Liv Strömquist, geboren 1978 in Lund, Schweden, ist eine der einflussreichsten feministischen Comiczeichnerinnen.
Die studierte Politikwissenschaftlerin zeichnet regelmäßig für unterschiedliche schwedische Magazine und Zeitungen. Ihre Buchveröffentlichungen befassen sich mit sozialen Fragen mit einer Bandbreite an Referenzen von Popkultur bis zur Bibel. Ihr Titel „Der Ursprung der Welt“ befasst sich mit der gesellschaftlichen Tabuisierung von Menstruation und der Vulva. Quasi eine Kulturgeschichte der Vulva - von der Bibel bis Freud, vom unbeholfenen Biologieunterricht bis hin zu aktueller Tamponwerbung.
In "Der Ursprung der Liebe" untersucht sie Beziehungsmuster und findet Antworten auf diese allgegenwärtigen Fragen. Ihre Suche führt sie von der Prüderie des 19. Jahrhunderts, über nordische Göttinnen, Anti-Romantik und soziologische Theorien, bis hin zur Psychoanalyse. Dabei geht sie auch einer Reihe weiterer Fragen nach, wie: Was ist innerhalb einer Beziehung erlaubt und was nicht? War Ronald Reagans Frau Kommunistin? Und war Prinz Charles überhaupt in Diana verliebt?
In "I’m every woman“ behandelt sie den Mythos vom männlichen Genie indem sie Geschichte aus weiblicher Perspektive schildert. Diese Sammlung von kürzeren Geschichten reiht sich in ihre patriarchiekritischen Veröffentlichungen ein. Die Leser*innen begegnen darin diversen Frauen, die sich im Schatten ihrer allseits gelobten und bewunderten Männer bewegen mussten. Strömquist nimmt die Figuren von Jenny Marx, Priscilla Presley und Yoko Ono, die trotz ihrer Beiträge zu den Erfolgen ihrer Ehemänner zu Fußnoten in den Geschichtsbüchern reduziert wurden, und unterzieht sie einer wohlverdienten Rehabilitation.
Liv Strömquists Gesellschaftskritik beruht auf Fakten und kombiniert unbändige Freude an Sprachwitz und berechtigte Wut mit ihren ausdrucksstarken Zeichnungen.
En chemin elle rencontre...
En France, une femme meurt tous les 2 jours et demi sous les coups de son conjoint, environ 70 000 adolescentes de dix à dix-huit ans sont menacées d’être mariées de force, entre 55 000 et 65 000 fillettes ou femmes sont mutilées ou menacées de l’être. Chaque année dans le monde, 5 000 femmes sont tuées au nom de l’honneur, des centaines de milliers de femmes sont victimes de la traite en vue de la prostitution... Pour que les femmes osent parler, pour briser le silence, pour une prise de conscience et de responsabilité, les artistes, femmes et hommes, se mobilisent pour la défense du droit humain. L’ouvrage bénéficie du soutien d’Amnesty International.
#France #Amnesty_International #comic #sexualized_violence #Olympe_de_Gouges #FGM #stoning #honour_crimes #rape #forced_prostitution #domestic_violence #partner_abuse #forced_marriage #child_marriage #testimony #trauma #stigma #silence #empowerment
Féministes. Récits militants sur la cause des femmes.
Un bébé si je peux
Marie et son conjoint ont la trentaine, un travail, des amis, des passions… La seule chose qui manque à leur bonheur, c’est un enfant. Alors, après plusieurs mois d’essais infructueux, le couple décide de passer des examens. Les résultats indiquent que Marie à des ovaires polykystiques et fait donc partie du club « des infertiles ». Mais être mère reste envisageable, et c’est l’occasion pour cette journaliste-dessinatrice d’enquêter sur le sujet.
Quelles sont les causes de l’infertilité et combien de personnes sont concernées en France ? FIV, PMA, adoption, quelles sont les solutions possibles ? Et à quel coût ? Comment se montrer sincèrement heureuse envers vos copines qui deviennent mères ; que dire à votre entourage ? Le couple peut-il faire face à cette épreuve, remplie d’incertitudes et de consignes médicales ?
Marie Dubois traite ici un sujet sensible, en s’appuyant sur son expérience personnelle, mais surtout sur des enquêtes, des lectures et le témoignage de nombreux couples infertiles. Plein d’humour et de bienveillance, l’album apporte des réponses et rassurera ceux qui se trouvent dans la même situation.
En chemin elle rencontre...
Les artistes se mobilisent pour l’égalité Femme - Homme
En France et dans le monde, les inégalités entre les femmes et les hommes perdurent. De la sphère politique au monde économique, du milieu professionnel à l’environnement scolaire, des stéréotypes, des expressions sexistes dans le langage, dans les objets, dans les tenues vestimentaires, des conséquences des violences faites aux femmes sur les enfants en passant par la violence économique dans le couple, au droit à l’éducation pour les filles bafoué, les auteurs passent au crible et dénoncent les discriminations et les derniers bastions du système patriarcal.
The Essential Dykes to Watch Out For
My comic strip Dykes To Watch Out For has run serially in gay and lesbian newspapers since 1983. And over the years, a series of eleven collections have been published. These have contained all the newspaper strips, and have often also included a bonus “graphic novella,” or extended story about the characters.The first nine volumes were published by Firebrand Books, and the most recent two by Alyson Books. Though all the collections are technically still in print, they’ve gotten very difficult for readers to find, and for stores to stock.
This compilation seemed like a way to get Dykes to Watch Out For back onto bookstore shelves and into the hands of regular readers—and hopefully also into the hands of new readers who wouldn’t otherwise have run across it.
What’s in it
I would love it if this book contained all the DTWOF cartoons I ever did, from the early single-panel cartoons, to the early, pre-Mo strips, to the calendar cartoons, to the graphic novellas. But it was just too much stuff for one book. Plus it was expensive getting permission from the old publishers to reprint things.
And besides, there was a lot of older, weaker material that I was kind of happy to leave on the cutting room floor. In the end, I think ESSENTIAL represents the strip really well. It contains 390 of the extant 527 episodes. That’s 74%. Note: All the new episodes since the last collection (Invasion of the Dykes To Watch Out For, Alyson Books, 2005) are here! Numbers 458 to 527.
There’s also a 12-page “cartoonist’s introduction,” in which I look back over my career. It was hard to settle down to this task—there was a way it felt like building my own coffin—not a pleasant prospect, I assure you. But once I got into it, I think I found a way to take a historical perspective without trapping myself in amber. It’s odd to have this big volume come out at a point when I’ve decided to take a break from the strip—in May 2008, I began what I’m calling a sabbatical, in order to work on a new graphic memoir.
I’m really pleased to have so much of my work in one place. I hope you like the book.
Dans « Juste Avant », un documentaire en 7 épisodes, sortie le 1er décembre 2019, Ovidie questionne la façon dont on éduque une adolescente quand on est mère et féministe, à travers une série de conversations avec sa fille de 14 ans. Les échanges mère-fille s’entrecroisent avec les témoignages des proches et les réflexions sur sa propre construction.
Juste Avant (7/7) - Epilogue
Juste Avant (6/7) - Sois belle et bats-toi !
Juste Avant (5/7) - Toi, moi, et notre petit matriarcat
Juste Avant (4/7) - Le temps de la capote à 1 franc
Juste Avant (3/7) - « Tu sais ce que c’est le consentement ? »
Juste Avant (2/7) - La maman ou la putain
Juste Avant (1/7) - Moi à ton âge
#maculinity #paternalistic #nightmare #digital_penetration #consent #college #high_school #social_network #Instagram #Snapchat #pressure #toxic_relationship #rape #post_MeToo #safe_place #sexuality #equality #contraception #STI #AIDS #HIV #school #abortion #condom #morning-after_pill #practical_knowledge #theoretical_knowledge #political_reflexion #distance #third_party #vaccination #pregnant #youth #traumatism #mariage #couple #tradition #divorce #matriarchy #co_parent #food #internet #beauty #weight_watchers #epilation #awareness #body
The common denominator – Forthright Magazine
Somebody once said that the great leveler is the truth that we all have to sit on the toilet. Somebody else thought it was that we all must die one day.
In London, a city where a third of the population identifies as black, Asian and minority ethnic, 86% of male cyclists and 94% of female cyclists are white – and two thirds of all cyclists are male.
Despite the former Mayor of London, Boris Johnson’s strategy to improve the demographics of cycling, it still maintains a very much white, male, middle class constituency.
#Abigail_Shrier : La guerre transgenriste menée contre les femmes
Il est devenu justement à la mode de ridiculiser l’idée d’« espaces sûrs », des endroits où certains adultes peuvent se cacher et bouder comme des enfants pour éviter les idées qu’ils trouvent menaçantes. Mais les femmes ont besoin d’espaces sûrs réels, non pas à l’abri de défis intellectuels, bien sûr, mais en regard de menaces physiques réelles de violences de la part des hommes. C’est un fait biologique que la plupart des femmes sont physiquement désavantagées face aux hommes. Ceux-ci sont plus forts et plus rapides que nous, bien que nous soyons mieux à même de tolérer la douleur et avons tendance à vivre plus longtemps.
Les démocrates de la Chambre des représentants américains ont présenté ce mois-ci un projet de loi qui proscrirait les espaces sûrs pour les femmes.
L’Equality Act (Loi sur l’égalité) – ainsi appelée parce que, pour dire les choses charitablement, les démocrates excellent dans la création d’images de marque – prétend simplement étendre aux personnes gaies et transgenres la protection de la Loi sur les droits civiques de 1964. Dans la mesure où elle interdirait aux propriétaires d’expulser des locataires et aux employeurs de congédier des employé·e·s en raison de leur orientation sexuelle, cette loi vient combler une nécessité de longue date.
Mais le projet de loi va beaucoup plus loin en proposant d’interdire toute discrimination fondée sur ce qu’elle appelle l’« identité de genre ». Cette revendication fait directement concurrence aux droits fondamentaux des femmes et des filles. En effet, en vertu de la Loi sur l’égalité, tout homme biologique disant « s’identifier comme femme » aurait le droit d’entrer dans les toilettes des femmes, leurs vestiaires et les établissements dédiés à leur protection, tels que les refuges pour femmes victimes de violence conjugale. Cela exposerait les femmes et les filles à des risques immédiats de violence physique.
IntroductionOperators in PHP are a vast subject and not always fully understood.One of the reasons for all these misunderstandings is that some operators are very simple and can be implemented in the code within seconds after reading about them,Others instead,are almost unknown and, once studied, it is still better to use them sparingly.Although operators belong to the category “basics of language”, a misuse utilization of them or a typo while using them is very difficult to identify.It may happen to lose more than half an hour of your time just trying to debug some code and then discover that the symbol of #equality had been inserted instead of the one of inequality.Personal experience (Sigh).After you have discovered the main types of PHP operators in my previous blog post.Below you (...)
Essays in Honor of Nancy Fraser
Feminism, Capitalism, and Critique
Essays in Honor of Nancy Fraser Ed. by Banu Bargu & Chiara Bottici (Palgrave Macmillan, 2017) 332 pages
This edited collection examines the relationship between three central terms — capitalism, feminism, and critique — while critically celebrating the work and life of a thinker who has done the most to address this nexus: Nancy Fraser. In honor of her seventieth birthday, and in the spirit of her work in the tradition of critical theory, this collection brings together scholars from different disciplines and theoretical approaches to address this conjunction and evaluate Fraser’s lifelong contributions to theorizing it. Scholars from #philosophy, #political_science, #sociology, #gender_studies, #race_theory and #economics come together to think through the vicissitudes of capitalism and feminism while also responding to different elements of Nancy Fraser’s work, which weaves together a strong feminist standpoint with a vibrant and complex critique of capitalism.
1. Introduction - Banu Bargu & Chiara Bottici
2. From Socialist Feminism to the Critique of Global Capitalism - Richard J. Bernstein
3. Debates on Slavery, Capitalism and Race: Old and New - Robin Blackburn
4. Feminism, Capitalism, and the Social Regulation of Sexuality - Johanna Oksala
5. Capitalism’s Insidious Charm vs. Women’s and Sexual Liberation - Cinzia Arruzza
6. The Long Life of Nancy Fraser’s “Rethinking the #Public_Sphere” - Jane Mansbridge
7. Feminism, #Ecology, and Capitalism - María Pía Lara
8. Recognition, Redistribution, and Participatory Parity - William E. Scheuerman
9. (Parity of) #Participation – The Missing Link Between Resources and Resonance - Hartmut Rosa
10. Curbing the Absolute Power of Disembedded Financial Markets - Alessandro Ferrara
11. Hegel and Marx: A Reassessment After One Century [video] - Axel Honneth
12. Crisis, Contradiction, and the Task of a #Critical_Theory - Rachel Jaeggi
13. What’s Critical About a Critical Theory of Justice? - Rainer Forst
14. Beyond Kant Versus Hegel - Amy Allen
15. Nancy Fraser and the Left: A Searching Idea of #Equality - Eli Zaretsky
Nancy Fraser’s Bibliography
See also Lucas Ballestin’s review of the book here:
#Esohe_Aghatise : Il ne peut y avoir d’amnistie pour ceux qui achètent des relations sexuelles – même avec le consentement des femmes
Cette semaine à Dublin [ndt : en 2015], environ 500 délégué-e-s d’Amnesty International venant de plus de 80 pays, voteront sur une proposition concernant la prostitution, qui recommanderait de décriminaliser à la fois l’achat et la vente de relations sexuelles, ainsi que le proxénétisme et la tenue de bordels. La logique alléguée est qu’il y a égalité des sexes dès que la prostitution est un acte consensuel, mais aussi qu’acheter des relations sexuelles à des femmes dans la prostitution est un droit important pour certains hommes qui veulent améliorer « leur jouissance de la vie et leur dignité ».
En tant que personne qui a travaillé auprès de personnes prostituées durant plusieurs décennies, je sais exactement ce que signifie la notion de « consentement » dans le cadre de l’industrie du sexe. La grande majorité des femmes qui y entrent le font en l’absence de choix réels. Plusieurs d’entre elles sont des enfants, ou l’étaient quand elles sont censées avoir consenti à cela pour la première fois.
Ceux qui achètent des relations sexuelles sont la raison qui rend la violence et la discrimination partie intégrante de l’industrie du sexe. C’est à cause d’eux que des filles de plus en plus jeunes sont sujettes à la traite des êtres humains, et que le crime organisé est attiré par les pays qui décriminalisent cette industrie.
La légalisation de l’industrie du sexe a échoué lamentablement partout où elle a été introduite. En Allemagne et aux Pays-Bas, la violence et la traite ont considérablement augmenté. Ces pays font présentement marche arrière en regard de leurs politiques antérieures. En Nouvelle-Zélande, selon un rapport de 2008, les femmes dans la prostitution ont témoigné qu’elles n’étaient pas plus susceptibles de signaler des actes de violences à la police ou d’accéder à des services de santé qu’avant la dépénalisation.
Traduction : #Tradfem
Version originale : ▻http://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2015/aug/02/sex-trade-amnesty-vote
Paris suspect who blew herself up was angry cops assumed she was alleged attack planner’s girlfriend
Female terrorist Hasna Aitboulahcen apparently upset about police assumption.
« Where is your boyfriend !? » and then the bomb detonated...
Very frustrating! You do just as much work—probably more—than the men in your murderous, apocalyptic terror cell, and then the police who have arrived to take vengeance upon you for your brutal crimes just go and assume you’re there because you have a crush on Abdelhamid Abaaoud. Typical.
Mr. President, Distinguished Delegates:
Twenty-seven years ago, as Emperor of #Ethiopia, I mounted the rostrum in Geneva, Switzerland, to address the League of Nations and to appeal for relief from the destruction which had been unleashed against my defenseless nation, by the Fascist invader.I spoke then both to and for the conscience of the world. My words went unheeded, but history testifies to the accuracy of the warning that I gave in 1936.
Today, I stand before the world organization which has succeeded to the mantle discarded by its discredited predecessor. In this body is enshrined the principle of collective security which I unsuccessfully invoked at Geneva. Here, in this Assembly, reposes the best - perhaps the last - hope for the peaceful survival of mankind.
In 1936, I declared that it was not the Covenant of the League that was at stake, but #international_morality. Undertakings, I said then, are of little worth if the will to keep them is lacking. The Charter of the United Nations expresses the noblest aspirations of man: abjuration of force in the settlement of disputes between states; the assurance of human rights and fundamental freedoms for all without distinction as to race, sex, language or religion; the safeguarding of international peace and security.
But these, too, as were the phrases of the Covenant, are only words; their value depends wholly on our will to observe and honor them and give them content and meaning. The preservation of peace and the guaranteeing of man’s basic freedoms and rights require courage and eternal vigilance: courage to speak and act - and if necessary, to suffer and die - for truth and justice; eternal vigilance, that the least transgression of international morality shall not go undetected and unremedied. These lessons must be learned anew by each succeeding generation, and that generation is fortunate indeed which learns from other than its own bitter experience. This Organization and each of its members bear a crushing and awesome responsibility: to absorb the wisdom of history and to apply it to the problems of the present, in order that future generations may be born, and live, and die, in peace.
The record of the United Nations during the few short years of its life affords mankind a solid basis for encouragement and hope for the future. The United Nations has dared to act, when the League dared not in Palestine, in Korea, in Suez, in the Congo. There is not one among us today who does not conjecture upon the reaction of this body when motives and actions are called into question. The opinion of this Organization today acts as a powerful influence upon the decisions of its members. The spotlight of world opinion, focused by the United Nations upon the transgressions of the renegades of human society, has thus far proved an effective safeguard against unchecked aggression and unrestricted violation of human rights.
The United Nations continues to sense as the forum where nations whose interests clash may lay their cases before world opinion. It still provides the essential escape valve without which the slow build-up of pressures would have long since resulted in catastrophic explosion. Its actions and decisions have speeded the achievement of freedom by many peoples on the continents of Africa and Asia. Its efforts have contributed to the advancement of the standard of living of peoples in all corners of the world.
For this, all men must give thanks. As I stand here today, how faint, how remote are the memories of 1936.How different in 1963 are the attitudes of men. We then existed in an atmosphere of suffocating pessimism. Today, cautious yet buoyant optimism is the prevailing spirit. But each one of us here knows that what has been accomplished is not enough.
The United Nations judgments have been and continue to be subject to frustration, as individual member-states have ignored its pronouncements and disregarded its recommendations. The Organization’s sinews have been weakened, as member-states have shirked their obligations to it. The authority of the Organization has been mocked, as individual member-states have proceeded, in violation of its commands, to pursue their own aims and ends. The troubles which continue to plague us virtually all arise among member states of the Organization, but the Organization remains impotent to enforce acceptable solutions. As the maker and enforcer of the international law, what the United Nations has achieved still falls regrettably short of our goal of an international community of nations.
This does not mean that the United Nations has failed. I have lived too long to cherish many illusions about the essential highmindedness of men when brought into stark confrontation with the issue of control over their security, and their property interests. Not even now, when so much is at hazard would many nations willingly entrust their destinies to other hands.
Yet, this is the ultimatum presented to us: secure the conditions whereby men will entrust their security to a larger entity, or risk annihilation; persuade men that their salvation rests in the subordination of national and local interests to the interests of humanity, or endanger man’s future. These are the objectives, yesterday unobtainable, today essential, which we must labor to achieve.
Until this is accomplished, mankind’s future remains hazardous and permanent peace a matter for speculation. There is no single magic formula, no one simple step, no words, whether written into the Organization’s Charter or into a treaty between states, which can automatically guarantee to us what we seek. Peace is a day-to-day problem, the product of a multitude of events and judgments. #Peace is not an “is”, it is a “becoming.” We cannot escape the dreadful possibility of catastrophe by miscalculation. But we can reach the right decisions on the myriad subordinate problems which each new day poses, and we can thereby make our contribution and perhaps the most that can be reasonably expected of us in 1963 to the preservation of peace. It is here that the United Nations has served us - not perfectly, but well. And in enhancing the possibilities that the Organization may serve us better, we serve and bring closer our most cherished goals.
I would mention briefly today two particular issues which are of deep concern to all men: disarmament and the establishment of true equality among men. Disarmament has become the urgent imperative of our time. I do not say this because I equate the absence of arms to peace, or because I believe that bringing an end to the nuclear arms race automatically guarantees the peace, or because the elimination of nuclear warheads from the arsenals of the world will bring in its wake that change in attitude requisite to the peaceful settlement of disputes between nations. Disarmament is vital today, quite simply, because of the immense destructive capacity of which men dispose.
Ethiopia supports the atmospheric nuclear test ban treaty as a step towards this goal, even though only a partial step. Nations can still perfect weapons of mass destruction by underground testing. There is no guarantee against the sudden, unannounced resumption of testing in the atmosphere.
The real significance of the treaty is that it admits of a tacit stalemate between the nations which negotiated it, a stalemate which recognizes the blunt, unavoidable fact that none would emerge from the total destruction which would be the lot of all in a nuclear war, a stalemate which affords us and the United Nations a breathing space in which to act.
Here is our opportunity and our challenge. If the nuclear powers are prepared to declare a truce, let us seize the moment to strengthen the institutions and procedures which will serve as the means for the pacific settlement of disputes among men. Conflicts between nations will continue to arise. The real issue is whether they are to be resolved by force, or by resort to peaceful methods and procedures, administered by impartial institutions. This very Organization itself is the greatest such institution, and it is in a more powerful United Nations that we seek, and it is here that we shall find, the assurance of a peaceful future.
Were a real and effective disarmament achieved and the funds now spent in the arms race devoted to the amelioration of man’s state; were we to concentrate only on the peaceful uses of nuclear knowledge, how vastly and in how short a time might we change the conditions of mankind. This should be our goal.
When we talk of the #equality of #man, we find, also, a challenge and an opportunity; a challenge to breathe new life into the ideals enshrined in the Charter, an opportunity to bring men closer to freedom and true equality. and thus, closer to a #love of #peace.
The goal of the equality of man which we seek is the antithesis of the exploitation of one people by another with which the pages of history and in particular those written of the African and Asian continents, speak at such length. Exploitation, thus viewed, has many faces. But whatever guise it assumes, this evil is to be shunned where it does not exist and crushed where it does. It is the sacred duty of this Organization to ensure that the dream of equality is finally realized for all men to whom it is still denied, to guarantee that exploitation is not reincarnated in other forms in places whence it has already been banished.
As a free Africa has emerged during the past decade, a fresh attack has been launched against exploitation, wherever it still exists. And in that interaction so common to history, this in turn, has stimulated and encouraged the remaining dependent peoples to renewed efforts to throw off the yoke which has oppressed them and its claim as their birthright the twin ideals of liberty and equality. This very struggle is a struggle to establish peace, and until victory is assured, that brotherhood and understanding which nourish and give life to peace can be but partial and incomplete.
In the United States of America, the administration of President Kennedy is leading a vigorous attack to eradicate the remaining vestige of racial discrimination from this country. We know that this conflict will be won and that right will triumph. In this time of trial, these efforts should be encouraged and assisted, and we should lend our sympathy and support to the American Government today.
Last May, in Addis Ababa, I convened a meeting of Heads of African States and Governments. In three days, the thirty-two nations represented at that Conference demonstrated to the world that when the will and the determination exist, nations and peoples of diverse backgrounds can and will work together. in unity, to the achievement of common goals and the assurance of that equality and brotherhood which we desire.
On the question of racial discrimination, the Addis Ababa Conference taught, to those who will learn, this further lesson: That until the philosophy which holds one race superior and another inferior is finally and permanently discredited and abandoned: That until there are no longer first-class and second class citizens of any nation; That until the color of a man’s skin is of no more significance than the color of his eyes; That until the basic human rights are equally guaranteed to all without regard to race; That until that day, the dream of lasting peace and world citizenship and the rule of international morality will remain but a fleeting illusion, to be pursued but never attained; And until the ignoble and unhappy regimes that hold our brothers in Angola, in Mozambique and in South Africa in subhuman bondage have been toppled and destroyed; Until bigotry and prejudice and malicious and inhuman self-interest have been replaced by understanding and tolerance and good-will; Until all #Africans stand and speak as free beings, equal in the eyes of all men, as they are in the eyes of Heaven; Until that day, the African continent will not know peace. We Africans will fight, if necessary, and we know that we shall win, as we are confident in the victory of good over evil.
The United Nations has done much, both directly and indirectly to speed the disappearance of discrimination and oppression from the earth. Without the opportunity to focus world opinion on Africa and Asia which this Organization provides, the goal, for many, might still lie ahead, and the struggle would have taken far longer. For this, we are truly grateful.
But more can be done. The basis of racial discrimination and colonialism has been economic, and it is with economic weapons that these evils have been and can be overcome. In pursuance of resolutions adopted at the Addis Ababa Summit Conference, African States have undertaken certain measures in the economic field which, if adopted by all member states of the United Nations, would soon reduce intransigence to reason. I ask, today, for adherence to these measures by every nation represented here which is truly devoted to the principles enunciated in the Charter.
I do not believe that Portugal and South Africa are prepared to commit economic or physical suicide if honorable and reasonable alternatives exist. I believe that such alternatives can be found. But I also know that unless peaceful solutions are devised, counsels of moderation and temperance will avail for naught; and another blow will have been dealt to this Organization which will hamper and weaken still further its usefulness in the struggle to ensure the victory of peace and liberty over the forces of strife and oppression. Here, then, is the opportunity presented to us. We must act while we can, while the occasion exists to exert those legitimate pressures available to us, lest time run out and resort be had to less happy means.
Does this Organization today possess the authority and the will to act? And if it does not, are we prepared to clothe it with the power to create and enforce the rule of law? Or is the Charter a mere collection of words, without content and substance, because the essential spirit is lacking? The time in which to ponder these questions is all too short. The pages of history are full of instances in which the unwanted and the shunned nonetheless occurred because men waited to act until too late. We can brook no such delay.
If we are to survive, this Organization must survive. To survive, it must be strengthened. Its executive must be vested with great authority. The means for the enforcement of its decisions must be fortified, and, if they do not exist, they must be devised. Procedures must be established to protect the small and the weak when threatened by the strong and the mighty. All nations which fulfill the conditions of membership must be admitted and allowed to sit in this assemblage.
Equality of representation must be assured in each of its organs. The possibilities which exist in the United Nations to provide the medium whereby the hungry may be fed, the naked clothed, the ignorant instructed, must be seized on and exploited for the flower of peace is not sustained by poverty and want. To achieve this requires courage and confidence. The courage, I believe, we possess. The confidence must be created, and to create confidence we must act courageously.
The great nations of the world would do well to remember that in the modern age even their own fates are not wholly in their hands. Peace demands the united efforts of us all. Who can foresee what spark might ignite the fuse? It is not only the small and the weak who must scrupulously observe their obligations to the United Nations and to each other. Unless the smaller nations are accorded their proper voice in the settlement of the world’s problems, unless the equality which Africa and Asia have struggled to attain is reflected in expanded membership in the institutions which make up the United Nations, confidence will come just that much harder. Unless the rights of the least of men are as assiduously protected as those of the greatest, the seeds of confidence will fall on barren soil.
The stake of each one of us is identical - life or death. We all wish to live. We all seek a world in which men are freed of the burdens of ignorance, poverty, hunger and disease. And we shall all be hard-pressed to escape the deadly rain of nuclear fall-out should catastrophe overtake us.
When I spoke at Geneva in 1936, there was no precedent for a head of state addressing the League of Nations. I am neither the first, nor will I be the last head of state to address the United Nations, but only I have addressed both the League and this Organization in this capacity. The problems which confront us today are, equally, unprecedented. They have no counterparts in human experience. Men search the pages of history for solutions, for precedents, but there are none. This, then, is the ultimate challenge. Where are we to look for our survival, for the answers to the questions which have never before been posed? We must look, first, to Almighty God, Who has raised man above the animals and endowed him with intelligence and reason. We must put our faith in Him, that He will not desert us or permit us to destroy humanity which He created in His image. And we must look into ourselves, into the depth of our souls. We must become something we have never been and for which our education and experience and environment have ill-prepared us. We must become bigger than we have been: more courageous, greater in spirit, larger in outlook. We must become members of a new race, overcoming petty prejudice, owing our ultimate allegiance not to nations but to our fellow men within the human community.
Submitted by Kathryn Busby on 27 July 2011
When researcher Anna Barford [external link] was running discussion groups for her PhD research on international attitudes to inequality, she found that the idea of “the happy poor” frequently cropped up.
“Some suppose the poor to be happy because they are less materialistic and more focused on friendship. This argument is sometimes extended to imply that poverty even makes people happy..... Denying that inequality is problematic, based on happiness being important and the poor being happy, offers a pretext for not thinking more deeply about the impacts of inequality.” - The Myth of the Happy Poor [http://www.equalitytrust.org.uk/docs/happy-myth-anna-barford.pdf]