• La Coordination des collectifs de solidarité avec #Pınar_Selek 2000 - 2021

    2000 ........ 2020 ........
    Chère Pınar,
    Il y 20 ans, tu sortais enfin de prison, après deux ans d’enfermement et de tortures.
    20 ans plus tard, la géopolitique de la Turquie est bouleversée...
    Mais ton procès et les menaces contre toi continuent.
    Toi, tu continues tes luttes, comme tu l’avais promis en sortant de prison.
    Nous, nous continuons à tes cotés.
    Merci à toutes les personnalités qui ont accepté de joindre leur voix à la nôtre dans ce film pour te le dire.

    La Coordination des collectifs de solidarité avec Pınar Selek.

    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=U24A7FiPxAc


    #Pinar_Selek #procès #droit_à_la_vie #torture #Turquie #prison #emprisonnement #lutte #témoignage #solidarité #solidarité_internationale #justice (!) #résistance #haine #arbitraire #arbitraire_du_pouvoir #répression_judiciaire #expliquer_c'est_excuser #terrorisme #Etat_de_droit #minorités #kurdes #islamisme #déradicalisation #évangélisation_de_l'islamisme #AKP #armée #processus_du_28_février #re-radicalisation #complotisme #conspirationnisme #nationalisme_turc #étatisation #Erdogan #stock_cognitif #amis_de_2071 #ennemis_de_2071 #2071 #pétitions #espoir
    #film #film_documentaire

    ping @isskein @cede @karine4

    • Pinar Selek et la faillite de l’état de droit en Turquie

      Plus de vingt ans ont passé depuis sa sortie de prison. Pinar Selek, toujours menacée d’une condamnation à perpétuité par le pouvoir turc, poursuit ses luttes en France et en Europe. Un film témoigne aujourd’hui des multiples combats de l’écrivaine et sociologue. L’histoire de Pinar Selek est devenue une part de l’Histoire de la Turquie. Et de la nôtre.

      La Coordination des collectifs de solidarité avec Pinar Selek (https://blogs.mediapart.fr/pascal-maillard/blog/160917/la-coordination-des-collectifs-de-solidarite-avec-pinar-selek-est-ne) diffuse un petit film sur l’écrivaine et sociologue. Ce film est important. Ute Müller en est la réalisatrice. Le film s’ouvre par les phrases fortes de l’écrivaine et journaliste Karin Karakasli : « Vous ne pouvez pas vous empêcher de répéter le nom de la personne que vous aimez comme un mantra », dit-elle. L’amie de Pinar la nomme ainsi : « la personne qui est mon honneur, ma fierté et mon bonheur ». Elle définit le procès de Pinar Selek de manière cinglante et précise : « Une violation du droit à la vie, un meurtre légal et une torture psychologique ». Tout est dit par la bouche de Karin Karakasli, qui prend soin de rappeler les faits de cette persécution invraisemblable.

      L’économiste et politologue Ahmet Insel souligne ensuite à quel point l’histoire de Pinar Selek est exemplaire de « l’arbitraire du pouvoir exercé par une répression judiciaire » et de « la faillite de d’état de droit en Turquie ». S’il rappelle que Pinar a été condamnée au moyen de preuves totalement inventées, c’est aussi pour observer une évolution de la répression politique en Turquie : le pouvoir accuse désormais ses opposants de terrorisme et les enferme sans avoir besoin de la moindre preuve. Suivent cinq autres témoignages et analyses, qu’il faut écouter attentivement, tous aussi importants les uns que les autres : celui de Umit Metin, Coordinateur général de l’ACORT (Assemblée Citoyenne des Originaires de Turquie), ceux de l’historien Hamit Bozarslan et du juriste Yériché Gorizian, celui de la journaliste Naz Oke et enfin les propos de Stéphanie, membre du Collectif de solidarité de la ville de Lyon.

      Parmi tous ces témoignages, il y a une phrase de Karin Karakasli qui résonne très fort et restera dans nos mémoires : « Vivre dans une Turquie où Pinar ne peut revenir, ne diffère pas d’une condamnation à vivre dans une prison en plein air ». Il faut en finir avec les prisons de pierre et les prisons en plein air. Pinar Selek, qui tient un blog sur Mediapart, invente des cerfs-volants qui traversent les frontières. Un jour les membres de ses collectifs de solidarité feront avec elle le voyage jusqu’à La Maison du Bosphore, où ils retrouveront Rafi, le joueur de Doudouk, cet instrument qui symbolise dans le roman de l’écrivaine la fraternité entre les kurdes, les arméniens et les turcs.

      Pascal Maillard,

      Membre de la Coordination des collectifs de solidarité

      https://blogs.mediapart.fr/pascal-maillard/blog/270421/pinar-selek-et-la-faillite-de-letat-de-droit-en-turquie

  • The Struggle at Turkey’s Boğaziçi University. Attacks on higher education tighten the grip of the AKP’s hegemonic project

    Late at night on January 1, 2021, by presidential decree, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan appointed new rectors to five universities in Turkey. One was Professor Melih Bulu, who became rector of the prestigious Boğaziçi University. This liberal and pluralist institution hosts dissident students and faculty, including many connected to Academics for Peace, an association that demands a peaceful resolution to Turkey’s war on the Kurds. Constituents of Boğaziçi immediately rejected this fait accompli as illegitimate, and began to protest. On January 4, police attacked hundreds of students: an image of Boğaziçi’s gates locked with handcuffs went viral.

    To this day, the campus remains under heavy police surveillance as the AKP and associated dominant social groups use both consent and coercion to impose their ways on social and political life. This process, called hegemony, plays out in the education sector today.

    Melih Bulu was unwelcome at Boğaziçi University for many reasons. A dean and a rector at two other universities, in 2015, he ran in the general elections as a candidate from the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP.) In the first few days of his appointment at Boğaziçi, Bulu was credibly accused of plagiarizing his doctoral dissertation. Dismissing the charges as forgetfulness in using quotation marks, he tried to win students over by claiming that he supports LGBT rights – only to close down the LGBTI+ Studies student club as one of his first executive decisions.

    Since the day of Bulu’s appointment, students and faculty members at Boğaziçi have been protesting him, as well as the anti-democratic intervention in the university’s internal operations by President Erdoğan. The Boğaziçi resistance, however, is more than a struggle over the future of one university: it is a much larger struggle for academic freedom, institutional autonomy, and democracy in an increasingly authoritarian Turkey.

    Students and faculty have mobilized creative protests despite the likelihood of a further crackdown. On March 1, over 70 Boğaziçi faculty members applied to the Council of State, demanding the reversal of Bulu’s appointment as it violates the Constitution and the law. By the end of March, more than 800 protesters around Turkey had been taken into custody. Twenty-nine are now under extended house arrest, while six remain in pretrial detention. Faculty members continue to turn their backs on the rectorship every day, and students are boycotting the first six days of the new semester to honor six friends in detention.

    This is clearly an assault on academic and political freedom. But the Boğaziçi resistance also sheds light on why the Erdoğan government may be courting controversy with the nation’s public universities – and why this particular university has taken center stage in the struggle for democracy in Turkey.

    The AKP is a culturally conservative and economically center-right party that has been in power since 2002. The first few years of the Erdoğan government saw democratic advances: lifting of the ban on headscarves in public institutions and an end to military interference in politics. Over the course of two decades in power, however, the AKP has ruled through authoritarian and neoliberal governance.

    These events are neither new nor confined to the education sector. It is only one leg of the AKP’s ongoing political project to transform both state and society. This involves reconstituting higher education to mirror the AKP’s control of state institutions, governance structures, civil society, and the media. The AKP has seized control of the judiciary, parliament, the military, and the police. It has criminalized all opposition. It has imprisoned, purged, or silenced journalists, teachers, academics, lawyers, and others. It has bought off the media. It has removed democratically-elected mayors in the Kurdish southeast and appointed new ones.

    This has all taken place legally, through the constitutional amendments of 2010 and 2017, and the laws by decree that were issued during the two-year state of emergency between 2016 and 2018.

    But the infringement on institutional autonomy and academic freedom is older than the current regime. The Council of Higher Education (YÖK), established after the 1980 military coup, was established to curb the autonomy of universities by controlling university structures, their governance, staff, and intellectual output. Between 1992 and 2016, candidates for a rectorship were voted on first by university departments and faculty before being nominated for appointment by the YÖK. But after a law by decree was issued under emergency rule in 2016, the YÖK was put in charge of appointing rectors. Since 2018, President Erdoğan appoints them.

    The government, its media, and the President used their usual combination of divide-and-conquer techniques on the protesters in a bid to cordon them off from support by the population at large. Boğaziçi students and faculty members, as well as other students and supporters of the protests were characterized first as “elitist,” then as “LGBT deviants,” then “disrespectful of national sensibilities,” and then as “terrorists.”

    The inclusive politics that the Boğaziçi resistance showcased prompted Erdoğan to resort to even more populist tactics, to remind the nation that “lesbians and the like” (“lezbiyen mezbiyen”) should not be listened to, and that “the pillar of the family is the mother,” falling back on the age old conservative “our customs and values!” rhetoric. More broadly, these instances lay bare the differences between the kind of politics that the AKP and the student movement adhere to, suggesting the type of politics – inclusive, diverse, intersectional – that is well-positioned to burst through the cracks of the current system.

    The regime, unable to legitimize its appointed rector at Boğaziçi, seems poised to empty out the university and appoint loyalist deans and staff by using forms of clientelism that are common to AKP rule. Two new faculties were established on February 6. On March 1, Bulu appointed his vice-rector Professor Naci Inci, a physicist, as the director of the Institute for Graduate Studies in Social Sciences. Re-staffing Boğaziçi will ease the process of governing the university, leaving the structure of the institution (if not its procedures) intact, and maintaining the appearance of legitimacy.

    Why is establishing ironclad control of universities necessary to the AKP? Because institutions of higher education mold individuals into citizens, workers, social and political beings. By exerting control over education, the AKP is not only demolishing public space but also ensuring the reproduction of “acceptable” citizens and publics who consent to these practices. At the same time, through establishing its control over education, the AKP is attempting to overturn the decline in support from the youth, as well as the educated and professional classes and re-establish what it calls the “national and religious” youth.

    Universities are also an economic and political project for the AKP: they are money-making, personnel-providing, vote-generating machines. Universities, many of poor quality, have popped up all over Turkey since the party came to power. Erecting a faculty building in a small town or city employs a lot of people. It also provides hope for social mobility, and attaches that hope to voting for the AKP.

    This process cannot be separated from the transformation of universities into institutions that provide a workforce, and where only profitable, depoliticized professions have value. This is the essence of what we mean by a neoliberal transformation of education. The decline and defunding of social sciences and humanities departments is discernible both in and outside of Turkey. Subjects that create space for studying economic, social, and political systems, promise to create politically engaged, critical individuals. It should, then, not come as a surprise that Melih Bulu, once appointed, declared that his mission and vision for Boğaziçi was, instead, to boost the university’s “sectoral cooperation, entrepreneurship, innovation ecosystem,” and put it in in the Times Higher Education (THE) and the QS first 100 rankings.

    Students of Boğaziçi have since made it clear, as one banner read, that they do not want a corporation but a university.

    Nevertheless, political encroachment into higher education continues. In its 19th year of rule, as it loses legitimacy and struggles to generate consent, the AKP increases coercion by repressing dissent everywhere. Higher education is no exception: trade unions, professional associations, political parties, publishing houses, and media outlets have been targeted too.

    These attacks on the university and academic freedom are yet another step by the AKP towards establishing authority over what little space remains for public debate and free expression. Indeed, the boundaries of the state, the government, and the public are already blurred in Turkey. When Bulu stated, in reaction to mounting pressure for his resignation, “touching me would mean touching the state” Erdoğan agreed: if the protesters “had the guts,” he said, they would ask him to resign.

    This conflation of Bulu’s authority with that of Erdoğan and the Turkish state reveals the stakes of the Boğaziçi resistance. Protesters denying the appointed “trustee” (“kayyum”) rector’s legitimacy at Boğaziçi also deny legitimacy to all kayyums in the Kurdish southeast. Refusing to accept Bulu’s appointment at Boğaziçi is also a refusal to accept the AKP’s anti-democratic politics. Reclaiming LGBTI+ identity also reclaims Muslim women’s rights. Freedom to establish or join a student club is a matter of freedom of assembly and expression.

    The students’ bold and incisive open letter to President Erdoğan eloquently expresses these entanglements and the intersectionality of their politics. Placing their struggle at Boğaziçi University within workers’ and minorities’ struggles, and within struggles against injustice, sexism and gender inequality, and the targeting of their fellow friends and professors, university students sum up what this resistance stands for. Their example should illuminate a way forward for an international left politics that commits to democracy and justice for all.

    For recent developments, follow bogazicidireniyor on Instagram and use the hashtags #bogazicidireniyor, #KabulEtmiyoruzVazgeçmiyoruz, #WeDoNotAcceptWeDoNotGiveUp, #WeWillNotLookDown and @unibogazici_en on Twitter.

    #Turquie #université #Bogazici #Boğaziçi #ESR #université_du_Bosphore #attaques #recteurs #Erdogan #Melih_Bulu #AKP #hégémonie #résistance #liberté_académique #contrôle #YÖK #autonomie #homophobie #Naci_Inci #répression #nationalisme #kayyum #légitimité #démocratie #justice

    ping @isskein

    • Open letter to President from Boğaziçi University students

      Amid ongoing protests against the appointed rector of Boğaziçi University, Erdoğan has issued a Presidential decree to open two new faculties at the university. The Boğaziçi Solidarity has addressed an open letter to the President.

      –—

      Amid the ongoing protests against the appointment of Prof. Melih Bulu as a new rector to Boğaziçi University by President and ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) Chair Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, a new Presidential decree has been published in the Official Gazette, foreseeing the establishment of Law and Communication faculties at the university.

      While the appointed rector has welcomed the news on his social media account, the Boğaziçi Solidarity platform, on behalf of the Boğaziçi University students protesting the appointment of Melih Bulu, has addressed an open letter to the 12th President of Turkey on social media.

      Under the hashtags #YüreğimizYetiyor (We have the guts), referring to a statement by Erdoğan, and #FakülteyiSarayaKur (Establish the faculty at the palace), students have addressed the following letter:
      Reasons underlying the protests

      "Previously, we responded to Melih Bulu with the poem ’Satirical Attempts on a Provocateur.’ It is pleasing to see that you have acknowledged yourself to be the person responsible, and responded accordingly.

      "Up until today, you have demanded secret meetings with us via the Turkey Youth and Education Service Foundation (TÜRGEV).

      "Now, you are trying to start an argument against us through the media. We do not like go-betweens, we prefer speaking outright and explicitly to all. We hope that you will proceed accordingly.

      "First, let us remind you of our demands and of the reasons underlying our protests:

      "You appointed a trustee rector to our university with utter disregard for the students and faculty. Is what you did legal? Yes, as you like to mention every chance you get, but it is not legitimate. This appointment makes anyone who has even the tiniest sense of justice revolt with indignation.

      "To top it off, you open faculties and appoint deans with an overnight presidential order on a Friday night, in order to intimidate the whole institution with all its students, teachers and laborers.

      "Your attempts to pack our university with your own political militants is the symptom of the political crisis that you have fallen into.

      "Victims of your crisis grow in number with every passing day!
      Constitutional rights

      "We use our constitutional rights to make people from all segments of society aware of the injustices we are subjected to.

      "These are our demands:

      All our friends who have been arrested or detained in this period must be released immediately!
      All campaigns to defame and disenfranchise LGBTI+s and all other targeted groups must end!
      All government-appointed trustees, starting with Melih Bulu, who instigated all these arrests, detentions, scapegoating campaigns, and threats, must resign!
      In universities, democratic rectorate elections must be held with the participation of all constituents of the university!

      ’Don’t mistake us for those who obey you’

      "You uttered a sentence starting with ’If they have the guts...’ in your statement. Is it a constitutional right to call for the resignation of the president? YES! Since when is the use of a constitutional right a matter of courage?

      "Do not mistake us for those who obey you unconditionally. You are not a sultan, and we are not your subjects.

      "But since you mentioned courage, we shall also respond to that briefly.

      "We have no immunities! You, however, are the one who has been storming around, hiding behind your legal and political immunity for the last 19 years.

      "The Interior Minister is spreading lies to play on religious sensitivities. We say that we will not practice self-censorship.

      "You call LGBTI+s deviants, we state that LGBTI+ rights are human rights.

      "Members of your party kicked miners in Soma. We actively stood in solidarity with the mine workers, and we will continue to do so.

      "You unlawfully keep the Co-Chairs of the Peoples’ Democratic Party (HDP) imprisoned, alongside journalists and union members.

      "We declare that we stand united with those who fearlessly speak the truth, and we are against all government-appointed trustees.

      "You make crowds boo Berkin Elvan’s mother in rallies. We declare that we stand with Berkin Elvan.

      "You target and attack Ayşe Buğra, without even mentioning her name, saying ’Osman Kavala ’s wife is among these provocateurs’.

      “In a vulgar manner, you restate the sexist fallacy that the only significant feature of a woman is her husband. We state that ’Ayşe Buğra is a dignified professor and an esteemed academic’. We say that ’We will take any charge against her as a charge against us’.
      ”(We know very well that you will file dozens of lawsuits against this letter on the grounds that it praises crime and criminals or insulting the president, but we also know that we will never give up on speaking the truth!)
      ’Why would we call on you to resign?’

      "Since you lack the power necessary to keep the trustee-rector you have appointed in the office, you resort to petty tricks like opening new faculties and appointing sham personnel, which does not appear to be an act of courage. That is why we disregard your words about courage.

      "We are aware that Bogaziçi University is not Turkey’s most significant institution, nor is the appointment of Melih Bulu Turkey’s most significant problem.

      "Regarding the demand for your resignation, we would not consider calling for your resignation based on this issue. YOU ASK WHY?

      "If you were ever going to resign,

      "You would have resigned when Brant Dink was slaughtered!

      "You would have resigned when 34 Kurds were killed in the Roboski massacre. You would have resigned when 301 miners were murdered in Soma! You would have resigned after the Çorlu train derailment!

      "You would have resigned in the face of the livelihood problems of thousands of citizens, who were left unemployed or could not find a job, and especially in face of the decree-law (KHK) purgees!

      "You would have assumed responsibility for the economic policies which condemned the people to poverty, instead of sacrificing your son-in-law.

      "The examples are plenty, but you have never resigned.

      "You preferred to present yourself as naively deceived, instead of, in your own words, ’having the guts’. So now why would we call on you to resign?

      "As long as Melih Bulu sits on that seat, we will continue our protest by strengthening our struggle, with all those who join the resistance. Whether or not you do what must be done is your own business. We stand with those who are robbed of their democratic rights and freedoms.

      “With hopes that you realize that you cannot silence the oppressed of these lands by shouting and threatening from arenas and podiums.”

      What happened?

      Prof. Melih Bulu has been appointed as the President of Boğaziçi University in a Presidential Decree issued on January 1. The appointment of Bulu has sparked harsh criticisms among both the students and academics of the university as well as in the academic community.

      Appointed to Boğaziçi, one of the most prestigious universities in Turkey, from outside its community, Bulu was a candidate for nomination to run in the Parliamentary elections in 2015 for the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP), which is chaired by President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan.

      The students and several students’ clubs of the university have been campaigning on social media under the hashtag #kayyımrektöristemiyoruz (We don’t want a trustee university president).

      The call of the students was also supported by the faculty members of the university, who released a joint statement on January 3.

      “An academic outside Bogazici University community was appointed as rector (university president), which is a practice introduced for the first time after the 1980s military tutelage,” read their statement.

      Amid harsh criticisms of students and faculty members, Prof. Bulu has shared a message on his Twitter account, welcoming his appointment to the position, saying, “We are all in the same boat.”

      The students protested the appointment of Bulu in front of the South Campus of the university in İstanbul on January 4. However, the police intervened into the protest with pepper gas and plastic bullets.

      Next day, it was reported that there were detention warrants against 28 people for “violating the law on meetings and demonstrations” and “resisting the officer on duty.” Later in the day, 22 of them were detained.

      40 people in total were detained over the protests. All of the detained were released on January 7 and 8, 2021.

      The protests of students and faculty members at the South Campus of Boğaziçi University have been going on since January 4.

      On February 1, police stormed the South Campus and intervened into the students’ protests. Earlier in the day, the students gathered in front of the campus for the protest. Police hindered the protest while also preventing the students inside the South Campus from joining their friends outside.

      With the 51 students taken into custody inside the campus in the evening, the number of detained increased to 159. In a statement released by the İstanbul Governor’s Office in the early morning hours on February 2, it was announced that 98 students were released from detention.

      On February 2, Boğaziçi University students gathered in Kadıköy Rıhtım for another protest, which was attacked by the police with plastic bullets and tear gas. 134 people were taken into custody by the police. Two of the protesters were arrested by the court afterwards.
      About Melih Bulu

      Prof. Melih Bulu was appointed as the President of Haliç University on January 17, 2020. In office in this foundation university for less than a year, he has been appointed as the President of Boğaziçi University.

      He was a Dean and University President at the İstinye University from 2016 to 2019. Between the years of 2010 and 2016, he was the Head of the Business Management Department of İstanbul Şehir University’s Business Management and Management Science Faculty.

      He was the General Coordinator of International Competitiveness Research Institute (URAK), an NGO working on economic competitiveness of cities and countries, from the year 2017 to 2019. Since 2011, he has been the Executive Board member of the İstanbul Electric-Electronic Machinery and Informatics Exporters R&D Market.

      In 2002, he founded the Sarıyer District Organization of the ruling AKP in İstanbul. In 2015, he was a candidate for nomination to run in the Parliamentary elections from the AKP in the first election district in İstanbul.

      He studied Industrial Engineering at the Middle East Technical University (METU) in Ankara in 1992. He did his MBA and PhD at Boğaziçi University’s Department of Management.

      https://bianet.org/english/education/238843-open-letter-to-president-from-bogazici-university-students
      #lettre_ouverte

  • Erdoğan, Frérot 1er, contre les mécréants | KEDISTAN
    http://www.kedistan.net/2020/11/05/erdogan-frerot-1er


    petit florilège d’un “partenariat stratégique“…

    • Les élections présidentielles en Turquie, qui permettront à Erdoğan de revêtir le nouvel habit constitutionnel faisant de lui un super président ont lieu en juillet 2018.

    • La France reçoit Erdoğan à deux reprises cette même année, en janvier, puis en novembre.

    En janvier, le ministre des affaires étrangères Le Drian commente ainsi : “… La Turquie reste un partenaire stratégique à bien des égards, en matière de migrations, de lutte contre le terrorisme, de résolutions de crises régionales, même si le dialogue doit être exigeant sur les engagements que la Turquie a pris elle-même sur les Droits de l’Homme…” Le même, en mars 2018, alors qu’Erdoğan fait donner la troupe pour envahir Afrin, territoire kurde de Syrie, recommandera “la modération” à celui qui sans doute résout là “une crise régionale” et “lutte contre le terrorisme“.

    Le 11 novembre 2018, le Président invite des “chefs d’Etat” pour les cérémonies du 11 novembre. Erdoğan en est. Il fait une promenade dans Paris et salue “quatre doigts et pouce replié” (signe “rabia”) une petite foule à drapeaux turcs venue l’accueillir. Un peu d’émotion dans le Figaro. Erdoğan accompagne avec une déclaration en disant qu’il salue “les frères” et dénonce “l’influence corruptrice de l’Occident“.

    • En décembre 2018, Erdoğan passe trois journées en Allemagne, inaugure une mosquée et passe à la caisse. Rappelons que la diaspora turque en Europe lui a apporté un million de voix, 6 mois auparavant.

    • Enfin, en mars 2018, Erdoğan exige 3 milliards supplémentaires à l’UE dans le cadre du deal sur les migrants du 18 mars 2016, après de multiples chantages déjà exercés en 2016 et 2017.

    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=_74nVpLVn9Q&feature=emb_logo


    System Of A Down - Genocidal Humanoidz

    #kedistan #erdogan #anathème

    • face à l’islamisme, l’antifascisme internationaliste.
      https://www.revue-ballast.fr/face-a-lislamisme-lantifascisme-internationaliste

      Dans les Yvelines, un professeur est décapité par un partisan du djihadisme international ; ici et là, des sympathisants des Loups gris turcs se lancent dans des chasses aux citoyens français d’origine arménienne ; en Autriche, un homme ouvre le feu sur des civils décrits comme autant de « croisés » par le communiqué de revendication de Daech ; en Syrie, l’Administration autonome du Nord et de l’Est de la Syrie (AANES) — née dans le prolongement de la révolution menée au #Rojava —, redoute une quatrième invasion de la part des troupes turques et rebelles. Pour réfléchir aux tenants et aux aboutissants de ces différentes offensives fascistes, nous nous entretenons avec Azad Baharavi, conseiller de la Représentation du Rojava en France et partisan d’une politique d’émancipation internationaliste.

      #ballast

  • #Haut-Karabakh le conflit entre Arméniens et Azéris - #Dessous_des_cartes

    Depuis la fin du mois de septembre, l’#Arménie et l’#Azerbaïdjan s’affrontent dans des combats meurtriers. Drones, chars, armes anti-aériennes, bombardement de cibles civiles : le différend qui oppose les deux pays depuis de nombreuses années ressemble de plus en plus à une véritable guerre. C’est le contentieux autour de la question du Haut-Karabagh qui a précipité le conflit.

    Cette zone montagneuse à majorité arménienne enclavée en plein Azerbaïdjan cristallise en effet les tensions entre les deux États. Mais comment le Haut-Karabagh a-t-il hérité d’une situation géographique si particulière ? Pourquoi l’Arménie et l’Azerbaïdjan entretiennent des relations aussi conflictuelles ? Quel est le rôle joué par les puissances régionales turque, russe et iranienne dans les événements actuels ? Doit-on encore craindre une aggravation de la situation ?

    https://youtu.be/QIsIvWuiBM4

    #Haut_Karabakh #Caucase #Turquie #Erdogan #Russie #Iran

  • Les Turcs, et pas seulement leur président, ont un vrai sentiment d’injustice sur la répartition des richesses en Méditerranée

    https://www.franceculture.fr/geopolitique/gaz-la-turquie-veut-sa-part-des-richesses-de-la-mediterranee

    ... La Turquie est donc le plus grand pays de Méditerranée orientale en termes d’accès à la mer.

    Sauf que ces eaux territoriales ne dépassent pas quelques kilomètres. La façade maritime turque, surtout sur la mer Egée, est très étroite, limitée par l’énorme chapelet d’iles grecques, une sorte de mur à ses portes. Exemple type : Kastellorizo, caillou de 9 km2, à 550 kms d’Athènes et à 2 kilomètres de la Turquie. Mais du coup, les eaux sont grecques.

    Pas étonnant que la Turquie regarde cette situation comme une aberration au regard de la géographie.

    Même thème traité ici
    https://seenthis.net/messages/875584

    #Turquie #Grèce #Erdogan #gaz #Mediterranée

    Organiser des négociations entre les deux pays serait la seule chose raisonnable à faire (ce qu’il me semble, avait commencé à initier Angela Merkel), plutôt que de vendre des armes à la Grèce (qui s’était déjà surendettée en achetant des rames) comme le fait Micron.

  • Aux côtés du peuple kurde

    Pierre Bance

    https://lavoiedujaguar.net/Aux-cotes-du-peuple-kurde

    André Métayer
    Vingt-cinq années aux côtés du peuple kurde
    Histoire des Amitiés kurdes de Bretagne (1994-2019)

    Pourquoi s’intéresser aux Kurdes ? Pour le présent, ce ne sont pas les Kurdes par eux-mêmes qui intéressent, mais leur révolution au Rojava. Ainsi depuis sept ou huit ans, la cause kurde suscite de la curiosité en France. Encore ne faut-il pas exagérer, cet intérêt n’est souvent que compassionnel, quand il ne s’égare pas dans une exaltation qui risque fort d’être refroidie par la réalité.

    Il en est dont l’engagement est plus ancien et dont la durée assure de sa solidité. En des temps où nul ne connaissait le Rojava, où le Parti des travailleurs du Kurdistan (PKK) était suspecté de stalinisme, bien avant son abandon du marxisme-léninisme et du nationalisme dans les années 2000. Des temps, où Abdullah Öcalan, son leader, était encore libre, avant d’être kidnappé par les services secrets américains et turcs en 1999, puis emprisonné à vie dans une île de la mer de Marmara. C’était en 1994. Un petit groupe venu de Bretagne visite le Kurdistan de Turquie. Parmi eux, André Métayer. Ce qui n’aurait pu être que du tourisme militant va se muer en un engagement sous le coup de l’émotion. De ses yeux, voir un village détruit par l’armée turque comme le furent quelque quatre mille autres dans ces années de plomb, voir un peuple entier terrorisé dans ses villes et ses campagnes par la violence militaire et policière, bouleversa ces voyageurs qui prirent la résolution de se solidariser avec ces Kurdes qui paraissaient d’éternels vaincus alors qu’ils étaient d’éternels résistants. (...)

    #Kurdes #Bretagne #Turquie #résistance #amitié #solidarité #PKK #Öcalan #Erdoğan #Rojava #Moyen-Orient

  • Turkey’s COVID-19 Response - The washington Institute
    President Erdogan’s ever-tightening circle of policy influencers has lagged behind on proposing innovative solutions to the pandemic, giving other politicians an opening to become the main drivers of national change.

    For a long time, Erdogan represented the fresh face of progress in Turkey, always coming up with ideas embraced by others. Not anymore—his palace has lagged behind in reacting to COVID-19, simply following opposition initiatives, from fundraising campaigns to supporting healthcare workers. The outbreak of COVID-19 has shown that Erdogan is no longer the main driver of change in Turkey.

    #Covid-19#Turquie#Erdogan#AKP#économie#politique#migrant#migration#réfugié#territoire

    https://www.washingtoninstitute.org/policy-analysis/view/turkeys-covid-19-response

  • Why is Erdogan afraid of free bread? - Al Monitor
    Turkey’s main opposition party has successfully turned the pandemic into an opportunity by building a dynamic grassroots movement in the face of authoritarian rule.

    The COVID-19 pandemic has made life difficult for everyone, especially for those battling poverty. In 2019, official figures said 18 million, or 22% of Turkey’s population, were living below the poverty line; these numbers have likely increased this year as unemployment and inflation have risen, in large part due to the coronavirus.

    #Covid-19#Turquie#Erdogan#Politique_intérieure#Democratie#Economie#Pandémie#migrant#migration

    https://www.al-monitor.com/pulse/originals/2020/05/turkey-main-opposition-has-turned-pandemic-to-opportunity.html

  • Turkey to Use App to Track Intercity Travels, Test International Passengers for Covid-19- English Bianet
    Passengers will have to receive a code to demonstrate that they are not infected or did not contact someone who is infected.

    #Covid-19#Turquie#Erdogan#confinement#Surveillance#Politique#Liberté#Tracage#migrant#migration

    http://bianet.org/english/health/224583-turkey-to-use-app-to-track-intercity-travels-test-international-passe

  • Turkey turns to medical diplomacy to heal damaged relations - Reuters

    Emblazoned with Turkish flags and presidential seals, crates packed with medical equipment are loaded onto planes, part of a major aid campaign by Ankara which has dispatched supplies to dozens of countries since the new coronavirus pandemic erupted.

    #Covid-19#Turquie#Politique_internationale#Crise#Diplomatie#Gouvernement#Erdogan#migrant#migration

    https://www.reuters.com/article/us-health-coronavirus-turkey-diplomacy-idUSKBN22N1JD

  • La Turquie face au Covid-19 | Fondation Jean-Jaurès

    Sur le plan social, l’impact de la crise sanitaire apparaît aussi important sur la condition des réfugiés et migrants en Turquie, dont une grande majorité est originaire de Syrie. Avec plus de trois millions et demi de réfugiés sur son territoire, dont beaucoup ne vivent pas dans les camps, ces derniers sont particulièrement vulnérables au virus. Face à cette menace, la crise sanitaire a temporairement mis un terme à la crise diplomatique qui avait éclaté entre la Turquie et l’Union européenne (UE) à la fin du mois de février lorsque le président turc avait annoncé « ouvrir les portes » au passage des réfugiés vers l’UE et que des milliers d’entre eux s’étaient amassés le long de la frontière gréco-turque dans l’attente de la traverser. Depuis la fin du mois de mars dernier, les autorités turques ont fait évacuer la plupart des réfugiés qui ont été emmenés dans des centres de rétention et placés en quarantaine.

    #Covid-19#Turquie#Politique_intérieure#Crise#Gouvernement#Erdogan#migrant#migration

    https://jean-jaures.org/nos-productions/la-turquie-face-au-covid-19

  • Plus de 400 arrestations pour « provocation en ligne » en Turquie- Middle East Eye
    La police turque a arrêté depuis le mois dernier plus de 400 personnes accusées d’avoir fait de la « provocation » sur les réseaux sociaux en lien avec la pandémie de nouveau coronavirus, a indiqué lundi le ministère de l’Intérieur.
    « Au cours des 42 derniers jours, 6 362 comptes sur les réseaux sociaux ont été repérés, 855 suspects ont été identifiés et 402 personnes ont été arrêtées », a déclaré le ministère dans un communiqué.
    #Covid-19#Turquie#Erdogan#Opposition#Prison#Liberté#Sociétécivile#Politique#Réseaux_sociaux#migrant#migration

    https://www.middleeasteye.net/fr/live/coronavirus-suivez-lactualite-dans-la-region-mena

  • Coronavirus : Erdogan, de la confiance à la fragilisation - RFI

    « La Turquie a la réputation d’avoir un système de santé très performant, la façon dont Recep Tayip Erdogan a organisé et démocratisé le système de santé est même une des bases du soutien de l’opinion publique à l’AKP –le parti au pouvoir- et au président » explique Dorothée Schmid, responsable du programme Turquie contemporaine et Moyen-Orient de l’Ifri. « On a donc un flot de chiffres assez ronflants qui ont été communiqués assez rapidement pour montrer que le pays serait mieux préparé que d’autres. La Turquie disposait avant la crise de plus de 39 100 lits de soins intensifs, et Erdogan a dit qu’il allait recruter des nouveaux personnels de santé pour se battre sur le front du coronavirus, en plus des 165 000 médecins et 200 000 infirmiers déjà dans les hôpitaux ».

    #Covid-19#Turquie#Erdogan#Politique#Santé#Quarantaine#Pandémie#migrant#migration

    http://www.rfi.fr/fr/moyen-orient/20200421-coronavirus-erdogan-la-confiance-%C3%A0-la-fragilisation?ref=tw

  • Erdoğan ordered investigations into mayors over COVID-19 aid, opposition leader says - Ahval
    Main opposition Republican People’s Party (CHP) leader Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu has said that President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan directly ordered investigations into opposition mayors over their COVID-19 aid campaigns, Sözcü reported on Sunday.
    #Covid-19#Turquie#Erdogan#Opposition#Democratie#Liberté#Sociétécivile#Politique#migrant#migration
    https://ahval.me/turkey-coronavirus/erdogan-ordered-investigations-mayors-over-covid-19-aid-opposition-leader-says

  • Turkey’s coronavirus cases overtake Iran, highest in Middle East- Reuters
    Turkey’s confirmed coronavirus cases have risen to 82,329, Health Minister Fahrettin Koca said on Saturday, overtaking neighbouring Iran for the first time to register the highest total in the Middle East.

    An increase of 3,783 cases in the last 24 hours also pushed Turkey’s confirmed tally within a few hundred of China, where the novel coronavirus first emerged

    #Covid-19#Turquie#Erdogan#confinement#Pandémie#Contamination#Crise#migrant#Politique-migratoire#migration

    https://www.reuters.com/article/us-health-coronavirus-turkey-idUSKBN2200T4?taid=5e9b6bc2bea27e00015df496

  • Face au Covid-19 en Turquie, les rendez-vous manqués -Orient XXI
    Un nouveau couvre-feu sévère a été décrété dans plusieurs grandes villes, dont Istanbul et Ankara, pour le week-end des 18 et 19 avril. Face au Covid-19, les autorités ont agi avec retard, craignant de mettre l’économie en panne. Et si la société civile a fait front, avec civisme et souvent humour, les divisions du pays restent exacerbées par l’omniprésence de Recep Tayyip Erdoğan. En Turquie comme ailleurs, l’après-crise est déjà en débat.
    #Covid-19#Turquie#Erdogan#confinement#Surveillance#Politique#Crise#migrant#Politique-migratoire#migration

    https://orientxxi.info/magazine/face-au-covid-19-en-turquie-les-rendez-vous-manques,3813

  • Interior ministry launches probe into Istanbul Mayor over collection of donations against coronavirus- DuvaR English

    The Interior Ministry has launched a probe into Istanbul Mayor Ekrem İmamoğlu over the municipality’s donation campaign against the coronavirus (COVID-19) pandemic. According to İmamoğlu, the block on the donations has been ongoing. “If you see a wrong procedure, you can launch an investigation into the Istanbul Mayor, but you can’t block the citizens’ donations,” he said.
    #Covid-19#Turquie#Erdogan#confinement#Société_civile#Politique#Crise#migrant#Appel-aux-dons#migration

    https://www.duvarenglish.com/politics/2020/04/17/interior-ministry-launches-probe-into-istanbul-mayor-over-collection-o

  • La Turquie d’Erdogan ébranlée par le coronavirus-France Inter

    Le Président turc a tardé à réagir à une épidémie qui progresse vite, et les premières mesures ont provoqué la panique dans les grandes villes. Le coronavirus est venu faire dérailler la stratégie régionale du « sultan » d’Ankara.
    #Covid-19#Turquie#Erdogan#confinement#Surveillance#Politique#Crise#migrant#Politique-migratoire#migration

    https://www.franceinter.fr/emissions/geopolitique/geopolitique-17-avril-2020

  • Turkey forgets Kurds as it tackles pandemic- Ahval

    On the night of April 10, after the Turkish Interior Ministry announced a 48-hour lockdown across 31 provinces, residents of the country’s major cities scrambled to the markets and bakeries to stock up on essentials. But in the southeastern city of Diyarbakır, my hometown, few people were in a hurry to make last-minute purchases. This mostly likely stems from the fact that Turkey’s Kurds are used to curfews, and we have, more or less, figured out how to survive under such conditions

    #Covid-19#Turquie#Erdogan#Kurdes#confinement#Surveillance#Politique#Liberté#migrant#migration

    https://ahvalnews-com.cdn.ampproject.org/c/s/ahvalnews.com/turkey-kurds/turkey-forgets-kurds-it-tackles-pandemic?amp