#enfants

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The Vulnerability Contest

Traumatized Afghan child soldiers who were forced to fight in Syria struggle to find protection in Europe’s asylum lottery.

Mosa did not choose to come forward. Word had spread among the thousands of asylum seekers huddled inside Moria that social workers were looking for lone children among the general population. High up on the hillside, in the Afghan area of the chaotic refugee camp on the Greek island of Lesbos, some residents knew someone they suspected was still a minor. They led the aid workers to Mosa.

The boy, whose broad and beardless face mark him out as a member of the Hazara ethnic group, had little reason to trust strangers. It was hard to persuade him just to sit with them and listen. Like many lone children, Mosa had slipped through the age assessment carried out on first arrival at Moria: He was registered as 27 years old. With the help of a translator, the social worker explained that there was still time to challenge his classification as an adult. But Mosa did not seem to be able to engage with what he was being told. It would take weeks to establish trust and reveal his real age and background.

Most new arrivals experience shock when their hopes of a new life in Europe collide with Moria, the refugee camp most synonymous with the miserable consequences of Europe’s efforts to contain the flow of refugees and migrants across the Aegean. When it was built, the camp was meant to provide temporary shelter for fewer than 2,000 people. Since the European Union struck a deal in March 2016 with Turkey under which new arrivals are confined to Greece’s islands, Moria’s population has swollen to 9,000. It has become notorious for overcrowding, snowbound tents, freezing winter deaths, violent protests and suicides by adults and children alike.

While all asylum systems are subjective, he said that the situation on Greece’s islands has turned the search for protection into a “lottery.”

Stathis Poularakis is a lawyer who previously served for two years on an appeal committee dealing with asylum cases in Greece and has worked extensively on Lesbos. While all asylum systems are subjective, he said that the situation on Greece’s islands has turned the search for protection into a “lottery.”

Asylum claims on Lesbos can take anywhere between six months and more than two years to be resolved. In the second quarter of 2018, Greece faced nearly four times as many asylum claims per capita as Germany. The E.U. has responded by increasing the presence of the European Asylum Support Office (EASO) and broadening its remit so that EASO officials can conduct asylum interviews. But the promises that EASO will bring Dutch-style efficiency conceal the fact that the vast majority of its hires are not seconded from other member states but drawn from the same pool of Greeks as the national asylum service.

Asylum caseworkers at Moria face an overwhelming backlog and plummeting morale. A serving EASO official describes extraordinary “pressure to go faster” and said there was “so much subjectivity in the system.” The official also said that it was human nature to reject more claims “when you see every other country is closing its borders.”

Meanwhile, the only way to escape Moria while your claim is being processed is to be recognized as a “vulnerable” case. Vulnerables get permission to move to the mainland or to more humane accommodation elsewhere on the island. The term is elastic and can apply to lone children and women, families or severely physically or mentally ill people. In all cases the onus is on the asylum seeker ultimately to persuade the asylum service, Greek doctors or the United Nations Refugee Agency that they are especially vulnerable.

The ensuing scramble to get out of Moria has turned the camp into a vast “vulnerability contest,” said Poularakis. It is a ruthless competition that the most heavily traumatized are often in no condition to understand, let alone win.

Twice a Refugee

Mosa arrived at Moria in October 2017 and spent his first night in Europe sleeping rough outside the arrivals tent. While he slept someone stole his phone. When he awoke he was more worried about the lost phone than disputing the decision of the Frontex officer who registered him as an adult. Poularakis said age assessors are on the lookout for adults claiming to be children, but “if you say you’re an adult, no one is going to object.”

Being a child has never afforded Mosa any protection in the past: He did not understand that his entire future could be at stake. Smugglers often warn refugee children not to reveal their real age, telling them that they will be prevented from traveling further if they do not pretend to be over 18 years old.

Like many other Hazara of his generation, Mosa was born in Iran, the child of refugees who fled Afghanistan. Sometimes called “the cursed people,” the Hazara are followers of Shia Islam and an ethnic and religious minority in Afghanistan, a country whose wars are usually won by larger ethnic groups and followers of Sunni Islam. Their ancestry, traced by some historians to Genghis Khan, also means they are highly visible and have been targets for persecution by Afghan warlords from 19th-century Pashtun kings to today’s Taliban.

In recent decades, millions of Hazara have fled Afghanistan, many of them to Iran, where their language, Dari, is a dialect of Persian Farsi, the country’s main language.

“We had a life where we went from work to home, which were both underground in a basement,” he said. “There was nothing (for us) like strolling the streets. I was trying not to be seen by anyone. I ran from the police like I would from a street dog.”

Iran hosts 950,000 Afghan refugees who are registered with the U.N. and another 1.5 million undocumented Afghans. There are no official refugee camps, making displaced Afghans one of the largest urban refugee populations in the world. For those without the money to pay bribes, there is no route to permanent residency or citizenship. Most refugees survive without papers on the outskirts of cities such as the capital, Tehran. Those who received permits, before Iran stopped issuing them altogether in 2007, must renew them annually. The charges are unpredictable and high. Mostly, the Afghan Hazara survive as an underclass, providing cheap labor in workshops and constructions sites. This was how Mosa grew up.

“We had a life where we went from work to home, which were both underground in a basement,” he said. “There was nothing (for us) like strolling the streets. I was trying not to be seen by anyone. I ran from the police like I would from a street dog.”

But he could not remain invisible forever and one day in October 2016, on his way home from work, he was detained by police for not having papers.

Sitting in one of the cantinas opposite the entrance to Moria, Mosa haltingly explained what happened next. How he was threatened with prison in Iran or deportation to Afghanistan, a country in which he has never set foot. How he was told that that the only way out was to agree to fight in Syria – for which they would pay him and reward him with legal residence in Iran.

“In Iran, you have to pay for papers,” said Mosa. “If you don’t pay, you don’t have papers. I do not know Afghanistan. I did not have a choice.”

As he talked, Mosa spread out a sheaf of papers from a battered plastic wallet. Along with asylum documents was a small notepad decorated with pink and mauve elephants where he keeps the phone numbers of friends and family. It also contains a passport-sized green booklet with the crest of the Islamic Republic of Iran. It is a temporary residence permit. Inside its shiny cover is the photograph of a scared-looking boy, whom the document claims was born 27 years ago. It is the only I.D. he has ever owned and the date of birth has been faked to hide the fact that the country that issues it has been sending children to war.

Mosa is not alone among the Hazara boys who have arrived in Greece seeking protection, carrying identification papers with inflated ages. Refugees Deeply has documented the cases of three Hazara child soldiers and corroborated their accounts with testimony from two other underage survivors. Their stories are of childhoods twice denied: once in Syria, where they were forced to fight, and then again after fleeing to Europe, where they are caught up in a system more focused on hard borders than on identifying the most damaged and vulnerable refugees.

From Teenage Kicks to Adult Nightmares

Karim’s descent into hell began with a prank. Together with a couple of friends, he recorded an angsty song riffing on growing up as a Hazara teenager in Tehran. Made when he was 16 years old, the song was meant to be funny. His band did not even have a name. The boys uploaded the track on a local file-sharing platform in 2014 and were as surprised as anyone when it was downloaded thousands of times. But after the surprise came a creeping sense of fear. Undocumented Afghan refugee families living in Tehran usually try to avoid drawing attention to themselves. Karim tried to have the song deleted, but after two months there was a knock on the door. It was the police.

“I asked them how they found me,” he said. “I had no documents but they knew where I lived.”

Already estranged from his family, the teenager was transported from his life of working in a pharmacy and staying with friends to life in a prison outside the capital. After two weeks inside, he was given three choices: to serve a five-year sentence; to be deported to Afghanistan; or to redeem himself by joining the Fatemiyoun.

According to Iranian propaganda, the Fatemiyoun are Afghan volunteers deployed to Syria to protect the tomb of Zainab, the granddaughter of the Prophet Mohammad. In reality, the Fatemiyoun Brigade is a unit of Iran’s powerful Revolutionary Guard, drawn overwhelmingly from Hazara communities, and it has fought in Iraq and Yemen, as well as Syria. Some estimates put its full strength at 15,000, which would make it the second-largest foreign force in support of the Assad regime, behind the Lebanese militia group Hezbollah.

Karim was told he would be paid and given a one-year residence permit during leave back in Iran. Conscripts are promised that if they are “martyred,” their family will receive a pension and permanent status. “I wasn’t going to Afghanistan and I wasn’t going to prison,” said Karim. So he found himself forced to serve in the #Fatemiyoun.

His first taste of the new life came when he was transferred to a training base outside Tehran, where the recruits, including other children, were given basic weapons training and religious indoctrination. They marched, crawled and prayed under the brigade’s yellow flag with a green arch, crossed by assault rifles and a Koranic phrase: “With the Help of God.”

“Imagine me at 16,” said Karim. “I have no idea how to kill a bird. They got us to slaughter animals to get us ready. First, they prepare your brain to kill.”

The 16-year-old’s first deployment was to Mosul in Iraq, where he served four months. When he was given leave back in Iran, Karim was told that to qualify for his residence permit he would need to serve a second term, this time in Syria. They were first sent into the fight against the so-called Islamic State in Raqqa. Because of his age and physique, Karim and some of the other underage soldiers were moved to the medical corps. He said that there were boys as young as 14 and he remembers a 15-year-old who fought using a rocket-propelled grenade launcher.

“One prisoner was killed by being hung by his hair from a tree. They cut off his fingers one by one and cauterized the wounds with gunpowder.”

“I knew nothing about Syria. I was just trying to survive. They were making us hate ISIS, dehumanizing them. Telling us not to leave one of them alive.” Since media reports revealed the existence of the Fatemiyoun, the brigade has set up a page on Facebook. Among pictures of “proud volunteers,” it shows stories of captured ISIS prisoners being fed and cared for. Karim recalls a different story.

“One prisoner was killed by being hung by his hair from a tree. They cut off his fingers one by one and cauterized the wounds with gunpowder.”

The casualties on both sides were overwhelming. At the al-Razi hospital in Aleppo, the young medic saw the morgue overwhelmed with bodies being stored two or three to a compartment. Despite promises to reward the families of martyrs, Karim said many of the bodies were not sent back to Iran.

Mosa’s basic training passed in a blur. A shy boy whose parents had divorced when he was young and whose father became an opium addict, he had always shrunk from violence. He never wanted to touch the toy guns that other boys played with. Now he was being taught to break down, clean and fire an assault rifle.

The trainees were taken three times a day to the imam, who preached to them about their holy duty and the iniquities of ISIS, often referred to as Daesh.

“They told us that Daesh was the same but worse than the Taliban,” said Mosa. “I didn’t listen to them. I didn’t go to Syria by choice. They forced me to. I just needed the paper.”

Mosa was born in 2001. Before being deployed to Syria, the recruits were given I.D. tags and papers that deliberately overstated their age: In 2017, Human Rights Watch released photographs of the tombstones of eight Afghan children who had died in Syria and whose families identified them as having been under 18 years old. The clerk who filled out Mosa’s forms did not trouble himself with complex math: He just changed 2001 to 1991. Mosa was one of four underage soldiers in his group. The boys were scared – their hands shook so hard they kept dropping their weapons. Two of them were dead within days of reaching the front lines.

“I didn’t even know where we were exactly, somewhere in the mountains in a foreign country. I was scared all the time. Every time I saw a friend dying in front of my eyes I was thinking I would be next,” said Mosa.

He has flashbacks of a friend who died next to him after being shot in the face by a sniper. After the incident, he could not sleep for four nights. The worst, he said, were the sudden raids by ISIS when they would capture Fatemiyoun fighters: “God knows what happened to them.”

Iran does not release figures on the number of Fatemiyoun casualties. In a rare interview earlier this year, a senior officer in the Iranian Revolutionary Guard suggested as many as 1,500 Fatemiyoun had been killed in Syria. In Mashhad, an Iranian city near the border with Afghanistan where the brigade was first recruited, video footage has emerged of families demanding the bodies of their young men believed to have died in Syria. Mosa recalls patrols in Syria where 150 men and boys would go out and only 120 would return.

Escaping Syria

Abbas had two weeks left in Syria before going back to Iran on leave. After 10 weeks in what he describes as a “living hell,” he had begun to believe he might make it out alive. It was his second stint in Syria and, still only 17 years old, he had been chosen to be a paramedic, riding in the back of a 2008 Chevrolet truck converted into a makeshift ambulance.

He remembers thinking that the ambulance and the hospital would have to be better than the bitter cold of the front line. His abiding memory from then was the sound of incoming 120mm shells. “They had a special voice,” Abbas said. “And when you hear it, you must lie down.”

Following 15 days of nursing training, during which he was taught how to find a vein and administer injections, he was now an ambulance man, collecting the dead and wounded from the battlefields on which the Fatemiyoun were fighting ISIS.

Abbas grew up in Ghazni in Afghanistan, but his childhood ended when his father died from cancer in 2013. Now the provider for the family, he traveled with smugglers across the border into Iran, to work for a tailor in Tehran who had known his father. He worked without documents and faced the same threats as the undocumented Hazara children born in Iran. Even more dangerous were the few attempts he made to return to Ghazni. The third time he attempted to hop the border he was captured by Iranian police.

Abbas was packed onto a transport, along with 23 other children, and sent to Ordugah-i Muhaceran, a camplike detention center outside Mashhad. When they got there the Shia Hazara boys were separated from Sunni Pashtuns, Afghanistan’s largest ethnic group, who were pushed back across the border. Abbas was given the same choice as Karim and Mosa before him: Afghanistan or Syria. Many of the other forced recruits Abbas met in training, and later fought alongside in Syria, were addicts with a history of substance abuse.

Testimony from three Fatemiyoun child soldiers confirmed that Tramadol was routinely used by recruits to deaden their senses, leaving them “feeling nothing” even in combat situations but, nonetheless, able to stay awake for days at a time.

The Fatemiyoun officers dealt with withdrawal symptoms by handing out Tramadol, an opioid painkiller that is used to treat back pain but sometimes abused as a cheap alternative to methadone. The drug is a slow-release analgesic. Testimony from three Fatemiyoun child soldiers confirmed that it was routinely used by recruits to deaden their senses, leaving them “feeling nothing” even in combat situations but, nonetheless, able to stay awake for days at a time. One of the children reiterated that the painkiller meant he felt nothing. Users describe feeling intensely thirsty but say they avoid drinking water because it triggers serious nausea and vomiting. Tramadol is addictive and prolonged use can lead to insomnia and seizures.

Life in the ambulance had not met Abbas’ expectations. He was still sent to the front line, only now it was to collect the dead and mutilated. Some soldiers shot themselves in the feet to escape the conflict.

“We picked up people with no feet and no hands. Some of them were my friends,” Abbas said. “One man was in small, small pieces. We collected body parts I could not recognize and I didn’t know if they were Syrian or Iranian or Afghan. We just put them in bags.”

Abbas did not make it to the 12th week. One morning, driving along a rubble-strewn road, his ambulance collided with an anti-tank mine. Abbas’ last memory of Syria is seeing the back doors of the vehicle blasted outward as he was thrown onto the road.

When he awoke he was in a hospital bed in Iran. He would later learn that the Syrian ambulance driver had been killed and that the other Afghan medic in the vehicle had lost both his legs. At the time, his only thought was to escape.

The Toll on Child Soldiers

Alice Roorda first came into contact with child soldiers in 2001 in the refugee camps of Sierra Leone in West Africa. A child psychologist, she was sent there by the United Kingdom-based charity War Child. She was one of three psychologists for a camp of more than 5,000 heavily traumatized survivors of one of West Africa’s more brutal conflicts.

“There was almost nothing we could do,” she admitted.

The experience, together with later work in Uganda, has given her a deep grounding in the effects of war and post-conflict trauma on children. She said prolonged exposure to conflict zones has physical as well as psychological effects.

“If you are chronically stressed, as in a war zone, you have consistently high levels of the two basic stress hormones: adrenaline and cortisol.”

Even after reaching a calmer situation, the “stress baseline” remains high, she said. This impacts everything from the immune system to bowel movements. Veterans often suffer from complications related to the continual engagement of the psoas, or “fear muscle” – the deepest muscles in the body’s core, which connect the spine, through the pelvis, to the femurs.

“With prolonged stress you start to see the world around you as more dangerous.” The medial prefrontal cortex, the section of the brain that interprets threat levels, is also affected, said Roorda. This part of the brain is sometimes called the “watchtower.”

“When your watchtower isn’t functioning well you see everything as more dangerous. You are on high alert. This is not a conscious response; it is because the stress is already so close to the surface.”

Psychological conditions that can be expected to develop include post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) and attention deficit hyperactivity disorder (ADHD). Left untreated, these stress levels can lead to physical symptoms ranging from chronic fatigue syndrome (CFS or ME) to high blood pressure or irritable bowel syndrome. Also common are heightened sensitivity to noise and insomnia.

The trauma of war can also leave children frozen at the point when they were traumatized. “Their life is organized as if the trauma is still ongoing,” said Roorda. “It is difficult for them to take care of themselves, to make rational well informed choices, and to trust people.”

The starting point for any treatment of child soldiers, said Roorda, is a calm environment. They need to release the tension with support groups and physical therapy, she said, and “a normal bedtime.”

The Dutch psychologist, who is now based in Athens, acknowledged that what she is describing is the exact opposite of the conditions at #Moria.

Endgame

Karim is convinced that his facility for English has saved his life. While most Hazara boys arrive in Europe speaking only Farsi, Karim had taught himself some basic English before reaching Greece. As a boy in Tehran he had spent hours every day trying to pick up words and phrases from movies that he watched with subtitles on his phone. His favorite was The Godfather, which he said he must have seen 25 times. He now calls English his “safe zone” and said he prefers it to Farsi.

When Karim reached Greece in March 2016, new arrivals were not yet confined to the islands. No one asked him if he was a child or an adult. He paid smugglers to help him escape Iran while on leave from Syria and after crossing through Turkey landed on Chios. Within a day and a half, he had passed through the port of Piraeus and reached Greece’s northern border with Macedonia, at Idomeni.

When he realized the border was closed, he talked to some of the international aid workers who had come to help at the makeshift encampment where tens of thousands of refugees and migrants waited for a border that would not reopen. They ended up hiring him as a translator. Two years on, his English is now much improved and Karim has worked for a string of international NGOs and a branch of the Greek armed forces, where he was helped to successfully apply for asylum.

The same job has also brought him to Moria. He earns an above-average salary for Greece and at first he said that his work on Lesbos is positive: “I’m not the only one who has a shitty background. It balances my mind to know that I’m not the only one.”

But then he admits that it is difficult hearing and interpreting versions of his own life story from Afghan asylum seekers every day at work. He has had problems with depression and suffered flashbacks, “even though I’m in a safe country now.”

Abbas got the help he needed to win the vulnerability contest. After he was initially registered as an adult, his age assessment was overturned and he was transferred from Moria to a shelter for children on Lesbos. He has since been moved again to a shelter in mainland Greece. While he waits to hear the decision on his protection status, Abbas – like other asylum seekers in Greece – receives 150 euros ($170) a month. This amount needs to cover all his expenses, from food and clothing to phone credit. The money is not enough to cover a regular course of the antidepressant Prozac and the sleeping pills he was prescribed by the psychiatrist he was able to see on Lesbos.

“I save them for when it gets really bad,” he said.

Since moving to the mainland he has been hospitalized once with convulsions, but his main worry is the pain in his groin. Abbas underwent a hernia operation in Iran, the result of injuries sustained as a child lifting adult bodies into the ambulance. He has been told that he will need to wait for four months to see a doctor in Greece who can tell him if he needs another operation.

“I would like to go back to school,” he said. But in reality, Abbas knows that he will need to work and there is little future for an Afghan boy who can no longer lift heavy weights.

Walking into an Afghan restaurant in downtown Athens – near Victoria Square, where the people smugglers do business – Abbas is thrilled to see Farsi singers performing on the television above the door. “I haven’t been in an Afghan restaurant for maybe three years,” he said to explain his excitement. His face brightens again when he catches sight of Ghormeh sabzi, a herb stew popular in Afghanistan and Iran that reminds him of his mother. “I miss being with them,” he said, “being among my family.”

When the dish arrives he pauses before eating, taking out his phone and carefully photographing the plate from every angle.

Mosa is about to mark the end of a full year in Moria. He remains in the same drab tent that reminds him every day of Syria. Serious weight loss has made his long limbs – the ones that made it easier for adults to pretend he was not a child – almost comically thin. His skin is laced with scars, but he refuses to go into detail about how he got them. Mosa has now turned 18 and seems to realize that his best chance of getting help may have gone.

“Those people who don’t have problems, they give them vulnerability (status),” he said with evident anger. “If you tell them the truth, they don’t help you.”

Then he apologises for the flash of temper. “I get upset and angry and my body shakes,” he said.

Mosa explained that now when he gets angry he has learned to remove himself: “Sometimes I stuff my ears with toilet paper to make it quiet.”

It is 10 months since Mosa had his asylum interview. The questions he expected about his time in the Fatemiyoun never came up. Instead, the interviewers asked him why he had not stayed in Turkey after reaching that country, having run away while on leave in Iran.

The questions they did ask him point to his likely rejection and deportation. Why, he was asked, was his fear of being persecuted in Afghanistan credible? He told them that he has heard from other Afghan boys that police and security services in the capital, Kabul, were arresting ex-combatants from Syria.

Like teenagers everywhere, many of the younger Fatemiyoun conscripts took selfies in Syria and posted them on Facebook or shared them on WhatsApp. The images, which include uniforms and insignia, can make him a target for Sunni reprisals. These pictures now haunt him as much as the faces of his dead comrades.

Meanwhile, the fate he suffered two tours in Syria to avoid now seems to be the most that Europe can offer him. Without any of his earlier anger, he said, “I prefer to kill myself here than go to Afghanistan.”

https://newsdeeply.imgix.net/20181015062011/42568112_1602854009859873_1250490938095042560_o.jpg

#enfants-soldats #syrie #réfugiés #asile #migrations #guerre #conflit #réfugiés_afghans #Afghanistan #ISIS #EI #Etat_islamique #trauma #traumatisme #vulnérabilité

ping @isskein

La logique de « #Dublin » appliquée aux mineurs

En prévoyant la collecte par les autorités départementales de la photographie et des empreintes des #mineurs_isolés_étrangers sollicitant une protection au titre de l’#Aide_sociale_à_l’enfance, la #loi_sur_l’asile_et_l’immigration du 10 septembre 2018, dite « #loi_Collomb », vise à ce que soit désigné de facto un #département – et un seul – responsable de la demande de protection. Un enfant considéré comme majeur par un département ne pourra plus solliciter la protection d’un autre département. Le parallèle avec le règlement « Dublin » qui interdit aux demandeurs d’asile de choisir l’État dans lequel ils souhaitent trouver refuge est frappant : le #fichage des mineurs a le même objectif que le fichage des demandeurs d’asile dans #Eurodac ; il s’agit de piéger sur un territoire donné la personne en demande de protection. À défaut de pouvoir obliger les départements à harmoniser leurs pratiques en matière d’évaluation de la minorité et de l’isolement, de la même manière que les institutions européennes ont échoué à harmoniser les procédures d’asile en Europe, le gouvernement a ainsi trouvé le moyen d’empêcher les mineurs d’aller chercher ailleurs la protection qu’on leur dénie ici.

À l’annonce de cette mesure, plusieurs organisations, parmi lesquelles le Gisti, ont dénoncé « une mesure disproportionnée » dont elles ont demandé le retrait [1]. Cette mesure revient à créer une présomption de fraude à l’encontre des « ressortissants étrangers se déclarant mineurs privés temporairement ou définitivement de la protection de leur famille » et entre en contradiction avec les principes constitutionnels d’égalité devant la loi et de non-discrimination dans l’accès à un droit. On sait bien, pourtant, que le caractère aléatoire des évaluations de minorité conduit à ce qu’une personne déclarée mineure dans un département soit déclarée majeure dans un autre, preuve de l’absence de fiabilité de la procédure d’évaluation et de la disparité des pratiques [2].

À l’occasion de la saisine du Conseil constitutionnel par les parlementaires, le Gisti et la Ligue des droits de l’Homme ont essayé d’attirer son attention sur cette question [3]. Dans sa décision du 6 septembre, le Conseil constitutionnel a toutefois choisi de ne pas se prononcer, de sorte que la question de la constitutionnalité de cette mesure reste entière.

Votée à l’occasion d’une réforme du code des étrangers, la création de ce fichier confirme que les pouvoirs publics considèrent les mineurs isolés avant tout comme des migrants dont il faut se défier plutôt que comme des enfants qu’il faut protéger. Elle s’inscrit, parallèlement, dans une tendance au fichage généralisé de la population dont la population étrangère est la cible prioritaire.

Pour disqualifier le maximum de demandes de protection émanant de mineurs isolés, les départements reprennent la même recette que celle utilisée par l’État contre les demandeurs d’asile. Par la magie du verbe, l’immense majorité des réfugiés deviennent des « migrants économiques » et les enfants, des adultes. La même recette et parfois les mêmes méthodes, consistant, par exemple, à déléguer à des associations gestionnaires le « sale boulot » : ici, créer des files d’attente interminables pour distribuer au compte-gouttes des rendez-vous aux demandeurs d’asile ; là, gérer des cellules d’évaluation remettant en cause quasi systématiquement l’âge déclaré par les mineurs isolés.

Fichage et suspicion, deux moyens qui ont largement fait leur preuve pour discréditer la plupart des demandeurs d’asile et qui trouvent maintenant à s’appliquer aux mineurs isolés considérés, comme d’autres avant eux, comme des étrangers « indésirables ». À qui le tour ?

▻http://www.gisti.org/spip.php?article6001
#règlement_dublin #asile #migrations #réfugiés #mineurs #enfants #enfance #MNA #empreintes_digitales #France #piège #piège_territorial

La sindaca di #Lodi non torna indietro: «Il regolamento resta in vigore». Nuovo caso in Veneto

Per ottenere il contributo regionale sull’acquisto di testi scolastici in Veneto, i cittadini non comunitari devono presentare, oltre alla certificazione Isee, un certificato sul possesso di immobili o percezione di redditi all’estero rilasciato dalle autorità del Paese di provenienza.

È quanto si legge nelle «istruzioni per il richiedente» rilasciate a settembre sul sito internet della Regione. Nei giorni scorsi, era scoppiata la polemica su un caso simile a Lodi, dove il Comune ha chiesto un documento aggiuntivo a chi non è italiano per ottenere le agevolazioni sulla mensa scolastica.

La norma non è però presente né nella delibera di Giunta né nel bando per la concessione di contributi, ma soltanto nelle «istruzioni per il richiedente» rilasciate a settembre sul sito internet per la compilazione della richiesta. A renderlo noto, in un’interrogazione alla Giunta regionale, è il Gruppo del Partito democratico, che chiede una proroga per il termine di presentazione delle domande, che è stata fissata a mezzogiorno di oggi. «La Giunta - afferma l’interrogazione che ha come primi firmatari i consiglieri Francesca Zottis e Claudio Sinigaglia - faccia chiarezza sui contributi per il buono libri: la documentazione richiesta ai cittadini non comunitari sta provocando ritardi e disagi».

La certificazione richiesta ai cittadini extra Ue è «un passaggio obbligatorio - spiegano Zottis e Sinigaglia - che compare solo nelle istruzioni delle procedure web per la validazione delle domande alla Regione. Tuttavia la documentazione non serve in presenza di un’apposita convenzione tra l’Italia e lo stato di provenienza: bastano delle semplici dichiarazioni sostitutive. Ma le amministrazioni locali neanche sanno quali sono i Paesi con cui sono stati firmati questi accordi, oltre ad aver scoperto in ritardo la necessità di un ulteriore passaggio in quanto non c’era alcuna traccia nel bando. Non si può scaricare ulteriori incombenze e responsabilità sui Comuni. Senza considerare che si rischia di tagliar fuori dai contributi una buona fetta di cittadini non comunitari che invece avrebbe bisogno di un sostegno».

La replica della Regione Veneto rispetto alla vicenda, sottolinea che la necessità di un certificato ai cittadini non comunitari per usufruire dei buoni per l’acquisto di libri ricalca quanto stabilito dalla normativa statale. Si sarebbe trattato, quindi, dell’applicazione in ambito regionale del Decreto del Presidente della Repubblica 31 agosto 1999, n. 394 tutt’ora vigente.

La norma regola l’utilizzo degli istituti della autocertificazione di fatti, stati e qualità personali relativamente ai soli cittadini non comunitari, appartenenti a Paesi che non hanno sottoscritto con lo Stato Italiano convenzioni internazionali. In ambito regionale la materia è regolata dalla legge 7 febbraio 2018 n. 2 «Disposizioni in materia di documentazione amministrativa» ai sensi dell’articolo 3 del Decreto del Presidente della Repubblica 28 dicembre 2000, n. 445 «Testo unico delle disposizioni legislative e regolamentari in materia di documentazione amministrativa» e dell’articolo 2 del Decreto del Presidente della Repubblica 31 agosto 1999, n. 394 «Regolamento recante norme di attuazione del testo unico delle disposizioni concernenti la disciplina dell’immigrazione e norme sulla condizione dello straniero».

Intanto, sul «caso Lodi», è intervenuto Matteo Salvini, attraverso una dichiarazione postata sul suo profilo Facebook: «Basta coi furbetti, se c’è gente che al suo Paese ha case, terreni e soldi, perché dovremmo dare loro dei servizi gratis, mentre gli Italiani pagano tutto?».

E, dopo le polemiche, arriva la replica della sindaca di Lodi, che non arretra. «Certamente il Regolamento rimane in vigore, la Legge deve sempre valere per tutti - si legge in una nota - dispiace che non tutti condividano il principio di equità che sta alla base di questa delibera, che vuole mettere italiani e stranieri nella stessa condizione di partenza per dimostrare redditi e beni posseduti, né il successivo impegno preso dall’Amministrazione nei confronti dei cittadini che sono nell’oggettiva impossibilità di presentare la documentazione richiesta».

▻https://www.huffingtonpost.it/2018/10/15/bimbi-stranieri-esclusi-da-buoni-libro-senza-certificato-ad-hoc-nuovo

#enfants #enfance #école #discriminations #Italie #manuels_scolaires #xénophobie #racisme #cantine_scolaire

« Fifi Brindacier : Fifi va à l’école, Fifi va à la foire », par Les histoires du Pince Oreille (#France_Culture en 1996)
▻https://www.franceculture.fr/emissions/les-nuits-de-france-culture/les-histoires-du-pince-oreille-fifi-brindacier-fifi-va-a-lecole-fifi-v

Adaptation des récits d’#Astrid_Lindgren par #Françoise_Le_Jaffotec et #Jacques_Taroni. Durée : 35 min.

▻http://rf.proxycast.org/1491355249884012544/13915-15.10.2018-ITEMA_21851809-0.mp3

« Fifi s’installe à la Villa Drôle de repos »
▻https://www.franceculture.fr/emissions/les-nuits-de-france-culture/les-histoires-du-pince-oreille-fifi-brindacier-fifi-sinstalle-a-la-vil

▻http://rf.proxycast.org/1488757651742400512/13915-08.10.2018-ITEMA_21841989-0.mp3

#création_sonore #création_jeunesse #enfants #audio #radio

Claude Ponti, le philo-sinateur qui voulait changer les enfants (2014)
▻https://www.franceculture.fr/emissions/les-nouveaux-chemins-de-la-connaissance/actualite-philosophique-claude-ponti

https://cdn.radiofrance.fr/s3/cruiser-production/2018/09/348e4b4d-44d5-4fec-aeb4-c5b4a3a3053b/838_2011_11_-r_a._p.jpg

@intempestive d’habitude je cherche le mp3 dans le flux RSS, mais quand il est très vieux comme là, tu sais comment on fait pour le retrouver ?

#Claude_Ponti #enfants #illustration #rire #violence #stupidité #radio #audio #France_Culture #philosophie

Décès d’Elzbieta Violet : l’enfance était son royaume | Laurence Bertels
▻http://www.lalibre.be/culture/livres-bd/deces-d-elzbieta-violet-l-enfance-etait-son-royaume-5bbf7b83cd708c805c256a12

Rencontrer, lire, écouter Elzbetia, figure majeure de la littérature jeunesse, plasticienne et auteure illustratrice d’une soixantaine d’enfants, c’est ne jamais l’oublier. Source : La Libre Belgique

Biberonnés à YouTube
▻http://www.internetactu.net/a-lire-ailleurs/biberonne-a-youtube

James Bridle nous avait alerté sur ces étranges programmes pour #enfants qui colonisaient YouTube (voir également Technologie : l’âge sombre). Alexis Madrigal (@alexismadrigal), pour The Atlantic s’est rendu en Inde dans les studios de Chuchu TV, à la rencontre de son créateur Vinoth Chandar (@vinoth27), une chaîne YouTube qui a plus (...)

#A_lire_ailleurs #Débats #attentionbydesign #économie_de_l'attention #régulation

Prendre la mesure du scandale des prêtres pédophiles au Québec Magdaline Boutros - 10 octobre 2018 - Le Devoir
▻https://www.ledevoir.com/societe/538667/pretres-pedophiles

Le diocèse de Montréal accepterait de collaborer avec les autorités si une enquête était lancée sur le scandale des prêtres pédophiles — en donnant notamment accès aux dossiers des prêtres —, mais il ne souhaite pas pour autant aller au-devant d’un tel exercice.

« Si le processus judiciaire juge que c’est ce qu’il faut faire, on va collaborer avec le processus judiciaire. Mais on ne veut pas le devancer », soutient Mgr Christian Lépine, archevêque de Montréal.

À l’occasion d’une rencontre avec Le Devoir organisée vendredi au diocèse de Montréal, Mgr Lépine a déclaré être favorable à un exercice plus circonscrit de statistiques, « validé de façon externe », qui permettrait de mieux saisir l’étendue du scandale au Québec. L’Église ne serait toutefois pas encore prête à se lancer dans cette voie, puisqu’il y a « encore du travail à faire pour protéger la confidentialité », fait valoir Mgr Lépine.

https://media2.ledevoir.com/images_galerie/nwd_662727_508594/image.jpg

Photo : Guillaume Levasseur Le Devoir Selon plusieurs experts interrogés, les dossiers que l’Église conserve sur ses prêtres permettraient de révéler d’autres cas d’abus.

Comme en Irlande ?
C’est en 1989 que le scandale des prêtres pédophiles a éclaté au grand jour au Canada, lorsque le public a pris connaissance des sévices sexuels subis par des pensionnaires de l’orphelinat Mount Cashel à Terre-Neuve. Trente ans plus tard, on ne sait toujours pas à quel point le phénomène était répandu au Canada comme au Québec. Aucune enquête n’a été menée pour déterminer le nombre total de victimes de prêtres pédophiles ainsi que le nombre d’abuseurs.

« Ça pourrait être astronomique », lance Thomas Doyle en parlant du nombre potentiel de victimes québécoises. Cet ancien prêtre dominicain est l’un des premiers lanceurs d’alerte de l’Église catholique. En 1985, il avisait les plus hautes instances du Vatican de l’ampleur du phénomène des agressions sexuelles commises par le clergé aux États-Unis et de l’entreprise de camouflage qui s’en est suivie. Depuis, il a été témoin expert ou consultant aux enquêtes publiques déployées entre autres en Irlande, en Australie et aux États-Unis, en plus d’avoir été appelé à la barre de nombreux procès intentés contre des congrégations religieuses.

Thomas Doyle, qui a grandi dans l’ouest de Montréal, croit que « des milliers de victimes ne sont toujours pas sorties de l’ombre au Québec ».

En entrevue au Devoir depuis la Virginie, l’homme de 74 ans dresse un parallèle entre ce que l’on pourrait découvrir au Québec et ce qui a été mis au jour en Irlande, où quelque 15 000 personnes ont révélé avoir été victimes d’abus sexuels perpétrés par des membres du clergé alors qu’elles étaient enfants. Ici comme là-bas, l’Église catholique a régné en maître pendant des décennies et contrôlait nombre d’orphelinats et d’écoles où résidaient des pensionnaires. Et ici comme là-bas, bien des gens savaient, mais tout le monde acceptait. Jean-Guy Nadeau, aujourd’hui professeur à la retraite de l’Institut d’études religieuses de l’Université de Montréal, se souvient qu’à son entrée dans un collège dirigé par une communauté religieuse, en 1961, ses oncles le taquinaient ouvertement. « Ils disaient que j’allais me faire taponner par des pères, se rappelle-t-il. Ce n’était pas la fin du monde dans le temps. On était dans une autre culture. »

Du langage codé
Serait-ce donc possible qu’il y ait plus de 10 000 victimes au Québec ? « Quand on généralise, on exprime une blessure, on est en état de choc parce qu’il y a eu des abus. Mais généraliser n’amène pas plus de justice », répond Mgr Lépine, qui se dit sceptique sur la possibilité d’une telle envergure. « Le point de départ, c’est lorsqu’il y a une allégation », affirme-t-il. Aux yeux de Thomas Doyle, c’est justement là que réside une partie du problème. « L’Église réagit seulement lorsqu’elle est confrontée et qu’elle n’a plus le choix », dit-il.

Selon plusieurs experts interrogés, les dossiers que l’Église conserve sur ses prêtres permettraient de révéler d’autres cas d’abus. Thomas Doyle explique que du langage codé était utilisé pour y désigner les prêtres abuseurs. Les termes « actions inappropriées », « affection déplacée », « faiblesse morale » ou « de sexto », qui fait référence au 6e commandement traitant de l’adultère, ont ainsi été consignés par écrit dans certains cas.

Pendant que ces dossiers dorment dans les diocèses, le temps joue contre nombre de victimes qui souhaitent obtenir compensation. Plusieurs d’entre elles ne peuvent intenter de poursuite en raison du délai de prescription. Thomas Doyle y voit une « hypocrisie » de l’Église catholique. « D’un côté, ils disent qu’ils veulent tout faire pour aider les victimes, mais de l’autre, ils invoquent la prescription. » De son côté, Mgr Lépine fait valoir que « si le délai de prescription existe, c’est qu’il est vu comme un chemin de justice ». L’Église catholique aux États-Unis a dépensé des millions de dollars en frais de lobbying pour maintenir les délais de prescription en place. Rien ne prouve que de telles activités ont été menées de ce côté-ci de la frontière. Mais une chose est certaine, l’arrivée au pouvoir de la Coalition avenir Québec pourrait sonner le glas de cette limite imposée aux victimes, puisque le parti a promis d’abolir la prescription.

La Conférence des évêques catholiques du Canada a rendu public la semaine dernière un nouveau document qui se veut un guide pour protéger les enfants contre les abus. Intitulé Protection des personnes mineures contre les abus sexuels. Appel aux fidèles catholiques du Canada pour la guérison, la réconciliation et la transformation, le document met l’accent sur l’accueil des victimes. Y sont recensées les principales leçons tirées des scandales des dernières années. Il s’agit notamment du « besoin d’une rencontre pastorale avec les victimes d’abus sexuels commis par le clergé », du « besoin de mieux connaître

#Quebec #enfants #viols #pedocriminalité #eglise #violences_sexuelles #pédophilie #culture_du_viol #viol

https://i.imgur.com/s2geq0C.jpg

source : ▻https://twitter.com/resf19/status/1049281643566059520

#test_osseux #âge_osseux #âge #mineurs #majeurs #asile #réfugiés #migrations #enfants #enfance

New Satellite Imagery Shows Growth in Detention Camps for Children

A satellite image taken on September 13, 2018, shows substantial growth in the tent city the US government is using to detain migrant children located in the desert in #Tornillo, #Texas.

The tent city was originally used to house children separated from parents this summer, when the Trump administration was aggressively prosecuting parents traveling with children for illegal entry to the US. The US Department of Health and Human Services has stated that the new growth in the number of tents is necessary in order to house children who may cross the border on their own, unaccompanied by family members.

The image from September 13, 2018 shows that since June 19th, the date of a previous satellite image, the number of tent shelters has nearly quadrupled, from 28 to 101 tents. At a reported capacity of 20 children per tent, the tent city can currently house 2,020 children, which is only half of the government’s stated goal of 3,800 beds at the Tornillo facility. In addition to the completed tents, there are numerous tents that can be seen currently under construction as well as several larger buildings that have recently been built.

“Children should not be detained, since locking up kids harms their health and development,” said Alison Parker, US managing director of Human Rights Watch. “There are safe and viable alternatives to detaining children that the US government should put to use immediately.”

https://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/styles/node_embed/public/multimedia_images_2018/201810us_tornillo_tentcamp_before_final_final_final_june.jpg?itok=wDTYZ6Ed#.jpg https://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/styles/node_embed/public/multimedia_images_2018/201810us_tornillo_tentcamp_after_final_final_final_september.jpg?itok=kHUQvxmG#.jpg

Première manifestation en Pologne pour dénoncer la pédophilie dans l’Eglise catholique Belga - 7 Octobre 2018 - RTBF
▻https://www.rtbf.be/info/monde/detail_premiere-manifestation-en-pologne-pour-denoncer-la-pedophilie-dans-l-egl

La première manifestation dénonçant la pédophilie dans l’Eglise catholique en Pologne, pays traditionnellement attaché au catholicisme, s’est tenue dimanche à Varsovie.

https://ds1.static.rtbf.be/article/image/1248x702/b/8/e/1ddb225973c5da7652b4ca2146ad74e7-1538930430.jpg

Première manifestation en Pologne pour dénoncer la pédophilie dans l’Eglise catholique - © Alik Keplicz - ISOPIX

Quelque 200 personnes ont parcouru le centre de la capitale en brandissant des pancartes où était inscrit : « Monsieur l’évêque, protéger les pédophiles est un crime », « Nous avons assez de la lâcheté du clergé » et « Pédophiles en prison ! ».

Les manifestants portaient une carte du pays sur laquelle les villes et villages où des cas de pédophilie dans l’Eglise catholique ont été signalés étaient cochés de crucifix couleur noire.

Ils se sont arrêtés devant quatre églises où ont été lus des témoignages de victimes. Devant le siège de l’évêché, une longue liste de villes et villages avec des cas de pédophilie commis par des prêtres a été égrenée aux sons de tambours et des cris : « Honte ».

« Nous protestons parce que l’Eglise reste passive et ne fait rien contre les responsables de ces crimes », a déclaré à l’AFP Marek Lisinki, de l’organisation « N’ayez pas peur », qui traque des cas de pédophilie dans l’Eglise, le principal organisateur du rassemblement.

« Longtemps, cela a été un sujet tabou en Pologne », a ajouté M. Lisinki, lui-même victime de pédophilie de la part d’un prêtre.

« C’est la première manifestation de ce genre en Pologne, contre la pédophilie au sein de l’Eglise catholique », a insisté Piotr Musial, chef du groupement « Liberté et égalité ».

Des rassemblements semblables ont été organisés dimanche dans d’autres villes, notamment à Poznan où, la semaine dernière, un tribunal a confirmé la condamnation d’une congrégation religieuse à verser une indemnité record de 240.000 euros à la victime d’un prêtre pédophile, une première dans ce pays où le problème a été jusqu’à tout récemment marginalisé.

Depuis quelque temps ce sujet suscite des débats, particulièrement animés depuis la sortie, il y a huit jours, du film « Kler » (Le Clergé) dénonçant les péchés cardinaux de l’Eglise, de la pédophilie au versement d’argent par les fidèles pour accéder aux sacrements en passant par des appels d’offres truqués.
▻https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=N9Asxqvr2m8

En huit jours, le film a attiré près de 2 millions de spectateurs, un record dans ce pays de 38 millions d’habitants.

#Pologne #enfants #viols #pedocriminalité #eglise #violences_sexuelles #pédophilie #culture_du_viol #viol

Pesticides domestiques : un lien établi avec les cancers pédiatriques - Journal de l’environnement
▻http://www.journaldelenvironnement.net/article/pesticides-domestiques-un-lien-etabli-avec-les-cancers-pedi

L’utilisation domestique de pesticides, en particulier d’insecticides, est bien liée à un risque accru de cancers chez l’enfant, dont les leucémies et les tumeurs cérébrales, révèle des travaux présentés lors de rencontres scientifiques organisées mardi 2 octobre par l’Anses.

#cancer #pesticides #insecticides

Conditions de vie des #enfants en #France
▻http://dataviz.drees.solidarites-sante.gouv.fr/conditions_de_vie_des_enfants

https://4.bp.blogspot.com/-VY20-LtS4q0/W7c8XJfmMeI/AAAAAAAA3dA/qdMc4J4oPT03i8toy0fL47NEYfdGuUoUQCLcBGAs/s523/typhoon.gif

#datasource #crèches #santé etc

Ahed Tamini on Her Arrest, Jail Term, and Activism
▻https://en.vogue.me/fashion/perspectives/ahed-tamimi-palestine-open-letter

Regards d’un enfant sur l’Irak sous embargo

▻https://orientxxi.info/magazine/parfum-d-irak-de-feurat-alani,2661

C’est très beau.

https://orientxxi.info/local/cache-vignettes/L800xH398/8f00c70773d8504543a04698b07777-566d5.jpg?1538480449

Regards d’un enfant sur l’Irak sous embargo

« Le Parfum d’Irak » de Feurat Alani · C’est un genre particulier de journalisme qu’a adopté Feurat Alani. Il a utilisé Twitter pour conter l’histoire de son pays, l’Irak, agrémentée de nombreux dessins. Dans le passage extrait du Parfum d’Irak qui paraît ce 3 octobre, il a 12 ans et, après un séjour en France, il rentre au pays. Il découvre l’Irak sous embargo, après la défaite de Saddam Hussein face à la coalition internationale qui le force à évacuer le Koweït en 1991.
Feurat Alani > 3 octobre 2018

Arrête de la toucher laaaaaaaaaa. Nos corps ne sont ni vos jouets ni vos poupons.

Posté par @CherCherjournal sur twitter.

https://i.imgur.com/EXDwsXK.png

J’ajoute aussi #exotisme #colonialisme #paternalisme au tags

ping @aude_v

Du Maroc à Paris, les vies brisées des enfants de la Goutte-d’Or - Libération
▻https://www.liberation.fr/france/2018/09/19/du-maroc-a-paris-les-vies-brisees-des-enfants-de-la-goutte-d-or_1679911

Hors de contrôle, violents et polytoxicomanes, des dizaines de mineurs sans parents vagabondent dans le nord de la capitale. Le Conseil de Paris devrait voter une rallonge pour l’association missionnée, dépassée par la situation.

Deux gamins d’une douzaine d’années marchent dans la rue, tout en se roulant un joint. Ils croisent une vieille dame voilée, qui les interpelle en arabe. Le plus petit, Malik (1), 1,50 mètre sous la toise, se retourne illico, prêt à en découdre. Une main se pose sur son épaule et l’invite à poursuivre son chemin. Fin de l’altercation. « Voilà, c’est emblématique de ces gosses. Normalement, tu ne touches pas aux mamans. Pas eux. Ils n’ont aucune limite. » Chansia Euphrosine est directrice du pôle La Clairière du #Casp (Centre d’action sociale protestant), une association missionnée pour intervenir auprès des enfants marocains de la Goutte-d’Or, dans le XVIIIe arrondissement de Paris. Cela fait « quinze jours » qu’elle s’efforce de convaincre Malik de venir prendre une douche dans le local voisin. « Trop défoncé », l’adolescent avait jusqu’alors refusé. Ce lundi après-midi, il s’est enfin décidé.

Depuis l’hiver 2016-2017, ils sont plusieurs centaines, comme Malik, à être passés dans ce quartier populaire du nord de Paris. Parfois très jeunes (10 ans), sans attaches familiales en France, polytoxicomanes, sans-abri et ultra violents, ils ont bouleversé le quotidien des habitants. Les vols à l’arraché sont devenus monnaie courante, les agressions également.

« L’écume aux lèvres »

« La #drogue, les trafics, il y en a toujours eu ici, remarque un commerçant. Mais aujourd’hui, tu peux te prendre un coup de couteau à tout moment. » Un habitant : « Rien ne les arrête. Ils volent les petites vieilles. Un jour, ils ont essayé de piquer le téléphone de ma nana, qui était pourtant avec sa poussette et notre môme d’1 an. » Chansia Euphrosine ne peut que partager le diagnostic. Ses équipes interviennent auprès des mineurs marocains depuis décembre 2017 : « C’est le boulot le plus intense, le plus dur que j’ai pu faire. On pense à l’horizon d’une journée, d’une semaine, guère plus. » Des scènes marquent davantage que d’autres. Notamment cette fois où trois jeunes, « complètement défoncés, titubant dans la rue, l’écume aux lèvres », ont glacé d’effroi une classe de maternelle en sortie, ainsi que leurs deux institutrices. « On a dû faire une chaîne humaine pour permettre à la classe de continuer son chemin, se souvient la directrice. Soudain, un des mineurs marocains s’est mis à hurler qu’il allait se tuer. Il a foncé vers un bus, mais il était tellement en mauvais état qu’il n’a pas réussi à se coucher sous les roues. » La scène devient encore plus surréaliste quand les vendeurs à la sauvette de Barbès, excédés par ces intrus qui menacent leur business, se ruent vers lui pour le lyncher. Le gosse est exfiltré in extremis.

« Quand on travaille dans la rue, la mort fait partie de notre univers, souffle Chansia Euphrosine. Mais là, elle est présente tout le temps dans nos têtes. » Le pire a jusqu’à présent été évité, sans que personne ne comprenne comment. Mais la prise en charge des enfants perdus de Barbès reste en chantier. Hypermobiles et refusant toute aide des autorités, ils bénéficient également de la désorganisation des multiples acteurs impliqués dans le dossier. Leur profil est pourtant mieux connu qu’il y a quelques mois. Missionnée par la mairie de Paris, l’association Trajectoires a rendu un rapport en avril sur le profil de ces ados. Majoritairement originaires de quartiers périphériques des villes de Fès, Casablanca et Tanger, ils ne sont pas des « enfants des rues ». « Mais ces mineurs ont souvent été négligés ou délaissés par leurs familles », écrivent les auteurs. Les perspectives économiques médiocres ont fini de les persuader de « tenter le riski », comme ils disent. Comprendre : rejoindre l’Europe, planqués dans un camion, voire entassés sur une patera, la barque qui sert à franchir le détroit de Gibraltar. Certains meurent en route. Les autres, arrivés en Espagne, s’y installent parfois. Mais le plus souvent, ils continuent à circuler : France, Belgique, Pays-Bas, Allemagne… Au gré des législations locales et de leurs failles, des liens qu’ils tissent ici et là, ils se déplacent, compliquant d’autant leur suivi.

A Barbès, ils veulent « faire de l’argent », selon des témoignages recueillis par l’association Trajectoires. Vols à l’arraché, cambriolages, puis revente du butin au sein de l’économie parallèle de la Goutte-d’Or : les plus « doués » peuvent se faire plusieurs milliers d’euros par mois. Mais l’argent s’évapore vite. A la rue, les vols sont quotidiens. Faute d’hygiène suffisante, les jeunes doivent souvent se racheter une garde-robe complète. Pochettes Armani, fringues de marque, chaussures siglées, ils mettent le paquet sur les signes extérieurs de richesse, se photographient dans les rues de Paris avant de poster les images sur les réseaux sociaux. « Ils ne font que montrer à leurs potes restés au Maroc qu’ils ont eu raison de partir, relève Chansia Euphrosine. Même s’ils connaissent leur réalité, ils ne peuvent pas revenir en arrière. Ça serait la honte. »

La réalité, derrière les coupes de cheveux dernier cri et les selfies crâneurs, c’est une vie de misère et de violence. « On est face à des tox en voie de clochardisation », dit Julien, un habitant. Les maux sont multiples. Ils ont souvent commencé par sniffer de la colle au Maroc. A Paris, ils enchaînent avec le #Rivotril, un anxiolytique « qu’ils avalent par plaquettes entières, comme des Smarties », selon Chansia Euphrosine. Insensibilisés, ils se scarifient et se lacèrent lors de bagarres à coups de tessons de bouteille. Certains basculent vers l’ecstasy, voire la cocaïne. La gale est courante, et rares sont les gamins qui n’arborent pas plusieurs cicatrices, voire balafres. Cet été, ils se sont repliés vers l’église Saint-Bernard. Entre eux, ils parlent en darija, l’arabe marocain, se débrouillent aussi en espagnol.

Autorités impuissantes

Après neuf mois de terrain, les éducateurs du Casp sont parvenus à tisser des liens. Ténus, mais qui ont le « mérite d’exister », dit Chansia Euphrosine. Elle poursuit : « Ces gamins sont attachants. Ils méritent d’avoir des adultes bienveillants dans leurs vies. On tente de répondre à leurs besoins primaires. » Un pansement à refaire, un médicament contre une infection dentaire, du collyre pour cet œil rouge à pleurer…

Ils seraient actuellement entre 30 et 45 mineurs isolés marocains dans le nord de Paris, et autant de jeunes adultes. Autant dire trop pour la quinzaine d’éducateurs du Casp, qui n’ont que 10 lits à leur proposer chaque nuit. Ces quelques heures de répit sont en général réservées aux plus cassés. Qui restent des enfants. Abdel, surnommé « le Président » par Chansia Euphrosine, a récemment porté la revendication du groupe : dormir plus tard le matin et échapper au réveil à 8 heures. Refusé.

Dans la rue, tout est sur un fil. Un regard, une parole peuvent déclencher une bagarre au sein de la bande. Quelques minutes plus tard, sous l’effet de la drogue, l’incident peut être oublié. Selon un récent article de Mediapart, les jeunes Marocains de Barbès ont déclenché 813 gardes à vue l’an passé. Cet été, quatre policiers du royaume chérifien sont même venus assister leurs collègues du XVIIIe arrondissement, aidant ainsi à identifier 52 personnes, dont 40 majeurs, lesquels peuvent entrer dans les « circuits classiques » (pénalement ou en matière d’éloignement), selon le ministère de l’Intérieur. Mais de manière générale, les autorités restent impuissantes. Les placements sous contrainte sont impossibles pour les mineurs. Quant à l’enfermement en établissement pénitentiaire ou en centre éducatif fermé, il n’est possible qu’à partir de 13 ans. La multiplication des alias complexifie encore la tâche. Enfin, quand un jeune est placé, il fugue très rapidement. Deux des gamins de la Goutte-d’Or ont même réussi à s’échapper du palais de justice de Paris, en plein milieu de leur audience. Quant à la coopération entre la mairie de Paris et l’Etat, elle est médiocre.

« Parole raciste »

Le 17 juillet, Anne Hidalgo a écrit au Premier ministre pour lui demander une plus grande implication. Deux mois plus tard, la réponse de Matignon est toujours « en cours de rédaction ». Le Conseil de Paris doit annoncer, ce jeudi, le vote la semaine prochaine d’une rallonge à la subvention accordée au Casp : 473 000 euros pour maintenir une présence de septembre à décembre.

« C’est ramer tout seul au milieu de l’Atlantique », soupire un restaurateur de la Goutte-d’Or. Qui redoute l’arrivée prochaine de l’hiver. « Il va faire nuit à 17 heures et les gamins vont chercher des endroits où s’abriter. Des porches, des halls d’immeubles… » L’an passé, ils fracturaient les Autolib pour y dormir la nuit. D’autres s’installaient dans les tambours de machines à laver des laveries du secteur. « Certains vont passer leur troisième hiver ici… L’autre truc inquiétant, c’est qu’on voit de nouveaux visages : ça veut dire que le circuit fonctionne encore. » Il ajoute : « L’éponge a absorbé, absorbé, mais elle ne peut plus. Une parole raciste commence à se libérer. »

C’est ce qu’a aussi constaté Chansia Euphrosine : « La Goutte-d’Or a une tradition d’accueil. Mais un jour, un monsieur d’origine marocaine m’a dit qu’il fallait les disperser à l’acide. Il était très sérieux. » Julien a récemment vu une cinquantaine de jeunes du quartier voisin de Château-Rouge « descendre » dans la Goutte-d’Or : « Ils ont massacré les ados marocains, sûrement après un vol. » Lan Anh, habitante du quartier, confirme que les réponses se musclent : « Les mineurs marocains me font un peu penser à des chiens errants. Certains habitants ont établi un rapport de force. Ils les frappent. Eux se laissent faire, ne répondent pas, comme des poupées de chiffon. Et on commence à s’habituer à ça. C’est terrible. »

(1) Les prénoms ont été modifiés.
Sylvain Mouillard

Ça fait plus d’un an qu’une amie originaire du Rif qui vit en banlieue parisienne me parle de ce groupe de jeunes, en se désespérant que rien ne soit fait pour eux.

#Maroc #goutte_d_or #immigration #Barbès #enfants

U.S. Loses Track of Another 1,500 Migrant Children, Investigators Find - The New York Times
▻https://www.nytimes.com/2018/09/18/us/politics/us-migrant-children-whereabouts-.html

https://static01.nyt.com/images/2018/09/19/us/19dc-migrants1/19dc-migrant1-facebookJumbo.jpg

WASHINGTON — The Trump administration is unable to account for the whereabouts of nearly 1,500 migrant children who illegally entered the United States alone this year and were placed with sponsors after leaving federal shelters, according to congressional findings released on Tuesday.

The revelation echoes an admission in April by the Department of Health and Human Services that the government had similarly lost track of an additional 1,475 migrant children it had moved out of shelters last year.

In findings that lawmakers described as troubling, Senate investigators said the department could not determine with certainty the whereabouts of 1,488 out of 11,254 children the agency had placed with sponsors in 2018, based on follow-up calls from April 1 to June 30.

The inability to track the whereabouts of migrant children after they have been released to sponsors has raised concerns that they could end up with human traffickers or be used as laborers by people posing as relatives.

#migrations #enfants #états-unis #kidnapping_d_état

Councils use 377,000 people’s data in efforts to predict child abuse
▻https://www.theguardian.com/society/2018/sep/16/councils-use-377000-peoples-data-in-efforts-to-predict-child-abuse

Use of algorithms to identify families for attention raises stereotyping and privacy fears Vast quantities of data on hundreds of thousands of people is being used to construct computer models in an effort to predict child abuse and intervene before it can happen, the Guardian has learned. Amid mounting financial pressure, local councils are developing “predictive analytics” systems to algorithmically identify families for attention from child services, allowing them to focus resources more (...)

#algorithme #enfants #pédophilie #BigData #profiling #criminalité #pauvreté #surveillance

##criminalité ##pauvreté

« Dans les cours de récréation, les filles sont invisibilisées »
▻https://www.lemonde.fr/societe/article/2018/09/16/dans-les-cours-de-recreation-les-filles-sont-invisibilisees_5355861_3224.htm

Selon la géographe du genre #Edith_Maruéjouls, l’aménagement des cours d’école participe de la « ségrégation entre les garçons et les filles ».

https://img.lemde.fr/2018/09/13/0/0/1800/1350/534/0/60/0/9e6afa9_zdvzHzzPUGPWYs45qAVZgCEb.jpg

A l’#école_maternelle Michel-de-Montaigne, à #Trappes (Yvelines), la rentrée s’est faite avec une nouvelle cour de #récréation « non genrée ». Depuis trois ans, la municipalité, qui a fait de l’égalité femmes-hommes l’une de ses priorités, réaménage ses cours de récréation pour inciter filles et garçons à interagir davantage.

Avec l’association Genre et ville et l’Arobe (Atelier recherche observatoire égalité), la docteure en géographie Edith Maruéjouls accompagne des collectivités pour promouvoir l’égalité, et constate que « les filles ne se sentent pas légitimes à occuper l’espace dans une cour de récréation ».

(...)

Comment permettre plus de mixité ?

La meilleure des façons est de ne pas prescrire d’usage, comme celui du foot. Prescrire un usage, c’est prescrire un public. Ça ne veut pas dire que l’on ne peut pas y jouer, mais on doit pouvoir rendre l’espace plus modulable pour que chacun se l’approprie. Un espace central peut faire peur, alors je travaille sur le fait de créer différents univers dans une cour.

#enfants

I bambini di #Bjelave: un caso ancora aperto

Durante l’assedio 46 bambini dell’orfanotrofio di Sarajevo vennero accolti in Italia. Non tutti erano orfani e nonostante questo, non sono stati rimpatriati ma dati in adozione. Alcuni dei genitori biologici li hanno cercati per anni. Un’intervista all’attivista per i diritti umani Jagoda Savić, che dal 2000 si sta occupando del caso.

Lei si è occupata di un caso che anni fa ha sollevato parecchia attenzione: quella dei bambini dell’orfanotrofio di Sarajevo che durante la guerra sono stati accolti in Italia, ma invece di tornare in Bosnia sono stati dati in adozione.

Dal punto di vista giuridico, a prima vista, tutto pare ben fatto e invece non lo è. Vale la pena ricordare tutta questa storia non perché si possa cambiare qualcosa, visto che le adozioni sono state portate a termine e non si può più far niente. Ma perché può fungere da utilissima lezione per i giuristi italiani sugli errori che sono stati fatti in una procedura di adozione internazionale che ha coinvolto bambini profughi, un paese in guerra e con un lungo e difficile periodo post-conflitto.

Come mai ha iniziato ad occuparsene?

Mi sono trovata coinvolta in questa storia nel 2000, quando Uzeir Kahvić padre di Sedina che faceva parte di quel gruppo di bambini, è venuto nell’ufficio della mia organizzazione non governativa «SOS – telefon» (Telefono azzurro) nella quale ci occupavamo di lotta alla violenza domestica ma anche di altri casi di bisogno legato a situazioni familiari difficili. Ci ha chiesto di aiutarlo a trovare la figlia dopo anni che ci provava invano da solo. Ho cominciato quindi a raccogliere informazioni e ho ricostruito la storia che inizia nel lontano 1992 e che si è rivelata molto complessa.

Che cosa è accaduto nel 1992?

Da Sarajevo, città già sotto assedio da tre mesi, il 18 luglio 1992 è partito un convoglio di 67 bambini tra i quali 46 tra orfani e minori con situazioni disagiate che stavano all’orfanotrofio «#Ljubica_Ivezić» (ndr: che nel 1997 ha cambiato nome in «#Dječiji_dom_Bjelave»). La loro partenza era stata decisa per portarli in luoghi sicuri.: la città veniva bombardata ogni giorno, mancavano luce, acqua e cibo. Il centro accoglieva anche neonati e bambini molto piccoli e non si riusciva ad assicurare loro minime condizioni di vita. Per cui sulla bontà del trasferimento in Italia non vi è alcun dubbio. Sono arrivati in autobus fino a Spalato sulla costa croata e poi via mare hanno raggiunto Ancona.

Dove sono stati portati e chi li ha presi in carico?

All’arrivo in Italia i bambini dell’orfanotrofio sono stati divisi in due gruppi: i 35 con età inferiore ai 10 anni di età sono stati portati al «Centro Mamma Rita» di Monza, mentre 11 sono finiti al centro estivo «Santa Maria» di Bellaria Igea Marina (ndr: in provincia di Rimini, ora si chiama «Casa vacanze San Giuseppe») gestiti dalle suore. I bambini sono poi rimasti qui degli anni invece che tornare dopo pochi mesi come si era pensato, a causa del prolungarsi della guerra in Bosnia.

Una delle questioni problematiche che è emersa durante le nostre ricerche è che tra le autorità bosniache e italiane non è stato siglato alcun documento che regolasse i termini dell’accoglienza, come ad esempio il tempo di permanenza in Italia, i doveri di chi prendeva in carico i minori e i diritti di questi ultimi. Per cui all’arrivo i bambini sono stati messi subito sotto la giurisdizione del Tribunale per i Minorenni di Milano.

Perché alla fine della guerra i bambini non sono tornati a Sarajevo?

So che tra il 1995 e il 1996 si sono recati in Italia sia il rappresentante dell’organizzazione Prva «Dječija ambasada Međaši» (Prima Ambasciata dei bambini Međaši) Duško Tomić che aveva organizzato il convoglio, sia l’allora direttore dell’orfanotrofio di Sarajevo, Amir Zelić per avere informazioni sui bambini e chiederne il ritorno. Mi ha raccontato Amir Zelić che le autorità italiane avevano ritenuto che in Bosnia Erzegovina non ci fossero ancora le condizioni per farli rientrare.

In seguito sono stati dati in affido a famiglie italiane ed è stata avviata la procedura per l’adottabilità. A questo punto cosa è accaduto tra Italia e Bosnia?

Qui è cominciato il primo «scontro», se parliamo di prese di posizione e giochi di rimpallo delle responsabilità su quello che è successo poi, tra l’Italia e la Bosnia Ezegovina.

Secondo i documenti da me visionati, il 27 giugno del 1996 il Dipartimento della protezione sociale presso il Consiglio dei Ministri, poi approvato dalla Commissione centrale per le adozioni internazionali e pubblicato l’8 luglio 1996, è stato deciso che tutti i bambini del gruppo bosniaco sarebbero stati sottoposti alla procedura di adottabilità presso la giurisdizione di competenza locale e cioè il Tribunale dei minorenni di Milano.

Intanto in Bosnia Erzegovina il 24 aprile del 1996 il governo ha ratificato, su indicazione del Ministero per le politiche sociali, rifugiati e sfollati, il «Programma integrale per la tutela dei bambini profughi senza genitori dall’Italia alla BiH» che prevedeva il rientro dei minori entro il giugno successivo. Il testo del Programma è stato poi inoltrato, con lettera del Ministero degli Affari esteri bosniaco al Consolato di Bosnia Erzegovina a Milano, il 25 aprile.

I due documenti emessi da Italia e Bosnia sono però innanzitutto opposti: lo stato bosniaco ha trattato il problema considerando il gruppo nel suo insieme, mentre le autorità italiane ha trattato i bambini caso per caso e così ha proseguito. Inoltre, allora non abbiamo ottenuto di poter accedere ai documenti protocollati dalle autorità italiane, perché eravamo troppo «piccoli» e deboli... Per cui non ho scoperto se il documento bosniaco è stato consegnato nei tempi richiesti alle autorità italiane, perché ci sono tre settimane di differenza tra la data in cui è stato redatto il documento bosniaco e la data in cui il Consiglio italiano ha preso la sua posizione.

Solo nel 2007 è emerso dal rapporto redatto dal Gruppo di esperti del Consiglio dei ministri della BiH, costituitosi nel 2005 per indagare su questo caso, che il Consolato bosniaco a Milano tra aprile e giugno 1996 non era stato in grado di tradurre il Programma.

A questo proposito c’è un punto che voglio sottolineare. Per parte italiana sono state eccessive le pretese nei confronti di un paese nascente, appena uscito dalla guerra, che ancora doveva impostare e creare un sistema funzionante di gestione dell’amministrazione pubblica. Un paese che non aveva i minimi presupposti per poter proseguire con le procedure richieste per legge al paese di origine di bambini sottoposti ad adozione internazionale.

L’Italia si è comportata con il nostro paese come se avesse a che fare con un qualsiasi altro stato europeo come la Fancia o la Germania. Ha avviato procedure delicate senza invece controllare e monitorare che in Bosnia le procedure venissero eseguite a dovere. E’ stato il più grave errore per parte italiana, sebbene non l’unico.

Quali altri?

Prima di tutto, alcuni bambini sono stati dati in adozione senza che nel fascicolo giudiziario ci fosse il loro certificato di nascita. Questo significa che ad esempio, nel caso di due minori, Vedrana Hastor e Dejan Goljanin, la procedura di adottabilità è stata avviata dal Tribunale milanese con questi nomi ma all’anagrafe bosniaca sono iscritti con altri nomi.

Poi, c’è la questione della rogatoria internazionale, che è l’atto basilare della procedura di adozione internazionale, dove il genitore biologico deve rispondere se vuole riavere il proprio figlio o se vuole abbandonarlo e darlo in adozione. L’Italia ha mandato una prima una nota verbale e poi alcune successive con le quali ha sollecitato le autorità bosniache ad ottenere risposte. Ma le rogatorie – posso parlare per i casi su cui ho indagato – non sono mai arrivate ai genitori e le risposte di questi non sono ovviamente mai arrivate in Italia. Per cui dopo 5 anni di attesa, il Tribunale di Milano ha emesso le sentenze di adozione.

Questo «gioco» delle rogatorie rappresenta un altro punto importante: il Tribunale dei minorenni di Milano sulla spedizione delle rogatorie internazionali e le autorità bosniache per la parte relativa al ricevimento delle stesse. Questi due «giochi» hanno provocato un distacco ingiusto tra i genitori biologici e i loro figli, violando il diritto delle due parti di potersi esprimersi in merito.

D’altronde sappiamo che per legge, in base alla Convenzione dell’Aja recepita dall’Italia nel 1998, sono previsti casi estremi in cui si può procedere all’adozione in assenza del consenso dei genitori.

Sì ma il fatto, non indifferente, è che alcune rogatorie contenevano degli errori. Posso parlare solo per i casi su cui sono riuscita ad ottenere informazioni certe e copie di documenti, sebbene dopo che per anni ci è stato impedito di accedervi.

Una delle rogatorie è stata spedita nel paese sbagliato: accanto al nome e alla città di residenza del genitore c’è scritta la sigla «Ex Yu», quando invece si tratta di una località (Loznica) che si trova in Serbia e non in Bosnia Erzegovina. Con quella sigla «Ex Yu», come sapete inesistente già da anni, la rogatoria è stata spedita in Bosnia - paese che all’epoca aveva tanti conflitti con la Serbia - e non è stata rispedita al mittente.

La seconda è stata spedita a una madre defunta da anni, oltre che al padre in vita. E questo nonostante sul fascicolo di questa bimba, nell’anamnesi sociale e familiare che viene allegata ad ogni procedura di adottabilità rilasciata dai servizi preposti, c’era scritto chiaramente che la madre si era suicidata subito dopo il parto. Parliamo del caso di Uzeir Kahvić ed è un dato di cui il giudice del tribunale milanese doveva essere a conoscenza.

La terza rogatoria è stata spedita a una persona inesistente e lo spiego meglio con nomi inventati: la madre si chiama Maria Ricci e il padre si chiama Alberto Della Costa. Il nome del genitore al quale è stata mandata la rogatoria è «Maria Alberto», quindi un destinatario composto da due nomi propri senza alcun cognome.

E le autorità bosniache?

Abbiamo indagato, per quanto è stato possibile, anche rispetto ai passi giuridici fatti o meno in Bosnia. Abbiamo trovato conferma che un gruppo di rogatorie sono state ricevute dal Ministero affari esteri bosniaco e da qui regolamente spedite al Ministero per gli affari civili di BiH che in quel momento era competente per occuparsi del problema.

Per le restanti rogatorie non ci è stata fornita questa prova. Abbiamo chiesto anche al Dipartimento che si occupava di rifugiati, sfollati e quindi di adozioni che stava sotto al Ministero per gli affari civili di BiH. Ci hanno risposto ufficialmente e per iscritto che negli archivi la documentazione non esisteva. Quindi in quel momento non siamo riusciti a verificare se il Ministero affari civili bosniaco aveva o meno trasmesso ai livelli più bassi le rogatorie arrivate dall’Italia.

Ma non è finita qui. Ci siamo poi rivolti al livello amministrativo di livello più basso, cioè al Ministero per gli affari sociali della Federazione di BiH, dunque di una delle due entità in cui è diviso il paese. Appellandoci alla legge sul libero accesso alle informazioni abbiamo chiesto di accedere all’archivio, ma dall’archivio ci hanno risposto – mentendo, come abbiamo scoperto dopo - che non avevano alcuna documentazione.

Non ci siamo dati per vinti e ci siamo rivolti all’ufficio del Ministro federale per gli affari sociali. Dopo anni, ci hanno rilasciato un documento incontrovertibile: vi sono indicati i nomi della Commissione che controlla la consegna della documentazione, con tanto di nomi e firme dei membri, timbro e allegato l’elenco di tutti i file che erano stati depositati all’archivio. E’ da questo elenco che abbiamo scoperto che, la prima volta, all’archivio ci avevano mentito.

Quindi la complessità amministrativa del paese, frammentata e a più livelli, non ha facilitato una procedura regolare e ha reso molto difficile scoprire i fatti.

Non avendo potuto accedere agli archivi di tutti i livelli, non possiamo sapere se per parte bosniaca c’è stata premeditazione o se si è trattato solo di una situazione di caos dovuta al periodo di transizione del dopoguerra. A questo proposito, voglio ricordare che ci siamo rivolti anche a livello cantonale (ndr: la Federazione di Bosnia Erzegovina è divisa in 10 cantoni e questi in numerose municipalità). Ma purtroppo, dato che già al livello «superiore» – quello federale - non avevamo ottenuto alcuna informazione sul ricevimento delle rogatorie arrivate dall’Italia, non ci sono state fornite informazioni nemmeno dai Centri sociali per gli affari sociali dei Cantoni diversi in cui risiedevano i genitori.

Posso solo dire che tra i genitori con cui man mano sono entrata in contatto diretto, nessuno ha ricevuto la rogatoria eccetto in un caso, dove i genitori erano deceduti e la nonna di un bimbo ha dichiarato di averla ricevuta.

Quanti bambini sono stati dati in adozione?

In base alle informazioni di cui dispongo sono 16. Perché alcuni, nel corso della procedura di adottabilità, hanno superato i 18 anni di età. Alcuni sono riusciti ad entrare in contatto con le famiglie di origine, altri non l’hanno voluto, altri ancora non sanno che le famiglie di origine li stanno cercando.

Il risultato, purtroppo, è che dei bambini bosniaci non hanno più fatto ritorno nel loro luogo d’origine e hanno perso contatti con la famiglia. E’ stato creato un distacco artificiale tra i genitori biologici e i figli, e questi ultimi si sono convinti che i genitori avessero deciso di abbandonarli.

Lo posso dire perché ho seguito diversi casi oltre a quello di Uzeir Kahvić e ne sto seguendo un altro di cui sono venuta a conoscenza nel 2015. Un padre che, com’è stato per Uzeir, da 22 anni sta cercando suo figlio arrivato in Italia con quel convoglio del 1992. Ma questa è un’altra lunga storia.

▻https://www.balcanicaucaso.org/aree/Bosnia-Erzegovina/I-bambini-di-Bjelave-un-caso-ancora-aperto-189911
#orphelins (mais pas tous, justement, c’est la question de l’article) #adoption #guerre #conflits #enfants #enfance #histoire #ex-Yougoslavie #Bosnie-Herzégovine #Sarajevo #Italie #orphelinat

Vu à la fête du fromage à #Sassenage (dans les environs de #Grenoble), où ils ont organisé une pêche à la ligne :

https://i.imgur.com/wgrUQSH.jpg

La pêche se faisait dans le bac de droite pour les #garçons et de gauche pour les #filles... évidemment, car les #jouets ont un #sexe !

La fête :
▻http://www.sassenage.fr/content/25%C3%A8me-f%C3%AAte-du-fromage
#genre #enfants #enfance

SAF - Pour les #enfants placés, des #familles d’#accueil en pénurie, poussées « à l’épuisement »
▻http://www.safsolidaires.fr/pour-les-enfants-places-des-familles-daccueil-en-penurie-poussees-a-le

http://www.safsolidaires.fr/medias/lanceurs-dalerte-une-circulaire-fait-le-point-by-guillaume-glenard.png

Partout en France, c’est la même #pénurie. Dans les entrefilets des quotidiens régionaux, on ne compte plus les campagnes de recrutements. Selon l’Observatoire national de l’enfance en danger (ONED), ils étaient 38 300 en 2015 à accueillir des enfants au titre de la protection de l’enfance, contre environ 50 000 en 2012. La même année, la moitié des mineurs et jeunes majeurs confiés à l’Aide sociale à l’enfance (ASE) étaient hébergés en famille d’accueil, soit 75 000 concernés. Un chiffre en constante augmentation. Mais dans une profession où les trois quarts des effectifs ont entre 55 et 65 ans, « on disparaît en silence », résume Sabine Carme, présidente du Syndicat professionnel des assistants familiaux.

« Tout est toujours une question de budget », juge celle qui exerce depuis vingt ans. Les départements ne s’y trompent pas : l’accueil chez des particuliers est 30 % moins cher que le placement en établissement. Le salaire mensuel de base est de 1 171 euros brut par mois pour le premier enfant, 1 854 euros pour deux enfants et 2 537 euros pour trois — certains départements se montrant toutefois plus généreux. Sabine Carme regrette ainsi qu’on « pousse à un remplissage forcé au détriment de la qualité de l’accueil, de l’équilibre des enfants comme des adultes ». Jamais la profession n’a été autant touchée par les arrêts maladie, les accidents de travail, les divorces et démissions, alors que les cinq semaines de congés ne sont souvent pas prises faute de relais.

Portugal: Persisting detention of children at the airport*

The Portuguese Aliens and Borders Service (SEF) continues to detain groups with special needs, in particular families with children and unaccompanied children, in the Temporary Installation Centre (CIT) of Lisbon Airport.

An order by the Ministry of Internal Administration in July 2018 determines that children below the age of 16 cannot be detained for periods exceeding one week. Yet, the policy of automatic detention even for short periods remains contrary to Portugal’s international and constitutional obligations such as the Convention on the Rights of the Child, according to UNICEF and IOM. The Portuguese Ombudsman had also addressed this question in a 2017 report.

Although the SEF refers to individuals as being “retained” at the airport, their situation amounts to deprivation of liberty since they cannot exit the CIT and their phones and belongings are confiscated.

The order of the Ministry of Internal Administration further provides for: an internal review of the CIT to be conducted by the Ministry’s General Inspection; an emergency report from the SEF regarding the state of implementation of recommendations issued by the Ombudsman in 2017; and maximum priority to be awarded to the construction of the new Temporary Reception Centre of Almoçageme (CATA), located in the municipality of Sintra, which will include an adapted and functional area for families and a specific area for children.

According to figures provided by the Portuguese Refugee Council, three children had been detained at the border for periods ranging from 10 to 18 days in the first half of 2018. Last year, 17 unaccompanied children and 40 families were detained at the border, for an average period of 2 and 4 weeks respectively.

▻https://www.ecre.org/portugal-persisting-detention-of-children-at-the-airport
#détention_administrative #rétention #enfants #mineurs #enfance #asile #migrations #réfugiés #aéroport