• ‘I am like a prisoner again’ – Glasgow’s destitute Eritreans

    Some nights Ariam gets lucky. A friend lets him sleep on a couch or curled up in the corner of a bedroom floor.

    But most evenings he just walks. With a bag slung over his slight, mid-30s frame, the Eritrean traverses Glasgow’s crepuscular streets, shoulders pulled tight against the elements.

    Ariam, not his real name, walks because he has no place to go.

    “I do not sleep on the street. It is too cold. I just walk around all night,” he says when we meet in a Glasgow cafe. It is around midday and Ariam looks tired. Stubble cloaks his thin face. He speaks clear English in a low monotone, as if his batteries are drained.

    “I’ve stayed in every part of Glasgow. Here, there, everywhere. That’s the way I live,” he tells me.

    The Ferret met the Eritrean refugees in this report in Glasgow in 2016. Two years on, most are still living the same precarious existence today, outside the immigration system with no access to work or housing, and with no prospect of returning to a homeland where they would face prison – or worse – for desertion.

    Ariam did not always live like this. Like so many Eritreans he spent years in compulsory military service with no prospect of an end. Eritrean president Isaias Afwerki’s one-party state is one of the world’s most oppressive regimes, according to Human Rights Watch.

    I’ve stayed in every part of Glasgow. Here, there, everywhere. That’s the way I live.

    One day, while guarding Eritrea’s western border, Ariam managed to escape into Sudan. From there, often on foot, he reached Libya. A precarious £1,000 ride on an inflatable dingy with 27 others took him across the Mediterranean Sea to Italy.

    Eventually he arrived in Dover. That was 2006.

    Once in the UK, Ariam was granted discretionary leave to remain, on humanitarian grounds. He moved to Glasgow shortly afterwards, and got a job at a warehouse and a flat in the East End.

    Life thousands of miles away from home was not easy but it was better than living in constant fear in Eritrea.

    In October 2015, Ariam reapplied to the Home Office for leave to remain. He had no reason to be worried. The system was cumbersome but he had been through it numerous times. However, this time his application was turned down. He was not entitled to work – or to draw any benefits.

    “I paid my taxes. Now they were telling me I couldn’t work, and they wouldn’t support me,” he says. “I risked my life to come to this country and now they abandoned me.”

    As he talks he takes a clear plastic envelope from his jacket pocket. Methodically he thumbs through the sheaf of documents inside; there are neatly ordered tax returns, Barclays bank statements, pages headed with the Home Office’s fussy shield of the Royal Arms crest. Among the paraphernalia of governance is a photocopied pamphlet: ‘Food Clothing Shelter Information Advice for Destitute Asylum Seekers’.

    After we have finished our coffees, Ariam and another Eritrean, Mike, take me to the East End, where they often sleep on the floor of an apartment complex that they lived in before their access to benefits was cut. The Barras slips past our taxi window. Then Celtic Park. “Paradise” declares a huge banner wrapped around the stadium. We keep driving. Five minutes later we arrive at a utilitarian block of flats clad in pebbledash. The building is perhaps only fifteen years old but already showing signs of age.

    “Here we are,” Ariam smiles. We are standing outside a janitor’s cupboard on the ground floor of the flats. Mike unfurls a mattress clandestinely stored inside. When the superintendent is away they sometimes sleep on the stairwell floor, in front of a plate glass window looking out onto a biscuit factory.

    Eritreans were the leading recipients of destitution grants from Scottish charity Refugee Survival Trust in 2015 and 2016. Destitute Eritreans in Scotland have received almost 300 survival grants over since 2014. Many of these were in and around Glasgow.

    Those The Ferret spoke to told a similar story. Having survived one of the most brutal regimes on the planet, many are barred from employment or benefits and forced to sleep in night shelters, on floors, or even in parks.

    “We are trapped here,” Ariam says as we walk back towards the city. “It is like we are prisoners of war here.”

    People have been fleeing Eritrea for Britain since the 1980s. For decades, the vast majority were granted asylum. But that changed in 2015 when the Home Office – then headed by Theresa May, who had pledged to radically reduce immigration – decided that Eritrea was no longer unsafe for refugees to return to.

    That year, Eritreans accounted for the largest group applying for asylum in the UK, with more than 3,700 applicants. But almost overnight the number of successful applications plummeted.

    In the first quarter of 2015 just under three-quarters of Eritrean applicants were approved. That figure fell to 34 per cent in the following three months.

    The Home Office was eventually forced to change its policy, and in 2016 – the last full year on record – the number of successful Eritrean asylum claims rose significantly.

    But there are still Eritreans in the UK who have found themselves living outside the system, with no formal status or right to accommodation or employment, trapped in what the British Government has called “a hostile environment” for immigrants.

    There is no evidence that Eritreans avoiding military service in Eritrea are thinking ‘I won’t go to the UK to avoid sleeping rough on the streets of Glasgow’.
    Simon Cox, immigration lawyer

    “The logic of the hostile environment policy is we hold these people hostage to deter others from coming. There is no evidence that this works,” says Simon Cox, a migration lawyer for the Open Society Justice Initiative.

    “There is no evidence that Eritreans avoiding military service in Eritrea are thinking ‘I won’t go to the UK to avoid sleeping rough on the streets of Glasgow’.”

    SNP MP Stuart McDonald says the Home Office has used a policy of “enforced destitution in order to try and make someone leave the UK” that is “barbaric and utterly inappropriate”.

    “It is a scandal these people are being forced to sleep in parks and bus shelters,” McDonald told the Ferret.

    The Home Office does not deport people back to Eritrea, such is the brutality of Isaias Afwerki’s one-party state.

    Afwerki led the Eritrean People’s Liberation Front in a 30-year-long secessionist war with Ethiopia that culminated in independence, in 1993. Since then the president has overseen an increasingly brutal surveillance state.

    Eritreans as young as 13 or 14 are forced into sawa – indefinite national service – from which many never leave.

    Extrajudicial killings, torture, rape, and forced labour take place “on a scope and scale seldom witnessed elsewhere”, according to a damning 2015 United Nations report. Afwerki oversees “ruthless repression” and “pervasive state control”.

    No one knows for sure how many people live in Eritrea. Some put the population at three million. Others six. This disparity attests to the scale of migration in recent decades.

    A 2015 UN report found that Eritreans who fled the country illegally are regarded as “traitors” and frequently imprisoned if they return. “[They] are systematically ill-treated to the point of torture,” the UN said.

    The Home Office used to recognise the barbarity of the Eritrean regime. In 2008, six Eritreans athletes at the World Cross Country Championship in Edinburgh lodged claims for political asylum. All were granted. One of the runners, Tsegai Tewelde, went on to compete for Britain in the 2016 Olympics.

    But the British Government’s position on Eritrea abruptly changed not long after a high level diplomatic meeting in the Eritrean capital, Asmara. In December 2014, senior Eritrean government officials received a UK delegation led by James Sharp, the Foreign Office’s director of migration, and Rob Jones, the Home Office’s head of asylum and family policy.

    Soon afterwards, Theresa May’s Home Office radically changed its guidance on Eritrea. The scale of human rights abuse in Eritrea was less severe than previously thought, Home Office officials said. Forced military service was no longer indefinite; those who left the country illegally faced no consequences as long as they signed a ‘letter of apology’ and paid a ‘diaspora tax’ on money earned abroad. This controversial new assessment was based on a ‘flawed’ Danish report.

    Britain’s official guidance on Eritean was only junked when judges ruled that returning Eritreans faced serious harm. Subsequent internal documents revealed that the UK government downplayed the risk of human rights abuses in Eritrea to reduce asylum seeker numbers – despite doubts from its own experts.

    McDonald said that the Home Office’s “treatment of Eritrean asylum seekers has been disgraceful – clinging on to clearly unreliable country evidence that returns to Eritrea could be made safely, even when the international consensus and overwhelming evidence was to the opposite effect.

    “There can be little doubt that a good number among the 300 Eritreans forced to rely on survival grants were refused while the old guidance was in place and the Home Office should be looking again at their cases.”

    Even though the Home Office’s country guidance has been amended , the bureaucratic hurdles can prove insurmountable for Eritreans on the streets. There are so many meetings to attend, forms to fill in correctly, documents to present.

    “Once you become homeless it becomes almost impossible. You can’t keep your paper. The idea of keeping an appointment goes out the window,” says Simon Cox.

    This labyrinthine process has been cited as one reason for the unprecedented increase in homeless refugees in Scotland in recent years. In 2014-15, the Refugee Survival Trust gave out 336 grants. Last year it was more than 1,000 for the first time.

    “The amount that we spend on grants has increased by 586 per cent in just three years and we are concerned about how long we will be able to meet this soaring demand to meet the most basic needs of the most vulnerable people in our society,” says Zoë Holliday, a co-ordinator with the Refugee Survival Trust.

    More than half of those receiving grants were either submitting a fresh asylum claim or further submissions to support an existing claim. At this stage of the asylum process most refugees have no access to government support.

    “There is a huge need for reform of the asylum system so that fewer individuals and families fall through the many gaps in the system and find themselves destitute. There is also a need for more support to be available for those who do find themselves in this situation, because it is simply unacceptable that so many people find themselves reliant on small emergency grants from a small charity like ours, which is in turn reliant on small donations from individuals and foundations,” says Holliday.

    Owen Fenn, manager of Govan Community Project, a community-based organisation that works with migrants in Glasgow, says the Home Office’s “agenda continues to punish the most vulnerable in our society”.

    “People then either have to sign up to return to a country where they will probably be killed, sleep on the streets and survive on foodbanks, or start working in a black economy where they are at risk of abuse and, if caught, criminalisation,” Fenn added.

    A Home Office spokesperson said: “Failed asylum seekers or those who have departed from the asylum process who can return to their country of origin should do so.

    “The Home Office has no obligation and does not provide support for failed asylum seekers, unless there is a genuine obstacle to their departure.”

    David has never seen his only son, Esrom. The child, who will be twelve at his next birthday, lives with David’s wife in the Eritrean capital Asmara. It is a city David, not his real name fears he will never see again.

    When Esrom was born, David was living in a refugee camp in Ethiopia. He had deserted his post as an Eritrean border guard. “I left with two friends,” David recalls. “We knew the place, where the minefields were.” The three men snuck away quietly, avoiding the snipers that guard the border, before crossing at a river.

    On the other side of the border the men were picked by a rebel group fighting the Ethiopian government. One of his companions was the son of a former government minister who was arrested in a vicious 2001 crackdown and never seen again.

    After four days, the deserters were handed over to Ethiopian authorities who placed them in a refugee camp. From there David joined the familiar route for Eritrean exiles; through Sudan, on to Libya and then across the Mediterranean.

    “I was not mentally fit to join the army,” David says. It’s a surprising thing to hear; he is tall, and well-built and speaks with a quiet confidence. But after 15 years in National Service, earning as little as £2 a month, he had to escape.

    Most of those who escape Eritrea are deserters. Many are not as lucky as David.

    Then they were caught and brought back. The whole night they were beaten. All you could hear was their screams.

    In 2016, a convoy of military trucks travelled through the capital, Asmara. A busload of National Service conscripts made a run for it. They were shot down in cold blood. Twenty-nine were killed or injured.

    David knows first hand the brutality of life in Eritrea. Scars line his face. “They beat me with sticks,” he tells me.

    Torture was frequent in the jail he was held in after an earlier, unsuccessful, escape attempt. “One night four people managed to run from the prison. They escaped for two weeks. Then they were caught and brought back. The whole night they were beaten. All you could hear was their screams.”

    Now in his 40s, David has lived in Glasgow for almost a decade. We meet across the street from the African Caribbean Centre on Osborne Street. The community venue closed in 2016 with unpaid debts totalling over £60,000.

    David and his Eritrean friends look wistfully across at the padlocked doors, chewing tobacco and sharing cigarettes. “We went there every day. Now we have nowhere to go,” he says.

    The rest of the group nod. “We used to spend all day there,” says another. Often they would meet other Africans in the centre who would give them a roof for the night. Now many spend their days in public libraries, seeking solace from the cold before the long night arrives and the night shelters open.

    David sleeps on a friend’s floor some nights; others he spends in a homeless shelter in Glasgow that he has to leave by 8am. His clothes are washed by an Eritrean friend whose asylum application is being processed.

    “We get nothing from the government. We live on the charity organisations for our daily meal,” he says.

    “You don’t say “next week I will do this”, you just live day-to-day. You are always depending on someone else.”

    David came to the UK because he had family here. “I thought it would be better.” Has it been, I ask? He shakes his head. “No.”

    The Eritrean diaspora is now spread right across the world. Glasgow has one of the largest communities in the UK, with an estimated 500 Eritreans dispersed across the city.

    “Eritreans keep a low profile in case the Eritrean government comes after them,” says Teklom Gebreindrias, a graduate of Glasgow Caledonian University who was granted asylum in the UK after escaping Eritrea in 2007.

    The Home Office has said that many Eritrean asylum applicants are bogus, made by other African nationals posing as Eritrean. But in a response to a Freedom of Information submitted by The Ferret, the Home Office said that data on so-called ‘nationality disputes’ is not collated and cannot be accessed without a manual investigation of all asylum cases.

    Another Eritrean, who we will call Moses, has given up appealing. He shows me an ID card. It looks very official, with the Westminster portcullis embossed beside his grainy photograph. Typed on the back in bold font is “FORBIDDEN FROM TAKING EMPLOYMENT”.

    Moses is thirty, tall and thin with piercing eyes. He absconded from the Eritrean army and arrived in the UK almost a decade ago. “I came here as a young man, now look at me.” His foot taps an impatient beat on the floor. He juggles a baseball cap between his broad hands. He grew up dreaming of becoming a mechanic. Now he spends his days killing time.

    “We are in a productive age but because we cannot work we are idle in this country. It affects your mental wellbeing.” His voice is rasping, and angry. “I used to be a normal person, but now I have depression. It is not easy to live for ten years without any support.”

    Moses has slept rough in Queen’s Park on Glasgow’s Southside. “People just stare at you but they do nothing.”

    For Moses the dream of a new life in the UK – a dream he risked sniper fire for, almost drowned in the Mediterranean Sea for, spent countless nights locked up in Home Office detention centres for – is dead.

    “I don’t want to stay in this country. It has ruined my life. There is nothing worse. We were living a miserable life in Eritrea. Now we are living a miserable life here.”


    #réfugiés #réfugiés_érythréens #Erythrée #Ecosse #UK #asile #migrations #déboutés

  • L’Hymne Des Femmes

    Nous qui sommes sans passé, les femmes
    Nous qui n’avons pas d’histoire
    Depuis la nuit des temps, les femmes
    Effacées de nos mémoires

    refrain 1 : Levons-nous femmes esclaves
    Et brisons nos entraves
    Debout, debout !

    Asservies, humiliées, les femmes
    Achetées, vendues, violées
    Dans toutes les maisons, les femmes
    Hors du monde reléguées.

    refrain 1

    Seules dans notre malheur, les femmes
    L’une de l’autre ignorée
    Ils nous ont divisées, les femmes
    Et de nos sœurs séparées.

    refrain 1

    Le temps de la colère, les femmes
    Notre temps, est arrivé
    Connaissons notre force, les femmes
    Découvrons-nous des milliers !

    refrain 2 : Levons-nous femmes en rage
    et brisons toutes les cages
    Debout (debout) Debout

    Reconnaissons-nous, les femmes
    Parlons-nous, regardons-nous,
    Ensemble, on nous opprime, les femmes
    Ensemble, Révoltons-nous !

    refrain 2

    Ensemble en mouvement, les femmes
    Nous vaincrons la répression
    Chaque jour nous retrouve en armes
    Vivent nos révolutions !

    refrain 3 : Nous ne – sommes plus esclaves
    Jou-i-ssons sans entraves
    Debout, debout ! (bis)

    DEBOUT !!


    #femmes #musique #chanson #debout #colère #féminisme #résistance #révolution #répression
    ping @sinehebdo

  • Dépolitisés·ées / Repolitiser

    Dans le cadre de notre focus « Résistances » cette gueulante aura pour thème l’engagement politique au sein des communautés LGBTQI+. Est-ce complètement ringard, inutile ou différent ? Peut-on, doit-on encore lutter de la même manière qu’il y 20 ans, qu’il y a 50 ans ? Quelle énergie et quelle place pour ces combats dans nos vies ? Qu’en est-il de nos alliés passés, présents et futurs et de la convergence des luttes ?

    mercredi 13 novembre 2019 à 19h


  • Face aux nouveaux OGM : « Préservons la nature contre ceux qui prétendent la maîtriser »

    Des organismes génétiquement modifiés « cachés » continuent d’être cultivés en France sans étiquetage, malgré une décision de la Cour de justice de l’Union européenne. Les partisans des #OGM_prétendent que, avec ces manipulations génétiques, l’être humain ne fait rien d’autre que ce que fait déjà la nature. Le chercheur et lanceur d’alerte Christian Vélot démonte leurs arguments. Les nouveaux OGM (produits des nouvelles techniques de manipulation #Génétique) sont, depuis une décision de la Cour de Justice de l’Union (...) #Débattre

    / OGM , #Agriculture, Génétique, #Sciences, #Lanceurs_d'alerte, A la une, Quelle agriculture pour demain (...)

    #Quelle_agriculture_pour_demain_ ?

  • Queers n Geeks

    Depuis les prémices de la littérature fantastique jusqu’à l’avènement des comics, de l’âge d’or des jeux vidéo jusqu’à la naissance d’une scène « indé », les cultures geek ont grandi avec les cultures queer. En écho au film "TransGeek" qui retrace les parcours geek de personnes trans, nous vous invitons à venir « gueuler » et à partager vos expériences ou vos espoirs pour une scène geek plus queer ou une discussion scène queer plus geek.

    samedi 9 novembre 2019 à 17h


  • Chili : la communauté universitaire crée un réseau d’urgence pour signaler les violations des droits humains

    Des universitaires francophones et chiliens lancent un appel à soutenir les enseignants, étudiants et personnels des universités qui se mobilisent au Chili, face au déploiement de l’armée dans les rues. Un appel déjà signé par plus de 400 personnes. Depuis le 18 octobre 2019, le Chili connait un soulèvement populaire dans tout le pays. C’est une mesure d’augmentation du prix des tickets de métro qui a catalysé une immense colère. Celle-ci s’est ensuite dirigée contre un modèle économique. Mondialement (...) #Débattre

    / Indignés de tous les pays..., #Amériques, #Inégalités, #Fractures_sociales


  • Des gilets jaunes appellent à créer des « assemblées communales populaires » en vue des municipales de 2020

    Des citoyens de Commercy organisent, les 23 et 24 novembre, les « Rencontres nationales des communes libres et des listes citoyennes ». Objectif : préparer les élections municipales de 2020 et – pourquoi pas – multiplier des listes citoyennes. Voici leur appel. Depuis près d’un an la France est en ébullition. Les gilets jaunes manifestent encore et encore pour la transformation du système, la justice sociale et la démocratie directe, qu’il vente, pleuve, neige, ou que la canicule menace. Des dizaines (...) #Débattre

    / Démocratie !, #Luttes_sociales, #Politique

    #Démocratie_ !

  • Debian 10 (Buster qui est sorti cet été) est compatible avec le Secure Boot (!!! c’est pas trop tôt !!!).
    Mais contrairement à Ubuntu, il faut faire une manip soit même.

    Il est vrai que l’ensemble de la procédure peut s’avérer longue et rébarbative. Mais, je ne doute pas que la communauté Linux mette rapidement en œuvre une solution intégrée et adaptée à ce nouveau mode de démarrage.

    Ouais alors vu que la phase 1 a pris 9 ans (entre l’introduction de l’UEFI sur le marché et la première version qui a su l’utiliser), je n’irais pas parier sur le rapidement .

    #uefi #secureboot #debian #linux

  • Catalogne : « Une situation alarmante pour les droits humains, la répression et la violence policière »

    Depuis la condamnation de neuf dirigeants séparatistes catalans le 14 octobre, les mobilisations n’ont pas faibli à Barcelone. Nous publions ici une tribune de l’Observatoire de la dette dans la la globalisation (ODG), basée à Barcelone. Le 14 octobre, neuf dirigeants séparatistes catalans ont été condamnés à des peines de neuf à treize ans d’emprisonnement pour sédition. Depuis, les mobilisations pacifiques n’ont pas faibli à Barcelone. Mais vendredi, la journée s’est terminée par des affrontements avec (...) #Débattre

    / Démocratie !, #Europe, #Droits_fondamentaux, A la une

    #Démocratie_ !

  • Chili : « Le sang coule, où est la communauté internationale ? »

    Plus de 18 morts, 2000 arrestations, des abus sexuels commis lors des détentions arbitraires. Face à un mouvement social inédit contre un système néolibéral, le gouvernement a donné l’ordre aux forces armées d’assurer un couvre-feu. Une situation intolérable dénoncée par le politologue Pierre Lebret. La question que nous pouvons nous poser aujourd’hui c’est où se trouve la communauté internationale ? Devons-nous continuer à observer les images des chars de l’armée chilienne défiler à Santiago et contre son (...) #Débattre

    / #Amériques, Démocratie !, #Atteintes_aux_libertés, A la une

    #Démocratie_ !

  • Haïti : « Seule la justice sociale permettra un retour à la paix et à la stabilité »

    Le Collectif Haïti de France s’inquiète fortement de la crise sociale, #Politique et humanitaire sans précédent qui touche Haïti. « La corruption et l’impunité ne peuvent plus être tolérées », souligne le collectif. Tribune. Le Collectif Haïti de France, association de défense des droits humains regroupant 80 associations de solidarité avec des partenaires haïtiens, s’inquiète fortement de la crise sociale, politique et humanitaire sans précédent qui touche Haïti. La colère du peuple dure depuis plus d’un an (...) #Débattre

    / Politique, #Luttes_sociales, #Amériques, #Droits_fondamentaux

  • Facebook Says It’s Here to Help—But It Can’t Explain How – Mother Jones

    Free speech and more social cohesion, handled in a sustainable, responsible way, are unequivocally good, but Zuckerberg and Facebook no longer have the public confidence to warrant uncritical trust that they’ll handle these issues sustainably and responsibly. Over the last several years, United Nations investigators have said that Facebook helped exacerbate genocide in Myanmar, played a role in radicalizing people to dangerous ideologies, gave Russian trolls a tool to influence the 2016 presidential election and, more generally, created a forum for the rapid dissemination of misinformation.

    None of that even very limited selection of the company’s missteps came up in the speech, though Zuckerberg did briefly deviate from talking vaguely about theory to sprinkle in examples of the historic value of free speech—citing points of history that Facebook never existed in and wouldn’t be relevant to.

    #enfumage #GAFA #démocratie #débat_public

  • En #Bolivie, la colère des indigènes contre la #politique_environnementale d’#Evo_Morales

    Depuis un mois, elle #marche. A l’entrée de Santa Cruz, point d’arrivée de la #marche_indigène contre le président Evo Morales, candidat dimanche à un quatrième mandat, des larmes de colère coulent sur le visage de cette puissante cacique.

    « Je suis inquiète car ce n’est pas possible qu’on laisse sans terre les futures générations. Ce n’est pas juste ! (Evo Morales) dit être un président indigène, mais c’est un dictateur ! », lâche Beatriz Tapanache, 64 ans, grande cacique de la région de la Chiquitania, où elle a à sa charge quelque 80.000 indiens.

    Robe à fleurs brodées et sandales, elle est partie le 16 septembre avec d’autre leaders autochtones de San Ignacio de Velasco (est). En tout, la Xe marche indigène a parcouru plus de 400 kilomètres. Au bord d’une route à deux voies menant à la capitale économique du pays, elle reprend des forces à l’ombre avant d’entamer le dernier tronçon au côté de quelque 300 personnes.

    Les gigantesques #incendies qui ont ravagé en août et septembre une zone presque de la taille de la Suisse ont provoqué l’indignation des peuples indigènes qui accusent Evo Morales d’avoir sacrifié la #Pachamama, la Terre mère en langue quechua, pour étendre les #terres cultivables.

    Les incendies, qui ont détruit 4,1 millions d’hectares de forêts et de zones herbeuses dans toute la Bolivie, ont également dévasté la #forêt primaire s’étendant sur une centaine d’hectares dans la réserve de #Tucavaca, également dans le département de #Santa_Cruz.

    Les défenseurs de l’environnement reprochent au gouvernement d’avoir approuvé récemment une loi autorisant une augmentation de 5 à 20 hectares de la #déforestation par #brûlis pour des #activités_agricoles. Le pouvoir, lui, avait rejeté la #responsabilité des incendies sur la #sécheresse qui frappe le pays, les #vents violents et des #déboisements illégaux.

    « C’est devenu totalement incontrôlable pour le gouvernement quand des personnes qui ne connaissaient pas la forêt de la Chiquitania ont brûlé des terres. La nation chuiquitana est la plus affectée car elle vit de la forêt. Elle vit de la cueillette des fruits, de la chasse, de la pêche et de ce qu’elle sème », explique Adolfo Chavez, dirigeant indigène de la région amazonienne.

    – « Ni aymara, ni quechua » -

    Adolfo, qui marche en tête de cortège, avait participé aux précédentes marches indigènes. La dernière #mobilisation, la neuvième, avait eu lieu en 2012 contre le projet étatique de route à travers le #Tipnis, un parc naturel d’un million d’hectares, territoire ancestral de 50.000 indiens.

    Cette fois, beaucoup n’ont pas pu faire le déplacement, tant la situation sur place est difficile.

    « Qui va entretenir nos frères durant les six prochains mois ? On ne peut plus rien faire (là-bas). Les maisons ont brûlé, il n’y a plus de palmes, plus de plantes ou de bois pour construire les habitations », se désole-t-il.

    Mais au-delà du nombre, une centaine au départ, puis une poignée au c ?ur de la marche, avant que le groupe de marcheurs ne grossisse à nouveau à l’approche de Santa Cruz, c’est le symbole que cela représente pour celui que l’on désigne comme le « président indigène ».

    Durant cette marche, des indigènes de l’altiplano, les hautes terres, d’où est originaire Evo Morales, sont venus soutenir leurs frères des plaines, les basses terres.

    Juan Jaita Aro, 53 ans, est de ceux-là. Chapeau de paille et poncho traditionnel rouge à rayures, il porte, comme beaucoup d’autres manifestants, une pousse d’arbre dans la main. C’est le #Lapacho ou arbre sacré des incas aux fleurs rosées, appelé #Tajibo en Bolivie et très présent dans la Chiquitania.

    Outre la forêt, « les animaux ont été calcinés et l’#environnement contaminé. C’est pour ça que nous sommes venus soutenir nos frères indigènes des basses terres », explique Juan, originaire du département de Potosi (sud-ouest).

    « Nous n’avons jamais été derrière Evo Morales car nous aussi, dans les hautes terres, on a porté atteinte à nos droits, nous avons été soumis (...) Nous ne le considérons pas comme un indigène, mais comme un #colon_de_coca (de la région) du #Chaparé, car il ne parle pas aymara, ni quechua », lance-t-il.

    #Morales #peuples_autochtones #résistance #coca

    ping @odilon

    • Les « gentils indigènes » comme on les aime bien en Europe (ou dans les quartiers huppés de La Paz ou Santa Cruz)... pas anticapitalistes, font garde-champêtre (à condition d’obtenir des crédits carbone), si possible ont des plumes sur la tête.

  • Italy presents plan to accelerate expulsion of migrants

    Italy presented a scheme on Friday to accelerate the expulsion of migrants who have no right to stay in the country, cutting the time it takes to decide on whether an asylum seeker must return home.

    Immigration flows helped fuel the rise of Italy’s far-right League party, whose leader Matteo Salvini imposed a crackdown on arrivals while he was interior minister until August.

    Salvini closed Italy’s ports to migrant rescue ships, threatening the charities operating them with fines of up to 1 million euros ($1.10 million) if they tried to dock.

    After the League unexpectedly quit the government in a failed bid to trigger an early election, its former ally the 5-Star Movement formed a coalition with the center-left Democratic Party, ushering in a less aggressive approach to immigration.

    The new government has already agreed with four other EU states a scheme to distribute people saved in the Mediterranean, and it hopes its plan to send back those already in Italy will defuse accusations by Salvini that it is soft on immigration.

    “I do not believe that redistributing migrants to other European countries is the final solution”, 5-Star leader and Foreign Minister Luigi Di Maio told a news conference.

    Under the new decree, the time to examine asylum requests of migrants who come from a list of 13 “safe” European and African countries, including Tunisia and Albania, will be reduced from two years to four months.

    If the request is rejected, the expulsion procedure will be immediately triggered.

    “More than one third of those who arrived in Italy in 2019 comes from these countries,” Di Maio said.

    Fewer than 8,000 migrants came to Italy by sea in 2019, down 62% from 2018 and down 92% compared to 2017, official data show. However, expulsions fell far short of Salvini’s electoral promises.

    The League leader said he would repatriate 100,000 migrants in his first year in power, followed by another 400,000 during the rest of his five-year term in office, but Interior Minister Luciana Lamorgese told parliament this month that only 5,244 people had been repatriated this year up to Sept 22.

    Prime Minister Giuseppe Conte welcomed the new plan as “a great step forward” and said he was confident it would produce more rapid repatriations.

    “Italy has always been inefficient in this,” Conte said.

    #Italie #expulsions #migrations #réfugiés #machine_à_expulser #sans-papiers #déboutés #renvois

    • Analyse de Matteo Villa sur twitter

      Oggi l’Italia ha varato una lista di 13 paesi considerati sicuri.

      Non significa che sarà più semplice rimpatriare, ma che aumenteranno ulteriormente gli stranieri irregolari presenti in Italia.

      Seguitemi, ve lo spiego.

      Cos’è successo.

      Con un decreto interministeriale è stata varata una lista di 13 paesi (NON “porti”, come è stato detto) considerati sicuri.

      L’azione è consentita dal #DecretoSicurezza (oggi legge), varato dal precedente Governo a ottobre dell’anno scorso.

      Quali sono i 13 paesi che sono stati designati come “sicuri”?

      Tutti quelli dei Balcani occidentali, l’Ucraina, e alcuni paesi dell’Africa settentrionale e subsahariana.

      Li trovate in arancione su questa mappa (il giallo ve lo spiego tra poco).

      Tra i paesi dell’Unione europea, altri 12 hanno una loro lista di “paesi sicuri”.
      Li trovate in blu scuro in questa carta.

      Oggi, il tredicesimo diventa l’Italia.

      Insomma, siamo in buona compagnia.

      Tornando alla carta del mondo, in arancione ho indicato i 13 paesi extra-europei designati come sicuri dall’Italia.

      In giallo, invece, trovate tutti i paesi designati come sicuri da almeno un altro paese UE, ma non da noi.

      Poteva andare molto peggio (Turchia, Nigeria, Etiopia).

      Cosa succede se designi un paese come sicuro?

      Chi chiede asilo in Italia possedendo la nazionalità di uno dei «paesi sicuri» avrà davanti a sé molti più ostacoli.

      Di fatto, aumenterà ulteriormente il tasso di diniego delle protezioni.

      La conseguenza? Aumentano gli irregolari.

      L’aumento degli irregolari sarà probabilmente piccolo rispetto all’effetto dell’abolizione della protezione umanitaria nel 2018.

      Ma andrà a complicare una situazione già molto precaria, anziché regolarizzare parte di chi oggi è qui e qui resterà.


      Sì, ma i rimpatri?

      Sul fronte dei rimpatri, designare un paese come sicuro non cambia nulla.

      Se un paese terzo già collaborava con noi (per es.,
      Tunisia), continuerà a farlo.

      Se un paese terzo non collaborava (per es.,
      Ghana), continuerà a non farlo.

      Del resto, se c’entrassero in qualche modo i rimpatri sorgerebbe spontanea una domanda: perché includere nella lista dei «sicuri» paesi che, in media, hanno già un tasso di rimpatrio superiore rispetto a quelli esclusi dalla lista?

      La realtà è una: convincere i paesi dell’Africa subsahariana a collaborare sui rimpatri è difficile.

      L’Italia ha tassi in linea con quelli di altri grandi paesi, come Francia e Germania, che hanno «leve» (legami post-coloniali, commercio, aiuti) ben maggiori delle nostre.


      La lista di «paesi sicuri»:

      è consentita da un decreto adottato dal precedente governo;
      aumenterà il numero degli stranieri irregolari presenti in Italia;
      non avrà alcun effetto sui rimpatri.

      #cartographie #visualisation #pays_sûrs #clandestinisation #illégalisation #statistiques #chiffres #Matteo_Villa

  • ’Inhumane’ Frontex forced returns going unreported

    On a late evening August flight last year from Munich to Afghanistan, an Afghan man seated in the back of the plane struggled to breath as a German escort officer repeatedly squeezed his testicles.

    The man, along with another Afghan who had tried to kill himself, was being forcibly removed from Germany and sent back to a country engulfed in war.

    The EU’s border agency Frontex coordinated and helped pay for the forced return operation, as part of a broader bid to remove from Europe unwanted migrants and others whose applications for international protection had been rejected.

    By then, almost 20 years of war and civil conflict had already ravaged Afghanistan - with 2018 registering its worst-ever civilian death rate since counting had started.

    Also seated on the plane for the 14 August flight were independent observers of the anti-torture committee (CPT) of the human rights watchdog, the Strasbourg-based Council of Europe.

    In a report, they describe in detail how six escort officers had surrounded the terrified man in an effort to calm him.

    The ’calming’ techniques involved an officer pulling the man’s neck from behind while yanking his nose upwards.

    His hands and legs had been cuffed and a helmet placed on him. Another knelt on the man’s knees and upper legs, using his full weight to keep him seated.

    After 15 minutes, the kneeling officer “then gripped the returnee’s genitals with his left hand and repeatedly squeezed them for prolonged periods.”

    Another 503 have been sent to Afghanistan in flights coordinated by Frontex since the start of this year.

    Vicki Aken, the International Rescue Committee’s Afghanistan country director, says those returned are invariably put in harm’s way.

    “You cannot say that Kabul is ’conflict-free’. Kabul is actually one of the most dangerous places in Afghanistan,” she said, noting Afghanistan has the highest number of child casualties in the world.

    The day after the Munich flight landed on 14 August 2018, a blast ripped through a high school in the capital city, Kabul, killing 48 people, including over 30 students.

    The flight journey from Munich highlights a stunning omission from Frontex responsibilities - adding to concerns the EU agency is failing to maintain standards when it comes to coordinating forced-returns in a humane manner.

    For one, all return operations must be monitored in accordance with EU law, and a forced-return monitor is required to deliver a report to Frontex and to all the member states involved.

    Such reports, handed over to Frontex’s executive director, are supposed to act as an internal check and balance to stem alleged abuse by escort guards in a system that has been in place since the start of 2017.

    These monitors come from a “pool of forced-return monitors”, as required under the 2016 European Border and Coast Guard Regulation and the 2008 Return Directive, and are broadly sourced from the member states themselves.

    The CPT in their report noted that the flight on 14 August 2018 had also been monitored by Frontex staff itself, and concluded that its “current arrangements cannot be considered as an independent external monitoring mechanism”.

    When the agency compiled its own internal report spanning the latter half of 2018, which included the 14 August flight, no mention was made of the Afghan man who had been manhandled by six officers.

    Asked to explain, the Warsaw-based agency whose annual budget for 2020 is set to increase to €420.6m, has yet to respond to Euobserver.

    Instead, the report, which had been written up by Frontex’s fundamental rights officer, highlighted other issues.

    It demanded escorts not place restraints on children. It said minors who are alone cannot be sent back on a forced-return flight, which is exactly what had happened on two other operations.

    No one on the 14 August flight had issued a “serious incident report” label, used by Frontex whenever a particularly bad incident has been deemed to have transpired.

    During 2018 Frontex coordinated and helped fund 345 such return operations, by charter flights during which only one “serious incident report” was filed - posing questions on the reliability and independence of the monitors and return escorts, as well as the sincerity of internal Frontex efforts to stem any abuse.

    The accountability gap was highlighted by the outgoing head of the Council of Europe, Thorbjorn Jagland, who in his farewell speech earlier this month, deliberately singled out Frontex.

    “Frontex is bound by EU laws that prohibit torture and any form of inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment,” he said, in reference to reports of alleged human rights violations that occurred during Frontex support operations observed since mid-2018.
    Monitoring the monitors

    For Markus Jaeger, a Council of Europe official who advises the Frontex management board, the agency’s monitoring system for forced return is meaningless.

    “The internal system of Frontex produces close to nil reports on serious incidents, in other words, the internal system of Frontex, says there is never a human rights incident,” he told EUobserver, earlier this month.

    He said Frontex’s pool of 71 monitors is overstretched and that in some cases, only one is available for a flight that might have 150 people being returned.

    “One monitor doesn’t suffice,” he said, noting Frontex has been able to delegate any blame onto member states, by positioning itself merely as a coordinator.

    But as Frontex expands - with the ability to lease planes, pilots and staff - its direct involvement with the returns also increases and so does its accountability, says Jaeger.

    “The [return] figures are supposedly going up, the capacity is supposedly going up, the procedures are being shortened, and deportations are going to happen by deployed guest officers and or by Frontex officers and so the independence of the monitors is crucial,” he pointed out.

    For its part, the European Commission says Frontex’s pool of monitors is set to expand.
    Nafplion Group

    Jaeger, along with other national authorities from a handful of member states, which already contribute to Frontex’s pool of monitors, are now putting together a new group to keep the forced-returns organised by Frontex better in check.

    Known as the Nafplion Group, and set up as a pilot project last October by the Greek ombudsman, it describes itself as a “remedy to the absence of an external, independent governance of the pool of forced-return monitors” in Frontex forced-return flights.

    The plan is to get it up and running before the end of the year, despite having no guarantee they will ever be selected by Frontex to help monitor a forced-return flight.

    “This is how de facto the Nafplion Group can be avoided,” said Jaeger, noting that they plan to go public should they not be picked.

    Asked to comment, the European Commission says it is not in discussions with any institutions on the establishment of a new, parallel monitoring system.

    #renvois #expulsions #Frontex #Allemagne #réfugiés #réfugiés_afghans #asile #migrations #violence #responsabilité #retours_forcés #renvois #expulsions #déboutés #Kaboul #directive_retour #Nafplion_Group #monitoring #monitorage

    • Germany: Visit 2018 (return flight)

      CPT/Inf (2019) 14 | Section: 12/18 | Date: 03/12/2018

      A. The removal operation: preparation, execution and handover / 5. Use of force and means of restraint

      50.The use of force and means of restraint in the context of pick-up and transport of irregular migrants by the different Länder police authorities is regulated in the respective Länder police legislation.[1] In the context of the transfer to the airport, most of the returnees were not subjected to any means of restraint. However, a number of returnees were restrained (handcuffed, hand- and foot-cuffed, or even body-cuffed) during their transfer and upon arrival at Terminal F. The use of means of restraint was based on an individual risk assessment.

      51.During the different stages in the preparation of the removal operation by air from a German airport as well as on board a stationary aircraft on German territory, the use of force and means of restraint falls under the jurisdiction of the Federal Police. In-flight, the aircraft commander[2] is – with the assistance of the Federal Police[3] – entitled to apply the necessary preventive and coercive measures to ensure flight security. In particular, means of restraint can be applied if there is a risk that the returnee might attack law enforcement officers or a third party, or if he/she resists.[4]

      The internal instruction of the Federal Police contains detailed provisions on the use of force and means of restraint. In particular, coercive measures are only applied based both on an individual risk assessment and on the returnee’s conduct. Further, the principle of proportionality must be observed. During removal operations, the following means of restraint may be applied: steel, plastic or Velcro hand- and foot-cuffs as well as body-cuffs and head- (i.e. a helmet) and bite-protective devices; the last three means of restraint may only be applied by specially trained police officers and precise instructions have to be followed. Every application of use of force or means of restraint is documented. Further, according to another internal instruction and the operational instructions for this return operation, other weapons (i.e. firearms, tear gas, batons) are prohibited.

      This approach is in line with the means of restraint agreed upon with the European Border and Coast Guard Agency (Frontex), as specified in the implementation plan and its Annex I (operational overview). The implementation plan also underlines that the “use of force is always a last resort and must be the minimum level required to achieve the legitimate objective”.

      Moreover, the internal instruction explicitly mentions by way of clear guidelines the risks related to the use of force and/or means of restraint capable of causing positional asphyxia, including a detailed list of possible related symptoms, and prohibits the use of means likely to obstruct the airways as well as “techniques directed against the person’s neck or mouth”. Further, the forced administration of medication (i.e. sedatives or tranquilisers) as a means of chemical restraint to facilitate removal is strictly forbidden. Such an approach fully reflects the Committee’s position on this issue.

      52.According to information provided by letter of 18 October 2018, the German authorities, in the context of return operations, applied means of restraint 1,098 times for a total of 21,904 foreign nationals returned in 2017, and 673 times for a total of 14,465 persons returned in the period between January and August 2018.

      53.In the course of the return flight on 14 August 2018, coercive measures were applied by the Federal Police to two returnees who attempted to forcefully resist their return.

      One returnee, who had previously attempted to commit suicide and to resist his transfer by the Länder police authorities (see paragraph 28), became agitated during the full-body search in the airport terminal, when Federal Police officers attempted to remove his body-cuff in order to replace it with a more appropriate model (i.e. with Velcro straps rather than metal handcuffs). Further, the wounds on his left forearm had re-opened, requiring the medical doctor to dress them. The returnee was temporarily segregated from other returnees and embarked separately, during which resort to physical force was required to take him inside the aircraft.

      Once seated in the rear of the aircraft (surrounded by five escort officers seated on either side of him, in front and behind), he continued resisting, including by banging his head against the seat, and two of the escorts had to stand up to contain him manually during take-off. Apart from two further minor episodes of agitation, he calmed down as the flight progressed. However, at the moment of handover, he resisted being removed from the aircraft. Consequently, he was immobilised and carried out of the aircraft by a team of up to seven escort officers. Once on the tarmac, he was placed in a separate police vehicle, his body-cuff was removed, and he was handed over to three Afghan police officers, one of whom filmed his handover.

      54.The second returnee complied with the embarkation procedure until the moment when he was seated in the aircraft, at which point he became agitated, started shouting and hitting out in all directions, and attempted to stand up. The two escorts seated on either side of him attempted to keep him seated by holding his arms; they were supported by a back-up team of four escorts, three of whom took up positions behind his seat. One of these escort officers put his arm around the returnee’s neck from behind and used his other hand to pull the returnee’s nose upwards thus enabling his colleague to insert a bite protection into the returnee’s mouth.

      The reaction of the returnee was to increase his resistance, and a second escort officer from the back-up team intervened pulling the returnee’s head down onto an adjacent seat and placing his knee on the returnee’s head in order to exert pressure and gain compliance while the returnee’s hands were tied behind his back with a Velcro strap. Another escort officer applied pressure with his thumb to the returnee’s temple. A second Velcro strap was applied below the returnee’s knees to tie his legs. A helmet was placed on the returnee’s head, additional Velcro straps were applied to his arms and legs, and force was used in order to contain him manually. At this stage, three escorts were holding the returnee from behind his seat and an escort officer was seated either side of him. A sixth escort officer knelt on the returnee’s knees and upper legs, using his weight to keep the returnee seated. After some 15 minutes, this sixth escort officer gripped the returnee’s genitals with his left hand and repeatedly squeezed them for prolonged periods to gain the returnee’s compliance to calm down. When the aircraft took off some ten minutes later, two escorts were still standing upright behind the returnee’s seat to ensure that he remained seated. Shortly thereafter, the returnee calmed down when told that, if he remained compliant, most means of restraint would be removed. He remained cuffed, with his hands tied behind his back, for about one hour. As he remained calm, he was untied.

      55.In the course of this intervention, the delegation observed that, when the first escort officer from the back-up team put his arm around the returnee’s neck, the returnee started struggling to breath and became even more agitated, given that the pressure applied around his throat obstructed his respiratory tract momentarily. The CPT considers that any use of force must avoid inducing a sensation of asphyxia on the person concerned. As is reflected in the relevant internal instructions of the Federal Police, no control technique which impedes a person’s capacity to breath is authorised for use by escort officers.

      Moreover, the delegation observed that, each time the sixth escort officer applied pressure to squeeze the returnee’s genitals, he physically reacted by becoming more agitated. The CPT acknowledges that it will often be a difficult task to enforce a removal order in respect of a foreign national who is determined to stay on a State’s territory. Escorts may on occasion have to use force and apply means of restraint in order to effectively carry out the removal; however, the force used should be no more than is absolutely necessary. To ill-treat a person by squeezing the genitals, a technique which is clearly aimed at inflicting severe pain to gain compliance, is both excessive and inappropriate; this is all the more so given that the person was being restrained by six escorts.

      The CPT recommends that the German authorities take immediate action to end the application of these two techniques by Federal Police escort officers.

      56.The wearing of identification tags by staff involved in removal operations is also an important safeguard against possible abuse. The delegation noted that escort police officers from the Bavarian State Police and from the Federal Police did not wear any identification tag. The CPT recommends that all police escorts from the Federal Police as well as from all Länder police authorities wear a visible identification tag to make them easily identifiable (either by their name or an identification number).


  • Breve nota semantica.

    Le merci si «fanno sbarcare», le persone si «accolgono»;
    Le caramelle si «distribuiscono», le persone si «smistano»;
    Le palle si «prendono», le persone si «ospitano»;
    Nei «campi» ci stanno le patate, le persone vivono in «insediamenti», temporanei o permanenti;
    I relitti vengono «recuperati» in mare, le persone «salvate»;
    Si «rispedisce» un pacco al mittente, si «riportano a casa» le persone.

    La semantica cambia, senza che ce ne rendiamo conto, la percezione dei fatti.

    Quando si prendono dei verbi generalmente impiegati per cose inanimate e si usano per parlare di una categoria di esseri umani (oggi africani, ieri ebrei, domani chissà), consapevolmente o inconsapevolmente, si compie un’azione spregevole.

    «49 migranti sono stati RECUPERATI nel Canale di Sicilia. Verranno FATTI SBARCARE e TRASPORTATI a Lampedusa per una prima identificazione. Gli aventi diritto d’asilo verranno REDISTRIBUITI nei diversi paesi UE, gli altri RISPEDITI nei paesi di provenienza».

    Una frase del genere, apparentemente neutra perchè non dà giudizi ma sembra riportare fedelmente dei semplici fatti, è in realtà disumanizzante, perchè a livello di metalinguaggio, sta dicendo «queste non sono persone, sono pacchi postali».

    source : https://www.facebook.com/lorenzo.fontana.391/posts/10157593091789555

    #terminologie #migrations #asile #réfugiés #mots #vocabulaire #accueil #débarquement #marchandises #personnes #sauvetage #camps #paquets_de_la_poste #lmsi

  • #Frontex : A harder border, sooner

    European leaders have already agreed to a massive boost for the border protection agency, Frontex. The incoming head of the European Commission, #Ursula_von_der_Leyen, wants to bring forward the expansion.

    Europe needs more people guarding its borders and sooner rather than later. Soon after she was elected in July, the European Commission’s next president, Ursula von der Leyen, declared that the reform of Europe’s border and coast guard agency should be brought forward three years, to 2024. The former German defense minister repeated the call during a visit this week to Bulgaria which shares a border with Turkey and counts Frontex as an ally.

    Expansion plans

    The European Commission announced in September 2018, two years after Frontex came into being as a functioning border and coast guard agency, that the organization would be expanded. Then president, Jean-Claude Juncker, proposed that 8,400 more border guards be recruited, in addition to the existing 1,500. “External borders must be protected more effectively,” Juncker said.

    In May this year, the European Commissioner for Migration, Dimitiris Avramopoulos, confirmed that 10,000 armed guards would be deployed by 2027 to patrol the EU’s land and sea borders and significantly strengthen the existing force.

    The EU guards would intercept new arrivals, stop unauthorized travel and accelerate the return of people whose asylum claim had failed, according to the IPS news agency. The guards would also be able to operate outside Europe, with the consent of the third country governments.

    “The agency will better and more actively support member states in the area of return in order to improve the European Union’s response to persisting migratory challenges,” Avramopoulos said.

    What does Frontex do?

    Frontex was set up in 2004 to support the EU control its external land, air and sea borders. In 2016 it was overhauled and in 2018 received a budget of 320 million euros. The agency coordinates the deployment of border guards, boats and helicopters where they are needed to tackle “migratory pressure.”

    Frontex assesses how ready each EU member state is to face challenges at its external borders. It coordinates a pool of border guards, provided by member states, to be deployed quickly at the external borders.

    The agency’s other main functions are to help with forced returns of migrants and organize voluntary departures from Europe. It also collects and shares information related to migrant smuggling, trafficking and terrorism.

    Misguided approach

    While the Frontex approach of strengthening border controls has been welcomed by many of Europe’s leaders, some say this law-and-order solution does not work. Instead, civil society, human rights groups and other critics say hardening borders simply forces migrants to switch to new and often more dangerous routes.

    As Frontex itself said earlier this year, there is no longer a “burning crisis” of migration in Europe (https://www.infomigrants.net/en/post/18486/improved-chances-of-asylum-seekers-in-germany-entering-job-market?ref=), as the number of migrants and refugees reaching the continent has dropped dramatically. Yet the risks of dying in the attempt to reach Europe, especially in the Mediterranean, have risen for the past four consecutive years. Part of Frontex’ mandate is to save lives at sea, but critics (https://www.ecfr.eu/article/commentary_back_to_frontex_europes_misguided_migration_policy) say its raison d’etre is the protection of borders, not the protection of lives.

    Abuse claims

    In August, media reports claimed that Frontex border guards had tolerated violence against migrants and were themselves responsible for inhumane treatment of refugees and asylum seekers. Frontex denied that any of its officers had violated human rights (https://www.infomigrants.net/en/post/18676/frontex-denies-involvement-in-human-rights-violations). A spokesperson for the European Commission, Mina Andreeva, said the allegations would be followed up.

    #asile #migrations #réfugiés #frontières #UE #EU #fermeture_des_frontières #renvois #expulsions #machine_à_expulser #déboutés #externalisation #externalisation_des_frontières #frontières_extérieures #retours_volontaires

    ping @karine4 @isskein @reka

  • Plan, Mood, Battlefield - Reflections on the Green New Deal - Viewpoint Magazine

    After a few months of swirling discourse, we can begin to identify an emergent set of positions in the debate around the Green New Deal. The right-wing has resorted to classic red-baiting, decrying the nonbinding resolution as a “socialist monster,” a road to the serfdom of state planning, rationing, and compulsory veganism. The vanishing center is clinging tightly to its cozy attachment to a politics of triangulation: the Green New Deal is a childlike dream; serious adults know that the only option is to hew to the path of bipartisanship and incrementalism. The left, of course, knows that in the context of already-unfolding climate crisis, resurgent xenophobia, and the weakening hold on legitimacy of the neoliberal consensus, the real delusions are “market-driven” solutions and nostalgic paeans to American “norms and institutions.”

    But on the left, too, there are criticisms, and outright rejections, of the Green New Deal (see here, here, here, and here). There is the charge that the Green New Deal, like the old New Deal, amounts to the state, qua executive committee of the bourgeoisie, rescuing capitalism from the planetary crisis it has created. In this rendering, rather than empowering “frontline and vulnerable” communities, as the resolution claims, the policy framework will amount to a corporate welfare windfall of investment opportunities lubricated with tax breaks and subsidies; public-private partnerships; infrastructure outlays that will stimulate real estate development; and, a jobs guarantee that will stimulate consumption—a win-win for the state and capital, but, by leaving the underlying, growth-addicted, model of accumulation untouched, a loss for the planet and the communities most vulnerable to climate crisis and eco-apartheid. There’s another twist. As sometimes the same analyses point out, this win-win-lose-lose scenario is itself based on a false understanding of contemporary capitalism. In a world of secular stagnation—declining profit rates, speculative bubbles, financialization, rentier-like behavior, and accumulation-by-upward-redistribution—the vampire-like quality of capital has never been more apparent. The notion that capital might, with a little inducement, suddenly overcome these tendencies and invest in productive activities is its own nostalgic fantasy.

    #green_new_deal #debate

  • Between the Devil and the Green New Deal | Jasper Bernes

    To meet the demands of the Green New Deal, which proposes to convert the US economy to zero emissions, renewable power by 2030, there will be a lot more of these mines gouged into the crust of the earth. That’s because nearly every renewable energy source depends upon non-renewable and frequently hard-to-access minerals: solar panels use indium, turbines use neodymium, batteries use lithium, and all require kilotons of steel, tin, silver, and copper. The renewable-energy supply chain is a complicated hopscotch around the periodic table and around the world. To make a high-capacity solar panel, one might need copper (atomic number 29) from Chile, indium (49) from Australia, gallium (31) from China, and selenium (34) from Germany. Many of the most efficient, direct-drive wind turbines require a couple pounds of the rare-earth metal neodymium, and there’s 140 pounds of lithium in each Tesla.

    It’s not for nothing that coal miners were, for much of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, the very image of capitalist immiseration—it’s exhausting, dangerous, ugly work. Le Voreux, “the voracious one”—that’s what Émile Zola names the coal mine in Germinal, his novel of class struggle in a French company town. Capped with coal-burning smokestacks, the mine is both maze and minotaur all in one, “crouching like some evil beast at the bottom of its lair . . . puffing and panting in increasingly slow, deep bursts, as if it were struggling to digest its meal of human flesh.” Monsters are products of the earth in classical mythology, children of Gaia, born from the caves and hunted down by a cruel race of civilizing sky gods. But in capitalism, what’s monstrous is earth as animated by those civilizing energies. In exchange for these terrestrial treasures—used to power trains and ships and factories—a whole class of people is thrown into the pits. The warming earth teems with such monsters of our own making—monsters of drought and migration, famine and storm. Renewable energy is no refuge, really. The worst industrial accident in the history of the United States, the Hawk’s Nest Incident of 1930, was a renewable energy disaster. Drilling a three-mile-long inlet for a Union Carbide hydroelectric plant, five thousand workers were sickened when they hit a thick vein of silica, filling the tunnel with blinding white dust. Eight hundred eventually died of silicosis. Energy is never “clean,” as Muriel Rukeyser makes clear in the epic, documentary poem she wrote about Hawk’s Nest, “The Book of the Dead.” “Who runs through the electric wires?” she asks. “Who speaks down every road?” The infrastructure of the modern world is cast from molten grief.

    #green_new_deal #communisateur #debate

  • Au #Maroc, l’#arrestation d’une journaliste pour « avortement illégal » relance des débats

    L’arrestation d’une jeune journaliste pour « #avortement_illégal » et « #débauche » (sexe hors mariage) a alimenté cette semaine un débat virulent sur l’état des libertés au Maroc englobant tout à la fois : le #droit_des_femmes, la vie privée, les moeurs et la presse.

    Le sort de #Hajar_Raissouni, 28 ans, a suscité les protestations des défenseurs des droits humains, mais aussi des flots de réactions indignées dans les médias et sur les réseaux sociaux.

    Les plus critiques parlent de « réalité moyenâgeuse », de « lois liberticides », de « violence institutionnelle envers les femmes », d’"intrusion de l’Etat dans la vie privée" des citoyens, de « machination politique » ou de « harcèlement » des journalistes.

    Cette reporter du quotidien arabophone Akhbar Al-Yaoum a été arrêtée samedi dernier au sortir d’un cabinet médical de Rabat. La jeune femme qui assure avoir été traitée pour une hémorragie interne a été placée en détention dans l’attente de son procès prévu lundi.

    Son fiancé qu’elle devait épouser mi-septembre a été arrêté avec elle, tout comme le médecin traitant, un infirmier et une secrétaire médicale.

    Le code pénal marocain sanctionne de peines de prison les relations sexuelles hors-mariage et l’avortement quand la vie de la mère n’est pas menacée.

    Assurant que l’arrestation d’Hajar Raissouni « n’a rien à voir avec sa profession de journaliste », le parquet de Rabat a détaillé mercredi dans un communiqué les éléments médicaux confirmant des « signes de grossesse » et son « avortement ».

    La journaliste dénonce des « accusations fabriquées » et une « affaire politique » liée à de récents articles sur les détenus du mouvement social du « Hirak », selon ses proches.

    – Contradictions -

    Elle assure dans une lettre publiée par son journal avoir été interrogée en garde à vue sur ses oncles, un idéologue islamiste aux positions ultra-conservatrices et un éditorialiste d’Akhbar Al-Yaoum connu pour sa plume acerbe.

    Des journalistes connus pour leurs positions critiques ont déjà été condamnés pour des faits allant de « complicité d’adultère » à « non dénonciation d’une atteinte à la sécurité de l’Etat ».

    « En lieu et place de poursuites immédiates pour leurs écrits, les journalistes se voient attaqués bien plus tard à travers des articles du Code pénal », s’insurge un éditorial du site d’information Yabiladi.

    Des personnalités islamistes ont par ailleurs aussi été ciblées ces dernières années par des articles dénonçant les contradictions entre leurs discours et leurs actes sur la base de faits privés —comme le sexe hors-mariage.

    Poursuivi pour « atteinte à la sécurité de l’Etat » et pour de présumées irrégularités financières, l’historien et militant de gauche Maâti Monjib a lui recensé en 2018 « 380 articles diffamatoires » à son sujet « en deux ans et demi » dans des médias « opérant pour le compte du pouvoir ».

    Dans ce contexte, l’affaire d’Hajar Raissouni « renseigne avant tout sur le couple infernal composé d’une part par l’hypocrisie sociale sur les questions de libertés individuelles (...) et d’autre part la répression aveugle et la justice d’abattage qui se sert des lois coercitives en la matière à des desseins de vengeance politique », estime le site d’information Le Desk.

    L’Association marocaine pour les droits humains (AMDH) qui, comme Amnesty International et Human Rights Watch, a appelé à la libération immédiate de la journaliste, y voit une « régression des libertés individuelles ».

    Quelque 150 journalistes ont signé une pétition de solidarité dénonçant les « campagnes diffamatoires » visant à détruire leur consoeur. Sa photo a été placée sur des sièges vides pendant la très officielle conférence de presse hebdomadaire du porte-parole du gouvernement.

    Interpellé sur le sujet, le porte-parole a souligné l’existence d’un « cadre juridique relatif à la diffamation » et rappelé que la réforme du code pénal —y compris les articles sur l’avortement— figurait à l’ordre du jour des débats parlementaires.

    – « Verrou politique » -

    Le ministre de la Justice, Mohammed Aujjar (PJD, islamiste) avait déclaré fin juillet dans la presse que le gouvernement mené par le PJD était « engagé dans une dynamique de réformes » tout en imputant la lenteur du changement à une « société très conservatrice ».

    « La société marocaine est profondément acquise à la modernité (...), le verrou est politique », conteste l’historien Mohammed Ennaji sur sa page Facebook.

    « Les questions de l’égalité homme-femme, des libertés individuelles —et notamment le droit des femmes de disposer librement de leur corps— ne sont plus le combat d’une partie des Marocains, c’est notre combat à tous quelles que soient nos appartenances idéologiques », est-il affirmé dans une pétition soutenue par des féministes et militantes des droits humains.

    En 2018, la justice marocaine a poursuivi 14.503 personnes pour débauche, 3.048 pour adultère, 170 pour homosexualité et 73 pour avortements, selon les chiffres officiels.

    Entre 600 et 800 avortements clandestins sont pratiqués chaque jour au Maroc, selon des estimations d’associations.


    #IVG #avortement #criminalisation #droits_des_femmes

  • Pour la fête d’indépendance brésilienne, soutenons les luttes et célébrons les résistances

    Ce 7 septembre, le Brésil fêtera la 97ème année de son indépendance, et la fin de la tutelle du Portugal. Cette célébration se tient dans un contexte bien maussade, sous la présidence de Jair Bolsonaro. Pourtant, ils et elles sont nombreux à résister sur place, et à travailler, un siècle après l’indépendance, à une nouvelle émancipation. Une tribune de l’association « Autres Brésils ». Le 7 septembre 1822, au bord d’une rivière, près de São Paulo au Brésil, le prince Pedro 1er pousse son « cri d’Ipiranga » qui (...) #Débattre

    / #Amériques, #Politique, #Luttes_sociales, Démocratie !, #Droits_fondamentaux

    #Démocratie_ !

  • RTS | Reportage à Bruxelles auprès de jeunes Érythréens ayant quitté la Suisse


    En Suisse, suite aux durcissements du droit d’asile visant les Érythréen-ne-s, un nombre grandissant d’entre eux se retrouve avec une décision de renvoi. Certains, craignant de rentrer dans leur pays d’origine, se rendent dans d’autres pays européens en espérant pouvoir obtenir des papiers et tenter de s’en sortir. Beaucoup se retrouvent à errer à Bruxelles […]

  • En Bolivie, le pouvoir d’Evo Morales s’enfonce toujours plus dans l’impasse de l’extractivisme minier

    Le projet minier Casaya, dans le département de Chuquisaca, est un révélateur des contradictions entre le discours officiel du gouvernement bolivien et ses politiques réelles. Déclaré d’utilité publique, le secteur minier a souvent la priorité, au détriment de la protection de l’environnement et des communautés. Une analyse de ces contradictions par Frédéric Thomas, docteur en sciences politiques et chargé d’études au Centre tricontinental. « Nous sommes encore dans un État de droit ». Tels sont les (...) #Débattre

    / #Luttes_sociales, #Gauche_radicale, #Climat, Pollutions , #Droit_à_la_terre