Dr. Mann added.
The Maltese government did not respond to multiple requests for comment.
The activity was first documented on the evening of April 12, when three aging blue trawlers left the Grand Harbour in Valletta, the Maltese capital, within an hour of each other. The three boats — the Dar Al Salam 1, the Salve Regina and the Tremar — departed at the request of the Maltese authorities, according to the captain of the Tremar, Amer Abdelrazek.
A former Maltese official, Neville Gafa, said he was enlisted by the government that same night to use his connections in Libya to ensure the safe passage of the first two boats to Libya.
The boats did not submit paperwork to the immigration police, and switched off their satellite tracking devices soon after leaving port, maritime databases show.
But their mission had already been determined, said Mr. Gafa, who said he had been asked by the Maltese prime minister’s chief of staff, Clyde Caruana, to help coordinate the operation. Mr. Caruana did not respond to requests for comment, but a government spokesman told The Times of Malta that Mr. Gafa had been asked to liaise with Libya on a separate matter that was unconnected to the episode.
The trawlers were sent to intercept a migrant vessel attempting to reach Malta from Libya — and which had been issuing mayday calls for some 48 hours — and then return its passengers to Libya, Mr. Gafa said.
The stricken migrant vessel was still in international waters, according to coordinates provided by the migrants by satellite phone to Alarm Phone, an independent hotline for shipwrecked refugees. But it had reached the area of jurisdiction of Malta’s armed forces, making it Malta’s responsibility under international maritime law to rescue its passengers and provide them with sanctuary.
Two of the trawlers — the Dar Al Salam 1 and the Tremar — reached the migrant vessel early on April 14, guided by a Maltese military helicopter, Mr. Abdelrazek said. Several of the migrants had already drowned, according to testimony later gathered by Alarm Phone.
The roughly 50 survivors were taken aboard the Dar Al Salam 1, Mr. Abdelrazek said.
The Dar Al Salam 1 and the Salve Regina sailed to Tripoli on April 15, the former carrying the migrants and the latter carrying several tons of food and water, as a show of appreciation to the Libyan government, Mr. Abdelrazek and Mr. Gafa said. The Tremar waited in international waters, Mr. Abdelrazek said.
The Maltese authorities told their Libyan counterparts that the Dar Al Salam 1 was in fact a Maltese vessel called the Maria Cristina, said Commodore Masoud Abdalsamad, who oversees international operations at the Libyan Coast Guard. To further obscure its identity, the boat’s crew had also painted over the ship’s name and flew a Maltese flag to confuse the Libyan Coast Guard.
Though based physically in Malta and owned by a Maltese shipowner, the vessel is legally registered in Tobruk, a port in east Libya controlled by opponents of the authorities in Tripoli. The crew did not want to risk upsetting the Tripoli government by broadcasting its links to Tobruk, leading it to hide its name and home port, Mr. Abdelrazek said.
After disembarking, the migrants were taken to a notorious detention center run by a pro-government militia, where migrants are routinely tortured, held for ransom or sold to other militias. The detention cells stand close to an arms depot, and the surrounding area was hit by shelling in December.
Conditions at the detention center are “utterly appalling,” said Safa Msehli, a spokeswoman for the International Organization for Migration, an arm of the United Nations. “People are caged in overcrowded hangars with barely any access to food or sanitation facilities.”
“Many tell us of the abuse they endure and the inhumane ways in which they are exploited,’’ Ms. Msehli added. ‘‘Reports of migrants being used to load weapons, and the detention center’s proximity to a military facility, raise serious concerns over the safety of people detained there arbitrarily.”
After departing Tripoli, the Dar Al Salam 1 turned its satellite identification system back on, and the boat resurfaced off the coast of Libya on the evening of April 15, data provided by Marine Traffic, a maritime database, shows.
The owner of the Salve Regina, Dominic Tanti, declined to comment through an intermediary, and the owner of the Tremar, Yasser Aziz, did not return a message seeking comment.
The owner of the Dar Al Salam 1, Carmelo Grech, did not to respond to multiple requests for comment sent by text, voice message and a letter hand-delivered to his apartment. But he has confirmed his boat’s involvement to a Maltese newspaper, and several outlets have already highlighted its role, including the Italian newspaper, Avvenire, and the Maltese blogger Manuel Delia.
Mr. Grech and his boat have colorful histories, raising questions in Malta about why the government involved them in a state-led operation.
Mr. Grech has previously recounted how he used the boat, then known as the Mae Yemanja, to bring supplies to Libyan rebels during the Libyan revolution in 2011. In 2012, court records show it was impounded after Mr. Grech was accused, though later acquitted, of smuggling contraband cigarettes from Libya to Malta.
In 2015, Mr. Grech was detained by a Libyan faction for several days for what he later described as a misunderstanding over his visas.
Maltese ship records obtained by The Times show that Mr. Grech canceled his boat’s registration in Malta last February, before repainting it to show it had been re-registered in Tobruk, for undisclosed reasons.
Mr. Abdelrazek also has a criminal history, having been convicted in 2014 of forging documents, court records show.
After appearing briefly in Malta last week, the Dar Al Salam 1 and the Salve Regina returned again to sea on Sunday.
Their satellite trackers were once again switched off shortly afterward.
#privatisation #asile #migrations #réfugiés #frontières #contrôles_frontaliers #Malte #Méditerranée #push-backs #refoulement #refoulements #Libye
Commentaire de @isskein via la mailing-list Migreurop :
Depuis avril fonctionne une méthode pro-active : une #flotte_privée de 3 bateaux qui se chargent d’arrêter les bateaux de migrants et de les renvoyer vers la Libye.
Un ancien officiel maltais, #Neville_Gafà, a été engagé par le Premier Ministre pour monter l’affaire avec ses contacts libyens
il est entre autres responsable de la #tragédie_de_Pâques : le gouvernement a ignoré durant 48h un bateau qui se trouvait dans sles eaux internationales (mais dans la juridiction des Forces armées maltaises) , puis envoyé sa flotte privée, qui a pris à son bord 51 migrants dont 8 femmes et 3 enfants, à bord 5 cadavres ; 7 migrants s’étaient noyés auparavant. Ils ont été ramenés à Tripolii
Dans le mail reçu via la mailing-list Migreurop, Conni parle de #hotspot_mobile :
Yesterday we got news from the Maltese media about a new strategy of the authorities to keep rescued migrants out: a floating hotspot on a cruise ship off their coast:
The “hotspot boat” is the same system , used by Italy from April 17 , only for migrants have been intercepted by ships flying foreign flags, as decided in the inter-ministerial decree of 7 April.
On board of the ship “hotspot” Rubattino - positioned in front of Palermo - there are at this moment almost 200 migrants, of the two rescues carried out by the ships Alan Kurdi and Aita Mari. All of them were negative to the Covid test, but it is not clear how long they will have to stay on the ship and where they will be transferred (at the beginning of the procedure there was talk of a relocation to Germany).
Yesterday the Guarantor for the Rights of Italian Prisoners, in his bulletin, expressed concern about the establishment of these “floating” hotspots.
“The implementation of quarantine measures in extraordinary and exceptional places cannot lead to a situation of ’limbo’: migrant people are under the jurisdiction of the Italian State for the purposes of the health measures imposed on them, but at the same time they do not have the possibility - and for a period of time not indifferent - to exercise the rights that our country recognizes and protects. They cannot apply for asylum, they are not de facto - and at least temporarily - protected as victims of trafficking or unaccompanied foreign minors, nor can they have timely access to procedures for family reunification under the Dublin Regulation. - procedures which, moreover, have their own intrinsic deadlines.”
The Guarantor also indicated that the experience of the ship “Rubattino” would not seem to remain an isolated case as the Ministry of Infrastructure and Transport launched on 19 April a procedure for the chartering of vessels to be used for the assistance and health surveillance of migrants rescued at sea or arrived on the national territory as a result of autonomous boats.
Abela admits coordinating private boats that returned migrants to Libya
PM says Easter manoeuvre was a ’rescue’ not a pushback.
Prime Minister Robert Abela has admitted commissioning a boat that returned migrants to war-torn Libya on Easter weekend but has insisted it was a rescue mission and not a pushback.
A boat commissioned by Maltese authorities picked up a group of migrants in the search and rescue area earlier this month and returned them to the North African country.
It is a crime under international law for states to return asylum seekers to a country where they are likely to face persecution.
Speaking publicly about the controversy for the first time on Friday, Abela admitted the manoeuvre and defended the government’s actions.
"There was no pushback,"he said.
"There was a rescue of migrants. Had the Maltese government not coordinated, tens of lives would have died, because a [EU coastguard] Frontex plane just flew overhead and kept on going.
“Malta’s ports are closed but it coordinated this rescue and ensured that the irregular migrants were taken to the port that was open.”
The country, along with Italy, closed its ports, citing concerns about the spread of coronavirus.
Former OPM official Neville Gafa claimed under oath this week that he had coordinated the pushback.
Asked Gafa’s involvement, Abela said his only involvement was liaising with a contact he was claiming to have in Libya so that the rescue could be facilitated. He said Gafa was not paid or promised anything.
Abela defended using a private boat, saying that a Search and Rescue convention stipulates the legal obligations of individual states that are not obliged to carry out the actual rescues but to coordinate such rescues.
The obligations also state that countries can use their own assets or else send private assets to rescue boats in distress, he said.
This week, Malta has commissioned a Captain Morgan tourist boat Europa II, to house migrants until a solution for their disembarkation is found.
“We are ready to do anything to save lives. We have nothing to be ashamed of,” Abela said, adding that the cost for the Captain Morgan boat being used to temporarily house migrants outside Maltese waters will come from aid by the EU.
“Malta’s position is clear and we know what our obligations are. We are going to remain firm on this. We are not a safe port and we cannot guarantee our resources for rescues.
"We are duty bound to stick to this position. It is counterproductive to close port and airports to tourists but then open ports for irregular migrants. There are hundreds of thousands of people on the Libyan coast wanting to leave there and come to Lampedusa and Malta. We are obeying international rules,” he insisted.
He said the migration problem should not be “Malta’s alone” and called for the EU to intervene.
Earlier on Friday, Foreign Minister Evarist Bartolo told Times of Malta that “the EU was responsible for a huge push back of migrants to Malta”.
He said its failure to set up an effective and fair solidarity mechanism to share the burden of welcoming irregular migrants means that Malta had borne a huge burden over the years.
He quoted a letter from a United Nations official to him in which he admitted that Europe needed to adopt a more principled migration policy that will serve European needs, that does not penalise those seeking to cross, and that does not leave countries like Malta, which are trying to do the right thing, on their own.
“If we continue to fail, more people, Libyans and non-Libyans, will be compelled to seek safety on the European side” because of the ongoing war and the economic consequences of Covid-19.
Bartolo said that in the first three months of the year, 3,600 irregular migrants left the Libyan coast through the Central Mediterranean route. This is over 400 per cent more than in the same period in 2019. Some 1,200 came to Malta.
He said Malta’s centres were “overflowing” and there is no room for more migrants.
Malte a affrété des navires privés pour renvoyer les embarcations de migrants vers la Libye
Une enquête du New York Times révèle que les autorités maltaises ont affrété, depuis le mois d’avril, une flotte de navires privés afin d’empêcher les migrants d ’atteindre l’île et les renvoyer en Libye. Selon plusieurs experts, cette action est illégale.
En pleine pandémie de coronavirus, Malte fait tout pour empêcher les embarcations de migrants d’atteindre l’île. A tel point que le gouvernement a discrètement dépêché en avril une flotte de navires marchands privés pour intercepter les migrants et les renvoyer en Libye, a révélé une enquête du New York Times publiée jeudi 30 avril.
Selon le quotidien américain - qui s’appuie sur les témoignages d’un capitaine de l’un de ces bateaux, commandant en chef des garde-côtes libyens, et d’un ancien responsable maltais impliqué dans l’opération - les trois chalutiers de pêche affrétés appartiennent à des particuliers mais ont agi sur les instructions des forces armées maltaises.
Une opération sur ordre du Premier ministre maltais
L’opération a été documentée pour la première fois dans la soirée du 12 avril, écrit le New York Times, quand trois chalutiers ont quitté le port de la Valette, la capitale maltaise, sur ordre des autorités. Un ancien responsable maltais, Neville Gafa, a déclaré qu’il avait été enrôlé par le gouvernement le soir même pour utiliser ses relations en Libye et assurer le passage en toute sécurité des deux premiers chalutiers vers les ports libyens.
Le Dar As Salam 1 et le Tremar, ont ainsi été envoyés pour intercepter une embarcation de migrants présente dans les eaux maltaises - qui avait émis des appels de détresse depuis deux jours - afin de les renvoyer en Libye, a précisé Neville Gafa. A bord du canot, se trouvait cinq cadavres.
Le 15 avril, l’Organisation internationale pour les migrations (OIM) avait pourtant affirmé que les migrants avaient été interceptés par un navire marchand puis remis à des garde-côtes qui les avaient alors amenés au port de Tripoli.
Le troisième chalutier, le Salve Regina, a quant à lui navigué vers Tripoli le 15 avril, transportant plusieurs tonnes de nourriture et d’eau, en guise de remerciement au gouvernement libyen, assure au quotidien américain le capitaine du Tremar, Amer Abdelrazek.
Devant la justice maltaise, à la suite de la plainte lancée par plusieurs ONG contre le Premier ministre sur sa responsabilité dans la mort des cinq migrants, Neville Gafa a déclaré sous serment qu’il avait agi sur ordre du cabinet du Premier ministre.
Une opération illégale
« Dans une tendance à l’augmentation des abus contre les demandeurs d’asile ces dernières années, cette nouvelle approche se démarque », déclare au New York Times Itamar Mann, expert en droit maritime et des réfugiés à l’université de Haïfa, en Israël. « Ces méthodes ressemblent de façon effrayante au crime organisé, aux opérations de passeurs, que les décideurs européens dénoncent avec tant de fermeté », continue le chercheur pour qui cette opération est illégale eu égard au droit international.
En effet, comme écrit le quotidien américain, une flotte de navires privées, basée dans un port européen, qui intercepte et expulse des demandeurs d’asile des eaux internationales relèvent de la responsabilité des garde-côtes européens.
Cette opération « pourrait mettre les fonctionnaires de l’Etat maltais en danger de responsabilité pénale, dans le pays ou à l’étranger », signale encore Itamar Mann.
After disembarking, the migrants were taken to a notorious detention center run by a pro-government militia, where migrants are routinely tortured, held for ransom or sold to other militias.
Malta-Libya #deal sets up centres ’against illegal migration’
Coastguard, UN centres, EU help among items discussed
Malta and Libya will be setting up units to coordinate operations against illegal migration, the government said on Thursday.
These centres are expected to start operating within the coming weeks, however, the government provided no additional information.
The announcement followed an unannounced trip by Prime Minister Robert Abela, Home Affairs Minister Byron Camilleri and Foreign Affairs Minister Evarist Bartolo to Tripoli, where they discussed migration with the Libyan government.
The three met Fayez al-Sarraj who heads the UN-backed Government of National Accord as well as Mohammed Sheibani, deputy minister responsible for migration at the meeting in Tripoli.
It was Abela’s first trip to war-torn Libya as prime minister.
Sources said the meeting was held on the back of a new wave of Malta-Libya relations, and a change in approach.
Discussions revolved around the need to push the EU to help Libya to train its coastguard, obtain funding for reception camps manned by the UN, as well as to build a realistic strategy to slow down the flow of migrants into Libya.
“It was a positive meeting, though of course that doesn’t mean we’ve resolved the migration issue,” a source told Times of Malta.
“Malta could be Libya’s bridge to the EU. We need to stop human trafficking as well as save lives at sea,” the source said.
Valletta, diplomatic sources say, has been trying to build new bridges with the Libyan authorities to stem the tide of migrants leaving the North African coast.
800,000 migrants in Libya
In a statement issued later on Thursday, the government said that during the meeting Abela reiterated Malta’s position on the need to address and stop human trafficking. Malta, he added, was facing unprecedented and disproportionate flows and burdens.
Meanwhile, al-Sarraj said that 800,000 migrants were currently in Libya and the country needed an effective long-term and holistic approach.
Both leaders spoke about the need to strengthen cooperation to ensure that lives are not lost at sea and to combat human traffickers on the ground and at sea.
According to Abela, the solution lies in concrete action on Libyan shores and its southern border. This would be done through addressing and stopping human trafficking, rather than focusing just on relocation of migrants to other countries.
Signing a #memorandum_of_understanding, Malta and Libya agreed to set up a coordination unit in each country to assist in operations against illegal migration.
The agreement also stipulates that Malta supports Libya when it comes to financial assistance through the upcoming Multiannual Financial Framework.
Mer méditerranée : Malte renforce sa coopération avec la Libye pour lutter contre « l’immigration illégale »
Malte a signé un accord avec le gouvernement d’union nationale (GNA) libyen dans le but de renforcer « la lutte contre l’immigration illégale » en mer Méditerranée. Le texte prévoit la création de « centres de coordination » à Tripoli et La Valette qui seront opérationnels dès le mois de juillet.
Malte tente par tous les moyens de limiter le flux de migrants qui débarquent sur ses côtes. Pour ce faire, les autorités maltaises et libyennes viennent d’acter la création de « centres de coordination » à Tripoli et à La Valette.
Ces deux centres « offriront le soutien nécessaire à la lutte contre l’immigration illégale en Libye et dans la région méditerranéenne », selon un protocole d’accord entre Malte et le gouvernement d’union nationale (GNA) de Fayez al-Sarraj, et présenté au Parlement maltais mercredi 3 juin (▻https://www.independent.com.mt/file.aspx?f=206640).
Financé par le gouvernement maltais, ces structures seront chacune dirigées par trois fonctionnaires et limiteront leur travail « au soutien et à la coordination », indique cet accord valable pour trois ans. Les centres devraient voir le jour dès le mois de juillet.
« L’UE a la responsabilité de parvenir à un accord global avec la Libye »
Malte, le plus petit État de l’Union européenne (UE), de par sa taille et sa population, se plaint depuis longtemps d’être obligé d’assumer à lui seul l’arrivée des migrants en provenance de la Libye, pays en guerre.
Actuellement, plus de 400 migrants secourus en Méditerranée sont bloqués sur quatre navires touristiques affrétés par Malte juste à la limite de ses eaux territoriales, La Valette exigeant qu’ils soient ensuite pris en charge par d’autres pays européens.
Le ministre maltais des Affaires étrangères, Evarist Bartolo, a déclaré au Parlement mercredi que « l’UE a la responsabilité de parvenir à un accord global avec la Libye afin de limiter l’immigration clandestine ».
« Le nombre d’immigrants arrivant à Malte est disproportionné par rapport aux autres pays européens », a insisté le ministre. Selon lui, depuis 2005 l’Europe n’a accueilli que 1 700 migrants, tandis que 22 000 sont arrivés à Malte - seuls 8% des migrants en situation irrégulière sur l’île ont été relocalisés dans d’autres pays européens.
Selon le protocole d’accord, Malte proposera à la Commission européenne une augmentation du soutien financier pour aider le GNA à sécuriser ses frontières sud et à démanteler les réseaux de trafiquants d’êtres humains.
La Valette proposera également le financement de « moyens maritimes supplémentaires nécessaires » pour contrôler et intercepter les passeurs de migrants en Méditerranée.
Accordo Malta-Libia: insieme daranno la caccia ai migranti. Con i soldi Ue
Centrali operative e pattugliamenti congiunti. Fonti Onu: è una regolazione dei respingimenti illegali. Intanto Frontex smentisce l’inchiesta di Malta sulla “#Strage_di_Pasquetta”https://www.avvenire.it/c/2020/PublishingImages/673d40d74a7d4fd084fc5c524e3d8e1f/malta_69641934.jpg?width=1024#.jpg
Dopo la scoperta degli accordi segreti con Tripoli, siglati tre anni fa, Malta ha deciso di uscire allo scoperto negoziando un memorandum siglato dal premier Robert Abela, fresco di archiviazione per le accuse di respingimento, e il presidente libico Fayez al Sarraj.
I due Paesi daranno insieme la caccia ai migranti nel Mediterraneo, ma con nuovi fondi Ue da destinare a Tripoli.
SCARICA QUI IL DOCUMENTO COMPLETO: ▻https://www.avvenire.it/c/attualita/Documents/MOU%20with%20Libya.pdf
E’ prevista la creazione di «centri di coordinamento» nel porto di Tripoli e a La Valletta che saranno operativi da luglio. In realtà le operazioni congiunte andavano avanti da anni, ma adesso sono state ufficializzate. Le strutture congiunte «forniranno il sostegno necessario alla lotta contro l’immigrazione clandestina in Libia e nella regione del Mediterraneo», si legge. Inizialmente Malta finanzierà interamente l’attivazione delle centrali operative, ognuna delle quali sarà guidata da tre funzionari dei rispettivi governi. Fin da subito, però, il premier Abela si impegna a ottenere dall’Ue fondi aggiuntivi da destinare alla cosiddetta Guardia costiera libica, che verrà ulteriormente equipaggiata.
Nessuna menzione si fa riguardo alla necessità di ristabilire il rispetto dei diritti umani nei campi di prigionia libici. L’unico scopo, come del resto è sempre stato in questi anni anche per Italia e Ue, è quello di trattenere i profughi in cattività, a qualunque costo. «L’UE ha la responsabilità di raggiungere un accordo globale con la Libia», c’è scritto nell’accordo che, di fatto, appalta a Malta e Libia il controllo dell’intero Canale di Sicilia, ad esclusione delle ultime 12 miglia territoriali dalla costa di Lampedusa. Malta, lo stato più piccolo dell’Unione Europea (Ue) per dimensioni e popolazione, si è lamentato da tempo di essere costretto ad assumere da solo la responsabilità dell’arrivo dei migranti dalla Libia, un paese in guerra che secondo l’Onu in alcun modo può essere ritenuto un “porto sicuro”.
Nelle settimane scorse una nuova serie di inchieste giornalistiche internazionali ha permesso di accertare che non solo Malta ha messo in mare da tempo una flottiglia di “pescherecci fantasma” incaricati di intercettare i barconi e ricondurli in Libia, ma che spesso le Forze armate dell’isola equipaggiano i gommoni, anche con motori nuovi, affinché raggiungano le coste siciliane.
Nei giorni scorsi il Tribunale dell’isola aveva archiviato il procedimento contro il premier laburista Robert Abela e il capo delle forze armate, accusati della morte di 12 migranti nella “strage di Pasquetta”. Forte di questa “assoluzione”, Abela si è recato a Tripoli per sigillare l’intesa con il presidente al-Sarraj. Ma proprio uno dei punti chiave utilizzati dal giudice Joe Mifsud per cestinare le accuse, ieri è stato categoricamente smentito dall’agenzia Ue Frontex che ha risposto per iscritto alle domande di Avvenire. Secondo il magistrato, infatti, il coordinamento dei soccorsi in qualche misura era attribuibile non a Malta ma a Frontex che aveva individuato con un suo aereo i barconi. Da Varsavia, rispondendo con una nota ad “Avvenire”, l’agenzia ha precisato che “è il centro di salvataggio appropriato, non Frontex, a decidere se chiedere assistenza a qualsiasi nave della zona. E Frontex non aveva navi vicino a quest’area”. La responsabilità di intervenire, dunque, era di innanzitutto di Malta che invece per giorni ha ignorato gli Sos e ha poi inviato un motopesca quando oramai 7 persone erano affogate e altre 5 sono morte di stenti durante il respingimento dalle acque maltesi verso la Libia.
Nel fine settimana di Pasqua l’aeroobile Eagle 1, tracciato e segnalato dal giornalista Sergio Scandura di Radio Radicale “stava svolgendo - spiegano da Frontex - una missione di sorveglianza ben al di fuori dell’area operativa dell’Operazione Themis di Frontex”. Nella nota un portavoce dell’agenzia Ue precisa poi che “Frontex gestisce operazioni congiunte, nonché la sorveglianza pre-frontaliera, che veniva eseguita dall’aereo in questione”. Secondo questa ricostruzione, che avrebbe meritato maggiore puntiglio investigativo anche per accertare eventuali responsabilità esterne a Malta, “in linea con il diritto internazionale, Frontex ha avvisato i centri di soccorso competenti dell’avvistamento di una nave che riteneva necessitasse di assistenza”, si legge ancora. Parole che hanno un significato preciso e costituiscono un’accusa verso chi era stato informato e doveva prestare quell’assistenza negata per giorni. Le autorità italiane hanno apposto il segreto alle comunicazioni intercorse. Silenzio che potrebbe essere presto scardinato da indagini giudiziarie. Lo stesso per Malta, che neanche nell’atto conclusivo dell’inchiesta ha voluto rendere pubbliche le comunicazioni con Roma e con Frontex che a sua volta ribadisce ad Avvenire che “è il centro di salvataggio appropriato, non Frontex, a decidere se chiedere assistenza a qualsiasi nave della zona. Tuttavia, desidero sottolineare qui che Frontex non aveva navi vicino a quest’area”.
Il memorandum sta creando non poco dibattito nei vertici della Marina militare italiana. A Tripoli, infatti, si trova la nave Gorgona, ufficialmente incaricata di assistere la cosiddetta guardia costiera libica per conto di Roma. E certo i marinai italiani non vogliono finire a fare gli addetti alla manutenzione delle motovedette donate dall’Italia ma che tra pochi giorni si coordineranno con Malta. «Mentre l’obiettivo dichiarato nell’accordo vi è il benessere del popolo libico e di quello maltese, il benessere delle principali vittime, cioè migranti, richiedenti asilo e rifugiati, non viene mai menzionato», ha commentato sul portale cattolico Newsbook il giudice maltese Giovanni Bonelli, già membro della Corte europea dei diritti dell’uomo. «Si potrebbe pensare - aggiunge - che questo memorandum si riferisca all’estrazione di minerali, non a degli esseri umani».Fonti delle Nazioni Unite contattate da “Avvenire” hanno reagito a caldo considerando l’intesa come una «regolamentazione di fatto dei respingimenti illegali».
Negli anni scorsi più volte Avvenire ha documentato, anche con registrazioni audio, il collegamento diretto tra la Marina italiana e la Guardia costiera libica. Ma ora Malta si spinge oltre, ufficializzando una alleanza operativa che inoltre rischierà di causare conflitti con l’operazione navale europea Irini a guida italiana. Fonti delle Nazioni Unite contattate da Avvenire hanno reagito a caldo considerando l’intesa come una “regolamentazione di fatto dei respingimenti illegali”.
Malta: Illegal tactics mar another year of suffering in central Mediterranean
The Maltese government has resorted to dangerous and illegal measures for dealing with the arrivals of refugees and migrants at sea, which are exposing countless people to appalling suffering and risking their lives, Amnesty International revealed today in a report “Waves of impunity: Malta’s violations of the rights of refugees and migrants in the Central Mediterranean”. As Amnesty is launching this new report, despair is growing aboard the Maersk Etienne, which has been denied a port to disembark for over a month, after rescuing 27 people on a request from Maltese authorities
The Maltese government’s change in approach to arrivals in the central Mediterranean in 2020 has seen them take unlawful, and sometimes unprecedented, measures to avoid assisting refugees and migrants. This escalation of tactics included arranging unlawful pushbacks to Libya, diverting boats towards Italy rather than rescuing people in distress, illegally detaining hundreds of people on ill-equipped ferries off Malta’s waters, and signing a new agreement with Libya to prevent people from reaching Malta.
“Malta is stooping to ever more despicable and illegal tactics to shirk their responsibilities to people in need. Shamefully, the EU and Italy have normalized cooperation with Libya on border control, but sending people back to danger in Libya is anything but normal,” said Elisa De Pieri, Regional Researcher at Amnesty International.
“EU member states must stop assisting in the return of people to a country where they face unspeakable horrors.”
Some of the actions taken by the Maltese authorities may have involved criminal acts being committed, resulting in avoidable deaths, prolonged arbitrary detention, and illegal returns to war-torn Libya. The authorities also used the COVID-19 pandemic as a pretext to declare that Malta was not a safe place to disembark – to discourage people from seeking safety and a decent life in Europe.
The abusive practices by Malta are part and parcel of wider efforts by EU member states and institutions to outsource the control of the central Mediterranean to Libya, in order that EU-supported Libyan authorities might intercept refugees and migrants at sea before they reach Europe.
People are then returned to Libya and arbitrarily detained in places where torture and other ill-treatment is highly likely. From the beginning of January to 27 August 2020 7,256 people were ‘pulled back’ to Libya by the EU-supported Libyan Coast Guard, which was often alerted of the presence of boats at sea by airplanes engaged in Frontex and other EU operations.
The Easter Monday pushback
The case of the “Easter Monday pushback” illustrates the desperate lengths to which the Maltese authorities are willing to go to prevent people arriving on their shores.
On 15 April 2020, a group of 51 people, including seven women and three children, were unlawfully returned to Tripoli after being rescued in Malta’s search and rescue region by the commercial fishing boat Dar Al Salam 1.
The boat, which had been contracted by the Maltese government, took those onboard back to Libya and handed them over to the Libyan authorities, exposing refugees and migrants – who had just survived a deadly shipwreck – to further risks to their life.
Five people were dead when the vessel reached Libya, and the survivors reported that a further seven people were missing at sea. Survivors reported that those on board were not given medical assistance. In an official statement the Maltese authorities confirmed they had coordinated the operation.
Lack of accountability in Malta
While a magisterial inquiry into the case was conducted, it left many questions unanswered. It is still unknown how the 12 people died and how 51 were returned to Libya despite it being illegal to transfer people there. The magistrate conducting the inquiry did not hear the testimonies of the 51 people transferred to Libya, nor probe the chain of responsibility to contract the Dar El Salam 1 and instruct it to transfer people to Libya.
The NGO Alarm Phone has evidence that other pushbacks by Maltese authorities may also have occurred in 2019 and 2020, which have not been investigated.
EU and Italian cooperation with Libya
Italy in particular has worked closely with Libya, having provided support to Libyan maritime authorities by providing vessels, training and assistance in the establishment of a Libyan SAR region to facilitate pullbacks by the Libyan coastguard.
Despite intensifying conflict and the arrival of COVID-19 threatening the humanitarian situation of refugees and migrants in Libya, Italy has continued to implement policies to keep people in Libya. These include extending its Memorandum of Understanding on Migration with Libya aimed at boosting Libyan authorities’ resources to prevent departures, for another three years, extending its military operations in the region focusing on supporting Libya’s maritime authorities, and maintaining legislation and practices aimed at the criminalization of NGOs rescuing people in the central Mediterranean.
The central Mediterranean is the latest border on which Amnesty International is highlighting abuses by EU member states authorities. In 2020, Amnesty International has also documented abuses on the borders between Croatia and Bosnia, and Greece and Turkey. The EU urgently needs an independent and effective human rights monitoring system at its external borders to ensure accountability for violations and abuses.
“The European Commission must turn the page when they launch the New Pact on Migration and Asylum after the summer and ensure European border control and European migration policies uphold the rights of refugees and migrants,” said Elisa De Pieri.
“The horrors faced by people returned to Libya must caution European leaders against cooperating with countries which don’t respect human rights. By continuing to empower abusers and to hide their heads in the sand when violations are committed, those EU leaders share responsibility for them.”
Estimates of the severity of #coronavirus disease 2019: a model-based analysis - The Lancet Infectious Diseases
Using data on 24 #deaths that occurred in mainland China and 165 recoveries outside of China, we estimated the mean duration from onset of symptoms to death to be 17·8 days (95% credible interval [CrI] 16·9–19·2) and to hospital discharge to be 24·7 days (22·9–28·1). In all laboratory confirmed and clinically diagnosed cases from mainland China (n=70 117), we estimated a crude case fatality ratio (adjusted for censoring) of 3·67% (95% CrI 3·56–3·80). However, after further adjusting for demography and under-ascertainment, we obtained a best estimate of the case fatality ratio in China of 1·38% (1·23–1·53), with substantially higher ratios in older age groups (0·32% [0·27–0·38] in those aged <60 years vs 6·4% [5·7–7·2] in those aged ≥60 years), up to 13·4% (11·2–15·9) in those aged 80 years or older. Estimates of case fatality ratio from international cases stratified by age were consistent with those from China (parametric estimate 1·4% [0·4–3·5] in those aged <60 years [n=360] and 4·5% [1·8–11·1] in those aged ≥60 years [n=151]). Our estimated overall infection fatality ratio for China was 0·66% (0·39–1·33), with an increasing profile with age. Similarly, estimates of the proportion of infected individuals likely to be hospitalised increased with age up to a maximum of 18·4% (11·0–7·6) in those aged 80 years or older.
The case fatality ratio is likely to be strongly influenced by the availability of health-care facilities. However surprisingly, although health-care availability in Wuhan was stretched, our estimates from international cases are of a similar magnitude, suggesting relatively little difference in health outcome. Finally, as clinical knowledge of this new disease accrues, it is possible that outcomes will improve. It will therefore be important to revise these estimates as epidemics unfold.
The world is currently experiencing the early stages of a global pandemic. Although China has succeeded in containing the disease spread for 2 months, such containment is unlikely to be achievable in most countries. Thus, much of the world will experience very large community epidemics of COVID-19 over the coming weeks and months. Our estimates of the underlying infection fatality ratio of this virus will inform assessments of health effects likely to be experienced in different countries, and thus decisions around appropriate mitigation policies to be adopted.
Le deuxième paragraphe est important parce que certains ont cru comprendre que cette révision de chiffres à la baisse était une sous-estimation des conséquences du Covid-19.
Although China has succeeded in containing the disease spread for 2 months, such containment is unlikely to be achievable in most countries.
Mon biais de perception à moi : ne serait-ce pas une forme politiquement correcte de dire qu’ils n’y croient pas ? Sans doute non : nulle part ne sont ne serait-ce qu’évoquées d’éventuelles précautions à prendre avec les données chinoises et leur interprétation.
L’indignation obligatoire du jour, c’est contre « ces cons » de parisiens « irresponsables » qui sont allés se promener au parc dimanche (et qu’à cause d’eux on va être obligés de déployer l’armée pour tirer sur les récalcitrants).
Alors que toute la soirée on a pu voir de bien belles images de gens, pas cons et pas irresponsables, réunis pour le dépouillement du vote, « dans les conditions de sécurité adaptées » comme tu sais…
tout-à-fait (pour le 1er message, pour le culte satanique, je laisse les experts s’exprimer) : l’allocution de Macron à cet égard était un sommet : juste après avoir remercié tous les républicains ayant voté pour leur sens du devoir civique (se rassemblant par centaines dans des lieux confinés), il blâme les inconséquents irresponsables qui se baladent dans les parcs ou boivent un verre en terrasse.... !!???
Israël-Palestine, un plan de guerre,
par Alain Gresh (Le Monde diplomatique, mars 2020)
Concocté par Washington sans l’implication des Palestiniens, le plan de M. Donald Trump pour la paix au Proche-Orient satisfait aux principales exigences d’Israël. Outre qu’il entérine l’annexion de toutes les colonies et de la vallée du Jourdain — dispositions contraires aux résolutions des Nations unies —, l’« accord du siècle » prive un éventuel État palestinien du moindre attribut de souveraineté. (...)
Grave concern about US plan to resolve Israel-Palestine conflict
Thu 27 Feb 2020 | The Guardian
As Europeans dedicated to promoting international law, peace and security worldwide, we express our deep concern about President Trump’s Middle East plan, titled Peace to Prosperity.
The plan contradicts internationally agreed parameters for the Middle East peace process, relevant UN resolutions, including security council resolution 2334, and the most fundamental principles of international law. Instead of promoting peace, it risks fuelling the conflict – at the expense of Israeli and Palestinian civilians alike, and with grave implications for Jordan and the wider region. It has been met with widespread opposition in the region, in Europe, and in the United States.
The plan allows for annexation of large and vital parts of the occupied Palestinian territory and legitimises and encourages illegal Israeli settlement activity. It recognises only one side’s claims to Jerusalem and offers no just solution to the issue of Palestinian refugees. It projects a future Palestinian “state” without control and sovereignty over its fragmented territory. The map featured in the plan proposes Palestinian enclaves under permanent Israeli military control, which evoke chilling associations with South Africa’s bantustans.
Peace to Prosperity is not a roadmap to a viable two-state solution, nor to any other legitimate solution to the conflict. The plan envisages a formalisation of the current reality in the occupied Palestinian territory, in which two peoples are living side by side without equal rights. Such an outcome has characteristics similar to apartheid – a term we don’t use lightly.
The international community, particularly the European Union, must prevent such a scenario from unfolding, in order to preserve the dignity and rights of the Palestinians, the future of Israeli democracy and the wider international rules-based order. (...)
Douglas Alexander Former minister of state for Europe and secretary of state for international development, United Kingdom
Ben Bradshaw Former minister of state for the Middle East, United Kingdom
Gro Harlem Brundtland Former prime minister, Norway
John Bruton Former prime minister, Ireland
Micheline Calmy-Rey Former foreign minister and president, Switzerland
Ingvar Carlsson Former prime minister, Sweden
Włodzimierz Cimoszewicz Former foreign minister and prime minister, Poland
Daniel Cohn-Bendit Former co-president of the Greens-European Free Alliance group in the European Parliament, Germany
Joe Costello Former minister of state for trade and development and chair of the European affairs committee, Ireland
Willy Claes Former foreign minister and Nato secretary general, Belgium
Massimo d’Alema Former foreign minister and prime minister, Italy
Teresa Patrício de Gouveia Former foreign minister, Portugal
Dominique de Villepin Former foreign minister and prime minister, France
Ruth Dreifuss Former foreign minister and president, Switzerland
Alan Duncan Former minister of state for Europe and the Americas, and minister of state for international development, United Kingdom
Espen Barth Eide Former foreign minister, Norway
Jan Eliasson Former foreign minister and UN general assembly president, Sweden
Uffe Ellemann-Jensen Former foreign minister and president of the European Liberals, Denmark
Benita Ferrero-Waldner Former foreign minister and European commissioner for external relations, Austria
Sigmar Gabriel Former foreign minister and vice-chancellor, Germany
Peter Hain Former minister of state for the Middle East, United Kingdom
Lena Hjelm-Wallén Former foreign minister and deputy prime minister, Sweden
Trinidad Jiménez Former foreign minister, Spain
Tom Kitt Former minister of state for overseas development and human rights, Ireland
Bert Koenders Former foreign minister, the Netherlands
Martin Liedegaard Former foreign minister, Denmark
Mogens Lykketoft Former foreign minister and UN general assembly president, Denmark
Sven Mikser Former foreign minister, Estonia
Per Stig Møller Former foreign minister, Denmark
Holger K Nielsen Former foreign minister, Denmark
Andrzej Olechowski Former foreign minister, Poland
Marc Otte Former EU special representative to the Middle East peace process, Belgium
Chris Patten Former vice-president of the European commission, United Kingdom
Hans-Gert Pöttering Former president of the European parliament, Germany
Jacques Poos Former foreign minister, Luxembourg
Vesna Pusić Former foreign minister and deputy prime minister, Croatia
Mary Robinson Former president and United Nations high commissioner for human rights, Ireland
Jacques Santer Former prime minister and president of the European commission, Luxembourg
Karel Schwarzenberg Former foreign minister and deputy prime minister, Czech Republic
Robert Serry Former UN special coordinator for the Middle East peace process, the Netherlands
Javier Solana Former foreign minister, Nato secretary general and EU high representative for common foreign and security policy, Spain
Michael Spindelegger Former foreign minister and vice-chancellor, Austria
Jack Straw Former foreign secretary, United Kingdom
Gareth Thomas Former minister of state for international development, United Kingdom
Erkki Tuomioja Former foreign minister, Finland
Ivo Vajgl Former foreign minister, Slovenia
Jozias van Aartsen Former foreign minister, the Netherlands
Frank Vandenbroucke Former foreign minister, Belgium
Hubert Védrine Former foreign minister, France
Sayeeda Warsi Former cabinet minister and Foreign Office minister for the United Nations, human rights and the ICC, United Kingdom
D’anciens responsables européens blâment le plan Trump
Le résultat de la proposition américaine « présente des caractéristiques similaires à celles de l’apartheid - un terme que nous n’utilisons pas à la légère », affirment-ils
Par Times of Israel Staff 27 février 2020, 15:59
Le « Deal du siècle » : Tango entre le document et la réalité | مجد كيّال | السفير العربي
2020-02-16 | Majd Kayyal
Il est vrai que « l’Accord du siècle » n’ajoute rien à la réalité établie aujourd’hui par l’occupation sioniste en Palestine, 27 ans après la signature des Accords d’Oslo.Ce nouvel accord donne une légitimité internationale et un ancrage juridique à des faits qu’Israël avait imposés par l’agression et les abus. Il cherche à transformer les mutations accumulées sur le terrain, en un nouveau tournant temporel irréversible. Il tente, en fait, d’imposer une nouvelle plateforme à toute la question palestinienne – ce que Trump appelle la « base pour des négociations directes »- afin de remplacer celle, fragile et désormais inopérante, de la solution à deux États.
La série de crimes de l’occupation n’était donc pas l’aboutissement d’une nouvelle réalité ayant permis un tel accord, ni une accumulation sur du vide. Bien au contraire, c’est elle qui a produit cette réalité de manière méthodique sur les bases objectives que l’Organisation de Libération de la Palestine avait convenues avec Israël et acceptées sous l’égide de l’Accord d’Oslo et de ses annexes. C’est-à-dire que les concepts géographiques (tels que la division de la Cisjordanie en zones) et les principaux mécanismes administratifs (tels que le système de coordination sécuritaire), qui ont préparé l’avènement de l’ « Accord du siècle » et constituent le fondement de son existence, sont des concepts et des mécanismes qui avaient été tous déjà adoptés en tant que principes fondamentaux pour le lancement d’ « Oslo ».
Il ne s’agit pas là de provoquer une polémique ni de dénoncer l’hypocrisie de ceux qui prétendent s’opposer aujourd’hui à cet "Accord", alors qu’ils avaient participé effectivement à sa mise en œuvre. Il s’agit plutôt d’une remarque dont le but est de faire la lumière sur une logique d’action politique et diplomatique à laquelle se cramponne le sionisme, alors que l’Autorité palestinienne est à mille lieux de la comprendre. (...)