• The Secret History of Facial Recognition | WIRED
    https://www.wired.com/story/secret-history-facial-recognition/#intcid=recommendations_wired-bottom-recirc-similar_c8326ac3-9322-4ace-b656-d

    Sixty years ago, a sharecropper’s son invented a technology to identify faces. Then the record of his role all but vanished. Who was Woody Bledsoe, and who was he working for ? Woody Bledsoe was sitting in a wheelchair in his open garage, waiting. To anyone who had seen him even a few months earlier—anyone accustomed to greeting him on Sundays at the local Mormon church, or to spotting him around town on his jogs—the 74-year-old would have been all but unrecognizable. The healthy round cheeks (...)

    #Microsoft #Defense_Advanced_Research_Projects_Agency_(DARPA) #Amazon #Instagram #algorithme #Identité #Rekognition #smartphone #biométrie #militarisation #racisme #criminalité #facial #reconnaissance #BigData #data #discrimination #empreintes #forme (...)

    ##Defense_Advanced_Research_Projects_Agency__DARPA_ ##Identité ##criminalité ##Islam ##santé ##SocialNetwork ##bug ##CIA ##FBI ##Panoramic

  • L’eccidio di Debra Libanòs

    Wikiradio del 20/05/2016 - Rai Radio 3 - RaiPlay Radio
    https://www.raiplayradio.it/audio/2016/05/Leccidio-di-Debra-Libanos---Wikiradio-del-20052016-b1037d40-78c1-4849-9

    Il 20 maggio #1937, nel santuario di #DebraLibanòs, in Etiopia, 297 monaci e 23 laici vengono fucilati per ordine del generale #RodolfoGraziani con Paolo Soldini

    Repertorio

    – testimonianza di Adamu Asegahgn, guerrigliero etiope, da La storia siamo noi. La guerra d’Etiopia:L’Impero di argilla del 5/5/2009 -Archivi Rai

    –frammento dal resoconto di un medico ungherese sulle stragi compiute dagli italiani in Etiopia, tratta dal documentario della #BBC #FascistLegacy, 1989

    https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fascist_Legacy

    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=oZB48EWuvts

    #Mussolini legge il telegramma di #Badoglio in cui annuncia l’ingresso ad #AddisAbeba

    – testimonianza di Tesfaye Tasew del monastero di Debra Libanos -da La storia siamo noi. La guerra d’Etiopia:L’Impero di argilla del 5/5/2009 -Archivi Rai

    – testimonianza di Belay Berhanmeskel del monastero di Debra Libanos - da La storia siamo noi. La guerra d’Etiopia:L’Impero di argilla del 5/5/2009 -Archivi Rai

    – cronaca dell’arrivo ad Addis Abeba dei ministri Alessandro Lessona ((delle colonie) e Giuseppe Cobolli Gigli (dei lavori pubblici), dal Giornale Luce del 28/10/36

    – Cronaca dell’accoglienza trionfale tributata al generale Rodolfo Graziani a Subiaco, dal Giornale Luce del 16/3/38

    Brano musicale

    Tezeta, Gétatchèw Mèkurya

    #podcast #wikiradio #RaiRadio3 #italie #colonialisme #colonialismeitalian #EmpireColonialItalien #génocide #Éthiopie #UK #Uolchefit #fascisme #gaz #représailles #

  • Hailé Selassié
    Wikiradio del 2/11/2017 - Rai Radio 3
    https://www.raiplayradio.it/audio/2017/10/Hail-Selassi----Wikiradio-del-2112017-8f0e6973-80a7-44b9-9fa7-4923dac0b

    Il 2 novembre 1930 Tafari Maconnen diventa imperatore col nome di Hailé Selassié Primo con Alessandro Triulzi.

    Repertorio

    – vari frammenti da un’intervista di Mario Soldati dal programma A carte scoperte con #HailéSelassié, trasmessa il 18/6/1974 - Archivi Rai

    – intervista di Gianno Bisiach ad Hailé #Selassié da RT - Rotocalco televisivo , realizzata il 28 maggio 1963 nel parco della residenza di Hailé Selassié - Archivi Rai

    – Breve frammento dell’appello in amarico che Hailé Selassié fece a Ginevra il 30 giugno 1936

    Io, Haila Sellase I, Imperatore d’Etiopia sono qui oggi per reclamare quella giustizia che è dovuta al mio popolo e quell’assistenza ad esso promessa otto mesi or sono da cinquantadue nazioni, quando queste affermarono che un atto di aggressione era stato compiuto in violazione dei trattati internazionali. [.] Mai, sinora, vi era stato l’esempio di un governo che procedesse allo sterminio di un popolo usando mezzi barbari, violando le più solenni promesse fatte a tutti i popoli della terra, che non si debba usare contro esseri umani la terribile arma dei gas venefici. È per difendere un popolo che lotta per la sua secolare indipendenza che il capo dell’Impero etiopico è venuto a Ginevra per adempiere a questo supremo dovere, dopo avere egli stesso combattuto alla testa dei suoi eserciti.

    Brani musicali

    – I Love King Selassié, Black Uhuru

    – War, Bob Marley

    #podcast #wikiradio #RaiRadio3 #rasta #secondeGuerreItalo-éthiopienne #italie #1941 #colonialisme #colonialismeitalian #EmpireColonialItalien #WWII #Éthiopie #fascisme #negus

  • La battaglia di Gondar
    raccontata da Gianluca Podestà WIKIRADIO del 27/11/2013
    https://www.spreaker.com/user/radiorai/wikiradio-del-27-11-2013-la-battaglia-di

    La battaglia di Gondar raccontata da Gianluca Podestà.
    Il 27 novembre 1941 con la resa di Gondar l’Italia abbandona l’Africa Orientale con Gianluca Podestà

    Repertorio:

    – Materiale storico dall’Archivio Istituto Luce: #Gondar:"Una visione di luoghi ove le nostre truppe combattono eroicamente" Giornale Luce dell’11 settembre 1941; Gondar antica capitale etiopica -Giornale Luce del 12 febbraio 1936; Gondar Imperiale 1939; Con la colonna Starace a Gondar e al lago Tana - 1936;

    – Testimonianze tratte da Mille Papaveri rossi - Italia in guerra - RAISTORIA;

    Brano musicale:

    The story of the wind - Tseguè Mariam Guebrou

    #podcast #wikiradio #RaiRadio3 #italie #1941 #colonialisme #colonialismeitalian #EmpireColonialItalien #WWII #Éthiopie #UK #Uolchefit #fascisme

  • Interdire la reconnaissance faciale (2/3) : quelles discriminations notre société est-elle prête à accepter ? | InternetActu.net
    http://www.internetactu.net/2020/01/21/interdire-la-reconnaissance-faciale-23-quelles-discriminations-notre-s

    La reporter Tech du New York Times, Kashmir Hill (@kashhill), vient de publier une longue enquête sur Clearview, une entreprise spécialiste de la surveillance, financée par le multimilliardaire libertarien Peter Thiel – qui est déjà à l’origine de Palantir (Wikipédia), un autre géant de la surveillance qui travaille pour les services de renseignements. On y apprend que Clearview a collecté sur le web 3 milliards de photographies provenant principalement des réseaux sociaux (mais également des (...)

    #Clearview #Palantir #Ring #Amazon #algorithme #carte #smartphone #biométrie #racisme #facial #reconnaissance #sexisme #législation #vidéo-surveillance #iris #bénéfices #BigData #data #DataBrokers #discrimination #données #empreintes #immatriculation (...)

    ##Smartcheckr ##pouls
    /assets/images/logo_ia.png

  • ver.di Digitalisierungskongress 2017– Rede Frank Bsirske, ver.di-Vorsitzender
    https://www.verdi.de/themen/digitalisierungskongresse/kongress-2017/++co++97dfd87e-db3f-11e7-a76b-525400b665de

    Können wir die im Zuge der Digitalisierung entstehenden Möglichkeiten innovativ aufgreifen und zum Wohle der Gesellschaft einsetzen? Das ist eine Fragestellung, die gegenwärtig gerade im Hinblick auf die Möglichkeiten von und in Kommunen diskutiert wird. Der öffentliche Dienst könnte zum Beispiel online-Plattformen auch selbst betreiben oder mit gemeinwohlorientierten online-Plattformgenossenschaften zusammenarbeiten. Man kann digitale Technik für das Gemeinwohl kreativ nutzen. Und wir reden hier nicht nur von Taxi- und Zimmervermittlung, sondern auch von Pflege, Reinigung und Kinderbetreuung, von Verkehrsinformationen und virtuellen Einkaufsstraßen auf kommunaler Ebene. Wir reden auch über die Unterstützung zivilgesellschaftlicher Akteure bei demokratischen digitalen Beteiligungsprozessen für alle Stadtbewohnerinnen und Stadtbewohner.

    Die Stadt Barcelona zum Beispiel hat eigene Richtlinien für den Verkauf, die Entwicklung und den Einsatz von digitalen Technologien entwickelt, und sie kooperiert mit der Stadt Amsterdam bei der Entwicklung von vier eigenen Smart-City-Plattformen. Die Stadt Wien schreibt: „Es ist dezidierte politische Strategie Wiens, die für die Grundversorgung nötige digitale Infrastruktur fest in den Händen der Stadt zu halten.“ Neben Startups werden auch traditionelle und plattformbasierte Geschäftsmodelle gefördert und in die Planung einbezogen.
    Es gibt eine große Vielzahl solcher Initiativen auf kommunaler Ebene. Alles Ansätze, die sich ganz praktisch mit der Frage auseinandersetzen, wie Wertschöpfung mit Daten an das Gemeinwohl gebunden werden kann. Eine Frage, der nachzugehen, sich gerade aus kommunaler Perspektive lohnt.

    Kommen wir aber noch einmal auf den Ausgangspunkt meiner Ausführungen zurück, auf die Gestaltung der Arbeitswelt. Es ist deutlich geworden, dass unserem Engagement als Gewerkschaft das Leitbild der Arbeitskraftperspektive zugrunde liegt. Sicherheit sowie Förderung von Autonomie und Würde des Menschen sind dabei die Bezugspunkte. Der Einsatz digitaler Technologien zielt dabei nicht auf den Ersatz menschlicher Arbeit, sondern auf deren Intelligenzverstärkung. Eine arbeitskraftzentrierte Digitalisierungsstrategie wird Technikvorgaben und Marktzwänge nicht ignorieren, wird aber den Arbeitskraft- und Subjektinteressen der Beschäftigten Vorrang einräumen: zum Beispiel bei den Spannungsfeldern der Arbeitsgestaltung zwischen Freiraum für Kreativität versus Kopfarbeit am Fließband, oder bei Nachhaltigkeit und gesundem Tempo versus Taktung und permanentem Zeitdruck. Insbesondere beim Thema Empowerment bietet sich hier Potenzial, denn es kann den Beschäftigten einen Raum eröffnen, die Arbeitswelt der Zukunft mit den neuen Möglichkeiten der digitalen Transformation selbstbewusst nach ihren Interessen und Bedürfnissen zu gestalten. Hier besteht auch die Möglichkeit, auf der betrieblichen Ebene eine Brücke zu schlagen für die gesellschaftspolitische Leitorientierung einer neuen Humanisierung der Arbeitswelt. Das ist, liebe Kolleginnen und Kollegen, die gewerkschaftliche Perspektive.

    #Taxi #Digitalisierung #empowerment #Gute_Arbeit

  • Britain’s poisoned legacy in Palestine | The Electronic Intifada
    https://electronicintifada.net/content/britains-poisoned-legacy-palestine/29281

    The narrative of Legacy of Empire revolves around two central questions.

    First, why was Palestine relevant to the British Empire in 1917? And second, why did British colonialism remain faithful to Zionism, even in the wake of concerted Arab resistance such as the major revolt of the 1930s?

    Thompson answers the first question by writing that the declaration was a “wartime exigency” and “a tale of coincidences and contingency.” Under H. H. Asquith, British prime minister from 1908-1916, Palestine was not “a strategic priority.”

    The author questions historical accounts that say Britain collaborated with Zionism under Asquith. What made Palestine relevant, he argues, was the ascension of David Lloyd George to the premiership in December 1916, along with military setbacks that risked Britain losing the world war.

    Thompson’s case for contingency and coincidence rests with Lloyd George, a Christian Zionist who was charmed by Chaim Weizmann, one of the leading figures in the Zionist movement.

    Weizmann convinced Lloyd George that “the Jews in both Russia and the US were crucial to their respective countries remaining in the war.” The promise of a Jewish homeland would result in Jews pressuring Tsarist Russia to remain in the war and ensure that the US would become fully involved in it.

    In short, Weizmann sold Lloyd George on what was essentially an anti-Semitic trope of the power of “international Jewry.”

  • [Les Promesses de l’Aube] La #bricoleuse
    http://www.radiopanik.org/emissions/les-promesses-de-l-aube/la-bricoleuse

    Ce mercredi nous avons reçu la Bricoleuse, qui chaque mois nous propose une fiche #bricolage dans le magazine #Axelle.

    En compagnie de Sabine Panet, rédactrice en chef du magazine, elle nous explique comment l’idée leur est venue, les retours que font les lectrices et l’empowerment que les femmes retirent de ces réappropriation du Bricolage.

    #féminisme #empowerment #féminisme,Axelle,bricoleuse,bricolage,empowerment
    http://www.radiopanik.org/media/sounds/les-promesses-de-l-aube/la-bricoleuse_07965__1.mp3

  • La nouvelle carte d’identité, avec les empreintes digitales, testée dès mardi
    https://www.lesoir.be/271948/article/2020-01-09/la-nouvelle-carte-didentite-avec-les-empreintes-digitales-testee-des-mardi

    C’est la commune de Lokeren qui donnera le départ. La phase de test du nouveau modèle de carte d’identité, qui arbore un nouveau design et comporte les empreintes digitales du porteur, débutera mardi dans certaines communes. C’est la commune de Lokeren qui donnera le départ : le bourgmestre Filip Anthuenis (Open VLD) recevra le premier exemplaire des mains du ministre de l’Intérieur Pieter De Crem (CD&V). Le design actuel des cartes date de 2002. Le relooking à venir permettra à la nouvelle (...)

    #Identité #carte #biométrie #reconnaissance #empreintes

    ##Identité

  • A ‘Rare Case Where Racial Biases’ Protected African-Americans - The New York Times
    https://www.nytimes.com/2019/11/25/upshot/opioid-epidemic-blacks.html

    African-Americans received fewer opioid #prescriptions, some researchers think, because doctors believed, contrary to fact, that black people 1) were more likely to become addicted to the drugs 2) would be more likely to sell the drugs and 3) had a higher pain threshold than white people because they were biologically different.

    A fourth possibility is that some white doctors were more empathetic to the pain of people who were like them, and less empathetic to those who weren’t.

    #préjugés #biais #racisme #opiacés #opioides #santé #empathie #blancs #noirs #etats-unis

  • GulaabigangIndia |
    http://gulabigangindia.com

    The Gulabi Gang is an International Women Welfare Organization Which is Formed by Jointly Jaipraksh Shivhare, Suman Singh Chauhan, Mitthu Devi, Sampat Devi Pal and Hemlata Patel in The Banda District of Uttarpradesh in India.

    The Motto of Gulabi Gang Work Upon Females Relief like Family Dispute , Dowry Cases , Domestic Violence, Rigid Caste Division , Rape Cases ETC

    Here in This Organization wearing Costume is Pink Saris, Gulabi Gang is very famous in all over World. There are many Books in world wide Which is written upon Gulabi Gang. This Gang is only for Women, and also famous as a idle icon for women.

    #empowerment #féminisme #Inde

  • Solidarisches Grundeinkommen : Kleine Schritte statt großer Sprünge - taz.de
    https://taz.de/Solidarisches-Grundeinkommen/!5571951&s=solidarisches+Grundeinkommen

    20. 2. 2019

    Kritik an Müllers Grundeinkommen: „Nicht mehr viel übrig“ - taz.de
    https://taz.de/Kritik-an-Muellers-Grundeinkommen/!5593831&s=solidarisches+Grundeinkommen

    21. 5. 2019

    Solidarisches Grundeinkommen : Berlin versucht es gerechter - taz.de
    https://taz.de/Solidarisches-Grundeinkommen/!5538120&s=solidarisches+Grundeinkommen

    7. 10. 2018

    Solidarisches Grundeinkommen : Müller erzeugt zu hohe Erwartungen - taz.de
    https://taz.de/Solidarisches-Grundeinkommen/!5538126&s=solidarisches+Grundeinkommen

    7. 10. 2018

    die woche in berlin: die woche in berlin - taz.de
    https://taz.de/Archiv-Suche/!5597084&s=solidarisches%2BGrundeinkommen&SuchRahmen=Print

    Bei der Europawahl legen die Grünen auch in Berlin mächtig zu, während sich die Koalition auf das solidarische Grundeinkommen und damit ein Lieblingsprojekt des Regierenden Michael Müller geeinigt hat, wird die Zahl der Geflüchteten bekannt gegeben, die es in Arbeit geschafft haben – sie ist mächtig gestiegen.

    Grundeinkommen kommt - taz.de
    https://taz.de/Archiv-Suche/!5604006&s=solidarisches%2BGrundeinkommen&SuchRahmen=Print

    2. 7. 2019

    Solidarisches Grundeinkommen : Der Müller-ÖBS kommt - taz.de
    https://taz.de/Solidarisches-Grundeinkommen/!5603979&s=solidarisches+Grundeinkommen

    2. 7. 2019

    Mehr als 200 Jobs - taz.de
    https://taz.de/Archiv-Suche/!5629817&s=solidarisches%2BGrundeinkommen&SuchRahmen=Print

    25. 9. 2019

    Solidarisches Grundeinkommen in Berlin: Die Nicht-Überwindung von Hartz IV - taz.de
    https://taz.de/Solidarisches-Grundeinkommen-in-Berlin/!5620955&s=solidarisches+Grundeinkommen

    10. 9. 2019

    Milchmüllerrechnung - taz.de
    https://taz.de/Archiv-Suche/!5603938&s=solidarisches%2BGrundeinkommen&SuchRahmen=Print

    3. 7. 2019

    Grundeinkommen : Großes Interesse bei Arbeitgebern - taz.de
    https://taz.de/Archiv-Suche/!5607257&s=solidarisches%2BGrundeinkommen&SuchRahmen=Print

    18. 7. 2019

    Jobs für Arbeitslose: Kritik an Müllers Modellprojekt - taz.de
    https://taz.de/Archiv-Suche/!5607714&s=solidarisches%2BGrundeinkommen&SuchRahmen=Print

    22. 7. 2019

    Pilotprojekt kommt gut an - taz.de
    https://taz.de/Archiv-Suche/!5623028&s=solidarisches%2BGrundeinkommen&SuchRahmen=Print

    3. 9. 2019

    #Allemagne #Berlin #Hartz_IV #emploi #travail #SGE

  • Gand : des élèves paieront bientôt leur sandwich avec leurs empreintes digitales
    https://www.rtbf.be/info/societe/detail_gand-des-eleves-paieront-bientot-leur-sandwich-avec-leurs-empreintes-dig

    L’école secondaire Sint-Bavo de Gand testera dès le mois d’octobre le paiement des sandwichs, des ticket-repas à l’aide de leurs empreintes digitales. « Nous sommes la première école à effectuer des paiements avec des données biométriques », a déclaré la directrice, Hilde Allaert, à nos collègues de la VRT. Sur base de ces empreintes digitales, les parents recevront un décompte des consommations et une facture en ligne. L’école a averti les parents par e-mail. D’ici quelques semaines, les empreintes de tous (...)

    #algorithme #scanner #biométrie #reconnaissance #[fr]Règlement_Général_sur_la_Protection_des_Données_(RGPD)[en]General_Data_Protection_Regulation_(GDPR)[nl]General_Data_Protection_Regulation_(GDPR) #étudiants #empreintes #surveillance (...)

    ##[fr]Règlement_Général_sur_la_Protection_des_Données__RGPD_[en]General_Data_Protection_Regulation__GDPR_[nl]General_Data_Protection_Regulation__GDPR_ ##technologisme

  • Géants du web : les nouveaux bras de fer (1/3) : Fiscalité, données personnelles, libre-concurrence : l’Union Européenne en résistance
    https://www.franceculture.fr/emissions/cultures-monde/geants-du-web-les-nouveaux-bras-de-fer-13-fiscalite-donnees-personnell

    La Commission européenne à la concurrence a infligé en mars une amende à Google, la troisième pour « pratiques illégales » sur les smartphones et l’application Android. Les mesures juridiques et fiscales sont-elles suffisantes pour espérer réguler ces entreprises ?

    Francis Bloch
    professeur d’économie à l’université Paris 1 et à l’Ecole d’économie de Paris, spécialiste de la fiscalité du numérique.
    Anne Bellon
    politiste, chercheuse associée à l’université Paris 1, spécialiste des politiques numériques et de la régulation d’Internet.
    Parminder Jeet Singh,
    directeur exécutif de l’association indienne IT for change

    #audio #GAFA #intéressant

  • “Premières de corvée” : le livre qui donne la parole aux travailleuses domestiques - Les Inrocks
    https://www.lesinrocks.com/2019/08/16/livres/livres/premieres-de-corvee-le-livre-qui-donne-la-parole-aux-travailleuses-domes

    Dans votre livre, on découvre que la France n’a pas ratifié la convention 189 de l’Organisation Internationale du Travail, qui vise à protéger les travailleur·se·s domestiques. Pourquoi ?

    Cette convention non-contraignante mentionne l’accès à la santé au travail. Si la France s’engageait à mieux protéger la santé des travailleuses domestiques, il faudrait, par exemple, revenir sur le mouvement d’allègement de la médecine du travail, qui va de pair avec la libéralisation du marché de l’emploi. Pour les travailleuses domestiques, la santé au travail est pourtant centrale : elles souffrent de problèmes de dos ou du syndrome du canal carpien, propre à de nombreuses professions féminisées, et inhalent régulièrement des produits chimiques. En règle générale, la pénibilité des emplois féminins est beaucoup moins reconnue par les autorités.

    #ménage #travailleuses #exploitation #emploi_domestique

  • Airport and Payment Facial Recognition Systems Fooled by Masks and Photos, Raising Security Concerns
    https://fortune.com/2019/12/12/airport-bank-facial-recognition-systems-fooled

    Masks and simple photographs are enough to fool some facial recognition technology, highlighting a major shortcoming in what is billed as a more effective security tool. The test, by artificial intelligence company Kneron, involved visiting public locations and tricking facial recognition terminals into allowing payment or access. For example, in stores in Asia—where facial recognition technology is deployed widely—the Kneron team used high quality 3-D masks to deceive AliPay and WeChat (...)

    #Apple #Google #Qualcomm #MIT #CCTV #iPhone #smartphone #biométrie #facial #fraude #reconnaissance #vidéo-surveillance #banque #empreintes #erreur #surveillance (...)

    ##_

  • At least 10 police forces use face recognition in the EU, AlgorithmWatch reveals
    https://algorithmwatch.org/en/story/face-recognition-police-europe

    The majority of the police forces that answered questions by AlgorithmWatch said they use or plan to introduce face recognition. Use cases vary greatly across countries, but almost all have in common their lack of transparency. Police departments have long attempted to acquire, structure and store data on the populations they keep a watch on. Frenchman Alphonse Bertillon pioneered the use of anthropometrics by the police in the 1870s, creating a collection of tens of thousands of cards (...)

    #algorithme #CCTV #biométrie #facial #reconnaissance #vidéo-surveillance #empreintes #marcheur·euse #surveillance #vêtement #sport (...)

    ##AlgorithmWatch

  • Unusual roundup of Eritrean refugees

    A serious and very unusual roundup of Eritrean refugees is underway in Khartoum this week. Security forces are targeting refugees and their establishments, in particular, refugees from Eritrea. Hungry security squads are hunting the helpless refugees from wherever they are: streets, workplaces, and even from their homes. Whoever caught by the security is asked to pay 50,000 or more to be released. Very unfortunately, Eritrean refugees are terrorized and in hiding to save their lives, including who have legal documents from the government and who are recognized by UNHCR.

    This unprecedented and well organized move against Eritrean refugees has no one anticipated. And no one has a clue about the motive behind it. It may have any link with the recent visits to Asmara by the Sudanese authorities. If that is the case, these refugees are in real or in an imminent danger that requires an immediate attention from the international community. The security officers are asking their nationality before they put them on trucks. It’s very worrisome situation for refugees who have no protection from the host country or from their own representative in the country. United Nations and other humanitarian organizations, including UNHCR have the obligation to intervene and save innocent lives. The situation is very alarming and heartbreaking that needs an urgent attention from whoever is engaged in humanitarian works.

    I want to stress that this information is a real that is happening now and continues to happen on innocent people who have no crime or misconduct, their only crime being that they are refugees who fled repression and asked protection in other country. As humans, they don’t deserve protection? They do, in fact, international community shouldn’t wait a second to act; it’s a matter of urgency. Have a look on the pictures below; refugees are under attack, horror, and terror from security and gangs.

    https://africamonitors.org/2019/12/14/unusual-roundup-of-eritrean-refugees-underway/amp
    #rafles #réfugiés_érythréens #Soudan #Khartoum #asile #migrations #réfugiés #enlèvements #prisons #emprisonnement

    @isskein

    • The plight of Eritrean refugees in Sudan: an appeal to the UNHCR

      To:

      UNHCR Khartoum Office, the Sudan

      Sudan Commission for Refugees (COR)

      Higher Council for Community Development

      Excellencies,

      It is to be recalled that on 30 October 2019, a symposium was organized in Khartoum attended by representatives of the Sudanese Ministry of Labor as well as one representative from each of the caseloads of refugees in the Sudan from Eritrea, S. Sudan, Ethiopia, the Congo, Yemen and Syria.

      At the said symposium, the Sudanese authorities and the local UNHCR Office have reached the agreement that refugees in the Sudan can be allowed training and work opportunities like Sudanese citizens, except in security and military spheres. Sadly, this accord was not formally conveyed to the concerned refugees in a manner that they can understand nor did the concerned authorities initiate the pledged training opportunities. Instead, refugees are this month being rounded up from their homes, workplaces and from the streets and taken to prison. Their incarcerators claim that the refugees, including those who held residence permits as of 2000 from the Immigration Ministry, have no work permits. To add insult to injury, the Sudanese “law enforcers” are asking the detained refugees to buy their freedom by paying between 50,000 and 100,000 Sudanese pounds.

      We the undersigned Eritrean political and civic forces demand the most immediate action on the following:

      The Sudanese authorities to stop the unjust action taken and being taken against Eritrean and other refugees in the host country;
      To let the refugees taken from workplaces to safely return to their jobs;
      To release without pre-conditions all detained refugees and respect the right of those refugees already holding residence permits to stay in the Sudan as refugees;
      To provide training courses to refugees as pledged, and to pay back the money taken from refugees who were asked to pay up to 100,000 pounds for their release from prison.

      Likewise, we urge the UNHCR to follow up the implementation of the agreement reached with the Sudanese authorities and the COR at the symposium of 30 October 2019 and protect the rights of victimized Eritrean refugees.

      No one can ignore or forget the historic warm welcome and support of the Sudanese people to Eritrean refugees, and we still call with strong hope the Sudanese Government to pursue fraternal relations that can strengthen existing bonds between our peoples. There is no doubt that Eritreans still take the Sudan as their second home.

      Respectfully yours,

      Eritrean National Council for Democratic Change (ENCDC);
      Eritrean People’s Democratic Party (EPDP);
      United Eritreans for Justice (UEJ)
      Unity for Democratic change (UDC)
      Eritrean National Front (ENF)

      https://eritreahub.org/the-plight-of-eritrean-refugees-in-sudan-an-appeal-to-the-unhcr

    • Un ami érythréen, qui suit cela de près, vient de me dire que cela fait 3 semaines que les rafles continuent, que les érythréens (et que les Erythréens, pas les migrants d’autres nationalités présents au Soudan, comme les Ethiopiens ou les Somaliens ou les Syriens, qui, eux, ne sont pas enlevés).

      Il me conseille 2 chaînes youtube, qui donnent des news en tigrinya :

      #Mestyat_Betna (la chaîne à suivre selon lui) :
      https://www.youtube.com/channel/UCoycGm-M8WgaZhBGOJYqg_Q
      –-> voir notamment cette #vidéo :
      https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=PTNfQiBzjCc


      Mestyat Betna habite en Allemagne.

      –----

      Fnan App Infotech (sport surtout et questions politiques) :
      https://www.youtube.com/channel/UC00qOUnbRX1JgBV4RV1eSRw/videos?disable_polymer=1

  • Amérique centrale : le corridor de la sécheresse

    « Nos deux journalistes ont parcouru en septembre le bien nommé « 
    couloir de la sécheresse » en Amérique centrale, du Guatemala au
    Honduras en passant par le Salvador. Parce qu’aux causes entendues et entremêlées de la migration centraméricaine vers le nord — violence, chômage, corruption — s’en greffe une autre, de plus en plus déterminante : la crise climatique, qui frappe de plein fouet le monde rural.

    (…)

    Pour une grande partie de la population de ces trois pays — encore
    largement ruraux — qui forment le « triangle du Nord », le sentiment
    est prégnant qu’il y a peu ou pas d’espoir de s’en sortir en restant
    là. « Tout le monde veut partir », entendrons-nous dire partout, tout
    le temps. Et tout le monde semble connaître quelqu’un ou quelqu’une qui est parti.

    (…)

    Insécurité et absence de perspectives d’emploi : maux connus et
    profonds. S’y superpose aujourd’hui une sécheresse qui dure depuis au moins cinq ans et dont peu doutent qu’elle soit aggravée par le
    dérèglement climatique. Aussi, cette météo dérangée est devenue une cause majeure de la migration en milieu rural, sinon de la migration tout court. De l’insécurité alimentaire à la migration, la corrélation est claire. »

    Source : Le Devoir, 13 décembre 2019.

    https://www.ledevoir.com/documents/special/19-12_arpenter-corridor-secheresse/index.html

  • Les gilets jaunes face à l’empire (2/2)
    https://collectiflieuxcommuns.fr/?1000-Les-gilets-jaunes-face-a-l-empire

    Voir la première partie

    (.../...)

    Deuxième point la question identitaire, au sens large. Immédiatement les gilets jaunes ont brandi des symboles nationaux – le drapeau, la Marseillaise, le bonnet phrygien – et tenus les propos les accompagnant. Il s’agissait moins d’un nationalisme idéologisé qu’un appel à revenir aux fondements républicains, qu’une réaction en face de l’effacement du cadre national, celui-ci étant vu comme un cadre collectif, issu d’une histoire commune, incarnant une identité partagée, lieu d’exercice de la souveraineté populaire et espace de déploiement d’un projet de société admis et revendiqué auquel sont conviés les nouveaux arrivants, enfants ou immigrés. On peut, ici aussi, être d’accord ou pas, mais inutile de préciser que c’est, là encore, contre toute la mécanique impériale, qui repose sur l’envers exact de tous ces points. (...)

    #Assemblée, #Conférence, #Empire, #Gauchisme, #Gilets jaunes_(2018-2019), #Libéralisme, #Lieux_Communs, #Multiculturalisme, #Politique, #Récupération

  • Europe spends billions stopping migration. Good luck figuring out where the money actually goes

    How much money exactly does Europe spend trying to curb migration from Nigeria? And what’s it used for? We tried to find out, but Europe certainly doesn’t make it easy. These flashy graphics show you just how complicated the funding is.
    In a shiny new factory in the Benin forest, a woman named Blessing slices pineapples into rings. Hundreds of miles away, at a remote border post in the Sahara, Abubakar scans travellers’ fingerprints. And in village squares across Nigeria, Usman performs his theatre show about the dangers of travelling to Europe.

    What do all these people have in common?

    All their lives are touched by the billions of euros European governments spend in an effort to curb migration from Africa.

    Since the summer of 2015,
    Read more about the influx of refugees to Europe in 2015 on the UNHCR website.
    when countless boats full of migrants began arriving on the shores of Greece and Italy, Europe has increased migration spending by billions.
    Read my guide to EU migration policy here.
    And much of this money is being spent in Africa.

    Within Europe, the political left and right have very different ways of framing the potential benefits of that funding. Those on the left say migration spending not only provides Africans with better opportunities in their home countries but also reduces migrant deaths in the Mediterranean. Those on the right say migration spending discourages Africans from making the perilous journey to Europe.

    However they spin it, the end result is the same: both left and right have embraced funding designed to reduce migration from Africa. In fact, the European Union (EU) plans to double migration spending under the new 2021-2027 budget, while quadrupling spending on border control.

    The three of us – journalists from Nigeria, Italy and the Netherlands – began asking ourselves: just how much money are we talking here?

    At first glance, it seems like a perfectly straightforward question. Just add up the migration budgets of the EU and the individual member states and you’ve got your answer, right? But after months of research, it turns out that things are nowhere near that simple.

    In fact, we discovered that European migration spending resembles nothing so much as a gigantic plate of spaghetti.

    If you try to tease out a single strand, at least three more will cling to it. Try to find where one strand begins, and you’ll find yourself tangled up in dozens of others.

    This is deeply concerning. Though Europe maintains a pretence of transparency, in practice it’s virtually impossible to hold the EU and its member states accountable for their migration expenditures, let alone assess how effective they are. If a team of journalists who have devoted months to the issue can’t manage it, then how could EU parliament members juggling multiple portfolios ever hope to?

    This lack of oversight is particularly problematic in the case of migration, an issue that ranks high on European political agendas. The subject of migration fuels a great deal of political grandstanding, populist opportunism, and social unrest. And the debate surrounding the issue is rife with misinformation.

    For an issue of this magnitude, it’s crucial to have a clear view of existing policies and to examine whether these policies make sense. But to be able to do that, we need to understand the funding streams: how much money is being spent and what is it being spent on?

    While working on this article, we spoke to researchers and officials who characterised EU migration spending as “opaque”, “unclear” and “chaotic”. We combed through countless websites, official documents, annual reports and budgets, and we submitted freedom of information requests
    in a number of European countries, in Nigeria, and to the European commission. And we discovered that the subject of migration, while not exactly cloak-and-dagger stuff, is apparently sensitive enough that most people preferred to speak off the record.

    Above all, we were troubled by the fact that no one seems to have a clear overview of European migration budgets – and by how painfully characteristic this is of European migration policy as a whole.
    Nigeria – ‘a tough cookie’

    It wasn’t long before we realised that mapping out all European cash flows to all African countries would take us years. Instead, we decided to focus on Nigeria, Africa’s most populous country and the continent’s strongest economy, as well as the country of origin of the largest group of African asylum seekers in the EU. “A tough cookie” in the words of one senior EU official, but also “our most important migration partner in the coming years”.

    But Nigeria wasn’t exactly eager to embrace the role of “most important migration partner”. After all, migration has been a lifeline for Nigeria’s economy: last year, Nigerian migrants living abroad sent home $25bn – roughly 6% of the country’s GNP.

    It took a major European charm offensive to get Nigeria on board – a “long saga” with “more than one tense meeting”, according to a high-ranking EU diplomat we spoke to.

    The European parliament invited Muhammadu Buhari, the Nigerian president, to Strasbourg in 2016. Over the next several years, one European dignitary after another visited Nigeria: from Angela Merkel,
    the German chancellor, to Matteo Renzi,
    the Italian prime minister, to Emmanuel Macron,
    the French president, to Mark Rutte,

    the Dutch prime minister.

    Three guesses as to what they all wanted to talk about.
    ‘No data available’

    But let’s get back to those funding streams.

    The EU would have you believe that everything fits neatly into a flowchart. When asked to respond to this article, the European commission told us: “We take transparency very seriously.” One spokesperson after another, all from various EU agencies, informed us that the information was “freely available online”.

    But as Wilma Haan, director of the Open State Foundation, notes: “Just throwing a bunch of stuff online doesn’t make you transparent. People have to be able to find the information and verify it.”

    Yet that’s exactly what the EU did. The EU foundations and agencies we contacted referred us to dozens of different websites. In some cases, the information was relatively easy to find,
    but in others the data was fragmented or missing entirely. All too often, our searches turned up results such as “data soon available”
    or “no data available”.

    The website of the Asylum, Migration and Integration Fund (AMIF) – worth around €3.1bn – is typical of the problems we faced. While we were able to find a list of projects funded by AMIF online,

    the list only contains the names of the projects – not the countries in which they’re carried out. As a result, there’s only one way to find out what’s going on where: by Googling each of the project names individually.

    This lack of a clear overview has major consequences for the democratic process, says Tineke Strik, member of the European parliament (Green party). Under the guise of “flexibility”, the European parliament has “no oversight over the funds whatsoever”. Strik says: “In the best-case scenario, we’ll discover them listed on the European commission’s website.”

    At the EU’s Nigerian headquarters, one official explained that she does try to keep track of European countries’ migration-related projects to identify “gaps and overlaps”. When asked why this information wasn’t published online, she responded: “It’s something I do alongside my daily work.”
    Getting a feel for Europe’s migration spaghetti

    “There’s no way you’re going to get anywhere with this.”

    This was the response from a Correspondent member who researches government funding when we announced this project several months ago. Not exactly the most encouraging words to start our journey. Still, over the past few months, we’ve done our best to make as much progress as we could.

    Let’s start in the Netherlands, Maite’s home country. When we tried to find out how much Dutch tax money is spent in Nigeria on migration-related issues, we soon found ourselves down yet another rabbit hole.

    The Dutch ministry of foreign affairs, which controls all funding for Dutch foreign policy, seemed like a good starting point. The ministry divides its budget into centralised and decentralised funds. The centralised funds are managed in the Netherlands administrative capital, The Hague, while the decentralised funds are distributed by Dutch embassies abroad.

    Exactly how much money goes to the Dutch embassy in the Nigerian capital Abuja is unclear – no information is available online. When we contacted the embassy, they weren’t able to provide us with any figures, either. According to their press officer, these budgets are “fragmented”, and the total can only be determined at the end of the year.

    The ministry of foreign affairs distributes centralised funds through its departments. But migration is a topic that spans a number of different departments: the department for stabilisation and humanitarian aid (DSH), the security policy department (DVB), the sub-Saharan Africa department (DAF), and the migration policy bureau (BMB), to name just a few. There’s no way of knowing whether each department spends money on migration, let alone how much of it goes to Nigeria.

    Not to mention the fact that other ministries, such as the ministry of economic affairs and the ministry of justice and security, also deal with migration-related issues.

    Next, we decided to check out the Dutch development aid budget
    in the hope it would clear things up a bit. Unfortunately, the budget isn’t organised by country, but by theme. And since migration isn’t one of the main themes, it’s scattered over several different sections. Luckily, the document does contain an annex (https://www.rijksoverheid.nl/documenten/begrotingen/2019/09/17/hgis---nota-homogene-groep-internationale-samenwerking-rijksbegroting-) that goes into more detail about migration.

    In this annex, we found that the Netherlands spends a substantial chunk of money on “migration cooperation”, “reception in the region” and humanitarian aid for refugees.

    And then there’s the ministry of foreign affairs’ Stability Fund,
    the ministry of justice and security’s budget for the processing and repatriation of asylum seekers, and the ministry of education, culture and science’s budget for providing asylum seekers with an education.

    But again, it’s impossible to determine just how much of this funding finds its way to Nigeria. This is partly due to the fact that many migration projects operate in multiple countries simultaneously (in Nigeria, Chad and Cameroon, for example). Regional projects such as this generally don’t share details of how funding is divided up among the participating countries.

    Using data from the Dutch embassy and an NGO that monitors Dutch projects in Nigeria, we found that €6m in aid goes specifically to Nigeria, with another €19m for the region as a whole. Dutch law enforcement also provides in-kind support to help strengthen Nigeria’s border control.

    But hold on, there’s more. We need to factor in the money that the Netherlands spends on migration through its contributions to the EU.

    The Netherlands pays hundreds of millions into the European Development Fund (EDF), which is partly used to finance migration projects. Part of that money also gets transferred to another EU migration fund: the EUTF for Africa.
    The Netherlands also contributes directly to this fund.

    But that’s not all. The Netherlands also gives (either directly or through the EU) to a variety of other EU funds and agencies that finance migration projects in Nigeria. And just as in the Netherlands, these EU funds and agencies are scattered over many different offices. There’s no single “EU ministry of migration”.

    To give you a taste of just how convoluted things can get: the AMIF falls under the EU’s home affairs “ministry”

    (DG HOME), the Development Cooperation Instrument (DCI) falls under the “ministry” for international cooperation and development (DG DEVCO), and the Instrument contributing to Stability and Peace (IcSP) falls under the European External Action Service (EEAS). The EU border agency, Frontex, is its own separate entity, and there’s also a “ministry” for humanitarian aid (DG ECHO).

    Still with me?

    Because this was just the Netherlands.

    Now let’s take a look at Giacomo’s country of origin, Italy, which is also home to one of Europe’s largest Nigerian communities (surpassed only by the UK).

    Italy’s ministry of foreign affairs funds the Italian Agency for Development Cooperation (AICS), which provides humanitarian aid in north-eastern Nigeria, where tens of thousands of people have been displaced by the Boko Haram insurgency. AICS also finances a wide range of projects aimed at raising awareness of the risks of illegal migration. It’s impossible to say how much of this money ends up in Nigeria, though, since the awareness campaigns target multiple countries at once.

    This data is all available online – though you’ll have to do some digging to find it. But when it comes to the funds managed by Italy’s ministry of the interior, things start to get a bit murkier. Despite the ministry having signed numerous agreements on migration with African countries in recent years, there’s little trace of the money online. Reference to a €92,000 donation for new computers for Nigeria’s law enforcement and immigration services was all we could find.

    Things get even more complicated when we look at Italy’s “Africa Fund”, which was launched in 2017 to foster cooperation with “priority countries along major migration routes”. The fund is jointly managed by the ministry of foreign affairs and the ministry of the interior.

    Part of the money goes to the EUTF for Africa, but the fund also contributes to United Nations (UN) organisations, such as the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) and the International Organization for Migration (IOM), as well as to the Italian ministry of defence and the ministry of economy and finance.

    Like most European governments, Italy also contributes to EU funds and agencies concerned with migration, such as Frontex, Europol, and the European Asylum Support Office (EASO).

    And then there are the contributions to UN agencies that deal with migration: UNHCR, the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA), IOM, the UN Development Programme (UNDP), and the UN Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC), to name just a few.

    Now multiply all of this by the number of European countries currently active in Nigeria. Oh, and let’s not forget the World Bank,

    which has only recently waded into the waters of the migration industry.

    And then there are the European development banks. And the EU’s External Investment Plan, which was launched in 2016 with the ambitious goal of generating €44bn in private investments in developing countries, with a particular focus on migrants’ countries of origin. Not to mention the regional “migration dialogues”
    organised in west Africa under the Rabat Process and the Cotonou Agreement.

    This is the European migration spaghetti.
    How we managed to compile a list nonetheless

    By now, one thing should be clear: there are a staggering number of ministries, funds and departments involved in European migration spending. It’s no wonder that no one in Europe seems to have a clear overview of the situation. But we thought that maybe, just maybe, there was one party that might have the overview we seek: Nigeria. After all, the Nigerian government has to be involved in all the projects that take place there, right?

    We decided to ask around in Nigeria’s corridors of power. Was anyone keeping track of European migration funding? The Ministry of Finance? Or maybe the Ministry of the Interior, or the Ministry of Labour and Employment?

    Nope.

    We then tried asking Nigeria’s anti-trafficking agency (NAPTIP), the Nigeria Immigration Service (NIS), the Nigerians in Diaspora Commission, and the National Commission for Refugees, Migrants and Internally Displaced Persons (NCFRMI).

    No luck there, either. When it comes to migration, things are just as fragmented under the Nigerian government as they are in Europe.

    In the meantime, we contacted each of the European embassies in Nigeria.
    This proved to be the most fruitful approach and yielded the most complete lists of projects. The database of the International Aid Transparency Initiative (IATI)
    was particularly useful in fleshing out our overview.

    So does that mean our list is now complete? Probably not.

    More to the point: the whole undertaking is highly subjective, since there’s no official definition of what qualifies as a migration project and what doesn’t.

    For example, consider initiatives to create jobs for young people in Nigeria. Would those be development projects or trade projects? Or are they actually migration projects (the idea being that young people wouldn’t migrate if they could find work)?

    What about efforts to improve border control in northern Nigeria? Would they fall under counterterrorism? Security? Institutional development? Or is this actually a migration-related issue?

    Each country has its own way of categorising projects.

    There’s no single, unified standard within the EU.

    When choosing what to include in our own overview, we limited ourselves to projects that European countries themselves designated as being migration related.

    While it’s certainly not perfect, this overview allows us to draw at least some meaningful conclusions about three key issues: where the money is going, where it isn’t going, and what this means for Nigeria.
    1) Where is the money going?

    In Nigeria, we found

    If you’d like to work with the data yourself, feel free to download the full overview here.
    50 migration projects being funded by 11 different European countries, as well as 32 migration projects that rely on EU funding. Together, they amount to more than €770m in funding.

    Most of the money from Brussels is spent on improving Nigerian border control:
    more than €378m. For example, the European Investment Bank has launched a €250m initiative

    to provide all Nigerians with biometric identity cards.

    The funding provided by individual countries largely goes to projects aimed at creating employment opportunities

    in Nigeria: at least €92m.

    Significantly, only €300,000 is spent on creating more legal opportunities to migrate – less than 0.09% of all funding.

    We also found 47 “regional” projects that are not limited to Nigeria, but also include other countries.
    Together, they amount to more than €775m in funding.
    Regional migration spending is mainly focused on migrants who have become stranded in transit and is used to return them home and help them to reintegrate when they get there. Campaigns designed to raise awareness of the dangers of travelling to Europe also receive a relatively large proportion of funding in the region.

    2) Where isn’t the money going?

    When we look at the list of institutions – or “implementing agencies”, as they’re known in policy speak – that receive money from Europe, one thing immediately stands out: virtually none of them are Nigerian organisations.

    “The EU funds projects in Nigeria, but that money doesn’t go directly to Nigerian organisations,” says Charles Nwanelo, head of migration at the NCFRMI.

    See their website here.
    “Instead, it goes to international organisations, such as the IOM, which use the money to carry out projects here. This means we actually have no idea how much money the EU is spending in Nigeria.”

    We hear the same story again and again from Nigerian government officials: they never see a cent of European funding, as it’s controlled by EU and UN organisations. This is partially a response to corruption within Nigerian institutions – Europe feels it can keep closer tabs on its money by channelling it through international organisations. As a result, these organisations are growing rapidly in Nigeria. To get an idea of just how rapidly: the number of people working for the IOM in Nigeria has more than quadrupled over the past two years.

    Of course, this doesn’t mean that Nigerian organisations are going unfunded. Implementing agencies are free to pass funding along to Nigerian groups. For example, the IOM hires Nigerian NGOs to provide training for returning migrants and sponsors a project that provides training and new software to the Nigerian immigration service.

    Nevertheless, the system has inevitably led to the emergence of a parallel aid universe in which the Nigerian government plays only a supporting role. “The Nigerian parliament should demand to see an overview of all current and upcoming projects being carried out in their country every three months,” says Bob van Dillen, migration expert at development organisation Cordaid.

    But that would be “difficult”, according to one German official we spoke to, because “this isn’t a priority for the Nigerian government. This is at the top of Europe’s agenda, not Nigeria’s.”

    Most Nigerian migrants to Europe come from Edo state, where the governor has been doing his absolute best to compile an overview of all migration projects. He set up a task force that aims to coordinate migration activities in his state. The task force has been largely unsuccessful because the EU doesn’t provide it with any direct funding and doesn’t require member states to cooperate with it.

    3) What are the real-world consequences for Nigeria?

    We’ve established that the Nigerian government isn’t involved in allocating migration spending and that local officials are struggling to keep tabs on things. So who is coordinating all those billions in funding?

    Each month, the European donors and implementing agencies mentioned above meet at the EU delegation to discuss their migration projects. However, diplomats from multiple European countries have told us that no real coordination takes place at these meetings. No one checks to see whether projects conflict or overlap. Instead, the meetings are “more on the basis of letting each other know”, as one diplomat put it.

    One German official noted: “What we should do is look together at what works, what doesn’t, and which lessons we can learn from each other. Not to mention how to prevent people from shopping around from project to project.”

    Other diplomats consider this too utopian and feel that there are far too many players to make that level of coordination feasible. In practice, then, it seems that chaotic funding streams inevitably lead to one thing: more chaos.
    And we’ve only looked at one country ...

    That giant plate of spaghetti we just sifted through only represents a single serving – other countries have their own versions of Nigeria’s migration spaghetti. Alongside Nigeria, the EU has also designated Mali, Senegal, Ethiopia and Niger as “priority countries”. The EU’s largest migration fund, the EUTF, finances projects in 26 different African countries. And the sums of money involved are only going to increase.

    When we first started this project, our aim was to chart a path through the new European zeal for funding. We wanted to track the flow of migration money to find answers to some crucial questions: will this funding help Nigerians make better lives for themselves in their own country? Will it help reduce the trafficking of women? Will it provide more safe, legal ways for Nigerians to travel to Europe?

    Or will it primarily go towards maintaining the international aid industry? Does it encourage corruption? Does it make migrants even more vulnerable to exploitation along the way?

    But we’re still far from answering these questions. Recently, a new study by the UNDP

    called into question “the notion that migration can be prevented or significantly reduced through programmatic and policy responses”.

    Nevertheless, European programming and policy responses will only increase in scope in the coming years.

    But the more Europe spends on migration, the more tangled the spaghetti becomes and the harder it gets to check whether funds are being spent wisely. With the erosion of transparency comes the erosion of democratic oversight.

    So to anyone who can figure out how to untangle the spaghetti, we say: be our guest.

    https://thecorrespondent.com/154/europe-spends-billions-stopping-migration-good-luck-figuring-out-where-the-money-actually-goes/171168048128-fac42704
    #externalisation #asile #migrations #réfugiés #Nigeria #EU #EU #Union_européenne #externalisation #frontières #contrôles_frontaliers #Frontex #Trust_fund #Pays-Bas #argent #transparence (manque de - ) #budget #remittances #AMIF #développement #aide_au_développement #European_Development_Fund (#EDF) #EUTF_for_Africa #European_Neighbourhood_Instrument (#ENI) #Development_Cooperation_Instrument (#DCI) #Italie #Banque_mondiale #External_Investment_Plan #processus_de_rabat #accords_de_Cotonou #biométrie #carte_d'identité_biométrique #travail #développement #aide_au_développement #coopération_au_développement #emploi #réintégration #campagnes #IOM #OIM

    Ajouté à la métaliste sur l’externalisation des frontières :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/731749
    Et ajouté à la métaliste développement/migrations :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/733358

    ping @isskein @isskein @pascaline @_kg_

    • Résumé en français par Jasmine Caye (@forumasile) :

      Pour freiner la migration en provenance d’Afrique les dépenses européennes explosent

      Maite Vermeulen est une journaliste hollandaise, cofondatrice du site d’information The Correspondent et spécialisée dans les questions migratoires. Avec deux autres journalistes, l’italien Giacomo Zandonini (Italie) et le nigérian Ajibola Amzat, elle a tenté de comprendre les raisons derrières la flambée des dépenses européennes sensées freiner la migration en provenance du continent africain.

      Depuis le Nigéria, Maite Vermeulen s’est intéressée aux causes de la migration nigériane vers l’Europe et sur les milliards d’euros déversés dans les programmes humanitaires et sécuritaires dans ce pays. Selon elle, la politique sécuritaire européenne n’empêchera pas les personnes motivées de tenter leur chance pour rejoindre l’Europe. Elle constate que les fonds destinés à freiner la migration sont toujours attribués aux mêmes grandes organisations gouvernementales ou non-gouvernementales. Les financements européens échappent aussi aux évaluations d’impact permettant de mesurer les effets des aides sur le terrain.

      Le travail de recherche des journalistes a duré six mois et se poursuit. Il est financé par Money Trail un projet qui soutient des journalistes africains, asiatiques et européens pour enquêter en réseau sur les flux financiers illicites et la corruption en Afrique, en Asie et en Europe.

      Les Nigérians ne viennent pas en Europe pour obtenir l’asile

      L’équipe a d’abord tenté d’élucider cette énigme : pourquoi tant de nigérians choisissent de migrer vers l’Europe alors qu’ils n’obtiennent quasiment jamais l’asile. Le Nigéria est un pays de plus de 190 millions d’habitants et l’économie la plus riche d’Afrique. Sa population représente le plus grand groupe de migrants africains qui arrivent en Europe de manière irrégulière. Sur les 180 000 migrants qui ont atteint les côtes italiennes en 2016, 21% étaient nigérians. Le Nigéria figure aussi régulièrement parmi les cinq premiers pays d’origine des demandeurs d’asile de l’Union européenne. Près de 60% des requérants nigérians proviennent de l’Etat d’Edo dont la capitale est Bénin City. Pourtant leurs chance d’obtenir un statut de protection sont minimes. En effet, seuls 9% des demandeurs d’asile nigérians reçoivent l’asile dans l’UE. Les 91% restants sont renvoyés chez eux ou disparaissent dans la nature.

      Dans l’article Want to make sense of migration ? Ask the people who stayed behind, Maite Vermeulen explique que Bénin City a été construite grâce aux nigérians travaillant illégalement en Italie. Et les femmes sont peut-être bien à l’origine d’un immense trafic de prostituées. Elle nous explique ceci :

      “Pour comprendre le présent, il faut revenir aux années 80. À cette époque, des entreprises italiennes étaient établies dans l’État d’Edo. Certains hommes d’affaires italiens ont épousé des femmes de Benin City, qui sont retournées en Italie avec leur conjoint. Ils ont commencé à exercer des activités commerciales, à commercialiser des textiles, de la dentelle et du cuir, de l’or et des bijoux. Ces femmes ont été les premières à faire venir d’autres femmes de leur famille en Italie – souvent légalement, car l’agriculture italienne avait cruellement besoin de travailleurs pour cueillir des tomates et des raisins. Mais lorsque, à la fin des années 80, la chute des prix du pétrole a plongé l’économie nigériane à l’arrêt, beaucoup de ces femmes d’affaires ont fait faillite. Les femmes travaillant dans l’agriculture ont également connu une période difficile : leur emploi est allé à des ouvriers d’Europe de l’Est. Ainsi, de nombreuses femmes Edo en Italie n’avaient qu’une seule alternative : la prostitution. Ce dernier recours s’est avéré être lucratif. En peu de temps, les femmes ont gagné plus que jamais auparavant. Elles sont donc retournées à Benin City dans les années 1990 avec beaucoup de devises européennes – avec plus d’argent, en fait, que beaucoup de gens de leur ville n’en avaient jamais vu. Elles ont construit des appartements pour gagner des revenus locatifs. Ces femmes étaient appelées « talos », ou mammas italiennes. Tout le monde les admirait. Les jeunes femmes les considéraient comme des modèles et voulaient également aller en Europe. Certains chercheurs appellent ce phénomène la « théorie de la causalité cumulative » : chaque migrant qui réussit entraîne plus de personnes de sa communauté à vouloir migrer. A cette époque, presque personne à Benin City ne savait d’où venait exactement l’argent. Les talos ont commencé à prêter de l’argent aux filles de leur famille afin qu’elles puissent également se rendre en Italie. Ce n’est que lorsque ces femmes sont arrivées qu’on leur a dit comment elles devaient rembourser le prêt. Certaines ont accepté, d’autres ont été forcées. Toutes gagnaient de l’argent. Dans les premières années, le secret des mammas italiennes était gardé au sein de la famille. Mais de plus en plus de femmes ont payé leurs dettes – à cette époque, cela prenait environ un an ou deux – et elles ont ensuite décidé d’aller chercher de l’argent elles-mêmes. En tant que « Mamas », elles ont commencé à recruter d’autres femmes dans leur ville natale. Puis, lentement, l’argent a commencé à manquer à Benin City : un grand nombre de leurs femmes travaillaient dans l’industrie du sexe en Italie.”

      Aujourd’hui, l’Union européenne considère le Nigéria comme son plus important “partenaire migratoire”et depuis quelques années les euros s’y déversent à flots afin de financer des programmes des sécurisation des frontières, de création d’emploi, de lutte contre la traite d’être humains et des programmes de sensibilisation sur les dangers de la migration vers l’Europe.
      Le “cartel migratoire” ou comment peu d’organisation monopolisent les projets sur le terrain

      Dans un autre article intitulé A breakdown of Europe’s € 1.5 billion migration spending in Nigeria, les journalistes se demandent comment les fonds européens sont alloués au Nigéria. Encore une fois on parle ici des projets destinés à freiner la migration. En tout ce sont 770 millions d’euros investis dans ces “projets migration”. En plus, le Nigéria bénéficie d’autres fonds supplémentaires à travers les “projets régionaux” qui s’élèvent à 775 millions d’euros destinés principalement à coordonner et organiser les retours vers les pays d’origines. Mais contrairement aux engagements de l’Union européenne les fonds alloués aux projets en faveur de la migration légale sont très inférieurs aux promesses et représentent 0.09% des aides allouées au Nigéria.

      A qui profitent ces fonds ? Au “cartel migratoire” constitué du Haut Commissariat des Nations Unies pour les réfugiés (HCR), de l’Organisation internationale des migrations (OIM), de l’UNICEF, de l’Organisation internationale du travail (OIL), de l’Organisation internationale des Nations Unies contre la drogue et le crime (UNODC). Ces organisations récoltent près de 60% des fonds alloués par l’Union européenne aux “projets migration” au Nigéria et dans la région. Les ONG et les consultants privés récupèrent 13% du total des fonds alloués, soit 89 millions d’euros, le double de ce qu’elles reçoivent en Europe.
      Les montants explosent, la transparence diminue

      Où va vraiment l’argent et comment mesurer les effets réels sur les populations ciblées. Quels sont les impacts de ces projets ? Depuis 2015, l’Europe a augmenté ses dépenses allouées à la migration qui s’élèvent désormais à plusieurs milliards.

      La plus grande partie de ces fonds est attribuée à l’Afrique. Dans l’article Europe spends billions stopping migration. Good luck figuring out where the money actually goes, Maite Vermeulen, Ajibola Amzat et Giacomo Zandonini expliquent que l’UE prévoit de doubler ces dépenses dans le budget 2021-2027 et quadrupler les dépenses sur le contrôle des frontières.

      Des mois de recherche n’ont pas permis de comprendre comment étaient alloués les fonds pour la migration. Les sites internet sont flous et de nombreux bureaucrates européens se disent incapables concilier les dépenses car la transparence fait défaut. Difficile de comprendre l’allocation précise des fonds de l’Union européenne et celle des fonds des Etats européens. Le tout ressemble, selon les chercheurs, à un immense plat de spaghettis. Ils se posent une question importante : si eux n’y arrivent pas après des mois de recherche comment les députés européens pourraient s’y retrouver ? D’autres chercheurs et fonctionnaires européens qualifient les dépenses de migration de l’UE d’opaques. La consultation de nombreux sites internet, documents officiels, rapports annuels et budgets, et les nombreuses demandes d’accès à l’information auprès de plusieurs pays européens actifs au Nigéria ainsi que les demandes d’explications adressées à la Commission européenne n’ont pas permis d’arriver à une vision globale et précise des budgets attribués à la politique migratoire européenne. Selon Tineke Strik, député vert au parlement européen, ce manque de clarté a des conséquences importantes sur le processus démocratique, car sans vision globale précise, il n’y a pas vraiment de surveillance possible sur les dépenses réelles ni sur l’impact réel des programmes sur le terrain.

      https://thecorrespondent.com/154/europe-spends-billions-stopping-migration-good-luck-figuring-out-where-the-money-actually-goes/102663569008-2e2c2159

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