• Data and displacement, Missing migrants

    The authors in our Data and displacement feature discuss recent advances in gathering and using data, the challenges that remain, and new approaches, including in the face of pandemic-imposed restrictions.

    Unknown numbers of migrants die or disappear during their perilous journeys, and their families are often left in limbo. In our Missing migrants feature, authors explore initiatives to improve data gathering and sharing, identification of remains, and assistance for families left behind.

    https://www.fmreview.org/issue66
    #données #statistiques #migrations #décès #disparitions #morts #pandémie #covid-19 #coronavirus #limbe #Missing_migrants #identification #ceux_qui_restent

  • Nachruf auf Marco Reckinger Verrückter Superheld
    https://m.tagesspiegel.de/berlin/nachruf-auf-marco-reckinger-verrueckter-superheld/26841432.html

    Sur ordre des capitalistes la ville de Berlin ferme les espaces collectifs acceuillants. Les gens exceptionnels en meurent. Il y a un monde apart en voie de disparition. Nous assistons au génocide du peuple des joyeux buveurs. C’est grave, monsieur.

    Markus, so hatte er sich genannt. Marco war sein richtiger Name. Er führte Selbstgespräche, schimpfte mal laut, mal leise mit den Stimmen in seinem Kopf. Er trank, viel, oft und oft schon morgens. Einer von den U -8-Bahnhof-Junkies war er aber nicht. Er saß auch nie bei den anderen Trinkern. Marco war in seiner eigenen Welt.

    Wenn er aber klar war, half er dem Späti-Besitzer beim Kisteneinräumen. Tanzte zu lauter Hiphop-Musik aus dessen Boxen. Grüßte die Schulkinder mit erhobenen Daumen. Hatte ein ansteckendes Lachen zu verschenken. Die Nachbarn mochten ihn. Und sie machten sich Sorgen um ihn, brachten Essen, Tee, Decken und Matratzen oder riefen, wenn sie glaubten, dass es schlecht um ihn stand, einen Rettungswagen. Doch Marco lehnte ab. Kein Krankenhaus, auch keine Notunterkunft, die ihm manchmal die Obdachlosenhelfer anboten. Zuflucht suchte er im „Syndikat“, einer linken Kneipe um die Ecke. Hier durfte er die letzten Stunden der Nacht unterschlüpfen, hatte seine Ecke, sein Kopfkissen. Im August wurde die Kneipe jedoch geräumt, seine Zuflucht war passé.

    #Berlin #SDF #covid-19 #exclusion #pauvreté #disparition

  • Sophie Xeon : Elektro-Pop-Musikerin stirbt bei Unfall
    https://www.berliner-zeitung.de/kultur-vergnuegen/sophie-xeon-elektro-pop-musikerin-stirbt-bei-unfall-li.136542


    https://m.soundcloud.com/msmsmsm/sophie-bipp

    Mourir pour mieux regarder la pleine lune. C’est romantique, non ?

    Die schottische Musikproduzentin Sophie Xeon, die sich Sophie nannte, starb am Sonnabend im Alter von 34 Jahren.

    London/Athen - Die Musikerin und Produzentin, die sich Sophie nannte, in Großbuchstaben, kletterte am frühen Samstagmorgen in ihrer Wahlheimat Athen in die Höhe, um den Vollmond zu sehen – und stürzte dabei zu Tode. Das ist auf tragische Weise passend, denn das Somnambule, Konfuse, die Sexualität, das Sehnen, welches die Menschheit mit dem Mond assoziiert, findet sich in ihrer Musik ebenso wie die lunare Eigenschaft des rhythmisch Ordnenden: 1986 in Glasgow geboren und schon in frühen Kinderjahren von den Eltern an die Segnungen wiederholungsreicher Rave-Musik herangeführt, etablierte sich Sophie in der ersten Hälfte des vergangenen Jahrzehnts in der Londoner Elektronikmusikszene als vielleicht die zukunftsweisende Produzentin schlechthin.

    https://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Sophie_(musician)

    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=IJNR2EpS0jw

    #musique #techno #disparition

  • Disparition inquiétante de Diary Sow, étudiante au lycée Louis-le-Grand à Paris | Actu Paris
    https://actu.fr/ile-de-france/paris_75056/disparition-inquietante-de-diary-sow-etudiante-au-lycee-louis-le-grand-a-paris_

    Diary Sow, meilleure élève du Sénégal en 2018 et 2019, actuellement en classe préparatoire au Lycée Louis-Le-Grand de Paris, est portée disparue depuis quelques jours, indique l’Agence de presse sénagalaise (APS) selon laquelle, l’élève n’a pas repris les cours depuis le retour des fêtes de Noël.

    Dans un communiqué, le ministre de l’Eau et de l’Assainissement du Sénégal, Serigne Mbaye Thiam, parrain de Diarry Sow, déclare que « l’information est malheureusement vérifiée’’.

    ’’Le Service de gestion des étudiants sénégalais à Paris a échangé avec les directions de son école et de sa résidence et assure un suivi rapproché de la situation avec ces établissements’’, a indiqué M. Thiam.

    Selon lui, les services de l’ambassade et du consulat du Sénégal à Paris sont aussi mobilisés pour retrouver la jeune fille. La police française a été également « informée ».

    Diary Sow, qui est également écrivaine, est un modèle de réussite au Sénégal

  • Exilia Film | Koffi – Récit depuis le Centre fédéral de Giffers (FR)
    https://asile.ch/2020/09/22/exilia-film-koffi-recit-depuis-le-centre-federal-de-giffers-fr

    Koffi témoigne des nombreux actes de violences physiques et verbales dont il a été témoin au nouveau centre de Giffers. Il a également été lui-même victime de violence. En effet, après avoir passé plus de 6 mois dans ce centre de renvoi, alors que le maximum légal est de 140 jours, il est violenté physiquement, […]

  • Espagne : les migrants reprennent la dangereuse route maritime des Canaries - InfoMigrants
    http://www.rfi.fr/fr/europe/20200825-espagne-les-migrants-reprennent-la-dangereuse-route-maritime-canaries

    Avec un trafic dix fois moins important, le nombre de morts sur la route atlantique équivaut à la moitié des décès ou disparitions enregistrés en Méditerranée, selon l’OIM. Le flux de migrants est beaucoup moins important qu’en 2006, lorsqu’on dépassait les 30 000 arrivées, mais « la difficulté de la traversée est impressionnante », souligne Txema Santana de la Commission espagnole d’aide aux réfugiés (CEAR) aux Canaries. Les embarcations ne viennent pas seulement du Maroc et de la Mauritanie, les deux pays les plus proches des Canaries, mais aussi du Sénégal, de la Gambie, à plus de 1 000 km au sud. À bord, il y a de plus en plus de femmes et d’enfants, et plus de morts en mer. La majorité des migrants fuit le Sahel et l’Afrique de l’ouest, mais certains viennent de plus loin, du Soudan du Sud ou de l’archipel des Comores dans l’Océan indien, ajoute-t-elle. Pour ces réfugiés, la pandémie de coronavirus n’est pas un frein. Une fois débarqués, ils doivent se soumettre à un test PCR et, si l’un des passagers est positif, s’isoler dans des centres d’accueil qui ne sont pas conçus pour des quarantaines. Txema Santana réclame l’accélération des transferts de l’archipel vers l’Espagne continentale pour éviter la saturation des centres d’accueil, si comme on s’y attend les traversées augmentent en septembre, avec un vent favorable et une mer plus calme.

    #Covid-19#migrant#migration#UE#afrique#espagne#sante#disparition#centredaccueil#depistage#traversee

  • What happens to migrants forcibly returned to Libya?

    ‘These are people going missing by the hundreds.’

    The killing last week of three young men after they were intercepted at sea by the EU-funded Libyan Coast Guard has thrown the spotlight on the fate of tens of thousands of migrants and asylum seekers returned to Libya to face detention, abuse and torture by traffickers, or worse.

    The three Sudanese nationals aged between 15 and 18 were shot dead on 28 July, reportedly by members of a militia linked to the Coast Guard as they tried to avoid being detained. They are among more than 6,200 men, women, and children intercepted on the central Mediterranean and returned to Libya this year. Since 2017, that figure is around 40,000.

    Over the last three months, The New Humanitarian has spoken to migrants and Libyan officials, as well as to UN agencies and other aid groups and actors involved, to piece together what is happening to the returnees after they are brought back to shore.

    It has long been difficult to track the whereabouts of migrants and asylum seekers after they are returned to Libya, and for years there have been reports of people going missing or disappearing into unofficial detention centres after disembarking.

    But the UN’s migration agency, IOM, told TNH there has been an uptick in people vanishing off its radar since around December, and it suspects that at least some returnees are being taken to so-called “data-collection and investigation facilities” under the direct control of the Ministry of Interior for the Government of National Accord.

    The GNA, the internationally recognised authority in Libya, is based in the capital, Tripoli, and has been fighting eastern forces commanded by general Khalifa Haftar for 16 months in a series of battles that has developed into a regional proxy war.

    Unlike official detention centres run by the GNA’s Directorate for Combating Illegal Migration (DCIM) – also under the Ministry of the Interior – and its affiliated militias, neither IOM nor the UN’s refugee agency, UNHCR, has access to these data-collection facilities, which are intended for the investigation of smugglers and not for detaining migrants.

    “We have been told that migrants are no longer in these [data-collection] facilities and we wonder if they have been transferred,” Safa Msehli, spokesperson for IOM in Libya, told TNH.

    “These are people going missing by the hundreds. We have also been told – and are hearing reports from community leaders – that people are going missing,” she said. “We feel the worst has happened, and that these locations [data-collection facilities] are being used to smuggle or traffic people.”

    According to IOM, more than half of the over 6,200 people returned to Libya this year – which includes at least 264 women and 202 children – remain unaccounted for after being loaded onto buses and driven away from the disembarkation points on the coast.

    Msehli said some people had been released after they are returned, but that their number was “200 maximum”, and that if others had simply escaped she would have expected them to show up at community centres run by IOM and its local partners – which most haven’t.

    Masoud Abdal Samad, a commander in the Libyan Coast Guard, denied all accusations of trafficking to TNH, even though the UN has sanctioned individuals in the Coast Guard for their involvement in people smuggling and trafficking. He also said he didn’t know where asylum seekers and migrants end up after they are returned to shore. “It’s not my responsibility. It’s DCIM that determines where the migrants go,” he said.

    Neither the head of the DCIM, Al Mabrouk Abdel-Hafez, nor the media officer for the interior ministry, Mohammad Abu Abdallah, responded to requests for comment from TNH. But the Libyan government recently told the Wall Street Journal that all asylum seekers and migrants returned by the Coast Guard are taken to official detention centres.
    ‘I can’t tell you where we take them’

    TNH spoke to four migrants – three of whom were returned by the Libyan Coast Guard and placed in detention, one of them twice. All described a system whereby returned migrants and asylum seekers are being routinely extorted and passed between different militias.

    Contacted via WhatsApp, Yasser, who only gave his first name for fear of retribution for exposing the abuse he suffered, recounted his ordeal in a series of conversations between May and June.

    The final stage of his journey to start a new life in Europe began on a warm September morning in 2019 when he squeezed onto a rubber dinghy along with 120 other people in al-Garabulli, a coastal town near Tripoli. The year before, the 33-year-old Sudanese asylum seeker had escaped from conflict in his village in the Nuba Mountains to search for safety and opportunity.

    By nightfall, those on board the small boat spotted a reconnaissance aircraft, likely dispatched as part of an EU or Italian aerial surveillance mission. It appears the aircraft alerted the Libyan Coast Guard, which soon arrived to drag them onto their boat and back to war-torn Libya.

    Later that day, as the boat approached the port, Yasser overheard a uniformed member of the Coast Guard speaking on the phone. The man said he had around 100 migrants and was willing to sell each one for 500 Libyan dinars ($83).

    “Militias buy and sell us to make a profit in this country,” Yasser told TNH months later, after he escaped. “In their eyes, refugees are just an investment.”

    When Yasser stepped off the Coast Guard boat in Tripoli’s port, he saw dozens of people he presumed were aid workers tending to the injured. He tried to tell them that he and the others were going to be sold to a militia, but the scene was frantic and he said they didn’t listen.

    “Militias buy and sell us to make a profit in this country. In their eyes, refugees are just an investment.”

    Yasser couldn’t recall which organisation the aid workers were from. Whoever was there, they watched Libyan authorities herd Yasser and the other migrants onto a handful of buses and drive them away.

    IOM, or UNHCR, or one of their local partners are usually present at disembarkation points when migrants are returned to shore. The two UN agencies, which receive significant EU funding for their operations in Libya and have been criticised for participating in the system of interception and detention, say they tend to the injured and register asylum seekers. They also said they count the number of people returned from sea and jot down their nationalities and gender.

    But both agencies told TNH they are unable to track where people go next because Libyan authorities do not keep an official database of asylum seekers and migrants intercepted at sea or held in detention centres.

    News footage – and testimonies from migrants and aid workers – shows white buses with DCIM logos frequently pick up those disembarking. TNH also identified a private bus company that DCIM contracts for transportation. The company, called Essahim, imported 130 vehicles from China before beginning operations in September 2019.

    On its Facebook page, Essahim only advertises its shuttle bus services to Misrata airport, in northwest Libya. But a high-level employee, who asked TNH not to disclose his name for fear of reprisal from Libyan authorities, confirmed that the company picks up asylum seekers and migrants from disembarkation points on the shore.

    He said all of Essahim’s buses are equipped with a GPS tracking system to ensure drivers don’t deviate from their route. He also emphasised that the company takes people to “legitimate centres”, but he refused to disclose the locations.

    “You have to ask the government,” he told TNH. “I can’t tell you where we take them. It’s one of the conditions in the contract.”

    Off the radar

    Since Libya’s 2011 revolution, state security forces – such as the Coast Guard and interior ministry units – have mostly consisted of a collection of militias vying for legitimacy and access to sources of revenue.

    Migrant detention centres have been particularly lucrative to control, and even the official ones can be run by whichever local militia or armed group holds sway at a particular time. Those detained are not granted rights or legal processes, and there have been numerous reports of horrific abuse, and deaths from treatable diseases like tuberculosis.

    Facts regarding the number of different detention centres and who controls them are sketchy, especially as they often close and re-open or come under new management, and as territory can change hands between the GNA and forces aligned with Haftar. Both sides have a variety of militias fighting alongside them, and there are splits within the alliances.

    But IOM’s Msehli told TNH that as of 1 August that there are 11 official detention centres run by DCIM, and that she was aware of returned migrants also being taken to what she believes are four different data-collection and investigation facilities – three in Tripoli and one in Zuwara, a coastal city about 100 kilometres west of the capital. The government has not disclosed how many data-collection centres there are or where they are located.

    Beyond the official facilities, there are also numerous makeshift compounds used by smugglers and militias – especially in the south and in the former Muammar Gaddafi stronghold of Bani Walid – for which there is no data, according to a report by the Global Initiative Against Transnational Organised Crime (GI).

    Yasser told TNH he had no idea if he was in an official DCIM-run detention centre or an unofficial site after he was pulled off the bus that took him to a makeshift prison from the port of Tripoli. Unless UN agencies show up, it is hard for detainees to tell the difference. Conditions are dismal and abuses occur in both locations: In unofficial facilities the extortion of detainees is systematic, while in official centres it tends to be carried out by individual staff members, according to the GI report.

    Between Yasser’s description and information from an aid group that gained access to the facility – but declined to be identified for fear of jeopardising its work – TNH believes Yasser was taken to an informal centre in Tripoli called Shaaria Zawiya, outside the reach of UN agencies. Msehli said IOM believes it is a data-collection and investigation facility.

    During the time Yasser was there, the facility was under the control of a militia commander with a brutal reputation, according to a high-level source from the aid group. The commander was eventually replaced in late 2019, but not before trying to extort hundreds of people, including Yasser.

    Several nights after he arrived at the centre, everyone being held there was ordered to pay a 3,000 Libyan dinar ransom – about $500 on the Libyan black market. The militia separated detainees by nationality and tossed each group a cell phone. They gave one to the Eritreans, one to the Somalis, and one to the Sudanese. The detainees were told to call their families and beg, Yasser recalled.

    Those who couldn’t pay languished in the centre until they were sold for a lower sum to another militia, which would try to extort them for a smaller ransom to earn a profit. This is a widely reported trend all across Libya: Militias sell migrants they can’t extort to make space for new hostages.

    Yasser’s friends and family were too poor to pay for his release, yet he clung to hope that he would somehow escape. He watched as the militia commander beat and intimidated other asylum seekers and migrants in the centre, but he was too scared to intervene. As the weeks passed, he started to believe nobody would find him.

    Then, one day, he saw a couple of aid workers. They came to document the situation and treat the wounded. “The migrants who spoke English whispered for help, but [the aid workers] just kept silent and nodded,” Yasser said.

    The aid workers were from the same NGO that identified the data-collection facility to TNH. The aid group said it suspects that Libyan authorities are taking migrants to two other locations in Tripoli after disembarkation: a data-collection and investigation facility in a neighbourhood called Hay al-Andulus, and an abandoned tobacco factory in another Tripoli suburb. “I know the factory exists, but I have no idea how many people are inside,” the source said, adding that the aid group had been unable to negotiate access to either location.

    “We were treated like animals.”

    Msehli confirmed that IOM believes migrants have been taken to both compounds, neither of which are under DCIM control. She added that more migrants are ending up in another unofficial location in Tripoli.

    After languishing for two months, until November, in Shaaria Zawiya, Yasser said he was sold to a militia manning what he thinks was an official detention centre. He assumed the location was official because uniformed UNHCR employees frequently showed up with aid. When UNHCR wasn’t there, the militia still demanded ransoms from the people inside.

    “We were treated like animals,” Yasser said. “But at least when UNHCR visited, the militia fed us more food than usual.”

    Tariq Argaz, the spokesperson for UNHCR in Libya, defended the agency’s aid provision to official facilities like this one, saying: “We are against the detention of refugees, but we have a humanitarian imperative to assist refugees wherever they are, even if it is a detention centre.”

    Growing pressure on EU to change tack

    The surge in disappearances raises further concerns about criminality and human rights abuses occurring within a system of interception and detention by Libyan authorities that the EU and EU member states have funded and supported since 2017.

    The aim of the support is to crack down on smuggling networks, reduce the number of asylum seekers and migrants arriving in Europe, and improve detention conditions in Libya, but critics say it has resulted in tens of thousands of people being returned to indefinite detention and abuse in Libya. There is even less oversight now that asylum seekers and migrants are ending up in data-collection and investigation facilities, beyond the reach of UN agencies.

    The escalating conflict in Libya and the coronavirus crisis have made the humanitarian situation for asylum seekers and migrants in the country “worse than ever”, according to IOM. At the same time, Italy and Malta have further turned their backs on rescuing people at sea. Italy has impounded NGO search and rescue ships, while both countries have repeatedly failed to respond, or responded slowly, to distress calls, and Malta even hired a private fishing vessel to return people rescued at sea to Libya.

    “We believe that people shouldn’t be returned to Libya,” Msehli told TNH. “This is due to the lack of any protection mechanism that the Libyan state takes or is able to take.”

    There are currently estimated to be at least 625,000 migrants in Libya and 47,859 registered asylum seekers and refugees. Of this number, around 1,760 migrants – including 760 registered asylum seekers and refugees – are in the DCIM-run detention centres, according to data from IOM and UNHCR, although IOM’s data only covers eight out of the 11 DCIM facilities.

    The number of detainees in unofficial centres and makeshift compounds is unknown but, based on those unaccounted for and the reported experiences of migrants, could be many times higher. A recent estimate from Liam Kelly, director of the Danish Refugee Council in Libya, suggests as many as 80,000 people have been in them at some point in recent years.

    There remains no clear explanation why some people intercepted attempting the sea journey appear to be being taken to data-collection and investigation facilities, while others end up in official centres. But researchers believe migrants are typically taken to facilities that have space to house new detainees, or other militias may strike a deal to purchase a new group to extort them.

    In a leaked report from last year, the EU acknowledged that the GNA “has not taken steps to improve the situation in the centres”, and that “the government’s reluctance to address the problems raises questions of its own involvement”.

    The UN, human rights groups, researchers, journalists and TNH have noted that there is little distinction between criminal groups, militias, and other entities involved in EU-supported migration control activities under the GNA.

    A report released last week by UNHCR and the Mixed Migration Centre (MMC) at the Danish Refugee Council said that migrants being smuggled and trafficked to the Mediterranean coast had identified the primary perpetrators of abuses as state officials and law enforcement.

    Pressure on the EU over its proximity to abuses resulting from the interception and detention of asylum seekers and migrants in Libya is mounting. International human rights lawyers have filed lawsuits to the International Criminal Court (ICC), the UN human rights committee, and the European Court of Human Rights to attempt to hold the EU accountable.

    Peter Stano, the EU Commission’s official spokesperson for External Affairs, told TNH that the EU doesn’t consider Libya a safe country, but that its priority has always been to stop irregular migration to keep migrants from risking their lives, while protecting the most vulnerable.

    “We have repeated again and again, together with our international partners in the UN and African Union, that arbitrary detention of migrants and refugees in Libya must end, including to Libyan authorities,” he said. “The situation in these centres is unacceptable, and arbitrary detention of migrants and refugees upon disembarkation must stop.”

    For Yasser, it took a war for him to have the opportunity to escape from detention. In January this year, the facility he was in came under heavy fire during a battle in the war for Tripoli. Dozens of migrants, including Yasser, made a run for it.

    He is now living in a crowded house with other Sudanese asylum seekers in the coastal town of Zawiya, and says that returning to the poverty and instability in Sudan is out of the question. With his sights set on Europe, he still intends to cross the Mediterranean, but he’s afraid of being intercepted by the Libyan Coast Guard, trafficked, and extorted all over again.

    “It’s a business,” said Yasser. “Militias pay for your head and then they force you to pay for your freedom.”

    https://www.thenewhumanitarian.org/news-feature/2020/08/05/missing-migrants-Libya-forced-returns-Mediterranean

    #chronologie #timeline #time-line #migrations #asile #réfugiés #chiffres #statistiques #pull-back #pull-backs #push-backs #refoulements #disparitions #torture #décès #morts #gardes-côtes_libyens #détention #centres_de_détention #milices

    ping @isskein

    • The legal battle to hold the EU to account for Libya migrant abuses

      ‘It’s a well known fact that we’re all struggling here, as human rights practitioners.’

      More than 6,500 asylum seekers and migrants have been intercepted at sea and returned to Libya by the Libyan Coast Guard so far this year. Since the EU and Italy began training, funding, equipping, and providing operational assistance to the Libyan Coast Guard in 2017, that number stands at around 40,000 people.

      Critics say European support for these interceptions and returns is one of the most glaring examples of the trade-off being made between upholding human rights – a fundamental EU value – and the EU’s determination to reduce migration to the continent.

      Those intercepted at sea and returned to Libya by the Libyan Coast Guard – predominantly asylum seekers and migrants from East and West Africa – face indefinite detention, extortion, torture, sexual exploitation, and forced labour.

      This year alone, thousands have disappeared beyond the reach of UN agencies after being disembarked. Migration detention in Libya functions as a business that generates revenue for armed groups, some of whom have also pressed asylum seekers and migrants into military activities – a practice that is likely a war crime, according to Human Rights Watch.

      All of this has been well documented and widely known for years, even as the EU and Italy have stepped up their support for the Libyan Coast Guard. Yet despite their key role in empowering the Coast Guard to return people to Libya, international human rights lawyers have struggled to hold the EU and Italy to account. Boxed in by the limitations of international law, lawyers have had to find increasingly innovative legal strategies to try to establish European complicity in the abuses taking place.

      As the EU looks to expand its cooperation with third countries, the outcome of these legal efforts could have broader implications on whether the EU and its member states can be held accountable for the human rights impacts of their external migration policies.

      “Under international law there are rules… prohibiting states to assist other states in the commission of human rights violations,” Matteo de Bellis, Amnesty International’s migration researcher, told The New Humanitarian. “However, those international rules do not have a specific court where you can litigate them, where individuals can have access to remedy.”

      In fact, human rights advocates and lawyers argue that EU and Italian support for the Libyan Coast Guard is designed specifically to avoid legal responsibility.

      “For a European court to have jurisdiction over a particular policy, a European actor must be in control... of a person directly,” said Itamar Mann, an international human rights lawyer. “When a non-European agent takes that control, it’s far from clear that [a] European court has jurisdiction. So there is a kind of accountability gap under international human rights law.”
      ‘The EU is not blameless’

      When Italy signed a Memorandum of Understanding in February 2017 with Libya’s internationally recognised Government of National Accord (GNA) “to ensure the reduction of illegal migratory flows”, the agreement carried echoes of an earlier era.

      In 2008, former Italian prime minister Silvio Berlusconi signed a friendship treaty with Libyan dictator Muammar Gaddafi that, among other things, committed the two countries to working together to curb irregular migration.

      The following year, Italian patrol boats began intercepting asylum seekers and migrants at sea and returning them to Libya. In 2012, the European Court of Human Rights, an international court based in Strasbourg, France – which all EU member states are party to – ruled that the practice violated multiple articles of the European Convention on Human Rights.

      The decision, in what is known as the Hirsi case, was based on the idea that Italy had established “extraterritorial jurisdiction” over asylum seekers and migrants when it took them under their control at sea and had violated the principle of non-refoulement – a core element of international refugee law – by forcing them back to a country where they faced human rights abuses.

      Many states that have signed the 1951 refugee convention have integrated the principle of non-refoulement into their domestic law, binding them to protect asylum seekers once they enter a nation’s territory. But there are divergent interpretations of how it applies to state actors in international waters.

      By the time of the Hirsi decision, the practice had already ended and Gaddafi had been toppled from power. The chaos that followed the Libyan uprising in 2011 paved the way for a new era of irregular migration. The number of people crossing the central Meditteranean jumped from an average of tens of thousands per year throughout the late 1990s and 2000s to more than 150,000 per year in 2014, 2015, and 2016.

      Reducing these numbers became a main priority for Italy and the EU, and they kept the lessons of the Hirsi case in mind as they set about designing their policies, according to de Bellis.

      Instead of using European vessels, the EU and Italy focused on “enabling the Libyan authorities to do the dirty job of intercepting people at sea and returning them to Libya”, he said. “By doing so, they would argue that they have not breached international European law because they have never assumed control, and therefore exercised jurisdiction, over the people who have then been subjected to human rights violations [in Libya].”

      The number of people crossing the central Mediterranean has dropped precipitously in recent years as EU policies have hardened, and tens of thousands of people – including those returned by the Coast Guard – are estimated to have passed through formal and informal migration detention centres in Libya, some of them getting stuck for years and many falling victim to extortion and abuse.

      “There is always going to be a debate about, is the EU responsible… [because] it’s really Libya who has done the abuses,” said Carla Ferstman, a human rights law professor at the University of Essex in England. “[But] the EU is not blameless because it can’t pretend that it didn’t know the consequences of what it was going to do.”

      The challenge for human rights lawyers is how to legally establish that blame.
      The accountability gap

      Since 2017, the EU has given more than 91 million euros (about $107 million) to support border management projects in Libya. Much of that money has gone to Italy, which implements the projects and has provided its own funding and at least six patrol boats to the Libyan Coast Guard.

      One objective of the EU’s funding is to improve the human rights and humanitarian situation in official detention centres. But according to a leaked EU document from 2019, this is something the Libyan government had not been taking steps to do, “raising the question of its own involvement”, according to the document.

      The main goal of the funding is to strengthen the capacity of Libyan authorities to control the country’s borders and intercept asylum seekers and migrants at sea. This aspect of the policy has been effective, according to a September 2019 report by the UN secretary-general.

      “All our action is based on international and European law,” an EU spokesperson told the Guardian newspaper in June. “The European Union dialogue with Libyan authorities focuses on the respect for human rights of migrants and refugees.”

      The EU has legal obligations to ensure that its actions do not violate human rights in both its internal and external policy, according to Ferstman. But when it comes to actions taken outside of Europe, “routes for those affected to complain when their rights are being violated are very, very weak,” she said.

      The EU and its member states are also increasingly relying on informal agreements, such as the Memorandum of Understanding with Libya, in their external migration cooperation.

      “Once the EU makes formal agreements with third states… [it] is more tightly bound to a lot of human rights and refugee commitments,” Raphael Bossong, a researcher at the German Institute for International and Security Affairs (SWP) in Berlin, told TNH. “Hence, we see a shift toward less binding or purely informal arrangements.”

      Lawyers and researchers told TNH that the absence of formal agreements, and the combination of EU funding and member state implementation, undermines the standing of the EU Parliament and the Court of Justice, the bloc’s supreme court, to act as watchdogs.

      Efforts to challenge Italy’s role in cooperating with Libya in Italian courts have also so far been unsuccessful.

      “It’s a well known fact that we’re all struggling here, as human rights practitioners… to grapple with the very limited, minimalistic tools we have to address the problem at hand,” said Valentina Azarova, a lawyer and researcher affiliated with the Global Legal Action Network (GLAN), a nonprofit organisation that pursues international human rights litigation.

      Uncharted territory

      With no clear path forward, human rights lawyers have ventured into uncharted territory to try to subject EU and Italian cooperation with Libya to legal scrutiny.

      Lawyers called last year for the International Criminal Court to investigate the EU for its alleged complicity in thousands of deaths in the Mediterranean, and legal organisations have filed two separate complaints with the UN Human Rights Committee, which has a quasi-judicial function.

      In November last year, GLAN also submitted a case, called S.S. and others v. Italy, to the European Court of Human Rights that aims to build on the Hirsi decision. The case argues that – through its financial, material, and operational support – Italy assumes “contactless control” over people intercepted by Libyan Coast Guard and therefore establishes jurisdiction over them.

      “Jurisdiction is not only a matter of direct, effective control over bodies,” Mann, who is part of GLAN, said of the case’s argument. “It’s also a matter of substantive control that can be wielded in many different ways.”

      GLAN, along with two Italian legal organisations, also filed a complaint in April to the European Court of Auditors, which is tasked with checking to see if the EU’s budget is implemented correctly and that funds are spent legally.

      The GLAN complaint alleges that funding border management activities in Libya makes the EU and its member states complicit in the human rights abuses taking place there, and is also a misuse of money intended for development purposes – both of which fall afoul of EU budgetary guidelines.

      The complaint asks for the EU funding to be made conditional on the improvement of the situation for asylum seekers and migrants in the country, and for it to be suspended until certain criteria are met, including the release of all refugees and migrants from arbitrary detention, the creation of an asylum system that complies with international standards, and the establishment of an independent, transparent mechanism to monitor and hold state and non-state actors accountable for human rights violations against refugees and migrants.

      The Court of Auditors is not an actual courtroom or a traditional venue for addressing human rights abuses. It is composed of financial experts who conduct an annual audit of the EU budget. The complaint is meant to encourage them to take a specific look at EU funding to Libya, but they aren’t obligated to do so.

      “To use the EU Court of Auditors to get some kind of human rights accountability is an odd thing to do,” said Ferstman, who is not involved in the complaint. “It speaks to the [accountability] gap and the absence of clear approaches.”

      “[Still], it is the institution where this matter needs to be adjudicated, so to speak,” Azarova, who came up with the strategy, added. “They are the experts on questions of EU budget law.”

      Closing the gap?

      If successful, the Court of Auditors complaint could change how EU funding for Libya operates and set a precedent requiring a substantive accounting of how money is being spent and whether it ends up contributing to human rights violations in other EU third-country arrangements, according to Mann. “It will be a blow to the general externalisation pattern,” he said.

      Ferstman cautioned, however, that its impact – at least legally – might not be so concrete. “[The Court of Auditors] can recommend everything that GLAN has put forward, but it will be a recommendation,” she said. “It will not be an order.”

      Instead, the complaint’s more significant impact might be political. “It could put a lot of important arsenal in the hands of the MEPs [Members of the European Parliament] who want to push forward changes,” Ferstman said.

      A European Court of Human Rights decision in favour of the plaintiffs in S.S. and others v Italy could be more decisive. “It would go a long way towards addressing that [accountability] gap, because individuals will be able to challenge European states that encourage and assist other countries to commit human rights violations,” de Bellis said.

      If any or all of the various legal challenges that are currently underway are successful, Bossong, from SWP, doesn’t expect them to put an end to external migration cooperation entirely. “Many [external] cooperations would continue,” he said. “[But] policy-makers and administrators would have to think harder: Where is the line? Where do we cross the line?”

      The Court of Auditors will likely decide whether to review EU funding for border management activities in Libya next year, but the European Court of Human Rights moves slowly, with proceedings generally taking around five years, according to Mann.

      Human rights advocates and lawyers worry that by the time the current legal challenges are concluded, the situation in the Mediterranean will again have evolved. Already, since the beginning of the coronavirus pandemic, states such as Malta and Greece have shifted from empowering third countries to intercept people at sea to carrying out pushbacks directly.

      “What is happening now, particularly in the Aegean, is much more alarming than the facts that generated the Hirsi case in terms of the violence of the actual pushbacks,” Mann said.

      Human rights lawyers are already planning to begin issuing challenges to the new practices. As they do, they are acutely aware of the limitations of the tools available to them. Or, as Azarova put it: “We’re dealing with symptoms. We’re not addressing the pathology.”

      https://www.thenewhumanitarian.org/analysis/2020/08/10/Libya-migrant-abuses-EU-legal-battle

      #justice

  • COVID-19 Compounds Families’ Painful Search for Missing and Disappeared Migrants
    https://medium.com/@UNmigration/covid-19-compounds-families-painful-search-for-missing-and-disappeared-migra

    The restrictions imposed in many countries and the focus on the COVID-19 response have also limited the ability to collect and report information on migrant deaths and disappearances. The number of reported deaths on migration journeys since the beginning of the pandemic is a minimum estimate and we know that deaths and disappearances continue in remote and dangerous areas and the probability of victims or survivors being identified and accounted for is slim

    #Covid-19#migrant#migration#sante#disparition#deces#pandemie#restriction

  • En Syrie, les familles de prisonniers face au virus du silence - Le monde
    Alors qu’il est impossible d’obtenir des informations fiables sur le bilan réel de l’épidémie de Covid-19 en Syrie, de nombreuses familles en exil s’inquiètent de la situation de leurs proches qu’elles pensent retenus dans les terribles prisons secrètes du régime.

    Alors qu’il est impossible d’obtenir des informations fiables sur le bilan réel de l’épidémie de Covid-19 en Syrie, de nombreuses familles en exil s’inquiètent de la situation de leurs proches qu’elles pensent retenus dans les terribles prisons secrètes du régime.

    Elles sont syriennes, réfugiées en Turquie, en Jordanie, au Liban, en Grèce, en Allemagne ou au Royaume-Uni. Elles ont subi la guerre et tous ses maux : la terreur et les bombes, les destructions, les déchirures, la traque, l’exil. Elles ont vu mourir des voisins, des amis, de la famille. Elles ont quitté leur maison, les lieux de leur enfance ; laissé parfois derrière elles de vieux parents qui ne pouvaient les suivre ; subi dans leur fuite humiliations, harcèlements, chantages. Leurs nuits ne sont jamais tranquilles ; depuis longtemps, les rêves ont déserté.

    Ne restent que des souvenirs, de l’amertume, les traumatismes. Et pour toutes celles qui ont souhaité nous parler, une obsession qui les maintient en vie et les empêche de vivre : un mari, un père, un fils, un oncle, arrêtés par la police du régime syrien et disparus dans ses geôles sans qu’on ne sache plus rien.
    Des milliers de questions sans réponse

    Pas un mot, pas une information, pas le moindre acte d’accusation ni la moindre procédure. Aucun moyen de se défendre, aucune adresse où se rendre. Des milliers de questions sans réponse. Juste la forte suspicion d’un emprisonnement dans des centres de tortures qu’Amnesty International a décrits comme « des abattoirs humains ». Et un deuil impossible. Circulez, oubliez, il n’y a rien à voir. Silence. Les disparus semblent rayés de tous les registres officiels comme de la surface de la terre. Au moins 83 000 encore aujourd’hui, estime le Réseau syrien pour les droits humains qui documente chaque cas.
    Lire aussi A Damas, un « abattoir humain » au cœur de la crise syrienne

    Or voilà que le coronavirus a ravivé l’angoisse de ces familles. Voilà que des histoires circulent à l’intérieur et à l’extérieur de la Syrie, qui les affolent et les laissent imaginer une hécatombe dans le réseau de prisons et centres de détention du régime d’Assad, l’officiel et le clandestin que personne n’a le droit de visiter. Et voilà qu’à la suite des 43 ONG qui, le 16 mars, ont exhorté le gouvernement syrien à relâcher les prisonniers politiques dans la perspective du coronavirus, suivies par l’émissaire de l’ONU réclamant des mesures urgentes pour assurer des soins de protection dans tous les lieux de détention, des épouses, mères, sœurs, nièces de disparus nous ont spontanément contactés pour dire leur panique et attirer l’attention sur le sort des détenus secrets.
    Amal Al Nasin, avocate syrienne et militante des droits de la personne, est directrice du centre d’aide aux réfugiés Amals Healing and Advocacy Center, installé à Antakya, en Turquie, ici, le 16 mars 2019.
    Amal Al Nasin, avocate syrienne et militante des droits de la personne, est directrice du centre d’aide aux réfugiés Amals Healing and Advocacy Center, installé à Antakya, en Turquie, ici, le 16 mars 2019. AMALS HEALING AND ADVOCACY CENTER

    « Ce sont les plus vulnérables des vulnérables ; si le Covid-19 est introduit en prison, il va les décimer », alerte ainsi Amal Al-Nasin, avocate et présidente du Centre Amals Healing and Advocacy pour les familles de réfugiés, qui nous parle depuis Antakya, en Turquie, où elle est exilée depuis 2012. Elle n’a bien sûr jamais visité les centres des services secrets dans lesquels s’entassent les prisonniers arrêtés hors système légal. Mais elle se fonde sur les rapports publiés par Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, le Réseau syrien pour les droits humains, ainsi que sur les témoignages de prisonniers enfuis, échangés ou libérés, qu’elle recueille depuis les débuts de la révolution, en mars 2011.
    Cinquante détenus pour 24 m2

    Elle peut décrire les geôles puantes et surpeuplées, dénuées de ventilation et souvent de lumière du jour, infestées par les rats. Des cellules de 4 mètres sur 6, contenant jusqu’à une cinquantaine de détenus qui ne peuvent s’asseoir et dormir qu’à tour de rôle, privés d’hygiène, de soins lorsqu’ils sont malades, régulièrement appelés pour des séances de torture d’où ils rentrent en sang. « L’enfer », dit Me Al-Nasin. L’enfer dans lequel se sont déjà introduites des maladies comme la tuberculose et où les prisonniers décharnés, couverts de plaies, n’opposeraient aucune résistance au coronavirus. « Qu’un geôlier soit infecté, ou un nouveau détenu provenant d’une autre prison, et ils succomberaient par centaines, étouffés et sans le moindre soin. Car on ne peut pas attendre des tortionnaires qu’ils s’inquiètent de la santé de leurs victimes ! »

    https://www.lemonde.fr/international/article/2020/05/15/en-syrie-les-familles-de-prisonniers-face-au-virus-du-silence_6039713_3210.h

    #Covid-19#Syrie#migrant#migration#disparition#Prison#Al-Assad#DAESH#Prisonniers#Européens

  • [Vous faites quoi ?] Aver Séverine Janssen
    http://www.radiopanik.org/emissions/vous-faites-quoi-/aver-severine-janssen

    Bien que la question se soit déplacée, le présent devenant le futur, Il me reste des entretiens non-utilisés issus de la première période de la prise en otage organisée sous l’euphémise de #confinement.

    On rencontre Séverine janssen, connue pour son travail avec BNA-BBOT. Elle évoque ce qui l’inspire, ce qui la motive, la traverse ou la bouleverse.

    Collecte d’expériences singulières, de points de vies qui tels des points de croix en couture forment motif sur le tissus.

    Et comme pour chaque montage, je m’aventure dans des essais formels avec la mise en ondes. L’ennui (l’ennemi) mortel étant la répétition d’une formule qui a marché une fois - il y a une infinité de formules mais une durée limitée de temps pour les trouver. Prenant des libertés, c’est la moindre des choses, prendre la liberté, celle-ci (...)

    #disparition #pandemik #crise_sanitaire #severine_janssen #disparition,confinement,pandemik,crise_sanitaire,severine_janssen
    http://www.radiopanik.org/media/sounds/vous-faites-quoi-/aver-severine-janssen_08988__1.mp3

  • Notes anthropologiques (LII)

    Georges Lapierre

    https://lavoiedujaguar.net/Notes-anthropologiques-LII

    Traité sur l’apparence (VII)
    Notes sur l’irréalité

    Notre époque se caractérise par un fait remarquable qui n’a pas encore attiré toute notre attention : la marchandise se dématérialise de plus en plus, elle perd de la lourdeur, qui était la sienne jusqu’à présent ; elle devient éthérée, ce qui est le propre de l’apparence. La marchandise qui nous attire et fascine désormais est la marchandise qui a trait à la communication. Il s’agit de communiquer, de communiquer toujours plus. La teneur de la communication n’a pas d’importance, elle peut consister dans la photo attendrissante de chatons sur la couette comme dans l’envoi de quelques lignes de réflexion concernant notre réalité.

    Ce qui compte et ce qui a de l’importance, ce n’est pas l’objet de la communication, c’est la communication elle-même. Le sujet de la communication ne fait pas sens ou il n’a le sens que du prétexte, c’est la communication qui fait sens. Cette communication n’est plus celle de l’échange cérémoniel de dons dans lequel des collectivités se trouvent impliquées et engagées, c’est une communication entre individus grâce à tout un attirail de marchandises perfectionnées la permettant. (...)

    #apparence #irréalité #communication #marchandise #représentation #disparition #Hegel #Marx #idéologie #monothéisme

  • Nous n’avons pas besoin d’autorisation pour lutter pour la vie
    Les femmes zapatistes s’unissent à la grève nationale du 9 mars

    https://lavoiedujaguar.net/Nous-n-avons-pas-besoin-d-autorisation-pour-lutter-pour-la-vie-Les-f

    Armée zapatiste de libération nationale. Mexique.

    Aux femmes qui luttent au Mexique et dans le monde,
    De la part des femmes indigènes zapatistes de l’EZLN.

    Compañera et sœur,

    Nous te saluons au nom des femmes indigènes zapatistes de tous âges, aussi bien les plus petites que les plus sages, en âge. Nous espérons que tu vas bien et que tu luttes en compagnie de tes familles, sœurs et compañeras.

    Nous avons beaucoup de problèmes ici à cause des paramilitaires qui maintenant sont du côté de Morena, et qui avant étaient du PRI, du PAN, du PRD et du Parti des verts écologistes.

    Mais ce n’est pas de cela que nous voulons parler, mais de quelque chose de plus urgent et de plus important : des grandes violences commises à l’encontre des femmes dont on voit qu’elles ne cessent pas, mais au contraire qu’elles augmentent ainsi que la cruauté. Les assassinats et disparitions de femmes sont déjà une folie qu’on ne pouvait pas imaginer avant. Aucune femme, de n’importe quel âge, classe sociale, militantisme politique, couleur, race ou croyance religieuse n’est en sécurité. (...)

    #Mexique #EZLN #femmes #violence #assassinats #disparitions #8_mars #mobilisation #organisation #grève #patriarcat #capitalisme #gouvernement

  • Près de 600 migrants portés disparus en Libye, alerte l’OIM

    Les autorités libyennes disent avoir libéré 600 personnes, dont des femmes et des enfants, détenus dans un établissement sous le contrôle du ministère de l’Intérieur. L’Organisation internationale pour les migrations (OIM) s’inquiète du sort de ces migrants volatilisés.

    L’Organisation internationale pour les migrations (OIM) a indiqué avoir perdu la trace de 600 migrants en Libye. « Des femmes et des enfants de tous âges font partie des disparus, ce sont des personnes vulnérables », a alerté Safa Msehli, porte-parole de l’OIM, contactée par InfoMigrants jeudi 20 février.

    Ce groupe de migrants était enfermé dans un établissement sous le contrôle du ministère de l’Intérieur libyen à Tripoli depuis début janvier, après avoir été intercepté en mer Méditerranée et débarqué en Libye par les garde-côtes.

    L’OIM indique ne jamais avoir eu l’autorisation d’accéder à ce #centre. « Ce que nous savons c’est que le gouvernement libyen dit avoir libéré les 600 migrants, mais nous n’avons #aucun_signe_de vie d’eux. Nous sommes très inquiets. Nous avons demandé des éclaircissements aux autorités libyennes », a précisé Safa Msehli.


    https://twitter.com/ONUmigration/status/1230168903348891651?ref_src=twsrc%5Etfw%7Ctwcamp%5Etweetembed%7Ctwterm%5E12

    Bombardements d’un port de débarquement des migrants

    Sur place, la situation humanitaire continue de se détériorer, 10 mois après le début de l’offensive du maréchal Khalifa Haftar sur Tripoli, a prévenu l’OIM.

    Dernier incident en date, quelques heures à peine avant un débarquement de migrants interceptés en Méditerranée mardi : le port maritime de Tripoli ainsi que celui d’al-Chaab, un port secondaire, ont été la cible de plus de 15 roquettes. C’est la première fois que ces ports sont ciblés par de si lourds bombardements.

    « La Libye ne peut pas attendre », a réagi Federico Soda, chef de la mission de l’OIM en Libye, dans un communiqué. Dans un appel à la communauté internationale émis après cet incident, l’organisation enjoint plus spécifiquement l’Union européenne à réagir au plus vite en prenant « des mesures concrètes pour s’assurer que les vies sauvées en mer soient acheminées vers des ports sûrs, et pour mettre fin au système de détention arbitraire ».

    L’OIM plaide pour « un mécanisme de débarquement rapide et prévisible, dans lequel les États méditerranéens prennent une responsabilité égale pour trouver un port sûr aux personnes secourues ». Il demande aussi la reconnaissance des « efforts de sauvetage des navires des ONG opérant en Méditerranée » et une levée « de toute restriction et tout retard dans le débarquement ».

    Au moins 1 700 migrants ont été interceptés et renvoyés en Libye par les garde-côtes libyens depuis le début de la nouvelle année, selon l’OIM.

    https://www.infomigrants.net/fr/post/22909/pres-de-600-migrants-portes-disparus-en-libye-alerte-l-oim
    #disparitions #IOM #OIM #Libye #asile #migrations #réfugiés #disparitions #gardes-côtes_libyens #sauvetage (?) #Méditerranée #push-back #refoulements #Mer_Méditerranée

    @sinehebdo... c’est aussi un nouveau mot ?
    #migrants_volatilisés

  • Sur la piste des damnés de #Daech

    Nous sommes partis en Syrie, à la recherche de citoyens suisses qui ont cédé aux sirènes de l’Etat islamique. Tandis que des femmes et des adolescents livrent des témoignages inédits sur la vie à l’intérieur du #Califat, un détenu vaudois dénonce les mauvais traitements dont il est l’objet tandis qu’à Lausanne, pour la première fois, sa famille témoigne. Ils sont parmi les 11’000 combattants, femmes et enfants étrangers de Daech, détenus dans les prisons et camps tenus par les Kurdes au Nord-Est de la Syrie. Alors que leur famille et les autorités locales réclament leur rapatriement, les Etats européens, Suisse comprise, mettent le dos au mur.


    https://pages.rts.ch/emissions/temps-present/international/10646701-sur-la-piste-des-damnes-de-daech.html?anchor=10738842#10738842
    #EI #Etat_islamique #film #film_documentaire
    #Al-Hol #Daesh #femmes #enfants #camps #disparitions #Irak #Kurdistan #Baghouz #Centre_Hori (centre de #déradicalisation) #rapatriement #limbe #Syrie #prisons_kurdes #Suisse

    –---

    Sur le camp de Hal-Hol, voir aussi :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/806159
    https://seenthis.net/messages/805681

  • « Les glaciers des Pyrénées sont condamnés »

    Les glaciers pyrénéens et leur écosystème singulier sont entrés dans
    une inéluctable agonie sous l’effet du réchauffement climatique, avec
    pour horizon une disparition redoutée d’ici une trentaine d’années,
    selon les glaciologues qui en documentent le recul.

    « On ne peut pas donner de date précise, mais les glaciers pyrénéens
    sont condamnés », affirme Pierre René, le glaciologue de l’Association
    pyrénéenne de glaciologie Moraine, qui estime l’épilogue en 2050.

    https://www.ledevoir.com/societe/environnement/571124/les-glaciers-des-pyrenees-sont-condamnes

  • CFM | Personnes sortant du système d’asile : profils, échappatoires, perspectives
    https://asile.ch/2019/12/19/cfm-personnes-sortant-du-systeme-dasile-profils-echappatoires-perspectives

    La Commission fédérale pour les Migrations (CFM) a publié un rapport “Personnes sortant du système d’asile : profils, échappatoires et perspectives” au sujet des personnes qui n’ont pas obtenu de statut de séjour en Suisse suite à leur demande d’asile. Alors qu’une moitié environ disparaitrait des registres officiels, d’autres percevant l’aide d’urgence restent dépendantes des autorités, […]

    • Making misery pay : Libya militias take EU funds for migrants

      When the European Union started funneling millions of euros into Libya to slow the tide of migrants crossing the Mediterranean, the money came with EU promises to improve detention centers notorious for abuse and fight human trafficking.

      That hasn’t happened. Instead, the misery of migrants in Libya has spawned a thriving and highly lucrative web of businesses funded in part by the EU and enabled by the United Nations, an Associated Press investigation has found.

      The EU has sent more than 327.9 million euros to Libya (https://ec.europa.eu/trustfundforafrica/region/north-africa/libya), with an additional 41 million approved in early December (https://ec.europa.eu/trustfundforafrica/all-news-and-stories/new-actions-almost-eu150-million-tackle-human-smuggling-protect-vulnerable), largely channeled through U.N. agencies. The AP found that in a country without a functioning government, huge sums of European money have been diverted to intertwined networks of militiamen, traffickers and coast guard members who exploit migrants. In some cases, U.N. officials knew militia networks were getting the money, according to internal emails.

      The militias torture, extort and otherwise abuse migrants for ransoms in detention centers under the nose of the U.N., often in compounds that receive millions in European money, the AP investigation showed. Many migrants also simply disappear from detention centers, sold to traffickers or to other centers.

      The same militias conspire with some members of Libyan coast guard units. The coast guard gets training and equipment from Europe to keep migrants away from its shores. But coast guard members return some migrants to the detention centers under deals with militias, the AP found, and receive bribes to let others pass en route to Europe.

      The militias involved in abuse and trafficking also skim off European funds given through the U.N. to feed and otherwise help migrants, who go hungry. For example, millions of euros in U.N. food contracts were under negotiation with a company controlled by a militia leader, even as other U.N. teams raised alarms about starvation in his detention center, according to emails obtained by the AP and interviews with at least a half-dozen Libyan officials.

      In many cases, the money goes to neighboring Tunisia to be laundered, and then flows back to the militias in Libya.

      The story of Prudence Aimée and her family shows how migrants are exploited at every stage of their journey through Libya.

      Aimée left Cameroon in 2015, and when her family heard nothing from her for a year, they thought she was dead. But she was in detention and incommunicado. In nine months at the Abu Salim detention center, she told the AP, she saw “European Union milk” and diapers delivered by U.N.staff pilfered before they could reach migrant children, including her toddler son. Aimée herself would spend two days at a time without food or drink, she said.

      In 2017, an Arab man came looking for her with a photo of her on his phone.

      “They called my family and told them they had found me,” she said. “That’s when my family sent money.” Weeping, Aimée said her family paid a ransom equivalent of $670 to get her out of the center. She could not say who got the money.

      She was moved to an informal warehouse and eventually sold to yet another detention center, where yet another ransom — $750 this time — had to be raised from her family. Her captors finally released the young mother, who got on a boat that made it past the coast guard patrol, after her husband paid $850 for the passage. A European humanitarian ship rescued Aimée, but her husband remains in Libya.

      Aimée was one of more than 50 migrants interviewed by the AP at sea, in Europe, Tunisia and Rwanda, and in furtive messages from inside detention centers in Libya. Journalists also spoke with Libyan government officials, aid workers and businessmen in Tripoli, obtained internal U.N. emails and analyzed budget documents and contracts.

      The issue of migration has convulsed Europe since the influx of more than a million people in 2015 and 2016, fleeing violence and poverty in the Mideast, Afghanistan and Africa. In 2015, the European Union set up a fund intended to curb migration from Africa, from which money is sent to Libya. The EU gives the money mainly through the U.N.’s International Organization for Migration (IOM) and the High Commissioner for Refugees. (UNHCR).

      But Libya is plagued by corruption and caught in a civil war. The west, including the capital Tripoli, is ruled by a U.N.-brokered government, while the east is ruled by another government supported by army commander Khalifa Hifter. The chaos is ideal for profiteers making money off migrants.

      The EU’s own documents show it was aware of the dangers of effectively outsourcing its migration crisis to Libya. Budget documents from as early as 2017 for a 90 million euro (https://ec.europa.eu/trustfundforafrica/sites/euetfa/files/t05-eutf-noa-ly-03.pdf) outlay warned of a medium-to-high risk that Europe’s support would lead to more human rights violations against migrants, and that the Libyan government would deny access to detention centers. A recent EU assessment (https://ec.europa.eu/trustfundforafrica/sites/euetfa/files/risk_register_eutf_0.pdf) found the world was likely to get the “wrong perception” that European money could be seen as supporting abuse.

      Despite the roles they play in the detention system in Libya, both the EU and the U.N. say they want the centers closed. In a statement to the AP, the EU said that under international law, it is not responsible for what goes on inside the centers.

      “Libyan authorities have to provide the detained refugees and migrants with adequate and quality food while ensuring that conditions in detention centers uphold international agreed standards,” the statement said.

      The EU also says more than half of the money in its fund for Africa is used to help and protect migrants, and that it relies on the U.N. to spend the money wisely.

      The U.N. said the situation in Libya is highly complex, and it has to work with whoever runs the detention centers to preserve access to vulnerable migrants.

      “UNHCR does not choose its counterparts,” said Charlie Yaxley, a spokesman for the U.N. refugee agency. “Some presumably also have allegiances with local militias.”

      After two weeks of being questioned by the AP, UNHCR said it would change its policy on awarding of food and aid contracts for migrants through intermediaries.

      “Due in part to the escalating conflict in Tripoli and the possible risk to the integrity of UNHCR’s programme, UNHCR decided to contract directly for these services from 1 January 2020,” Yaxley said.

      Julien Raickman, who until recently was the Libya mission chief for the aid group Médecins Sans Frontières, also known as Doctors Without Borders, believes the problem starts with Europe’s unwillingness to deal with the politics of migration.

      “If you were to treat dogs in Europe the way these people are treated, it would be considered a societal problem,” he said.

      EXTORTION INSIDE THE DETENTION CENTERS

      About 5,000 migrants in Libya are crowded into between 16 and 23 detention centers at any given time, depending on who is counting and when. Most are concentrated in the west, where the militias are more powerful than the weak U.N.-backed government.

      Aid intended for migrants helps support the al-Nasr Martyrs detention center, named for the militia that controls it, in the western coastal town of Zawiya. The U.N. migration agency, the IOM, keeps a temporary office there for medical checks of migrants, and its staff and that of the UNHCR visit the compound regularly.

      Yet migrants at the center are tortured for ransoms to be freed and trafficked for more money, only to be intercepted at sea by the coast guard and brought back to the center, according to more than a dozen migrants, Libyan aid workers, Libyan officials and European human rights groups. A UNHCR report in late 2018 noted the allegations as well, and the head of the militia, Mohammed Kachlaf, is under U.N. sanctions (https://www.un.org/securitycouncil/sanctions/1970/materials/summaries/individual/mohammed-kachlaf) for human trafficking. Kachlaf, other militia leaders named by the AP and the Libyan coast guard all did not respond to requests for comment.

      Many migrants recalled being cut, shot and whipped with electrified hoses and wooden boards. They also heard the screams of others emerging from the cell blocks off-limits to U.N. aid workers.

      Families back home are made to listen during the torture to get them to pay, or are sent videos afterward.

      Eric Boakye, a Ghanaian, was locked in the al-Nasr Martyrs center twice, both times after he was intercepted at sea, most recently around three years ago. The first time, his jailers simply took the money on him and set him free. He tried again to cross and was again picked up by the coast guard and returned to his jailers.

      “They cut me with a knife on my back and beat me with sticks,” he said, lifting his shirt to show the scars lining his back. “Each and every day they beat us to call our family and send money.” The new price for freedom: Around $2,000.

      That was more than his family could scrape together. Boakye finally managed to escape. He worked small jobs for some time to save money, then tried to cross again. On his fourth try, he was picked up by the Ocean Viking humanitarian ship to be taken to Italy. In all, Boakye had paid $4,300 to get out of Libya.

      Fathi al-Far, the head of the al-Nasr International Relief and Development agency, which operates at the center and has ties to the militia, denied that migrants are mistreated. He blamed “misinformation” on migrants who blew things out of proportion in an attempt to get asylum.

      “I am not saying it’s paradise — we have people who have never worked before with the migrants, they are not trained,” he said. But he called the al-Nasr Martyrs detention center “the most beautiful in the country.”

      At least five former detainees showed an AP journalist scars from their injuries at the center, which they said were inflicted by guards or ransom seekers making demands to their families. One man had bullet wounds to both feet, and another had cuts on his back from a sharp blade. All said they had to pay to get out.

      Five to seven people are freed every day after they pay anywhere from $1,800 to $8,500 each, the former migrants said. At al-Nasr, they said, the militia gets around $14,000 every day from ransoms; at Tarik al-Sikka, a detention center in Tripoli, it was closer to $17,000 a day, they said. They based their estimates on what they and others detained with them had paid, by scraping together money from family and friends.

      The militias also make money from selling groups of migrants, who then often simply disappear from a center. An analysis commissioned by the EU and released earlier this month by the Global Initiative Against Transnational Organized Crime (https://globalinitiative.net/migrant-detention-libya) noted that the detention centers profit by selling migrants among themselves and to traffickers, as well as into prostitution and forced labor.

      Hundreds of migrants this year who were intercepted at sea and taken to detention centers had vanished by the time international aid groups visited, according to Médecins Sans Frontières. There’s no way to tell where they went, but MSF suspects they were sold to another detention center or to traffickers.

      A former guard at the Khoms center acknowledged to the AP that migrants often were seized in large numbers by men armed with anti-aircraft guns and RPGs. He said he couldn’t keep his colleagues from abusing the migrants or traffickers from taking them out of the center.

      “I don’t want to remember what happened,” he said. The IOM was present at Khoms, he noted, but the center closed last year.

      A man who remains detained at the al-Nasr Martyrs center said Libyans frequently arrive in the middle of the night to take people. Twice this fall, he said, they tried to load a group of mostly women into a small convoy of vehicles but failed because the center’s detainees revolted.

      Fighting engulfed Zawiya last week, but migrants remained locked inside the al-Nasr Martyrs center, which is also being used for weapons storage.

      TRAFFICKING AND INTERCEPTION AT SEA

      Even when migrants pay to be released from the detention centers, they are rarely free. Instead, the militias sell them to traffickers, who promise to take them across the Mediterranean to Europe for a further fee. These traffickers work hand in hand with some coast guard members, the AP found.

      The Libyan coast guard is supported by both the U.N. and the EU. The IOM highlights (https://libya.iom.int/rescue-sea-support) its cooperation with the coast guard on its Libya home page. Europe has spent more than 90 million euros since 2017 for training and faster boats for the Libyan coast guard to stop migrants from ending up in Europe.

      This fall, Italy renewed a memorandum of understanding with Libya to support the coast guard with training and vessels, and it delivered 10 new speedboats to Libya in November.

      In internal documents obtained in September by the European watchdog group Statewatch, the European Council described the coast guard as “operating effectively, thus confirming the process achieved over the past three years” (http://www.statewatch.org/news/2019/sep/eu-council-libya-11538-19.pdf). The Libyan coast guard says it intercepted nearly 9,000 people in 2019 en route to Europe and returned them to Libya this year, after quietly extending its coastal rescue zone 100 miles offshore with European encouragement.

      What’s unclear is how often militias paid the coast guard to intercept these people and bring them back to the detention centers — the business more than a dozen migrants described at the al-Nasr Martyrs facility in Zawiya.

      The coast guard unit at Zawiya is commanded by Abdel-Rahman Milad, who has sanctions against him for human trafficking by the U.N.’s Security Council. Yet when his men intercept boats carrying migrants, they contact U.N. staff at disembarkation points for cursory medical checks.

      Despite the sanctions and an arrest warrant against him, Milad remains free because he has the support of the al-Nasr militia. In 2017, before the sanctions, Milad was even flown to Rome, along with a militia leader, Mohammed al-Khoja, as part of a Libyan delegation for a U.N.-sponsored migration meeting. In response to the sanctions, Milad denied any links to human smuggling and said traffickers wear uniforms similar to those of his men.

      Migrants named at least two other operations along the coast, at Zuwara and Tripoli, that they said operated along the same lines as Milad’s. Neither center responded to requests for comment.

      The U.N.’s International Organization for Migration acknowledged to the AP that it has to work with partners who might have contacts with local militias.

      “Without those contacts it would be impossible to operate in those areas and for IOM to provide support services to migrants and the local population,” said IOM spokeswoman Safa Msehli. “Failure to provide that support would have compounded the misery of hundreds of men, women and children.”

      The story of Abdullah, a Sudanese man who made two attempts to flee Libya, shows just how lucrative the cycle of trafficking and interception really is.

      All told, the group of 47 in his first crossing from Tripoli over a year ago had paid a uniformed Libyan and his cronies $127,000 in a mix of dollars, euros and Libyan dinars for the chance to leave their detention center and cross in two boats. They were intercepted in a coast guard boat by the same uniformed Libyan, shaken down for their cell phones and more money, and tossed back into detention.

      “We talked to him and asked him, why did you let us out and then arrest us?” said Abdullah, who asked that only his first name be used because he was afraid of retaliation. “He beat two of us who brought it up.”

      Abdullah later ended up in the al-Nasr Martyrs detention center, where he learned the new price list for release and an attempted crossing based on nationality: Ethiopians, $5,000; Somalis $6,800; Moroccans and Egyptians, $8,100; and finally Bangladeshis, a minimum $18,500. Across the board, women pay more.

      Abdullah scraped together another ransom payment and another crossing fee. Last July, he and 18 others paid $48,000 in total for a boat with a malfunctioning engine that sputtered to a stop within hours.

      After a few days stuck at sea off the Libyan coast under a sweltering sun, they threw a dead man overboard and waited for their own lives to end. Instead, they were rescued on their ninth day at sea by Tunisian fishermen, who took them back to Tunisia.

      “There are only three ways out of the prison: You escape, you pay ransom, or you die,” Abdullah said, referring to the detention center.

      In all, Abdullah spent a total of $3,300 to leave Libya’s detention centers and take to the sea. He ended up barely 100 miles away.

      Sometimes members of the coast guard make money by doing exactly what the EU wants them to prevent: Letting migrants cross, according to Tarik Lamloum, the head of the Libyan human rights organization Beladi. Traffickers pay the coast guard a bribe of around $10,000 per boat that is allowed to pass, with around five to six boats launching at a time when conditions are favorable, he said.

      The head of Libya’s Department for Combating Irregular Migration or DCIM, the agency responsible for the detention centers under the Ministry of Interior, acknowledged corruption and collusion among the militias and the coast guard and traffickers, and even within the government itself.

      “They are in bed with them, as well as people from my own agency,” said Al Mabrouk Abdel-Hafez.

      SKIMMING PROFITS

      Beyond the direct abuse of migrants, the militia network also profits by siphoning off money from EU funds sent for their food and security — even those earmarked for a U.N.-run migrant center, according to more than a dozen officials and aid workers in Libya and Tunisia, as well as internal U.N. emails and meeting minutes seen by The Associated Press.

      An audit in May of the UNHCR (https://oios.un.org/audit-reports, the U.N. refugee agency responsible for the center, found a lack of oversight and accountability at nearly all levels of spending in the Libya mission. The audit identified inexplicable payments in American dollars to Libyan firms and deliveries of goods that were never verified.

      In December 2018, during the period reviewed in the audit, the U.N. launched its migrant center in Tripoli (https://www.unhcr.org/news/press/2018/12/5c09033a4/first-group-refugees-evacuated-new-departure-facility-libya.html), known as the #Gathering_and_Departure_Facility or #GDF, as an “ alternative to detention” (https://apnews.com/7e72689f44e45dd17aa0a3ee53ed3c03). For the recipients of the services contracts, sent through the Libyan government agency LibAid, it was a windfall.

      Millions of euros in contracts for food (https://apnews.com/e4c68dae65a84c519253f69c817a58ec) and migrant aid went to at least one company linked to al-Khoja, the militia leader flown to Rome for the U.N. migration meeting, according to internal U.N. emails seen by the AP, two senior Libyan officials and an international aid worker. Al-Khoja is also the deputy head of the DCIM, the government agency responsible for the detention centers.

      One of the Libyan officials saw the multimillion-euro catering contract with a company named Ard al-Watan, or The Land of the Nation, which al-Khoja controls.

      “We feel like this is al-Khoja’s fiefdom. He controls everything. He shuts the doors and he opens the doors,” said the official, a former employee at the U.N. center who like other Libyan officials spoke anonymously out of fear for his safety. He said al-Khoja used sections of the U.N. center to train his militia fighters and built a luxury apartment inside.

      Even as the contracts for the U.N. center were negotiated, Libyan officials said, three Libyan government agencies were investigating al-Khoja in connection with the disappearance of $570 million from government spending allocated to feed migrants in detention centers in the west.

      At the time, al-Khoja already ran another center for migrants, Tarik al-Sikka, notorious for abuses including beating, hard labor and a massive ransom scheme. Tekila, an Eritrean refugee, said that for two years at Tarik al-Sikka, he and other migrants lived on macaroni, even after he was among 25 people who came down with tuberculosis, a disease exacerbated by malnutrition. Tekila asked that only his first name be used for his safety.

      “When there is little food, there is no choice but to go to sleep,” he said.

      Despite internal U.N. emails warning of severe malnutrition inside Tarik al-Sikka, U.N. officials in February and March 2018 repeatedly visited the detention center to negotiate the future opening of the GDF. AP saw emails confirming that by July 2018, the UNHCR’s chief of mission was notified that companies controlled by al-Khoja’s militia would receive subcontracts for services.

      Yaxley, the spokesman for UNHCR, emphasized that the officials the agency works with are “all under the authority of the Ministry of Interior.” He said UNHCR monitors expenses to make sure its standard rules are followed, and may withhold payments otherwise.

      A senior official at LibAid, the Libyan government agency that managed the center with the U.N., said the contracts are worth at least $7 million for catering, cleaning and security, and 30 out of the 65 LibAid staff were essentially ghost employees who showed up on the payroll, sight unseen.

      The U.N. center was “a treasure trove,” the senior Libaid official lamented. “There was no way you could operate while being surrounded by Tripoli militias. It was a big gamble.”

      An internal U.N. communication from early 2019 shows it was aware of the problem. The note found a high risk that food for the U.N. center was being diverted to militias, given the amount budgeted compared to the amount migrants were eating.

      In general, around 50 dinars a day, or $35, is budgeted per detainee for food and other essentials for all centers, according to two Libyan officials, two owners of food catering companies and an international aid worker. Of that, only around 2 dinars is actually spent on meals, according to their rough calculations and migrants’ descriptions.

      Despite the investigations into al-Khoja, Tarik al-Sikka and another detention center shared a 996,000-euro grant from the EU and Italy in February.

      At the Zawiya center, emergency goods delivered by U.N. agencies ended up redistributed “half for the prisoners, half for the workers,” said Orobosa Bright, a Nigerian who endured three stints there for a total of 11 months. Many of the goods end up on Libya’s black market as well, Libyan officials and international aid workers say.

      IOM’s spokeswoman said “aid diversion is a reality” in Libya and beyond, and that the agency does its best. Msehli said if it happens regularly, IOM will be forced to re-evaluate its supports to detention centers “despite our awareness that any reduction in this lifesaving assistance will add to the misery of migrants.”

      Despite the corruption, the detention system in Libya is still expanding in places, with money from Europe. At a detention center in Sabaa where migrants are already going hungry, they were forced to build yet another wing funded by the Italian government, said Lamloum, the Libyan aid worker. The Italian government did not respond to a request for comment.

      Lamloum sent a photo of the new prison. It has no windows.

      TUNISIA LAUNDERING

      The money earned off the suffering of migrants is whitewashed in money laundering operations in Tunisia, Libya’s neighbor.

      In the town of Ben Gardane, dozens of money-changing stalls transform Libyan dinars, dollars and euros into Tunisian currency before the money continues on its way to the capital, Tunis. Even Libyans without residency can open a bank account.

      Tunisia also offers another opportunity for militia networks to make money off European funds earmarked for migrants. Because of Libya’s dysfunctional banking system, where cash is scarce and militias control accounts, international organizations give contracts, usually in dollars, to Libyan organizations with bank accounts in Tunisia. The vendors compound the money on Libya’s black-market exchange, which ranges between 4 and 9 times greater than the official rate.

      Libya’s government handed over more than 100 files to Tunisia earlier this year listing companies under investigation for fraud and money laundering.

      The companies largely involve militia warlords and politicians, according to Nadia Saadi, a manager at the Tunisian anti-corruption authority. The laundering involves cash payments for real estate, falsified customs documents and faked bills for fictitious companies.

      “All in all, Libya is run by militias,” said a senior Libyan judicial official, who spoke on condition of anonymity for fear of risking his life. “Whatever governments say, and whatever uniform they wear, or stickers they put....this is the bottom line.”

      Husni Bey, a prominent businessman in Libya, said the idea of Europe sending aid money to Libya, a once-wealthy country suffering from corruption, was ill-conceived from the beginning.

      “Europe wants to buy those who can stop smuggling with all of these programs,” Bey said. “They would be much better off blacklisting the names of those involved in human trafficking, fuel and drug smuggling and charging them with crimes, instead of giving them money.”

      https://apnews.com/9d9e8d668ae4b73a336a636a86bdf27f

  • l’histgeobox : Avec « les Oubliés », Gauvain chante les campagnes confrontées à la disparition des services publics.
    http://lhistgeobox.blogspot.com/2019/10/avec-les-oublies-gauvain-chante-les.html
    https://lh5.googleusercontent.com/proxy/MHkvQqj1zAaxS6S72Uh5jbPJqL4TRvj9m93_1pA6vh7qMQByf0iqthyMw-v_G

    Certains habitants des espaces ruraux marginalisés constatent, dépités, que tout se passe ailleurs, en ville. Ceux qui n’ont pas les moyens économiques, culturels, matériels de s’y rendre, vivent cette situation comme une assignation à résidence. Dans le cadre de la mondialisation, dans lequel seules les grandes métropoles semblent tirer leur épingle du jeu, cette situation attise - à tort ou à raison - un sentiment de marginalisation chez de nombreux acteurs des mondes ruraux qui subissent, depuis de nombreuses années, des politiques participant au détricotage des services publics et des liens sociaux. Si la décision de fermer un établissement scolaire répond à des logiques comptables et budgétaires nationales ; elle passe très mal auprès des populations locales concernées, leur donnant l’impression d’être abandonnées et méprisées, à l’instar des figures de la ruralité, souvent associées à la beauferie ou à l’arriération culturelle.

  • Suite mexicaine (V)

    Georges Lapierre

    https://lavoiedujaguar.net/Suite-mexicaine-V

    La guerre sociale au Mexique
    Deuxième partie : les résistances
    À la recherche des personnes disparues

    Cette résistance à la toute-puissance de l’argent peut prendre une forme organisée et, dans le domaine de l’organisation, celle des zapatistes est exemplaire à la fois par sa cohésion, sa souplesse et son étendue. À l’extrême Sud-Est du pays, les zapatistes protègent, entretiennent et nourrissent un feu, celui d’une résistance obstinée face aux malheurs des temps. Ils témoignent. Ils sont les derniers Mohicans qui, à la nuit tombée, allument un feu de camp, un bivouac, et ce bivouac se voit au loin. C’est un bivouac dans les hurlements de la guerre à outrance. Les zapatistes sont nos sentinelles dans la nuit. Des sentinelles dans notre nuit.

    J’ai apprécié à sa juste valeur la réponse zapatiste à la menace représentée par les ambitions des entreprises capitalistes et leurs visées expansionnistes. La réponse des zapatistes est stratégique, ils ne se sont pas laissé prendre au dépourvu, ils se sont renforcés. Leur lucidité, au sein d’une société civile molle, ballottée entre promesses et mensonges, force l’admiration. Une nouvelle fois, les zapatistes ont su contourner l’obstacle et l’état de siège dans lequel le gouvernement pensait les contenir. (...)

    #Mexique #guerre #cartels #López_Obrador #armée #zapatistes #résistance #assassinats #disparitions #silence #complicité #État #féminicide #femmes

    • La chercheuse franco-iranienne Fariba Adelkhah détenue en Iran

      Le ministère français des Affaires étrangères a confirmé ce lundi 15 juillet l’arrestation en Iran d’une chercheuse franco-iranienne de l’Institut d’études politiques de Paris, Fariba Adelkhah.

      Le ministère français des Affaires étrangères n’a pas précisé la date de l’arrestation de Fariba Adelkhah. Plusieurs médias en persan, basés à l’étranger, affirment qu’elle remontait à « trois semaines ». D’après le magazine Le Point, à Paris, la chercheuse franco-iranienne a été arrêtée le « 7 juin ». Sur le site officiel du gouvernement, un porte-parole, Ali Rabiï, dit n’avoir aucune information concernant cette arrestation et ne pas savoir « qui l’a arrêtée, ni pour quelle raison ».

      Le site iranien de défense des droits de l’homme Gozaar affirme que Fariba Adelkhah a été interpellée par les Gardiens de la révolution, la police idéologique iranienne. Elle est détenue dans la tristement célèbre prison d’Evin, mais elle ne serait pas maltraitée et aurait reçu la visite de sa famille, indique l’un de ses confrères chercheurs. Ce 16 juillet, l’Autorité judiciaire iranienne a confirmé son arrestation, sans préciser la date exacte.

      Emmanuel Macron se dit très préoccupé

      Les autorités françaises ont « effectué des démarches auprès des autorités iraniennes pour obtenir de leur part des informations sur la situation et les conditions de l’arrestation de Mme Adelkhah et demander un accès consulaire » à leur ressortissante, mais n’ont reçu « aucune réponse satisfaisante » à ce jour, précise le Quai d’Orsay dans un communiqué. « La France appelle les autorités iraniennes à faire toute la lumière sur la situation de Mme Adelkhah et leur réitère ses demandes, en particulier celle d’une autorisation sans délais pour un accès consulaire », insiste encore le ministère.

      « Ce qui s’est passé me préoccupe beaucoup », a réagi le président Emmanuel Macron lors d’une conférence de presse à Belgrade. « Aucune explication à ce stade ne m’a été fournie permettant d’expliquer de manière valable quelque incarcération que ce soit et donc le dialogue sur ce sujet se poursuivra », a-t-il ajouté. De son côté, l’Institut politique de Paris, pour qui Fariba Adelkhah travaille, a jugé son arrestation « inadmissible et révoltante ».

      Chercheuse au Centre de recherches internationales (Ceri) de Sciences Po-Paris, docteure en anthropologie de l’École des Hautes études en Sciences sociales (EHESS) de Paris, Fariba Adelkhah, 60 ans, collabore à plusieurs revues scientifiques comme Iranian Studies et la Revue des mondes musulmans et de la Méditerranée. Elle est l’auteure de nombreuses publications sur l’Iran et l’Afghanistan, indique l’Institut d’études politiques sur son portail internet.

      Plusieurs hypothèses

      Au moment de son arrestation, Fariba Adelkhah était en Iran pour un travail de recherches. Elle s’intéressait au séminaire de Qom, l’un des plus importants centre d’éducation chiite au monde. Mais il y a en République islamique des sujets sensibles, voire tabous, et mener des recherches sur les écoles théologiques en fait partie, indique un spécialiste de l’Iran qui requiert l’anonymat. De la même façon, travailler sur les femmes, les minorités ethniques ou encore le guide suprême dérange au plus haut point les autorités à Téhéran, surtout lorsqu’on est rattaché un institut de recherches étranger et en l’occurrence français rajoute ce même expert.

      Un autre fin connaisseur de la République islamique voit en l’arrestation de Fariba Adelkhah un éventuel message adressé à Paris. Elle intervient en effet dans un contexte de tensions des relations entre Téhéran et les pays occidentaux, suite aux sanctions américaines imposées à l’Iran et les annonces faites par la République islamique ne plus respecter certaines mesures de l’accord sur le nucléaire.

      Les pays européens, dont la France qui a dépêché un émissaire sur place, s’emploient à essayer de faire baisser la tension. Or, dans un pays où cohabitent plusieurs pouvoirs, certains rejettent l’initiative française, analyse ce même spécialiste qui souhaite également conserver son anonymat. L’arrestation de la chercheuse est leur moyen de le faire comprendre à Paris.

      http://www.rfi.fr/moyen-orient/20190715-chercheuse-fariba-adelkhah-detenue-iran
      #arrestation

    • Une chercheuse franco-iranienne arrêtée par Téhéran

      Détenue depuis plusieurs semaines, l’universitaire Fariba Adelkhah serait soupçonnée d’espionnage. Une accusation absurde selon ses collègues du Ceri qui désignent plutôt le climat de tensions entre Téhéran et les Occidentaux.

      https://www.liberation.fr/planete/2019/07/15/une-chercheuse-franco-iranienne-arretee-par-teheran_1740151

    • L’anthropologue franco-iranienne Fariba Adelkhah arrêtée en Iran pour des raisons inconnues

      Fariba Adelkhah, directrice de recherche au Centre de recherches internationales de Sciences Po, a été arrêtée en juin dernier en Iran où elle effectuait ses travaux, affirme Le Point, relayant un site iranien. Le Quai d’Orsay a demandé des explications à Téhéran, sans réponse précise.

      https://www.franceculture.fr/geopolitique/lanthropologue-franco-iranienne-fariba-adelkhah-arretee-en-iran-pour-d

    • France demands access to dual-national academic held in Iran

      Prominent researcher Fariba Adelkhah was arrested in June, reports say.
      France has demanded immediate consular access to a senior French-Iranian academic who has been arrested in Iran.

      Fariba Adelkhah, a prominent researcher in anthropology and social sciences based at the Paris political institute Sciences Po, is believed to have been arrested in June.

      The detention risks increasing tension between Paris and Tehran at a critical moment in the crisis over Iran’s nuclear deal. European foreign ministers were meeting in Brussels on Monday in an attempt to preserve the deal, which the US abandoned unilaterally a year ago leading to an accelerating reciprocal withdrawal by Iran.

      The French foreign ministry said it had not yet been given “satisfactory” information on the status of Adelkhah, who is seen as one of France’s top academics on Iran.

      “The French authorities were recently informed of the arrest of Fariba Adelkhah,” the foreign ministry said in a statement. “France calls on the Iranian authorities to shed full light on Mrs Adelkhah’s situation and repeats its demands, particularly with regard to an immediate authorisation for consular access. No satisfactory response has been received until now.”

      Adelkhah is best known for her book Being Modern in Iran, about changes in the country after the 1979 Islamic revolution.

      Sciences Po, the elite political science institute where Adelkhah works, confirmed her arrest but refused to comment.

      Iranian opposition websites abroad have said Adelkhah disappeared in June. Iran’s state-run Irna news agency quoted a government spokesman as saying on Sunday that a dual national had been arrested, without elaborating. The spokesman, Ali Rabiei, said he could not confirm any information.

      Adelkhah is the latest Iranian national also holding a western passport to be arrested in Iran. The UK has advised dual nationals against travel to Iran, saying the “dangers they face include arbitrary detention and lack of access to basic legal rights”.

      Nazanin Zaghari-Ratcliffe, a British-Iranian project manager with the Thomson Reuters Foundation, has been jailed in Tehran since 2016 on espionage charges. Dual Iranian-American nationals Siamak Namazi and his father, Baquer, are serving 10-year sentences for espionage in a case that has outraged Washington.

      Meanwhile, Xiyue Wang, a Chinese-American researcher at Princeton University, is serving a 10-year sentence for espionage, and a US national, Michael White, 46, was this year sentenced to 10 years.

      A French academic, Clotilde Reiss, was detained in Iran for 10 months in 2009-10 before being released in a case that attracted widespread attention at the time.

      At a similar time to Reiss’s release, French judicial authorities set free Ali Vakili Rad, who had been convicted of the 1991 murder outside Paris of the ousted shah’s former prime minister Shapour Bakhtiar. The timing led to speculation that a deal may have been struck between the countries over the prisoners, though French authorities denied any exchange.

      As news of the latest detention broke, European foreign ministers were fighting to save the Iran nuclear deal after Tehran’s announcements earlier this month that it would boost the enrichment level of uranium above agreed limits, breaking the terms of the landmark accord.

      The EU hopes it can persuade Iran to return to the deal, without triggering an investigation into Teheran’s decision to breach terms by enriching uranium.

      The bloc’s foreign policy chief, Federica Mogherini, said none of the signatories to the deal considered the breaches to be significant, and so they would not be triggering its dispute mechanism which could lead to further sanctions.

      “All the steps that have been taken are reversible, so we hope and we invite Iran to reverse these steps and go back to full compliance with the agreement,” she said.

      Jeremy Hunt, the British foreign secretary, said there was a “closing but small window” to keep the deal alive. The UK foreign secretary warned that if Tehran acquired nuclear weapons, other countries in the region would too, leading to a “very toxic and dangerous situation”.

      As punishing US economic sanctions hit Iran’s economy, the EU has been attempting to craft a barter mechanism to allow European companies to continue trading with Iran.

      So far, 10 EU member states have agreed to take part in the Instex barter system, which allows companies to trade without money changing hands, in an attempt to avoid falling foul of US sanctions.

      Mogherini said the EU had not expected these measures would compensate Iran for economic losses incurred by the US decision to withdraw from the deal.

      “We are doing our best and we hope that this will be enough for the Iranian public opinion and the Iranian authorities to realise that as we are committed to the full implementation of the JCPOA [joint comprehensive plan of action, the Iran nuclear deal],” she said.

      https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/jul/15/france-demands-access-to-academic-fariba-adelkhah-held-in-iran

  • Mexico, country of 2,000 clandestine graves
    https://visionscarto.net/2000-clandestine-graves

    From 2006 to 2016 almost 2,000 illegal burials were discovered where criminals disappeared persons. The barbarity encompasses 24 states in the country, and one out of every 7 municipalities. In this investigation we document more clandestine graves than the government recognizes: one grave every two days. by Alejandra Guillén, Mago Torres y Marcela Turati On February 20, 1943, the Purépecha community in Angahuan, Mexico, watched with great astonishment as the earth opened up, expelled black (...)

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