• Greece: On the termination of the #ESTIA_II housing programme for asylum applicants

    On the termination of the ESTIA II housing programme for asylum applicants

    It’s Christmas time and hundreds of vulnerable asylum seekers and refugees in Greece have counted their last days in their temporary homes and neighbourhoods. The Greek government insisted on closing down the #Emergency_Support_to_Integration_and_Accommodation (ESTIA II) scheme[1] for vulnerable asylum seekers as announced earlier this year,[2]despite the willingness of the European Commission to continue the funding.[3] Civil society organizations,[4] teachers and refugees[5] alike have expressed their concerns about this backward step for protection and integration and call for a continuation of the housing programme.

    Hundreds of families of asylum seekers have already been transferred from their flats back to refugee camps or await their transfer thereto within the next days.[6] Furthermore, some thousands of people have been affected by evictions or transfers to camps since the government’s initial announcement of the closure of ESTIA in February 2022, when the programme still accommodated about 12,500 residents.[7]

    Beneficiaries of the housing programme report that the employees of the implementing partners of ESTIA II only orally informed them on short notice of their transfer to camps, often without specifying the place of transfer. Suddenly, children had to leave their schools, hobbies and friends, adults their language and vocational classes, persons with (mental) health problems had to interrupt their treatment. Those who had found occasional work moved far away from their small job opportunities.

    The government’s decision to terminate ESTIA II can be understood as a part of a broader migration policy aimed at restricting asylum seekers to controlled and secluded camps. It followed the termination of the FILOXENIA accommodation programme in hotels,[8] the phasing out of alternative accommodation to camps on the islands, and the closure of camps near urban areas such as Skaramangas and Eleonas in the Attica region.[9]

    Consequently, state support is now available only to asylum seekers residing in camps, hidden behind three-meter concrete walls and barbed wire.[10] Since the introduction of a “HYPERION”, a controversial surveillance system currently under review by the Greek Data Protection Authority,[11] camp gates are controlled by private security guards, cameras have been installed and the residents have to identify themselves in order to enter.[12] Camps previously known as “Open Temporary Reception Facilities” are since 2021 officially titled “Controlled Temporary Accommodation Facilities for Asylum Seekers” (Ελεγχόμενες Δομές Προσωρινής Φιλοξενίας αιτούντων άσυλο).[13] These camps have seemingly become the sole reception form for asylum seekers receiving reception conditions until the completion of their asylum procedure.

    Meanwhile, at the end of November, the International Organisation of Migration (IOM) informed their employees that it will be firing 60% of their staff working in the camps under the “Harmonizing Protection Practices in Greece” (HARP) programme[14] until end of 2022, thus drastically decreasing the support offered to the most vulnerable. This has led to protests and strikes of the affected employees. According to the affected employees, the announcement came as a surprise. They fear that the decision to downsize services inside camps does not consider the needs and the best interests of the significant number of residents. They furthermore denounce the lack of any transition plan, including case management and referrals, until services are handed over to the government.[15] As a result, those residing in the camps will be left suddenly with fewer legal, social and psychological services.[16]

    In early December 2022, ten civil rights organisations, including Refugee Support Aegean (RSA), wrote to the Ministry of Migration and Asylum to voice their deep concerns about the termination of ESTIA II and the transfer of the vulnerable asylum seekers to the camps. The organisations highlighted severe concerns previously expressed by the Ombudsman and demanded from the state to refrain from closing down ESTIA II.[17]

    The Minister of Migration and Asylum, Notis Mitarakis, stated on December 16th: “We are closing the ESTIA program, because the accommodation facilities are sufficient for the shelter needs.”[18]Meanwhile, the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNCHR) spokesperson in Greece, Stella Nanou, emphasised in a recent statement that “it is logical that the capacity of accommodation places should be adapted to the population of asylum seekers in the country”, however, “a number of apartments should be maintained within the urban network” as a “necessary type of shelter for extremely vulnerable cases of asylum seeker and their families, so that they can live under safe conditions and with easier access to the necessary services.”[19] The promotion of housing alternatives to camps has been a major UNHCR priority since 2014.[20]

    https://rsaegean.org/en/termination-of-the-estia-ii-for-asylum-applicants
    #asile #migrations #réfugiés #ESTIA #hébergement #fin #Grèce

  • Instagram : la foire aux vanités

    Deux milliards d’utilisateurs actifs chaque mois, 100 millions de vidéos et photos partagées quotidiennement : lancé à l’automne 2010, au cœur de la Silicon Valley, par Kevin Systrom et Mike Krieger, deux étudiants de l’université de Stanford, le réseau Instagram a connu une ascension fulgurante. Surfant sur le développement de la photographie sur mobile, l’application, initialement conçue pour retoucher (grâce à ses fameux filtres) et partager des clichés, attire rapidement des célébrités et attise la convoitise des géants du numérique. En 2012, Mark Zuckerberg, le patron de Facebook, qui flaire son potentiel commercial, la rachète pour la somme faramineuse de 1 milliard de dollars. La publicité y fait son apparition deux ans plus tard, favorisant l’explosion du marketing d’influence. Désormais, les marques se tournent vers les personnalités les plus suivies pour promouvoir leurs produits. Les stars aux millions d’abonnés, comme Cristiano Ronaldo ou Kim Kardashian, engrangent des revenus astronomiques, tandis qu’au bas de la hiérarchie, soumis à une concurrence impitoyable, les « nano-influenceurs » se contentent de contrats payés en nature ou d’avantages promotionnels. Transformé en gigantesque centre commercial, le réseau abreuve ses utilisateurs de visions modifiées de la réalité, entre corps jeunes et dénudés, spots touristiques aussitôt pris d’assaut et images esthétisées de nourriture, labellisées « food porn ». Conséquences : les opérations de chirurgie esthétique se multiplient chez les jeunes, enrichissant des praticiens peu scrupuleux, tandis que l’anxiété et la dépression progressent de façon inquiétante chez les adolescents, particulièrement perméables à ces idéaux standardisés.

    https://www.film-documentaire.fr/4DACTION/w_fiche_film/66132_0

    #film #documentaire #film_documentaire
    #réseaux_sociaux #Instagram #drogue #beauté #fanbook #Mark_Zuckerberg #esthétique #marketing_d'influence #influencer #foll-ow #mise_en_scène #fast_fashion #mode #corps #algorithme #nudité #misogynie #standardisation #dysmorphie #santé_mentale #chirurgie_esthétique #décès #food_porn #estime_de_soi #reconnaissance

  • The Economist – Frozen Out – How the world is leaving Europe behind
    https://view.e.economist.com/?qs=706216167d7a949d1a8bf6762ff02aee5f6fad9c0f66eae10826eea83914a3

    Vladimir Putin, Russia’s president, is using energy as a weapon. Our data journalists set themselves a difficult question: how many people is this weapon likely to kill outside Ukraine? The answer they came up with was alarming. Although heatwaves get more press, cold temperatures are usually deadlier than hot ones. To estimate the relationship between energy costs and deaths, we built a statistical model that predicts how many people die per winter week in each of 226 European regions. This model found that a 10% rise in electricity prices is associated with a 0.6% increase in deaths, concentrated among the elderly and infirm. If the historical relationships between mortality, weather and energy costs continue to apply—which they may not, given how high current prices are—the death toll from the energy weapon could exceed the number of soldiers who have died so far in direct combat from bullets, shells, missiles and drones. It is one more reason why Ukraine’s fight against Russia is Europe’s, too. 
     
    Our data team’s work sets the scene for our cover this week. Europe faces a crisis of energy and geopolitics that will weaken it—and could threaten its global position. If you ask Europe’s friends around the world what they think of the old continent’s prospects they often respond with two emotions. One is admiration. In the struggle to help Ukraine and resist Russian aggression, Europe has displayed unity, grit and a principled willingness to bear enormous costs. But the second is alarm. A brutal economic squeeze will pose a test of Europe’s resilience in 2023 and beyond. There is a growing fear that the recasting of the global energy system, American economic populism and geopolitical rifts threaten the long-run competitiveness of all European countries, Britain included. The worry is not just about the continent’s prosperity; the health of the transatlantic alliance is at risk, too.

  • Voyage au Chili : La constitution d’un espoir
    https://radioparleur.net/2022/07/27/chili-constitution-espoir

    Fin 2019, les manifestations de « l’Estallido Social » secouaient le Chili. 3 ans plus tard, la colère a abouti sur un mouvement politique inédit avec l’élection de Gabriel Boric et la création d’une assemblée constituante qui doit remplacer le texte actuel rédigé sous la dictature. Le nouveau gouvernement de gauche, limité par l’héritage de Pinochet, place […] L’article Voyage au Chili : La constitution d’un espoir est apparu en premier sur Radio Parleur.

  • Carl Einstein (1885-1940) : Entre révolution artistique et lutte armée
    https://lundi.am/Carl-Einstein-1885-1940-Entre-revolution-artistique-et-lutte-armee

    Cette critique cinglante du « monde de l’art » conduit Einstein à écrire en parallèle de son livre sur Braque des fragments -non mis en forme définitive ni publiés de son vivant- sous le titre Die Fabrikation der Fiktionen, (La fabrication des fictions), qui constituent une sorte de règlement de compte avec ce monde.

    « Les artistes aux environs de 1910, écrit-il, appartenaient à une génération qui avait grandi dans l’utopie d’un ciel progressiste. Cette génération s’imaginait pouvoir faire surgir des paradis, comme par enchantement, des formules intellectuelles. Les esthètes pressentaient que la tradition bourgeoise classique était finie […] Cependant les intellectuels ne voyaient pas que leur art était enraciné dans le subjectivisme libéral et bourgeois. Les peintres et poètes combattirent la tradition mais seulement de façon formelle [la réalité qui se jouait en dehors de leurs tableaux, ils la contestèrent à peine]. D’autre part, ils croyaient pouvoir réfuter des faits par des tableaux. C’est ici qu’était la limite de l’art. […] On se sentait vaguement situé à gauche ; cependant les individualistes redoutaient la montée des masses ; si elles réussissaient, c’était la fin du subjectivisme esthétique […] Dans d’innombrables pays européens les tentatives (soulèvements) des travailleurs furent réprimés. Alors l’avant-garde se réfugia plus désespérément encore dans l’imaginaire et masqua son indécision sous des métaphores lyriques et une morale d’ordre privé. » [57]

    Ce qu’il avait identifié comme un remède contre la nature « autiste » des expériences de l’individu isolé, le regroupement – « on se protège contre l’isolement et l’on se lie à des groupes et des forces collectives » [58] - s’est avéré inefficace. 

    « Les intellectuels s’étaient écrit leur propre histoire et, bluffant, s’y étaient héroïsés. On avait mis en scène une criante industrie de réclame pour convaincre les acheteurs de la nécessité et de l’importance des produits spirituels. Nous signalons cette historiographie falsifiante où les intellectuels propageaient un culte du génie sans vergogne ainsi que leur propre déification. Les primadonnas cérébrales s’étaient statufiées en représentants des dieux et des fétiches, mettant en scène la vénération qui leur était utile. […] Les intellectuels escamotaient leur conditionnement historique et de milieu. Les conditions humaines profondes auxquelles l’œuvre d’art doit son existence étaient occultées. Ainsi on inventait une histoire des miracles éblouissants. » [59]

    « Puisqu’on ne se révoltait pas dans les faits, on limitait la révolte au fictif et au rhétorique. Les intellectuels ne s’acquittaient de leur ressentiment que par la voie esthétique ; on jouait à la révolte. » [60]

    « L’intellectualité n’a d’importance que quand elle s’insère dans un large procès social auquel elle se soumet… Maintenant il ne s’agit plus de transformer une fiction ou d’inventer un état donné mais de coopérer à la transformation des faits sociaux. » [61]

    Dans la perspective d’Einstein le fascisme est l’expression la plus extrême d’une « fabrication de fictions » : « Les allemands spécialement pratiquaient un impérialisme métaphysique sans scrupules […] Il est caractéristique comme ce peuple ancre maintenant son existence dans une hypothèse évidemment fausse et se livre passionnément à de vagues généralités. Les allemands livrent un exemple néfaste de la force hypnotique des idéologies le plus souvent erronées. On peut parler ici d’une pathologie idéologique d’un peuple. Les allemands ont élevé une vague hypothèse, qui est réfutée par toute réalité, à la doctrine de base de leur vie. (L’allemand justement, qui aime à obéir, absolutise passionnément.) » [62]

    Le 19 juillet 1936 éclata en Espagne la révolution -en réaction au putsch des généraux contre la République sous la direction de Franco. Ouvriers et paysans s’arment, occupent des mairies et forment des conseils. Ils organisent la lutte armée contre les conspirateurs. Einstein saisit immédiatement cette occasion d’abandonner le milieu ambiguë artistique dans lequel il avait identifié auparavant l’ouverture de brèches éblouissantes vers l’avenir mais également tant de mondanités stériles et révoltantes. C’était le moment de passer à l’action. Meffre dit –en référence à la notion de la « défense du réel » d’Einstein : « … il partira en Espagne défendre contre la fiction du fascisme la réalité des Républicains espagnols ». [64] Et lui-même écrira rétrospectivement à son ami Picasso : « il faut quand même savoir où les mots finissent ». [65]

    Avant de partir en Espagne, il n’informa personne, même pas ses amis les plus proches, de sa démarche pour se joindre à un peuple en lutte. Plus tard il expliquera ses raisons à Kahnweiler : « quand j’ai quitté Paris sans dire un mot, je savais très bien pourquoi, je comprenais à un moment où les autres ne voyaient pas très clairement quelle partie se jouait ici […] je partais sans prendre congé, car je ne voulais pas donner des explications, sortir des mots, quitter les métaphores. Car jamais je n’étais un rond de cuir poétique et jamais je ne le serai. » [66]

    [...] Contre l’orientation imposée par les différents gouvernements espagnols républicains qui prônaient la politique du « La guerre d’abord, la révolution après ! » Einstein insista sur l’unité entre guerre et révolution comme cadre d’un changement en profondeur : « Cette colonne anarcho-syndicaliste est née au sein de la révolution. C’est elle qui est sa mère. Guerre et révolution ne font qu’un pour nous. […] Nous sommes concrets tout simplement et nous croyons que l’action produit des idées plus claires qu’un programme progressif qui s’évapore dans la violence du faire. »

    […] Il y a deux éléments dans la peinture pseudo-révolutionnaire : un académisme à travers lequel on croît rendre hommage aux masses et aux dirigeants des partis et des organisations, et, de l’autre côté un dilettantisme face aux faits ; c’est-à-dire que l’on peut peindre une barricade de manière académique mais le tableau sera réactionnaire à cause d’une conception picturale qui ne correspond pas à l’époque. […] Qu’est-ce qu’il faut faire ? Tenter donc d’en finir avec le rôle assez compromis des intellectuels, abandonner le privilège d’une lâcheté honorable mal payée et aller dans les tranchées. Notre existence est tant menacée qu’il n’y a même pas un lieu pour l’art. On ne peut pas mener une vie de rentier, de rêve, ni de maquereau [en français dans le texte] d’une réalité faussée. » [73]

    #art #esthétisme #révolution

  • Indigenous group defends uncontacted relatives from cattle onslaught in the #Gran_Chaco

    In the dwindling #Dry_Chaco, an Indigenous group fights for land titles to protect uncontacted relatives and some of the last remaining wild lands in #Paraguay.

    - The Gran Chaco, a dry forest that stretches across Paraguay, Bolivia, and Argentina, is one of the fastest-disappearing ecosystems on the planet, having lost 20% of forest cover between 2000 and 2019, according to a recent study.
    – The Chaco is home to the #Ayoreo-Totobiegosode, one of the only known “uncontacted” Indigenous groups in South America outside of the Amazon; in early 2021, members of this group approached a camp of their contacted relatives to express their concerns about escalating forest destruction.
    - The contacted Ayoreo-Totobiegosode have been engaged in a legal battle for their traditional homelands for nearly 30 years, and although Paraguay designated this region as a protected area in 2001, several cattle-ranching companies have obtained land titles within the region, with deforestation continuing.
    – Last month, the tribe made further appeals to the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights requesting the official title to their traditional lands.

    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=1lUrhyAS_F4&feature=emb_logo

    https://www.youtube.com/watch?time_continue=1&v=xlum11PrDjg&feature=emb_logo

    https://news.mongabay.com/2022/05/indigenous-group-fights-cattle-onslaught-defends-uncontacted-relative

    #peuples_autochtones #forêt #Chaco #déforestation #résistance

    • Artist statement : ’#Artes _Vivas’ Indigenous collective

      #Osvaldo_Pitoe, #Jorge_Carema, #Efacio_Álvarez, #Marcos_Ortiz and #Esteban_Klassen, a collective of indigenous artists from the Chaco, are part of the project ’Collection, Mission, Colonisation: Encounters and entangled Histories from the Chaco’. Find out more about their creative perspectives in this statement.

      Photographs of the artefacts collected by missionaries Seymour Hawtrey and Wilfrid Barbrooke Grubb in the late 19th century inspired artists from the indigenous collective “Artes Vivas” to create new works. From the interaction with the collection emerged a series of drawings in which the artists recall the historical ways of being in the world of their people, and simultaneously speak of the contemporary life of Nivacle and Guaraní communities in the Chaco. Through reflections and observations they are creating a dialogue between historical artefacts and contemporary expressions. The drawings express and reflect processes of transformation caused by colonisation and evangelisation in the 20th century.

      In a non-verbal way, the drawings communicate the dispossession of their territories and the loss of autonomy. They tell of the modification of their subsistence practices, of wage labour, and the re-settlement on mission stations, circumstances which determine their present precarious living conditions. They refer to processes of conversion and forced assimilation and to the continuous experience of discrimination and exclusion.

      However, the drawings also witness the strength and resilience of indigenous ways of living. They show that relationships with the forest and the beings that inhabit it, as well as their ethics of coexistence and sharing, are still important for the Nivacle and Guaraní.

      The artist collective was initiated and established through a close, long-term collaboration between indigenous artists and anthropologists Verena and Ursula Regehr. Following a proposal from the Nivacle community, they organised a drawing contest in 1998 where the drawings made with black pen on paper by Jorge Carema and Osvaldo Pitoe stood out. The black and white contrasts allude to that of women’s wool textiles in the region. Over the years Clemente Juliuz, Esteban Klassen, Marcos Ortiz, and Efacio Álvarez joined the collective and developed their own motifs and styles. All the artists are self-taught and have only had a few years of formal education. They belong to the Nivacle and Guaraní linguistic groups and live in the Cayin ô Clim and Yiclôcat missions on the periphery of the Neuland Mennonite colony in the Paraguayan Chaco.

      They have participated in several exhibitions and publications, including “Bosques vivos”, Bienal Sur and Centro Cultural La Moneda, Santiago de Chile (2022); “Trees”, Fondation Cartier pour l’art contemporain, Paris (2019); “Reconfigurations: Chaco life in transition”, Museo del Barro, Asunción (2018); “symmetry/asymmetry: imagination and art in the Chaco”, Manzana de la Rivera Cultural Centre, Asunción and Colonia Neuland Cultural Centre (2011); “We, people of Cayin ô Clim”, Manzana de la Rivera Cultural Centre, Asunción and Colonia Neuland Cultural Centre (2004).

      Quelques oeuvre à découvrir sur le site web :

      https://www.sdcelarbritishmuseum.org/blog/artist-statement-living-arts-indigenous-collective
      #art #colonisation

  • Strasbourg : des « propos racistes », deux eurodéputés estoniens impliqués dans un incident
    https://www.sudouest.fr/justice/strasbourg-des-propos-racistes-deux-eurodeputes-estoniens-impliques-dans-un
    https://www.lefigaro.fr/actualite-france/strasbourg-enquete-preliminaire-apres-un-incident-impliquant-deux-eurodeput

    Dans la nuit de mercredi à jeudi, un incident a eu lieu à Strasbourg entre l’agent de sécurité d’une discothèque et des parlementaires estoniens, qui auraient tenu des « propos racistes ».

    Une enquête préliminaire a été ouverte après un incident survenu dans la nuit de mercredi à jeudi entre deux eurodéputés estoniens et l’agent de sécurité d’une discothèque de Strasbourg que les parlementaires auraient insulté, a appris l’AFP vendredi de sources proches du dossier et judiciaire. L’incident s’est produit jeudi vers 04h00 dans une boîte de nuit du centre de Strasbourg, selon la source proche du dossier, confirmant une information du quotidien régional Les Dernières nouvelles d’Alsace (DNA).


    Un groupe de députés européens, qui se trouvaient à Strasbourg dans le cadre de la session plénière du Parlement européen, s’est présenté à la porte de l’établissement, selon cette source. Parmi eux, les deux Estoniens. Le site du média estonien err.ee a interrogé l’un deux, l’ancien chef d’état-major des armées d’Estonie, Riho Terras, et évoque des propos tenus par le second, Jaak Madison, auprès d’un autre média estonien. Riho Terras est membre du Parti populaire européen (PPE), qui regroupe les formations conservatrices.

    « Nègre » et « singe »
    Quant à Jaak Madison, il appartient au groupe Identité et Démocratie (ID), qui rassemble des partis d’extrême droite et avait suscité une polémique il y a quelques années en déclarant que le nazisme avait, « avec sa notion de l’ordre, sorti l’Allemagne de la merde ». Selon les DNA, qui citent le gérant du night-club ainsi que l’agent de sécurité, ce dernier aurait demandé aux parlementaires de payer le vestiaire pour y déposer leur veste, ce que l’un des Estoniens, dont l’identité n’est pas précisée, aurait refusé de faire. Il aurait ensuite « tenu des propos discriminatoires et racistes » à l’encontre de l’agent, le traitant notamment de « nègre » et de « singe », a affirmé le gérant au journal alsacien.

    Contacté par l’AFP, le gérant de l’établissement n’a pas donné suite. Selon la source proche du dossier, le ton est encore monté, jusqu’à l’arrivée de la police, dont l’un des agents a pris « un coup » de la part d’un des Estoniens qui, plaqué « au sol », a invoqué sa qualité de député européen et son immunité, mettant fin à l’intervention. Pour leur part, les deux eurodéputés ont expliqué aux médias estoniens que Riho Terras n’avait pas été admis dans le club en raison « de sa tenue ». Ils ont réfuté tout propos raciste, estimant que la police française avait « surréagi », précise err.ee. L’agent de sécurité « a porté plainte » ainsi que le policier, a indiqué cette même source. Selon une source judiciaire, « une enquête préliminaire est en cours ».

    #ue #union_européenne #Strasbourg #Estonie #racisme #violence

  • Non-white refugees fleeing Ukraine detained in EU immigration facilities

    Non-white students who have fled Ukraine have been detained by EU border authorities in what has been condemned as “clearly discriminatory” and “not acceptable”.

    An investigation by The Independent, in partnership with Lighthouse Reports and other media partners, reveals that Ukraine residents of African origin who have crossed the border to escape the war have been placed in closed facilities, with some having been there for a number of weeks.

    At least four students who have fled Vladimir Putin’s invasion are being held in a long-term holding facility Lesznowola, a village 40km from the Polish capital Warsaw, with little means of communication with the outside world and no legal advice.

    One of the students said they were stopped by officials as they crossed the border and were given “no choice” but to sign a document they did not understand before they were then taken to the camp. They do not know how long they will be held there.

    A Nigerian man currently detained said he was “scared” about what will happen to him after being held in the facility for more than three weeks.

    Polish border police have confirmed that 52 third-country nationals who have fled Ukraine are currently being held in detention facilities in Poland.

    The International Organisation for Migration (IOM) said they were aware of three other facilities in Poland where people non-Ukrainians who have fled the war are being detained.

    Separately, a Nigerian student who fled the Russian invasion is understood to have been detained in Estonia after travelling to the country to join relatives, and is now being threatened with deportation.

    This is despite a EU protection directive dated 4 March which states that third country nationals studying or working in Ukraine should be admitted to the EU temporarily on humanitarian grounds.

    Maria Arena, chair of the EU parliament’s subcommittee on human rights, said: “International students in Ukraine, as well as Ukrainians, are at risk and risking their lives in the country. Detention, deportation or any other measure that does not grant them protection is not acceptable.”

    The findings of the investigation, which was carried out in collaboration with Lighhtouse Reports, Spiegal, Mediapart and Radio France, comes after it emerged that scores of Black and Asian refugees fleeing Ukraine were experiencing racial discrimination while trying to make border crossing last month.
    ‘They took us here to the camp... I’m scared’

    Gabriel*, 29, had been studying trade and economics in Kharkov before war broke out. The Nigerian national left the city and arrived at the border on 27 February, where he says his phone was confiscated by Polish border guards and he was given “no option” but to sign a form he did not understand.

    “It was written in Polish. I didn’t know what I was signing. I said I wouldn’t sign, but they insisted I signed it and that if not I would go to jail for five months,” he said in a recorded conversation with a Nigerian activist.

    The student said he was then taken to court, where there was no interpreter to translate what was being said so that he could understand, and then taken to a detention centre in the small village of Lesznowola.

    “It is a closed camp inside a forest,” said Gabriel, speaking from the facility. “There’s no freedom. Some people have been here more than nine months. Some have gone mad. I’m scared.

    “We escaped Ukraine very horrible experience, the biggest risk of my life [...] Everything was scary and I thought that was the end of it. And now we are in detention.”

    Gabriel said there are at least two other Nigerian students in the camp, along with students from Cameroon, Ghana, the Ivory Coast and French African nations.

    Guards at the centre said inmates have their mobile phones confiscated, with only those who have a second sim card given a phone without a camera.

    Many can only communicate with the outside world via email – and even this is said to be limited to certain times.

    Another individual detained at the centre is Paul, 20, a Cameroonian who had been studying management and language at Agrarian University Bila Tserkva in Kyiv for six months when the war started.

    His brother, Victor, who is in Cameroon, said Paul had told him that he had been apprehended while crossing the border and that on 2 March, a Polish judge ordered that he be transferred to Lesznowola detention centre.

    “From his explanation, the camp doesn’t seem like one that welcomes people fleeing from the war in Ukraine. It’s a camp that has been existing and has people that came to seek for asylum. No one knows why he is being detained,” he said.

    Victor said that Paul was given seven days to appeal the decision to detain him, but that he has been unable to access the internet in order to file the appeal in time.

    “Since that day he filed the appeal, police and guards try to restrict them. He used to get five minutes of internet but on that day they stopped letting them use the internet. The phone he used to communicate with me was blocked. Maybe it’s because they realised that the issue was taking on a legal dimension,” he said.
    ‘He’s not allowed to be in Estonia’

    This investigation has also heard reports that a Nigerian student, Reuben, is facing deportation from Estonia after being detained having fled the war in Ukraine.

    Prior to his arrival in the eastern European country, 32-year-old Reuben emailed the head of International House, a service centre that helps internationals in Estonia to communicate with the state, explaining that he wanted to join his cousin living in the country.

    The head of the organisation Leonardo Ortega responded by letter that he may relocate to Estonia.

    Reuben, who attended Bila Tserkva National Agrarian University in Ukraine and is married to a Ukrainian woman, arrived on 9 March through Poland with his cousin Peter.

    After being delayed for three hours at the Estonia border, the pair were escorted to a police station, according to Peter, 30, who has an Estonian residency permit.

    He said three police officers escorted his cousin away with his luggage and said he would be detained for two days themn deported back to Nigeria.

    The officers reportedly advised that the 32-year-old would be banned from entering any Schengen country for the next five years; his phone was confiscated and he’s been in detention since.

    “A few officers said ‘he’s not allowed to be in Estonia’. Even after asking for international protection, we were told that my cousin needs to have a lawyer to fight his case, but most of the lawyers I initially contacted refused to take my cousin’s case,” said Peter.

    “He received an email in advance saying it was okay to come - and after everything we went through, the next thing they want to deport and ban him for five years. I don’t know why deportation came into the picture.”

    Criney, a London-based campaigner who has been supporting the affected students on a voluntary basis, said there was an “emerging pattern of arbitrary detention of students coming out of Ukraine fleeing the war”.

    “There are other cases in Austria and Germany with regards to students who have applied for asylum or asked for permits to remain,” the campaigner said.
    Detained ‘for the purpose of identity verification’

    The EU directive on 4 March aims to help refugees fleeing the invasion to stay for at least one year in one country and also have access to the labour market and education.

    It states that it also applies to “nationals of third countries other than Ukraine residing legally in Ukraine who are unable to return in safe and durable conditions to their country or region of origin”.

    This can include third-country nationals who were studying or working in Ukraine, it states, adding that this cohort should “in any event be admitted into the union on humanitarian grounds”, without requiring valid travel documents, to ensure “safe passage with a view to returning to their country or region of origin”.

    Michał Dworczyk, a top aide to the Polish prime minister, said when war broke out that “everyone escaping the war will be received in Poland, including people without passports”.

    But the Polish government has admitted that it is sending some of this cohort to closed facilities once they cross the border.

    In a tweet on 2 March, the Polish ministry of internal affairs and administration said: “Ukrainians are fleeing the war, people of other nationalities are also fleeing. All those who do not have documents and cannot prove Ukrainian citizenship are carefully checked. If there is a need, they go to closed detention centres.”

    In a letter to a member of the EU Parliament, Poland’s border police admitted that 52 third country nationals who had fled from Ukraine had been taken to closed detention centres in the first three weeks of the war.

    The letter stated that this was necessary “to carry out administrative proceedings for granting international protection or issuing a decision on obliging a foreigner to return”.

    Ryan Schroeder, press officer at the IOM, said the organisation was aware of three other facilities in Poland where “third-country nationals arriving from Ukraine, who lack proper travel documentation, are brought to for the purpose of identity verification”.

    The Polish government, the Polish police and the Estonian authorities declined to comment on the allegations.

    A spokesperson for the Polish border force said it “couldn’t give any detail about the procedures on foreigners because of the protection on personal data”, adding that it is “the court which takes the decision each time to place people in guarded centres for foreigners”.
    ‘Clearly unsatisfactory and discriminatory’

    Steve Peers, a professor of EU law in the UK, says that even if member states choose not to apply temporary protection to legal residents of Ukraine, they should give them “simplified entry, humanitarian support and safe passage to their country of origin”.

    “In my view this is obviously a case where students could not have applied for a visa and might not meet the other usual criteria to cross the external borders, yet there are overwhelming reasons to let them cross the border anyway on humanitarian grounds. There are no good grounds for immigration detention in the circumstances,” he added.

    Jeff Crisp, a former head of policy, development and evaluation at UNHCR, said it was “clearly unsatisfactory and discriminatory” for third country nationals who have fled from Ukraine to be held in detention centres in EU states, “not least because of the trauma they will have experienced in their efforts to leave Ukraine and find safety elsewhere”.

    He added: “They should be released immediately and treated on an equal basis with all others who have been forced to leave Ukraine.”

    It comes after the UN High Commissioner for Refugees Filippo Grandi warned this week that, although he had been “humbled” by the outpouring of support seen by communities welcoming Ukrainian refugees, many minorities – often foreigners who had been studying or working there – had described a very different experience.

    “We also bore witness to the ugly reality, that some Black and Brown people fleeing Ukraine – and other wars and conflicts around the world – have not received the same treatment as Ukrainian refugees,” he said.

    “They reported disturbing incidents of discrimination, violence, and racism. These acts of discrimination are unacceptable, and we are using our many channels and resources to make sure that all people are protected equally.”

    Mr Grandi appealed to countries, in particular those neighbouring Ukraine, to continue to allow entry to anyone fleeing the conflict “without discrimination on grounds of race, colour, descent, or national or ethnic origin and regardless of their immigration status”.

    *Names have been changed

    https://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/europe/ukraine-refugees-detention-international-students-b2041310.html

    #étudiants #Ukraine #rétention #détention_administrative #guerre #guerre_en_Ukraine #Pologne #Estonie #réfugiés_ukrainiens #réfugiés_d'Ukraine

    • I rifugiati “non bianchi” in fuga dall’Ucraina finiscono nei centri di detenzione

      Un’indagine di The Independent in collaborazione con Lighthouse Reports lo dice chiaro e tondo: i residenti ucraini di origine africana che hanno attraversato il confine per sfuggire alla guerra sono stati rinchiusi in centri per l’immigrazione, alcuni di loro si trovano lì da diverse settimane.

      Almeno quattro studenti fuggiti dall’invasione di Vladimir Putin sono detenuti in una struttura di detenzione a lungo termine di Lesznowola, un villaggio a 40 km dalla capitale polacca Varsavia, con pochi mezzi di comunicazione con il mondo esterno e senza consulenza legale. Uno di loro ha detto di essere stato fermato dai funzionari mentre attraversavano il confine e di non aver avuto “scelta”: ha dovuto di firmare un documento che non comprendeva prima di essere trasferito al campo. Un uomo nigeriano attualmente detenuto ha detto di essere “spaventato” per quello che gli accadrà dopo essere stato trattenuto nella struttura per più di tre settimane.

      La polizia di frontiera polacca ha confermato che 52 cittadini di Paesi terzi fuggiti dall’Ucraina sono attualmente detenuti in centri di detenzione in Polonia. L’Organizzazione internazionale per le migrazioni (Oim) ha affermato di essere a conoscenza di altre tre strutture in Polonia dove sono detenute persone non ucraine fuggite dalla guerra. Uno studente nigeriano fuggito dall’invasione russa sarebbe stato detenuto in Estonia dopo essersi recato nel Paese per raggiungere i parenti e ora è minacciato di espulsione.

      Maria Arena, presidente della commissione per i diritti umani del parlamento Ue, ha dichiarato: «Gli studenti internazionali in Ucraina, così come gli ucraini, sono a rischio e rischiano la vita nel Paese. La detenzione, l’espulsione o qualsiasi altra misura che non garantisca loro protezione non è accettabile».

      Jeff Crisp, ex capo della politica, dello sviluppo e della valutazione dell’Unhcr, ha affermato che è «chiaramente insoddisfacente e discriminatorio» che cittadini di Paesi terzi fuggiti dall’Ucraina vengano trattenuti nei centri di detenzione negli Stati dell’Ue. Ha aggiunto: «Dovrebbero essere rilasciati immediatamente e trattati alla pari con tutti gli altri che sono stati costretti a lasciare l’Ucraina».

      L’Alto Commissario delle Nazioni Unite per i rifugiati Filippo Grandi ha avvertito questa settimana che, sebbene sia soddisfatto dal sostegno dei Paesi che accolgono i rifugiati ucraini, molte minoranze – spesso stranieri che vi hanno studiato o lavorato – hanno descritto un’esperienza molto diversa. «Abbiamo anche testimoniato una pessima realtà: alcuni neri in fuga dall’Ucraina – e altre guerre e conflitti in tutto il mondo – non hanno ricevuto lo stesso trattamento dei rifugiati ucraini», ha spiegato.

      Se ne parla ormai da settimane. Intanto il razzismo continua. Aiutare tutti, ma proprio tutti: questo è il dovere.

      Buon venerdì.

      https://left.it/2022/03/25/i-rifugiati-non-bianchi-in-fuga-dallucraina-finiscono-nei-centri-di-detenzione

    • Des réfugiés fuyant la guerre en Ukraine sont détenus en Pologne

      Selon une enquête menée sous l’égide de Lighthouse Reports – une ONG spécialisée dans l’investigation, à laquelle se sont joints plusieurs médias européens dont Mediapart –, plusieurs étudiants étrangers ayant fui l’Ukraine en guerre séjournent actuellement dans des centres d’accueil fermés en Pologne, en situation de détention.

      https://www.mediapart.fr/journal/international/230322/des-refugies-fuyant-la-guerre-en-ukraine-sont-detenus-en-pologne

    • "C’est comme si j’étais un criminel" : des étudiants étrangers enfermés en Pologne après avoir fui l’Ukraine

      Une enquête réalisée par Radio France, en partenariat avec plusieurs médias internationaux et avec le soutien de l’ONG Lighthouse Reports, révèle que plusieurs étudiants d’origine africaine qui vivaient en Ukraine sont actuellement détenus dans des centres fermés pour étrangers en Pologne.

      Ils faisaient des études dans les technologies de l’information, dans le management, à Kharkiv, à Lutsk ou encore à Bila Tserkva…et se retrouvent désormais enfermés dans un centre de détention pour étrangers à une quarantaine de kilomètres de Varsovie, après avoir fui la guerre en Ukraine. C’est ce que révèle l’enquête de Radio France, mercredi 23 mars, menée en partenariat avec plusieurs médias internationaux et avec le soutien de l’ONG Lighthouse Reports.

      « Je ne pensais pas me retrouver dans cette situation en fuyant en Pologne, comme si j’étais un criminel », témoigne Samuel (le prénom a été changé) au téléphone, étudiant de Kharkiv, dans le nord-est de l’Ukraine. Après avoir voyagé jusqu’à Kiev, puis Lviv (près de la frontière polonaise), le jeune Nigérian explique avoir traversé la frontière le 27 février avec sa carte d’étudiant, son passeport étant resté à l’université pour des raisons administratives. « Mais quand je suis arrivé en Pologne, les garde-frontières m’ont dit qu’ils ne pouvaient pas me laisser circuler, car je n’ai pas de passeport, et pour cette raison, je devais être détenu », se remémore celui qui a de la famille en Allemagne, enfermé depuis plus de trois semaines.

      Le 25 février, Michał Dworczyk, chef du cabinet du Premier ministre polonais, assurait pourtant que « toute personne fuyant la guerre serait accueilli en Pologne, notamment les personnes sans passeport ». « Difficile de ne pas y voir du racisme », observe Małgorzata Rycharska, de l’ONG Hope & Humanity Poland, qui ajoute « ne pas comprendre pourquoi ces personnes ont été enfermées ». Contactée, l’ambassade du Cameroun à Berlin, qui a identifié pour l’instant trois de ses ressortissants dans ces centres fermés, fait part aussi de sa surprise. Et assure que les étudiants camerounais avaient des documents d’identité valides avec eux.
      52 étrangers fuyant l’Ukraine envoyés dans des centres fermés

      Dans le centre de Lesznowola, une vingtaine de non-Ukrainiens arrivant d’Ukraine sont actuellement détenus, parmi lesquels nous avons identifié pour l’instant quatre étudiants d’origine africaine. En tout, il y aurait 52 personnes étrangères fuyant l’Ukraine envoyées dans ces centres fermés du 24 février au 15 mars, selon une lettre des garde-frontières adressée au député Tomasz Anisko.

      Lettre des garde-frontières polonais indiquant que 52 personnes non-ukrainiennes mais fuyant l’Ukraine ont été envoyés du 24 février au 15 mars dans des centres pour étrangers.

      Contactés, les garde-frontières indiquent ne pas pouvoir donner davantage d’informations, pour des raisons de protection d’identité. De son côté, l’Organisation internationale pour les migrations (OIM) explique « être au courant de trois centres en Pologne où les ressortissants de pays tiers arrivant d’Ukraine, sans documents de voyage adéquats, sont emmenés pour des vérifications d’identité » mais précise ne pas inclure celui de Lesznowola.

      « Nous sommes des étudiants d’Ukraine, nous ne méritons pas d’être ici », dénonce Samuel, qui ajoute ne pas comprendre pourquoi il se retrouve dans un centre où sont enfermés des migrants ayant tenté de traverser illégalement la frontière avec la Biélorussie l’an dernier. Gabriel (le prénom a été changé), un autre étudiant nigérian qui étudiait à l’Institut national du commerce et de l’économie de Kharkiv, raconte lui qu’à son arrivée en Pologne, « les garde-frontières nous ont pris nos téléphones de force ». Dans un entretien téléphonique avec un représentant de la diaspora nigériane - obtenu par Radio France -, Gabriel indique avoir été forcé à demander la protection internationale en Pologne, « sinon ils m’ont dit que j’allais en prison ». Dans l’attente de la décision, il a été envoyé dans ce camp fermé où il séjourne depuis fin février, décrivant « une situation très mauvaise ».

      Si théoriquement, la loi polonaise permet le placement en centres fermés en cas de demande d’asile dans des situations très précises (en cas de risque, par exemple, que la personne s’échappe lors de la procédure), la pratique diffère. Varsovie avait déjà été pointé du doigt par l’ONU pour la détention systématique de migrants et réfugiés lors de la crise à la frontière biélorusse l’an dernier. « Plein de gens ici sont devenus fous, je suis terrifié, il y en a qui sont là depuis neuf mois », s’effraie Gabriel. Pas d’accès à des avocats, téléphones avec caméra retirés, accès internet d’une vingtaine de minutes par jour seulement… L’étudiant, qui indique être passé devant un tribunal, menottes aux poignets, explique ne jamais avoir voulu demander l’asile en Pologne. « Nous étions juste des étudiants, répète-t-il. Ils devraient me déporter et me laisser rentrer au Nigeria, mais même cela, ça peut prendre parfois six mois », s’inquiète-t-il.

      https://www.francetvinfo.fr/monde/europe/manifestations-en-ukraine/enquete-c-est-comme-si-j-etais-un-criminel-des-etudiants-etrangers-enfe

  • Difficult Heritage

    The Royal Institute of Art in Stockholm and the University of Basel are collaborating in the organization of the international summer program Difficult Heritage. Coordinated by the Decolonizing Architecture Course from Sweden and the Critical Urbanism course from Switzerland, the program takes place at #Borgo_Rizza (Syracuse, Italy) from 30 August to 7 September 2021, in coordination with Carlentini Municipality, as well as the local university and associations.
    The program is constituted by a series of lectures, seminars, workshop, readings and site visits centered around the rural town of Borgo Rizza, build in 1940 by the ‘#Ente_della_colonizzazione’ established by the fascist regime to colonize the south of Italy perceived as backward and underdeveloped.
    The town seems a perfect place for participants to analyze, reflect and intervene in the debate regarding the architectural heritage associated to painful and violent memories and more broadly to problematize the colonial relation with the countryside, especially after the renew attention due the pandemic.
    The summer program takes place inside the former ‘entity of colonization’ and constitutes the first intensive study period for the Decolonizing Architecture Advanced Course 2020/21 participants.

    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=x0jY9q1VR3E

    #mémoire #héritage #Italie #Sicile #colonialisme #Italie_du_Sud #fascisme #histoire #architecture #Libye #Borgo_Bonsignore #rénovation #monuments #esthétique #idéologie #tabula_rasa #modernisation #stazione_sperimentale_di_granicoltura #blé #agriculture #battaglia_del_grano #nationalisme #grains #productivité #propagande #auto-suffisance #alimentation #Borgo_Cascino #abandon #ghost-town #villaggio_fantasma #ghost_town #traces #conservation #spirale #décolonisation #défascistisation #Emilio_Distretti

    –-
    ajouté à la métaliste sur le colonialisme italien :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/871953

    via @cede qui l’a aussi signalé sur seenthis : https://seenthis.net/messages/953432

    • Architectural Demodernization as Critical Pedagogy: Pathways for Undoing Colonial Fascist Architectural Legacies in Sicily

      The Southern question

      In 1952, #Danilo_Dolci, a young architect living and working in industrial Milan, decided to leave the North – along with its dreams for Italy’s economic boom and rapid modernization – behind, and move to Sicily. When he arrived, as he describes in his book Banditi a Partinico (The Outlaws of Partinico, 1956), he found vast swathes of rural land brutally scarred by the war, trapped in a systematic spiral of poverty, malnutrition and anomie. After twenty years of authoritarian rule, Italy’s newly created democratic republic preserved the ‘civilising’ ethos established by the fascist regime, to develop and modernize Sicily. The effect of these plans was not to bridge the gap with the richer North, but rather, to usher in a slow and prolonged repression of the marginalised poor in the South. In his book, as well as in many other accounts, Dolci collected the testimonies of people in Partinico and Borgo di Trappeto near Trapani, western Sicily.1, Palermo: Sellerio Editore, 2009.] Living on the margins of society, they were rural labourers, unemployed fishermen, convicted criminals, prostitutes, widows and orphans – those who, in the aftermath of fascism, found themselves crushed by state violence and corruption, by the exploitation of local notables and landowners, and the growing power of the Mafia.

      Dolci’s activism, which consisted of campaigns and struggles with local communities and popular committees aimed at returning dignity to their villages, often resulted in confrontations with the state apparatus. Modernization, in this context, relied on a carceral approach of criminalisation, policing and imprisonment, as a form of domestication of the underprivileged. On the one hand, the South was urged to become like the North, yet on the other, the region was thrown further into social decay, which only accelerated its isolation from the rest of the country.

      The radical economic and social divide between Italy’s North and South has deep roots in national history and in the colonial/modern paradigm. From 1922, Antonio Gramsci branded this divide as evidence of how fascism exploited the subaltern classes via the Italian northern elites and their capital. Identifying a connection with Italy’s colonisation abroad, Gramsci read the exploitation of poverty and migrant labour in the colonial enterprise as one of ‘the wealthy North extracting maximum economic advantage out of the impoverished South’.2 Since the beginning of the colonisation of Libya in 1911, Italian nationalist movements had been selling the dream of a settler colonial/modern project that would benefit the underprivileged masses of southern rural laborers.

      The South of Italy was already considered an internal colony in need of modernization. This set the premise of what Gramsci called Italy’s ‘Southern question’, with the southern subalterns being excluded from the wider class struggle and pushed to migrate towards the colonies and elsewhere.3 By deprovincialising ‘the Southern question’ and connecting it to the colonial question, Gramsci showed that the struggle against racialised and class-based segregation meant thinking beyond colonially imposed geographies and the divide between North and South, cities and countryside, urban labourers and peasants.

      Gramsci’s gaze from the South can help us to visualise and spatialise the global question of colonial conquest and exploitation, and its legacy of an archipelago of colonies scattered across the North/South divide. Written in the early 1920s but left incomplete, Gramsci’s The Southern Question anticipated the colonizzazione interna (internal colonization) of fascism, motivated by a capital-driven campaign for reclaiming arable land that mainly effected Italy’s rural South. Through a synthesis of monumentalism, technological development and industrial planning, the fascist regime planned designs for urban and non-urban reclamation, in order to inaugurate a new style of living and to celebrate the fascist settler. This programme was launched in continuation of Italy’s settler colonial ventures in Africa.

      Two paths meet under the roof of the same project – that of modernization.

      Architectural colonial modernism

      Architecture has always played a crucial role in representing the rationality of modernity, with all its hierarchies and fascist ramifications. In the Italian context, this meant a polymorphous and dispersed architecture of occupation – new settlements, redrawn agricultural plots and coerced migration – which was arranged and constructed according to modern zoning principles and a belief in the existence of a tabula rasa. As was the case with architectural modernism on a wider scale, this was implemented through segregation and erasure, under the principle that those deemed as non-modern should be modernized or upgraded to reach higher stages of civilisation. The separation in the African colonies of white settler enclaves from Indigenous inhabitants was mirrored in the separation between urban and rural laborers in the Italian South. These were yet another manifestation of the European colonial/modern project, which for centuries has divided the world into different races, classes and nations, constructing its identity in opposition to ‘other’ ways of life, considered ‘traditional’, or worse, ‘backwards’. This relation, as unpacked by decolonial theories and practices, is at the core of the European modernity complex – a construct of differentiations from other cultures, which depends upon colonial hegemony.

      Taking the decolonial question to the shores of Europe today means recognising all those segregations that also continue to be perpetuated across the Northern Hemisphere, and that are the product of the unfinished modern and modernist project. Foregrounding the impact of the decolonial question in Europe calls for us to read it within the wider question of the ‘de-modern’, beyond colonially imposed geographical divides between North and South. We define ‘demodernization’ as a condition that wants to undo the rationality of zoning and compartmentalisation enforced by colonial modern architecture, territorialisation and urbanism. Bearing in mind what we have learned from Dolci and Gramsci, we will explain demodernization through architectural heritage; specifically, from the context of Sicily – the internal ‘civilisational’ front of the Italian fascist project.

      Sicily’s fascist colonial settlements

      In 1940, the Italian fascist regime founded the Ente di Colonizzazione del Latifondo Siciliano (ECLS, Entity for the Colonization of the Sicilian Latifondo),4 following the model of the Ente di Colonizzazione della Libia and of colonial urban planning in Eritrea and Ethiopia. The entity was created to reform the latifondo, the predominant agricultural system in southern Italy for centuries. This consisted of large estates and agricultural plots owned by noble, mostly absentee, landlords. Living far from their holdings, these landowners used local middlemen and hired thugs to sublet to local peasants and farmers who needed plots of land for self-sustenance.5 Fascism sought to transform this unproductive, outdated and exploitative system, forcing a wave of modernization. From 1940 to 1943, the Ente built more than 2,000 homesteads and completed eight settlements in Sicily. These replicated the structures and planimetries that were built throughout the 1930s in the earlier bonifica integrale (land reclamation) of the Pontine Marshes near Rome, in Libya and in the Horn of Africa; the same mix of piazzas, schools, churches, villas, leisure centres, monuments, and a Casa del Fascio (fascist party headquarters). In the name of imperial geographical unity, from the ‘centre’ to the ‘periphery’, many of the villages built in Sicily were named after fascist ‘martyrs’, soldiers and settlers who had died in the overseas colonies. For example, Borgo Bonsignore was named after a carabinieri (military officer) who died in the Battle of Gunu Gadu in 1936, and Borgo Fazio and Borgo Giuliano after Italian settlers killed by freedom fighters in occupied Ethiopia.

      The reform of the latifondo also sought to implement a larger strategy of oppression of political dissent in Italy. The construction of homesteads in the Sicilian countryside and the development of the land was accompanied by the state-driven migration of northern labourers, which also served the fascist regime as a form of social surveillance. The fascists wanted to displace and transform thousands of rural laborers from the North – who could otherwise potentially form a stronghold of dissent against the regime – into compliant settlers.6 Simultaneously, and to complete the colonizing circle, many southern agricultural workers were sent to coastal Libya and the Horn of Africa to themselves become new settlers, at the expense of Indigenous populations.

      All the Sicilian settlements were designed following rationalist principles to express the same political and social imperatives. Closed communities like the Pontine settlements were ‘geometrically closed in the urban layout and administratively closed to farmers, workmen, and outside visitors as well’.7 With the vision of turning waged agrarian laborers into small landowners, these borghi were typologically designed as similar to medieval city enclaves, which excluded those from the lower orders.

      These patterns of spatial separation and social exclusion were, unsurprisingly, followed by the racialisation of the Italian southerners. Referring to a bestiary, the propaganda journal Civiltà Fascista (Fascist Civilisation) described the Pontine Marshes as similar to ‘certain zones of Africa and America’, ‘a totally wild region’ whose inhabitants were ‘desperate creatures living as wild animals’.8 Mussolini’s regime explicitly presented this model of modernization, cultivation and drainage to the Italian public as a form of warfare. The promise of arable land and reclaimed marshes shaped an epic narrative which depicted swamps and the ‘unutilised’ countryside as the battlefield where bare nature – and its ‘backward inhabitants’ – was the enemy to be tamed and transformed.

      However, despite the fanfare of the regime, both the projects of settler colonialism in Africa and the plans for social engineering and modernization in the South of Italy were short-lived. As the war ended, Italy ‘lost’ its colonies and the many Ente were gradually reformed or shut down.9 While most of the New Towns in the Pontine region developed into urban centres, most of the fascist villages built in rural Sicily were meanwhile abandoned to a slow decay.

      Although that populationist model of modernization failed, the Sicilian countryside stayed at the centre of the Italian demographic question for decades to come. Since the 1960s, these territories have experienced a completely different kind of migration to that envisaged by the fascist regime. Local youth have fled unemployment in huge numbers, migrating to the North of Italy and abroad. With the end of the Second World War and the colonies’ return to independence, it was an era of reversed postcolonial migration: no longer white European settlers moving southwards/eastwards, but rather a circulatory movement of people flowing in other directions, with those now freed from colonial oppression taking up the possibility to move globally. Since then, a large part of Sicily’s agrarian sector has relied heavily on seasonal migrant labour from the Southern Hemisphere and, more recently, from Eastern Europe. Too often trapped in the exploitative and racist system of the Italian labour market, most migrants working in areas of intensive agriculture – in various Sicilian provinces near the towns of Cassibile, Vittoria, Campobello di Mazara, Caltanissetta and Paternò – have been forced out of cities and public life. They live isolated from the local population, socially segregated in tent cities or rural slums, and without basic services such as access to water and sanitation.

      As such, rural Sicily – as well as vast swathes of southern Italy – remain stigmatised as ‘insalubrious’ spaces, conceived of in the public imagination as ‘other’, ‘dangerous’ and ‘backward’. From the time of the fascist new settlements to the informal rural slums populated by migrants in the present, much of the Sicilian countryside epitomises a very modern trope: that the South is considered to be in dire need of modernization. The rural world is seen to constitute an empty space as the urban centres are unable to deal with the social, economic, political and racial conflicts and inequalities that have been (and continue to be) produced through the North/South divides. This was the case at the time of fascist state-driven internal migration and overseas settler colonial projects. And it still holds true for the treatment of migrants from the ex-colonies, and their attempted resettlement on Italian land today.

      Since 2007, Sicily’s right-wing regional and municipal governments have tried repeatedly to attain public funding for the restoration of the fascist settlements. While this program has been promoted as a nostalgic celebration of the fascist past, in the last decade, some municipalities have also secured EU funding for architectural restoration under the guise of creating ‘hubs’ for unhoused and stranded migrants and refugees. None of these projects have ever materialised, although EU money has financed the restoration of what now look like clean, empty buildings. These plans for renovation and rehousing echo Italy’s deepest populationist anxieties, which are concerned with managing and resettling ‘other’ people considered ‘in excess’. While the ECLS was originally designed to implement agrarian reforms and enable a flow of migration from the north of the country, this time, the Sicilian villages were seen as instrumental to govern unwanted migrants, via forced settlement and (an illusion of) hospitality. This reinforces a typical modern hierarchical relationship between North and South, and with that, exploitative metropolitan presumptions over the rural world.

      The Entity of Decolonization

      To imagine a counter-narrative about Sicily’s, and Italy’s, fascist heritage, we presented an installation for the 2020 Quadriennale d’arte – FUORI, as a Decolonizing Architecture Art Research (DAAR) project. This was held at the Palazzo delle Esposizioni in Rome, the venue of the Prima mostra internazionale d’arte coloniale (First International Exhibition of Colonial Art, 1931), as well as other propaganda exhibitions curated by the fascist regime. The installation aims to critically rethink the rural towns built by the ECLS. It marks the beginning of a longer-term collaborative project, the Ente di Decolonizzazione or Entity of Decolonization, which is conceived as a transformative process in history-telling. The installation builds on a photographic dossier of documentation produced by Luca Capuano, which reactivates a network of built heritage that is at risk of decay, abandonment and being forgotten. With the will to find new perspectives from which to consider and deconstruct the legacies of colonialism and fascism, the installation thinks beyond the perimeters of the fascist-built settlements to the different forms of segregations and division they represent. It moves from these contested spaces towards a process of reconstitution of the social, cultural and intimate fabrics that have been broken by modern splits and bifurcations. The project is about letting certain stories and subjectivities be reborn and reaffirmed, in line with Walter D. Mignolo’s statement that ‘re-existing means using the imaginary of modernity rather than being used by it. Being used by modernity means that coloniality operates upon you, controls you, forms your emotions, your subjectivity, your desires. Delinking entails a shift towards using instead of being used.’10 The Entity of Decolonization is a fluid and permanent process, that seeks perpetual manifestations in architectural heritage, art practice and critical pedagogy. The Entity exists to actively question and contest the modernist structures under which we continue to live.

      In Borgo Rizza, one of the eight villages built by the Ente, we launched the Difficult Heritage Summer School – a space for critical pedagogy and discussions around practices of reappropriation and re-narrativisation of the spaces and symbols of colonialism and fascism.11 Given that the villages were built to symbolise fascist ideology, how far is it possible to subvert their founding principles? How to reuse these villages, built to celebrate fascist martyrs and settlers in the colonial wars in Africa? How to transform them into antidotes to fascism?

      Borgo Rizza was built in 1940 by the architect Pietro Gramignani on a piece of land previously expropriated by the ECLS from the Caficis, a local family of landowners. It exhibits a mixed architectural style of rationalism and neoclassical monumentalism. The settlement is formed out of a perimeter of buildings around a central protected and secured piazza that was also the main access to the village. The main edifices representing temporal power (the fascist party, the ECLS, the military and the school) and spiritual power (the church) surround the centre of the piazza. To display the undisputed authority of the regime, the Casa del Fascio took centre stage. The village is surrounded on all sides by eucalyptus trees planted by the ECLS and the settlers. The planting of eucalyptus, often to the detriment of indigenous trees, was a hallmark of settler colonialism in Libya and the Horn of Africa, dubiously justified because their extensive roots dry out swamps and so were said to reduce risks of malaria.

      With the end of the Second World War, Borgo Rizza, along with all the other Sicilian settlements, went through rapid decay and decline. It first became a military outpost, before being temporarily abandoned in the war’s aftermath. In 1975, the ownership and management of the cluster of buildings comprising the village was officially transferred to the municipality of Carlentini, which has since made several attempts to revive it. In 2006, the edifices of the Ente di Colonizzazione and the post office were rehabilitated with the intent of creating a garden centre amid the lush vegetation. However, the garden centre was never realised, while the buildings and the rest of the settlement remain empty.

      Yet despite the village’s depopulation, over the years the wider community of Carlentini have found an informal way to reuse the settlement’s spaces. The void of the piazza, left empty since the fall of fascism, became a natural spot for socialising. The piazza was originally designed by the ECLS for party gatherings and to convey order and hierarchy to the local population. But many locals remember a time, in the early 1980s, before the advent of air-conditioned malls that offered new leisure spaces to those living in peri-urban and rural areas, when people would gather in the piazza for fresh air amid summer heatwaves. The summer school builds on these memories, to return the piazza to its full public function and reinvent it as a place for both hospitality and critical pedagogy.

      Let’s not forget that the village was first used as a pedagogical tool in the hands of the regime. The school building was built by the ECLS and was the key institution to reflect the principles of neo-idealism promoted by the fascist and neo-Hegelian philosophers Giovanni Gentile and Giuseppe Lombardo Radice. Radice was a pedagogue and theoretician who contributed significantly to the fascist reforms of the Italian school system in the 1930s. Under the influence of Gentile, his pedagogy celebrated the modern principle of a transcendental knowledge that is never individual but rather embodied by society, its culture, the party, the state and the nation. In the fascist ideal, the classroom was designed to be the space where students would strive to transcend themselves through acquired knowledge. A fascist education was meant to make pupils merge with the ‘universal’ embodied by the teacher, de facto the carrier of fascist national values. In relation to the countryside context, the role of pedagogy was to glorify the value of rurality as opposed to the decadence wrought by liberal bourgeois cultures and urban lifestyles. The social order of fascism revolved around this opposition, grounded in the alienation of the subaltern from social and political life, via the splitting of the urban and rural working class, the celebration of masculinity and patriarchy, and the traditionalist nuclear family of settlers.

      Against this historical background, our summer school wants to inspire a spatial, architectural and political divorce from this past. We want to engage with decolonial pedagogies and encourage others to do the same, towards an epistemic reorganisation of the building’s architecture. In this, we share the assertion of Danilo Dolci, given in relation to the example of elementary schools built in the fascist era, of the necessity for a liberation from the physical and mental cages erected by fascism:

      These seemed designed (and to a large extent their principles and legacies are still felt today) to let young individuals get lost from an early age. So that they would lose the sense of their own existence, by feeling the heavy weight of the institution that dominates them. These buildings were specifically made to prevent children from looking out, to make them feel like grains of sand, dispersed in these grey, empty, boundless spaces.12

      This is the mode of demodernization we seek in this project: to come to terms with, confront, and deactivate the tools and symbols of modern fascist colonization and authoritarian ideologies, pedagogy and urbanism. It is an attempt to fix the social fabric that fascism broke, to heal the histories of spatial, social and political isolation in which the village originates. Further, it is an attempt to heal pedagogy itself, from within a space first created as the pedagogical hammer in the hands of the regime’s propagandists.

      This means that when we look at the forms of this rationalist architecture, we do not feel any aesthetic pleasure in or satisfaction with the original version. This suggests the need to imagine forms of public preservation outside of the idea of saving the village via restoration, which would limit the intervention to returning the buildings to their ‘authentic’ rationalist design. Instead, the school wants to introduce the public to alternative modes of heritage-making.

      Architectural demodernization

      In the epoch in which we write and speak from the southern shores of Europe, the entanglement of demodernization with decolonization is not a given, and certainly does not imply an equation. While decolonization originates in – and is only genealogically possible as the outcome of – anti-colonialist struggles and liberation movements from imperial theft and yoke, demodernization does not relate to anti-modernism, which was an expression of reactionary, anti-technological and nationalist sentiment, stirred at the verge of Europe’s liberal collapse in the interwar period. As Dolci explained for the Italian and Sicilian context, there is no shelter to be found in any anachronistic escape to the (unreal and fictional) splendours of the past. Or, following Gramsci’s refusal to believe that the Italian South would find the solutions to its problems through meridionalism, a form of southern identitarian and essentialist regionalism, which further detaches ‘the Southern question’ from possible alliances with the North.

      Demodernization does not mean eschewing electricity and wiring, mortar and beams, or technology and infrastructure, nor the consequent welfare that they provide, channel and distribute. By opposing modernity’s aggressive universalism, demodernization is a means of opening up societal, collective and communal advancement, change and transformation. Precisely as Dolci explains, the question it is not about the negation of progress but about choosing which progress you want.13

      In the context in which we exist and work, imagining the possibility of an architectural demodernization is an attempt to redraw the contours of colonial architectural heritage, and specifically, to raise questions of access, ownership and critical reuse. We want to think of demodernization as a method of epistemic desegregation, which applies to both discourse and praxis: to reorient and liberate historical narratives on fascist architectural heritage from the inherited whiteness and ideas of civilisation instilled by colonial modernity, and to invent forms of architectural reappropriation and reuse. We hold one final aim in mind: that the remaking of (post)colonial geographies of knowledge and relations means turning such fascist designs against themselves.

      https://www.internationaleonline.org/research/decolonising_practices/208_architectural_demodernization_as_critical_pedagogy_pathway

      #Partinico #Borgo_di_Trappeto #Italie_du_Sud #Italie_meridionale #Southern_question #colonizzazione_interna #colonisation_interne #Ente_di_Colonizzazione_de_Latifondo_Siciliano (#ECLS) #Ente_di_Colonizzazione_della_Libia #modernisation #bonifica_integrale #Pontine_Marshes #Borgo_Bonsignore #Borgo_Fazio #Borgo_Giuliano #latifondo #Pietro_Gramignani #Caficis

  • Rossolje, salade estonienne
    https://www.cuisine-libre.org/rossolje-salade-estonienne

    Salade estonienne de #Betterave, hareng et pommes de terre. Mélange étonnant, mais délicieux, pour cette salade venue du froid. Couper les filets de harengs, la viande de bœuf, les betteraves rouges, les pommes de terre, les cornichons, les pommes, les œufs et l’oignon en cubes. Verser la crème fraîche dans un saladier, ainsi que la moutarde, le sucre, le sel et le poivre. Mélanger le tout. Ajouter du sel et du poivre si nécessaire. Laisser au réfrigérateur pendant une demi-heure et servir en…

    Betterave, #Macédoines, #Salades_de patates, #Cuisine_de l’Est, #Hareng salé #matjes / #Sans gluten
    #Hareng_salé #Estonie

  • La fièvre du lithium gagne le Portugal
    https://www.lemonde.fr/economie/article/2022/02/04/la-fievre-du-lithium-gagne-le-portugal_6112250_3234.html

    « Nous n’avons rien d’autre que cette nature et, en même temps, nous avons tout ce dont nous avons besoin, souffle cette agricultrice de 43 ans, qui élève, avec son mari, vingt-six vaches de la race autochtone barrosa, dont la viande est réputée dans tout le pays. Il n’y a pas de boutiques, pas de cinéma, mais ce paysage n’a pas de prix, de même que la qualité des produits de la terre et la pureté de l’eau des rivières. Avec 500 euros, nous vivons mieux que ceux qui, en ville, en gagnent 1 500. Mais si la mine vient, nous perdrons tout et nous devrons partir… »

    #paywall 😶

    • Sur le promontoire rocheux qui domine « sa » vallée, Aida Fernandes ouvre les bras en grand, comme pour embrasser les collines verdoyantes qui lui font face, où serpentent des chemins de campagne. Rien ne vient troubler le silence qui règne sur ce paysage idyllique de bocages. Pas même le bruit des vaches à longues cornes, que l’on croise, plus souvent que les hommes, sur les routes en lacet qui mènent à #Covas_do_Barroso, hameau de 180 âmes du nord du Portugal.

      « Nous n’avons rien d’autre que cette nature et, en même temps, nous avons tout ce dont nous avons besoin, souffle cette agricultrice de 43 ans, qui élève, avec son mari, vingt-six vaches de la race autochtone barrosa, dont la viande est réputée dans tout le pays. Il n’y a pas de boutiques, pas de cinéma, mais ce paysage n’a pas de prix, de même que la qualité des produits de la terre et la pureté de l’eau des rivières. Avec 500 euros, nous vivons mieux que ceux qui, en ville, en gagnent 1 500. Mais si la mine vient, nous perdrons tout et nous devrons partir... »

      Alors que la #Serbie a annoncé par surprise, le 20 janvier, qu’elle mettait un terme au projet d’exploitation de mines de lithium le long de la rivière #Jadar, dans l’ouest du pays, par l’entreprise anglo-australienne #Rio_Tinto, après des mois de manifestations massives, le Portugal est sur le point de faire l’inverse. Lisbonne pourrait débloquer dans les prochaines semaines le projet de la plus grande mine à ciel ouvert d’Europe de l’Ouest de ce minerai stratégique, utilisé dans la fabrication des batteries des voitures électriques, sur les terres peu habitées de la région de #Barroso, classée au #Patrimoine_agricole_mondial, à 150 kilomètres au nord-est de Porto.

      Six nouvelles zones

      La société #Savannah_Resources, implantée à Londres, travaille sur le projet depuis 2017. Elle a obtenu le permis d’exploration et déjà réalisé les prospections qui lui ont permis d’identifier des gisements de #spodumène, des #minéraux très riches en lithium, renfermant près de 287 000 tonnes du précieux #métal. De quoi produire les #batteries de 500 000 #véhicules_électriques par an pendant une dizaine d’années, grâce à un projet de #mine_à_ciel ouvert de 542 hectares, comprenant quatre cratères profonds et un immense terril.

      Il reste encore à cette société d’investissement britannique à rédiger la version définitive de l’étude de faisabilité, qui doit déterminer la #rentabilité du projet, le #coût de la production étant considérablement plus élevé que celui des bassins d’évaporation des saumures dont est extrait le lithium d’Amérique latine, où se trouvent les principales réserves mondiales. Et elle n’attend plus que l’avis des autorités portugaises sur l’étude d’#impact_environnemental. Les conclusions, imminentes, ont été repoussées après les élections législatives anticipées, qui ont eu lieu dimanche 30 janvier au Portugal.

      S’il n’y a pas de contretemps, #Savannah espère commencer à produire du lithium dans deux ans, et promet pour cela 110 millions d’euros d’investissement. Elle n’est pas la seule à avoir flairé le filon. Les réserves de lithium ont éveillé l’appétit de nombreuses compagnies nationales et internationales, en particulier australiennes, qui ont déposé des demandes de prospections, ces dernières années. Et ce mercredi 2 février, le ministère de l’environnement portugais a donné son accord pour que des prospections soient lancées dans six nouvelles zones du pays. Leurs droits seront attribués grâce à un appel d’offres international dans les deux prochains mois.

      Non seulement le gouvernement portugais du premier ministre socialiste, Antonio Costa, qui vient d’être reconduit au pouvoir avec une majorité absolue à l’Assemblée, est favorable à la production de lithium, considéré comme essentiel à la #transition_énergétique. Mais, assis sur des réserves confirmées de 60 millions de tonnes, les plus importantes de l’Union européenne, il souhaite qu’une #industrie_métallurgique de pointe se développe autour des mines. « Le pays a une grande opportunité économique et industrielle de se positionner sur la chaîne de valeur d’un élément crucial pour la #décarbonation », a encore déclaré, en décembre 2021, le ministre de l’environnement, Joao Pedro Matos Fernandes, qui espère qu’ « aucun gramme de lithium ne s’exportera .

      L’enjeu est prioritaire pour le Portugal. Et pour l’Union européenne, qui s’est fixé comme objectif d’atteindre 25 % de la production mondiale de batteries d’ici à 2030, contre 3 % en 2020, alors que le marché est actuellement dominé par la Chine. Et les #fonds_de_relance européens #post-Covid-19, qui, pour le Portugal, s’élèvent à 16,6 milliards d’euros, pourraient permettre de soutenir des projets innovants. C’est, en tout cas, ce qu’espère la compagnie d’énergie portugaise #Galp, qui, en décembre 2021, s’est unie au géant de la fabrication de batterie électrique suédois #Northvolt pour créer un joint-venture, baptisé #Aurora, pour la construction, d’ici à 2026, de « la plus importante usine de transformation du lithium d’Europe », à #Sines ou à #Matosinhos.

      Avec une capacité de production annuelle de 35 000 tonnes d’hydroxyde de lithium, cette usine de #raffinage pourrait produire 50 gigawattheures (GWh) de batteries : de quoi fournir 700 000 #voitures_électriques par an. Le projet, qui espère bénéficier des fonds de relance européens et aboutir en 2026, prévoit un investissement de 700 millions d’euros et la création de 1 500 #emplois directs et indirects. « C’est une occasion unique de repositionner l’Europe comme leader d’une industrie qui sera vitale pour réduire les émissions globales de CO2 », a souligné le président de Galp, Andy Brown, lors de la présentation. « Cette initiative vient compléter une stratégie globale basée sur des critères élevés de #durabilité, de #diversification des sources et de réductions de l’exposition des #risques_géopolitiques », a ajouté le cofondateur de #Northvolt, Paolo Cerruti. La proximité de mines serait un atout.

      Résistance

      D’autres projets de #raffinerie sont en cours de développement, comme celui de l’entreprise chimique portugaise #Bondalti, à #Estarreja, au sud de Porto, qui a annoncé en décembre 2021 s’être associée à la compagnie australienne #Reed_Advanced_Materials (#RAM). Mais, dans les régions convoitées, la #résistance s’organise et les élus se divisent sur la question. Le maire de la commune de #Boticas, à laquelle est rattachée Covas de Barroso, du Parti social-démocrate (PSD, centre droit), doute publiquement de sa capacité à créer de la richesse localement, et craint qu’elle ne détruise le #tourisme rural, la #gastronomie et l’#agriculture. Tandis qu’à 25 kilomètres de là, à #Montalegre, où la compagnie portugaise #Lusorecursos entend construire une mine à ciel ouvert sur une surface de 825 hectares avec une raffinerie, le maire socialiste, Orlando Alves, y est a priori favorable, à condition qu’elle obtienne la validation de son étude d’impact environnemental .

      « C’est une occasion de combattre le #dépeuplement, explique-t-il. La réalité actuelle du territoire, c’est que les gens émigrent ou s’en vont dans les grandes villes, que les jeunes partent pour faire leurs études et ne reviennent pas. Sans habitant, il n’y aura plus de #tourisme_rural ni d’agriculture... » Au gouvernement, on essaie aussi de rassurer en rappelant que le pays compte déjà vingt-six mines de #feldspath « semblables à celle du lithium » .

      « Près de 125 exploitations agricoles et la réserve de biosphère transfrontalière #Gerês-Xures se trouvent dans un rayon de 5 kilomètres autour du projet de #Montalegre. Et, ces derniers temps, des jeunes reviennent pour devenir apiculteurs ou produire des châtaignes... », rétorque Armando Pinto, 46 ans, professeur et coordinateur de la plate-forme #Montalegre_com_Vida (« Montalegre vivante »). Le 22 janvier, près de 200 personnes ont manifesté dans les rues de cette commune dominée par les ruines d’un château médiéval.

      Conscient de l’importance de rallier l’opinion publique, lors d’une conférence sur les « #mines_vertes » , organisée en mai 2021, le ministre Matos Fernandes a insisté sur l’importance « d’aligner les intérêts de l’#économie et de l’#industrie en général avec ceux des communautés locales », pour qu’elles perçoivent des « bénéfices mutuels . Pour y remédier, le directeur général de Savannah, #David_Archer, a assuré qu’il tâchera de recycler l’#eau utilisée sur place, qu’il investira près de 6 millions d’euros pour construire une #route de contournement du village, qu’il créera 200 #emplois_directs, ou qu’il versera des #fonds_de_compensation de 600 000 euros par an pour les communautés affectées par la mine. Sans parvenir à convaincre les habitants de Covas, dont le village est parsemé de graffitis clamant « #Nao_a_minas » (« non aux mines »).

      « Pas de #sulfure »

      « Il y a toujours des impacts, mais si le projet est bien bâti, en utilisant les dernières technologies pour le traitement et l’#exploitation_minière, elles peuvent être très acceptables, estime l’ingénieur Antonio Fiuza, professeur émérite à l’université de Porto. L’avantage est que les roches qui renferment le lithium sont des #pegmatites qui ne contiennent pas de sulfures, ce qui rend le risque de #contamination de l’eau très limité. » Selon ses calculs, si l’intégralité des réserves connues de lithium du Portugal est exploitée, elles pourraient permettre la construction de batteries pour 7,5 millions de véhicules électriques.

      « Pour nous, un projet si grand pour un si petit territoire, c’est inconcevable. Nous sommes tous des petits fermiers et il n’y a pas d’argent qui compense la destruction des montagnes », résume Aida Fernandes. Ses deux jeunes enfants sont scolarisés à Boticas, à une vingtaine de kilomètres de là. Il n’y a que quatre autres enfants à Covas do Barroso, un hameau sans école, ni médecin. « Il y a bien sûr des problèmes dans les villages de l’intérieur du pays, mais les mines ne peuvent pas être une solution, dit Nelson Gomes, porte-parole de la plate-forme Unis en défense de Covas do Barroso. On n’est pas des milliers ici et personne ne voudra travailler dans des mines. Des gens viendront d’ailleurs et nous, on devra partir. Quand les cours d’eau seront déviés et pollués, les terres agricoles détruites et que la mine fermera, douze ans plus tard, que se passera-t-il ? Ils veulent nous arracher un bras pour nous mettre une prothèse... »

      https://www.lemonde.fr/economie/article/2022/02/04/la-fievre-du-lithium-gagne-le-portugal_6112250_3234.html

      #lithium #Portugal #mines #extractivisme
      #green-washing #Europe

  • Gaullisme architectural : Bruit, pollution, abandon… à l’entrée de Paris, la lente agonie de l’échangeur de Bagnolet

    La porte de Bagnolet est le pur produit d’une époque où l’Etat n’hésitait pas à modifier violemment le paysage. Au milieu des années 1960, il décide de construire l’autoroute A3, et de la relier au périphérique, quitte à couper en deux la ville de Bagnolet. Pour assurer la jonction, l’architecte Serge Lana, au retour d’un voyage d’études à Dallas, aux Etats-Unis, imagine ce nouveau quartier et dessine, avec les équipes de l’Etat, l’échangeur : « Un estuaire, avec une arrivée, un départ, et, au milieu, une île. »

    La scénographie est grandiose. Les tours Mercuriales et Gallieni 2 constituent les premières briques de la future « Défense » de l’Est parisien imaginée par la maire communiste de cette petite ville ouvrière. Elles doivent pouvoir être vues en roulant à 100 kilomètres par heure.Mais les financements manquent et, au début des années 1970, le projet s’arrête net, alors même que la RATP vient d’inaugurer la station Gallieni. La suite est une succession de projets inaboutis. Sur l’« île » centrale, le palais des sports de 10 000 places qui devait donner son âme au lieu tombe à l’eau. Même sort pour la patinoire, le vélodrome, la salle de rock, ou encore l’Aquaboulevard un temps envisagés. Pendant vingt ans, la dalle reste vide. A la fin des années 1980, Serge Lana arrive à faire accepter l’idée d’un centre commercial. Cela donnera au moins une raison d’utiliser le parking.
    Aujourd’hui, que faire de tout cela ? En 2019, les élus locaux ont commencé à cogiter sur la meilleure façon de réaménager le centre de la pieuvre après la faillite d’Eurolines. « Mais, très vite, on a compris que les infrastructures routières étouffaient tout, bloquaient tout, et qu’il fallait les repenser aussi », raconte l’architecte Clarel Zéphir. Pour chaque bretelle, chaque tentacule du monstre, les urbanistes s’interrogent alors : peut-on le supprimer ? « Puis, en 2021, on s’est dit : “Une restructuration a minima ne sera pas à la hauteur de l’enjeu.” Il faut revoir tout le quartier, en incluant les Mercuriales et Python-Duvernois », et même le quartier voisin de La Noue.

    [...]

    Les tours Mercuriales à la recherche d’un repreneur. « Le potentiel est là, mais il faut trouver un acquéreur qui croie vraiment au renouveau de l’Est parisien. »

    https://justpaste.it/5fryg

    comme l’échangeur de la Porte de Montreuil, ces endroits sont aussi un lieu de campement pour divers pauvres

    #Paris #Bagnolet #Est_parisien #automobile #urbanisme #le_fordisme_dans_la_joie #immobilier #rente

    • Depuis que j’ai habité à Saint-Ouen Garibaldi, je pense que dynamiter quelques piles du périph aérien et des autoroutes, pourrait permettre d’obtenir des enfouissements rapides

      https://twitter.com/PetitPalet/status/1488480188900024324
      𝖆𝖈𝖍𝖙 𝖚𝖍𝖗, @PetitPalet

      30 activistes de @Verdragon_, @FrontDeMeres et @alternatiba75 sont mobilisé•e•s aux abords de l’échangeur de l’A3 à Bagnolet, le plus pollué d’île-de-France. Il•elle•s déploient une banderole qui dit “Des mesures maintenant pas dans 20 ans”

      Les habitant•e•s des quartiers populaires sont trois fois plus impactés par la pollution de l’air que les habitants des quartiers aisés. 300000 voitures passent chaque jour sous les fenêtres des bagnoletais, la mairie doit agir maintenant pour la santé de ses habitant•e•s !

      Les Mairies de Bagnolet, Paris et la préfecture doivent se réunir prochainement pour signer un Plan Partenarial d’Aménagement.

      Ce plan permettra de mettre en place des financements pour rénover l’échangeur et réhabiliter le quartier à horizon 2035 en enfouissant l’échangeur.

      Couteux, lointain, à fort impact écologique, la promesse d’un enfouissement n’est pas suffisante !

      Nous demandons des mesures immédiates de réduction du trafic, végétalisation autour de l’échangeur et sécurisation des routes pour la santé et la sécurité des enfant de Bagnolet !

      Nous, militants et militantes à Verdragon, n’accepterons pas de la mairie un projet de renovation au rabais présentant l’enfouissement comme seule solution et oubliant toutes les mesures applicables immédiatement pour préserver le quartier et ses habitant•e•s.

      La mobilisation atour de du réaménagement de l’échangeur de Bagnolet ne fait que commencer.

      Rejoignez nous à Verdragon pour construire cette lutte ensemble et préserver notre ville

      https://twitter.com/Verdragon_/status/1488425421964201985

      Verdragon, Maison de l’Ecologie Populaire, @Verdragon_

      #écologie_populaire #luttes_collectives

  • Nice : interpellation de deux femmes accusées du cambriolage de la fille d’Estrosi
    https://www.laprovence.com/actu/en-direct/6638927/nice-interpellation-des-deux-femmes-fortement-suspectees-du-cambriolage-

    D’après Europe 1, deux jeunes femmes majeures ont été interpellées pour avoir cambriolé mardi 18 janvier le domicile niçois d’une des filles de Christian #Estrosi. Elles sont accusées d’avoir volé pour une valeur de plus de 100 000 euros en bijoux, maroquinerie et autres biens.

    Les deux cambrioleuses d’origine serbe ont été identifiées grâce aux vidéosurveillances de la ville de #Nice. Ces enregistrements ont révélés aux policiers de la sûreté départementale que les deux femmes se sont dirigées en taxi vers la gare de Juan-les-Pins. Elles ont pu être localisées et arrêtées dans un hôtel de la cité des Aiglons.

    Jusqu’au 21 février, la date du procès, les deux cambrioleuses ont été mises derrière les barreaux.

  • L’impact des passes sanitaires sur le taux de vaccination, la Santé, et L’économie
    https://www.cae-eco.fr/limpact-des-pass-sanitaires-sur-le-taux-de-vaccination-la-sante-et-leconomie
    Avec un résumé en français !
    Le Conseil d’Analyse Économique est un organisme qui dépend du gouvernement.

    Résumé de l’arnaque intellectuelle du #CAE :

    1/2 - Ils supposent (et non pas prouvent) que la vaccination empêche de tomber malade et de mourir.
    - Ils constatent que le passe sanitaire force les gens à accepter la vaccination.
    - Ils concluent que le passe sanitaire sauve des vies.

    2/2 et préserve l’économie en empêchant de tomber malade.

    C’est donc le sophisme habituel : si je suppose que ça fonctionne, alors je conclue que ça fonctionne (mais j’ai fait des graphiques et des modèles mathématiques au milieu pour noyer le poisson)

    https://twitter.com/decoder_l/status/1484091837124169729?cxt=HHwWgsC-3bXqxpgpAAAA

    • mais c’est é-vi-dent que si on sait pas / veut pas faire de campagne vaccination publique sans faire un pass et que celui-ci entraîne des vaccinations, il sauve des vies. pas besoin du cae pour savoir ça. et moins besoin encore de le nier parce que donc c’est puisque c’est le cae. tu cavale après pas mal de leurres que tu te crée. arrête toi un moment, respire par le nez, médite, rêvasse, ça peut être - qui sait ? - l’occasion d’arriver à s’orienter.

    • Arrête toi un moment, respire par le nez, médite, rêvasse, ça peut être - qui sait ? ...

      C’est fait ! 17 km de ski fond seule sur les pistes ensoleillées ! Neige parfaite ! Super Glisse ! Le plein de vitamines D et C !
      Là je me détends en regardant la course individuelle masculine de Biathlon en savourant une tranche de Bescoing du coin tout en étant connectée à mes comptes préférés !

      J’ai pas l’impression d’être désorientée ! :)) @colporteur !

    • La vaccination n’empêche pas d’être malade, protège seulement des formes graves du Covid et de finir en réa. C’est peut-être déjà beaucoup mais ce n’est pas suffisant.
      Je suis consternée par tous les triples-dosés bientôt les quadruples injectées qui continuent de s’infecter en présentant pour la plupart certes de faibles symptômes.

      Pour évaluer l’impact du pass vaccinal dans chacun de ces pays, nous construisons des #contrefactuels c’est‐à‐dire que nous modélisons ce que la dynamique de #vaccination aurait été sans la mise en place du pass. Pour cela, nous utilisons une #estimation basée sur la théorie de diffusion des innovations qui permet de quantifier la manière dont une innovation – ici la vaccination – est graduellement adoptée par la population. En effet, une partie de l’augmentation du taux de vaccination dans les trois pays considérés aurait eu lieu même sans #pass-sanitaire.

      En utilisant les données disponibles sur l’impact de la vaccination (en distinguant entre première et seconde doses) sur les admissions à l’hôpital ainsi que sur le nombre de décès Covid, on peut aussi estimer l’impact du pass sur ces variables de santé. On estime ainsi le nombre de décès évités dans les trois pays : environ 4 000 en France, 1 100 en Allemagne et 1 300 en Italie.

      C’est surtout par rapport au procédé de faire accepter le #passe-vaccinal en utilisant la formule on suppose, on estime, ça fonctionne, que je réagis !

    • Je me demandais d’où venaient le chiffre wtf de 4000 vies épargnées par le pass sanitaire cité par Castex !
      Il vient d’une étude menée par des gens qui ont pris conseil auprès d’Arnaud Fontanet, #Philippe-Aghion, économiste,et #Patrick-Artus, économiste, directeur de la recherche et des études de Natixis et administrateur de Total, qui gravitent tous autour de Macron
      Voilà…

      https://twitter.com/realmarcel1/status/1484288645754499080?cxt=HHwWkMC9pZiqoJkpAAAA
      #Castex19


      ( Source Libé)

  • ÉDITO : Quand la fièvre spéculative s’empare du jeu vidéo… – Le Mag de MO5.COM
    https://mag.mo5.com/a-la-une/208592/edito-quand-la-fievre-speculative-sempare-du-jeu-video

    Ce qui a changé par rapport aux précédents records, c’est que l’agence de notation WataGames lui a décerné un 9.8A++, a priori la note maximale qu’un exemplaire de ce jeu pourrait décrocher, mais cela reste étonnant quand un 9.4A+ faisait presque quarante fois moins en début d’année. Et dans la mesure où Heritage Auctions récupère 20% de la transaction – le jeu a en réalité été adjugé à 1,3 millions – plus 5% de la somme touchée par le vendeur, on peut effectivement se demander s’il n’y a pas anguille sous roche… Car si la maison de vente aux enchères assure faire toutes les vérifications nécessaires, l’acheteur demeure en général anonyme à moins de se manifester publiquement. Les arnaques ne sont hélas pas nouvelles dans le jeu vidéo, avec des faux prototypes et kits de développement par exemple, mais c’est bien sûr à tout autre chose que l’on a affaire ici, bien plus subtile et plus légale en apparence.

    Sur l’étonnante envolée des prix de jeux vidéo anciens, avec une relation consanguine, voire collusion, entre organisateurs des enchères et les évaluateurs des jeux, dont les acheteurs anonymes sont tantôt associés à des fonds d’investissements, tantôt les vendeurs, désireux de faire gonfler artificiellement les prix.

    De manière connexe, on peut s’intéresser à la concentration constatée dans le marché de l’art en général :

    The Art Market is a Scam (And Rich People Run It)
    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ZZ3F3zWiEmc

    #jeu_vidéo #jeux_vidéo #art #spéculation #enchères #population #édité #enquête #estimation #wastagames #heritage_auctions #console_nes #console_playstation #jeu_vidéo_super_mario_bros #jeu_vidéo_stadium_events #deniz_khan #jeu_vidéo_the_legend_of_zelda #jeu_vidéo_super_mario_64 #chris_kohler #frank_cifaldi #magazine_superman #comics_superman #karl_jobst #jim_halperin #just_press_play #seth_abramson #otis #mythic_markets #jeu_vidéo_super_mario_bros_3 #dain_anderson #gocollect #sec #nintendoage #gamevaluenow #jeu_vidéo_tomb_raider #console_saturn #kelsey_lewin #video_game_history_foundation #jeu_vidéo_spiderman #console_atari_2600 #seth_abramson #yūji_naka #jeu_vidéo_sonic #mega_drive #goodwill

  • La sénatrice EELV Esther Benbassa, accusée de harcèlement moral, exclue du groupe écologiste
    https://www.lefigaro.fr/politique/la-senatrice-eelv-esther-benbassa-accusee-de-harcelement-moral-exclue-du-gr

    La sénatrice EELV Esther Benbassa, accusée dans une enquête de harcèlement moral à l’encontre de ses collaborateurs, a été exclue par son groupe au Sénat, a annoncé ce dernier mardi 14 septembre au soir.

    Après avoir entendu la sénatrice et en conformité avec leur règlement intérieur, les sénateur.trice.s ont décidé d’exclure Esther Benbassa du groupe parlementaire à compter du 15 septembre », précise le groupe Ecologiste, Solidarité et Territoires, dans un communiqué. « Mme Benbassa n’a pas contredit une partie des témoignages et elle n’a, à ce jour, pas jugé opportun de porter plainte en diffamation contre ces accusations », fait-il valoir pour justifier sa décision.

    Les sénateurs du groupe « regrettent que la justice ne soit pas saisie pour des faits d’une telle nature » mais « ne remettent pas en cause (les) témoignages (des collaborateurs, ndlr) et prennent toute la mesure des difficultés que représentent souvent l’engagement de poursuites judiciaires ». Ils « réitèrent tout leur soutien à celles et ceux qui ont témoigné d’une grande souffrance au travail », continuent « de travailler sur la prévention du harcèlement moral et sexuel au travail », et mènent « une réflexion plus large sur le sujet avec les élu.e.s, les collaborateur.trice.s et les syndicats ».

    Climat de « terreur »
    Esther Benbassa a fait part dans un autre communiqué de son « exclusion » du groupe, dont elle a été la vice-présidente et dont elle s’était mise en retrait depuis début juillet. La sénatrice associe cette décision à un « simulacre de procédure interne » et à une « sommation de répondre aux accusations anonymes relayées par un article de presse ». La décision a été prise « sans transmission de pièces à charge ou à décharge, sans audition de témoins ou de victimes présumées, en violation des dispositions du règlement intérieur du groupe et du principe de présomption d’innocence », déplore l’élue de Paris. Esther Benbassa indique s’être rendue devant le groupe le 9 septembre « non pas pour me justifier, puisque je ne suis condamnée de rien, mais pour m’expliquer, et réitérer mes excuses pour les maladresses et les erreurs ».

    Dans son enquête, Mediapart rapporte les témoignages de huit anciens collaborateurs et six anciens étudiants que l’élue employait à l’École pratique des hautes études. Tous évoquent un climat de « terreur » instauré par la sénatrice, fait de pressions, de chantage à l’emploi et d’humiliations systématiques, souvent à l’occasion de mails, individuels ou collectifs, et de SMS consultés et retranscrits en partie par Mediapart. Conséquence de cette gestion, le turn-over des collaborateurs a été très important, puisque plus de 18 assistants parlementaires ont été employés en deux mandats, décompte Mediapart. Dans un communiqué de « soutien aux victimes de harcèlement », le syndicat CGT des collaborateurs parlementaires avait souligné que « la profession, du fait de son lien avec la politique et les rapports de pouvoir, est bien souvent trop entachée par ce type de violence ».

    #EELV #harcèlement #violence #sénat #Médiapart #europe #france #écologie #ecologie #domination #sociopathes #femmes #pouvoir #Esther_Benbassa

  • From Form‑Trans‑Inform to Atelier d’Architecture Autogérée. A Discussion with Doina Petrescu and Constantin Petcou
    Zeppelin
    https://e-zeppelin.ro/en/from-form%e2%80%91trans%e2%80%91inform-to-atelier-darchitecture-autogeree

    Summer 2021

    Interview: Alex Axinte

    Co-founded by Constan­tin Petcou and Doina Petrescu, atelier d’architecture autogérée (aaa) is “a collective platform of research and action around urban change and emerging cultural, social and political practices in the contemporary city. aaa initiates and supports strategies of ecological transition involving citizen locally and internationally. aaa acts against global crisis (ecological, economic, political, social, etc) by creating the conditions for citizen to participate in the ecological transition and adopting resilient ways of living. aaa functions within an open interdisciplinary network, where different viewpoints cross each other: architects, artists, students, researchers, pensioners, politicians, activists, residents, etc.

    aaa is an international reference in the field of participative architecture and urban resilience, aaa’s projects have been exhibited at Venise Biennale 2012 and 2016, MoMA New York, Berlin Biennale, Pavilion d’Arsenal Paris, Untied Nation Pavilion Geneva, etc. For its activity, aaa has received international recogni­tion and numerous awards across the years including the International Resilient Award Building for Humanity (2018), The Innovation in Politics Award for Ecology (2017) being one of the “100 projects for the climate” selected by the public at COP21 (2015). (Alex Axinte)

    The passages bellow are extracted from a series of conversations I had during several days with Doina Petrescu and Constantin Petcou. At their studio, at home, in cafes and metros or visiting their projects located in different Paris suburbs, we spoke about their beginnings in Romania, about their current practice atelier d’architecture autogérée (aaa) and about future plans. While still in school, within the social and political context of 1980’s Romania, they were involved in initiating groups and networks, they engaged in experiment and innovation, building after graduation an alternative practice through a critically approach of architecture.

    Visiting aaa. Drawing by Alex Axinte

    Alex Axinte: Let’s start from the time when you were professionally and humanly trained in Romania within the socialist education system of that time. Has this contributed to what your practice became?

    Doina Petrescu: Certainly it was a seed there, which wasn’t enough by itself, but it was important because this prepared us to face practical situations, knowing everything that a traditional architect should know. And this thing was a solid base, for knowing how to build, knowing about materials, knowing about structure, knowing history, you can see now that this is not taught in schools anymore, that these became specializations, you specialize in such things. We learned them all. And somehow this general formation counted a solid base, as a foundation. On top of this you can add other more sophisticated things, you may try to position yourself, you can take a stand, and you can develop certain interests. So this was one of the good things. Other good thing from the school, not necessarily different from the school, but one that we took or created in the school, was some sort of parallel school, of which Constantin can say more because he initiated it, adding the fact that the school allowed us the freedom to do other things.

    Constantin Petcou: I did two interesting things in school: first is that I walked a lot through Bucharest and I took the street as a teacher. I had also good teachers, but I studied a lot vernacular architecture. And second is that I initiated a group, a sort of school in school, which was called Form-Trans-Inform and which was based on knowledge theory, and other theories as well. [Stratford H, Petrescu D & Petcou C (2008) Form-Trans-Inform: the ‘poetic’ resistance in architecture. arq: Architectural Research Quarterly, 12(02)] Basically it was a transdisciplinary group: there were students from scenography, we had interactions with others too, we also organized some events in Club A, we invited philosophes, art critiques, until they spotted me and wanted me to enrol in the party…

    “Inner Gesture“ – happening, Baneasa 1982, team: Constantin Petcou, Constantin Gorcea, Florin Neagoe, Lavinia Marșu, Doru Deacu, Sorin Vatamaniuc, Constantin Fagețean ©Form-Trans-Inform

    AA: What vernacular Bucharest meant?

    CP: It meant some fabulous neighbourhoods, because many they were self-constructed, this being usual in mahalas (ie. popular neighbourhoods). The inhabitants were partly self-sufficient: they were already controlling the household climate, having a lot of courtyards covered with vine, they were trying to produce energy, and there were quite a lot of wind mills, they were trying to produce food by raising pigeons in big cages , which were flying all around… It was like in Garcia Marquez. If you were really sensitive to space and wind and light, you were blown away by how much you could see and feel…

    AA: Is this something that you were looking for also in Paris, or you rather came with this type of looking from Bucharest?

    CP: In Paris you don’t have such a thing. I think it was a root that we came from there.

    DP: Yes, and we applied this later in projects like R-Urban and other projects which we developed later. It was a lesson we have learned, we have understood from those conditions. Also, we still kept having this sensibility to “read” spaces’ potentiality. For example you see a square and some trees: you realise that there is a place there with a certain urban quality and in Bucharest there were many such places with very special qualities due to the urban typologies and ways of living. This mahala type of living was actually a sensitive urban typology.

    Constantin rises on his tops and waters the plants hanging from the studio’s ceiling. We flip through black and white magazines in which there were published some of their projects receiving prizes in paper architecture competitions. They tell me about how they became involved in organizing exhibitions, about working with clothing, about publications which didn’t make it past the 1st issue and where many articles finished with ‘to be continued’. Than, they continued with their architect’s life in Romania before ’89: Doina working in sistematizare (state planning) and Constantin as ‘mister Design’ in a factory of clothing and shoes. Here, with found materials, they worked together for redesigning an office space as a sort of ‘participative deconstructivist’ manifesto, quite provocative at the time. Doina goes out in the courtyard and ransacks bended over some compost containers. Here are their pets, some big earthworms which just received banana peels as their favourite meal. After ’90 they left for Paris guided by the idea to continue their postgraduate studies and than to come back.

    “Catarg towards Ithaca“ –“Honorable mention“ at Shinkenchiku Residential Competition, Japan, 1986. Echipa de proiect/Project team: Constantin Petcou, Doina Petrescu, Mircea Stefan, Victor Badea

    *The Design section atelier – Valceana Leather Factory, 1988. Project team : Constantin Petcou, Doina Petrescu ©ConstantinPetcou

    AA: It is a fairly quite spread perception, that architecture is architecture and politics is politics. We are doing our job, we design, we build. If this supports an ideology or not, this is not architecture’s business. How architecture became for you a political acting?

    DP: I think that in a way it was the context that forced us when we started. We started from scratch. And we had to invent ways of negotiating to gain access to space, to gain access to ways of practicing architecture, and we quickly realized that such a negotiation is political and that actually you need to learn to speak with people caring political responsibilities. But at the same time, we realized that the very fact of asking, of doing the practice differently is a political act. There were some things we refused to do, such as the conventional capitalist practice. We wanted to facilitate the inhabitants’ access to space, for any city inhabitant, we wanted to open urban spaces that are closed and that are controlled either by the municipalities or other institutions, and this is already a political act. We managed to ensure access to space, and afterwards, slowly, the self-management of the space, which was also a process, by persuading people that they have to become responsible if they want to use the space, that they need to learn how to manage it, to get along, to organize. This is in fact what Deleuze and Guatarri are calling micro-politics, meaning politics at the level of the subject, transformations at the subjective level. [Deleuze, G. and F. Guattari (2004), Anti-Oedipus, London: Continuum] We always worked with people. Our architecture always included this subjective and social architecture into the project. The fact that we formed a social group around the project, that people have changed, that they changed their interest, all these are for us part of architecture.

    AA: Do you tend towards consensus in your projects?

    CP: We don’t really use the word consensus. It is about temporary equilibrium. In any such a project, as there are many people involved, and here we speak about governance, co-management and self-management, there are various interests, there are people with different cultural backgrounds – some are employed, others not -­ and people with more or less time. So they cannot have the same vision over the use of space, over the type of activities, and then you need to reach some agreements, some temporary, partial deals, which should not suffocate the others and allow others to emerge. What we do is to give the inhabitants the opportunity to appropriate a space, an equipment, a way of organising time together, of organising the neighbourhood’s life, which are ecological, solidary, all this obviously with some guidance. Because the majority of inhabitants of the banlieue are very much excluded. And we are offering them an emancipatory space, or, in Guatarri’s language, a re-subjectivation capacity, very useful in today’s society which excludes many. [F. Guattari (1977), La révolution Moléculaire, Paris: ed. Recherches] In such spaces they gain new qualities; someone is a gardener, someone else takes care of the chickens, somebody else of the compost, one of the kitchen…

    DP: This is actualy the micro-politics.

    CP: Including until the kids’ level. I remember when we were at the Ecobox I had a lot of keys and a kid asked me, mais Constantin, you have keys from every space in the neighbourhood?! Can you open any space? And obviously that I answered yes, because, for his imaginary it was very important to know that you can open spaces, that you can make this urban space to evolve, which has become now more and more expensive, inaccessible and segregated. Such imaginary is fundamental for the “right to the city”, it is to know that, even for a kid, space could be negotiable, accessible and welcoming, that there are no barriers and walls. Actually, we don’t make walls: we make doors, windows, bridges… this is the kind of things we are building.

    Steering to the passers-by, Doina recollects her diploma project for which she collaborated with an ethnologist to design something which today could be called an ethnological cultural hub. Once arrived in Paris, after a master, they began teaching, being among others the co-founders of Paris-Malaquais architecture school. Step by step, they began to act as citizens, teachers and architects in the neighbourhood where they were living: La Chapelle. This is how aaa started. In the same time, they kept on teaching and initiating projects also in Romania, in Brezoi, but which got stuck. Constantin starts the fire in a small godin in the Agrocite, located in southern Paris, at Bagneux, which is a sort of ecological prototype spatializing aaa’s concepts: short circuits, popular ecology, urban resilience.

    Mobile modules – EcoBox project, 2003. Project team: Constantin Petcou, Doina Petrescu, Denis Favret, Giovanni Piovene ©aaa

    *Eco interstice “Passage 56“ – street view, 2007, Project team: Constantin Petcou, Doina Petrescu, Raimund Binder, Sandra Pauquet, Nolwenn Marchand ©aaa

    AA: 100 years after Bauhaus, 50 years after the May ’68 revolt and 30 years after the fall of the Berlin wall, within the current global capitalism crisis, all Bauhaus’ principles of how to live and work together are becoming again relevant. In this context, how legitimate is still Bauhaus’s questions if design can change society, and what it means to be modern today?

    DP: So all these ideas are reaching some sort of anniversary and one needs to take them together, one cannot take only Bauhaus ideas, but also other ideas which came after in order to understand what can design do today: participation, global democracy, ecology. Design need to remain open, as Ezio Manzini was saying: ‘design when everybody designs’. There is an acknowledgement of the fact that we are all designing, in our own way, we design our life, we design our decisions. How can you put all those things together in a strategic way, at a moment when the society and the humanity need to take some decisions, need to be prepared for a civilizational change, otherwise we become extinct? I think design has a role in this, by helping, by mediating, by formulating questions, decisions, or solutions together. And how to do design together is the big question, and there is not only one way of doing it, there are many ways. We also need to imagine what are these places where ways of designing together are possible. Which are the new institutions, the new mediating agents? – all these seem to me to be the questions of our times.

    Constantin confesses that Bauhaus changed his life, when, after an exhibition, improbable for that time, where 1:1 modernist furniture was exhibited, he quits the arts high school in Iași and joined the architecture school.

    CP: I am sure that design has an immense capacity to change society until even distorting it (see the tablet, the iPhone…). As architects, we are working a lot in a broader sense of design, and that’s why we are trying to launch not just projects, but also movements like One Planet Site or R-Urban which can be adopted also by others, because we have the capacity and the responsibility, so you have the capacity, but you have also the responsibility to act. It’s like a doctor. If you are in a plane and someone is sick, you have the capacity and responsibility to act. This is the case for us architects: we acted here in the neighbourhood we are living because there were many difficulties. The planet is now in great difficulty and you need to act. We know how to design, to project into the future, to find money, to create a horizon of hope, a model which becomes interesting for others too, so we have this capacity to design, in a broader sense, complex, temporal and functional. All these including re-balancing how much technology, how many resources, how much mutualisation, how much governance, all these are in fact design.

    DP: For example, with R-Urban we proposed a resilience strategy as designers. We have used design and the organization and shaping of space, of making visible specific practices, as a catalyst. We succeed in a way to organize a social group around the project, by giving it also a political dimension, again, by using architecture’s capacity to make visible, to make real the idea of short circuits for example. People could finally see what happens if you collect rain water, where it goes, that you have to think differently about space to make passive heating, and that you need to think differently about the heating system if you want to reduce the fuel consumption. That by using space in a certain way, in 1 year time you will have this amount of reduction of carbon emissions, which is much better than the national rate. So, all these things can be made visible through the way you design their experience. We didn’t just design a building, or a site, but we designed a usage and a way of creating an activity there.

    “ R-Urban “ – Diagrams on the ecological transition principles 2008. Echipa de proiect/Project team: Constantin Petcou, Doina Petrescu cu Nolwenn Marchand, Sara Carlini, Clémence Kempnich ©aaa

    ““Agrocité”—micro-farm for urban agriculture and ecological training, Colombes, 2013-2014

    “Recyclab”—social economy hub, urban waste recycling and eco-design, Colombes, 2013. Project team: Constantin Petcou, Doina Petrescu, Clémence Kempnich

    “Agrocité”—micro-farm for urban agriculture and ecological training, Bagneux, 2019. Project team: Constantin Petcou, Doina Petrescu, Anna Laura Bourguignon, Alex Gaiser, Rémi Buscot, Juliette Hennequin

    AA: So you could say that this means modernity now?

    DP: The concept of modernity is very much contested in fact, but in a way you could say that this means a hope for the future.

    CP: Modernity I think it had the quality of promoting progress, a democratic progress for all, through small prices, standardization, through in fact what they knew back then. And I think that these ideals remain somehow valid. Such as fablabs are in a way a continuity of this progressive modernist ideal of making accessible and democratic the use to technology. And it’s good. But the problem is the excess. When standardization becomes excessive and exploitative. I think modernity needs to be revisited, keeping what is good, like democracy, ethics, progress and others, and readapting it. Because modernity couldn’t address at that time the problems of limited resources issues, climate change, extractive capitalism, or extinction of species; those problems weren’t visible back than.

    AA: What is the relation with technology in your projects?

    DP: We document and present all our technological devices with an interface accessible to the users and we make them with means that makes them transferable and reproducible. I think we need to take into account the democratization of technology and the fact that the reproduction is not made by the industry, but by the masses, everyone being able to take part. What is important is to keep a degree of creativity, of appropriateness, of participative innovation possible at all levels. All these technological devices were conceived together with experts. The grey water filtration system was made together with a specialist in phyto-remediation. What we brought new is that we designed the first prototype used in urban contexts. This approach is also situated, is specific for a certain situation, you work with the specialist to find the solution there, and afterwards you integrate also local and traditional knowledge. For example, for the phyto-remediation device it was very cool that we built it with a team of Romanians having a construction company in France. Due to the fact we were in a flooding area, we needed to raise the device above the ground by 1 meter and we didn’t know how to build it. And then, the team of Romanians which knew how to make… barrels, manage with what we had, with found boards that were boarded like for barrels… and this is how we made the phyto-remediation device. This shows that all skills and ways of knowledge are useful in a certain situation.

    They choose together the tomatoes, than Doina the aubergines and Constantin the potatoes from a temporary market installed in the Paris former mortuary house. This is now a cultural centre, open to everyone and full of life. Recently they participated in the biggest architectural competition organized by the city of Paris which offered some difficult sites for development – “Reinventer Pars”. The brief was very close to the R-Urban model. They haven’t officially won, but their proposal was very good and this is how they were able to develop it in a different location. The project is called Wiki Village Factory (VWF) and is a cluster of technological and social innovation of 7000 sqm which aims to become a sort of central node in the R-Urban network towards developing the city 2.0 (ecological and collaborative).

    “Wiki-Village-Factory” – cluster of social and ecological innovation, Paris, 2016. Project team: Constantin Petcou, Doina Petrescu, Benjamin Poignon, Pierre Marie Cornin, Grégoire Beaumont © aaa-REI-Deswarte

    AA: With WVF for example, how important is for you the materiality and the aesthetics? Or is the program more important?

    CP: Aesthetics for as is a result. You need to take care for the building to be well integrated in the context, you need to express well what’s going on. For example, the coop spaces are trying to make you to wish to collaborate with others; it’s not just like any other office. The ground floor, we try to have it open towards the neighbourhood, despite it is a difficult neighbourhood.

    DP: I would say that aesthetics are trying to express not necessary the programme, but what is important in the program and beyond the program. We are using architecture tactically if you want, as a way of exposing and communicating principles of functioning, of governance, of construction and the ethics of using a building today.

    CP: We are exposing the ecology of the building in fact, and this is beyond function. In order to become more ecologic. This is to make you use fewer materials, less insulation, but count on the passive insulation of the building’ skin. We also succeeded in convincing them to have dry toilets. This will be the largest building with dry toilets in Europe. We will build a special device, like a large scale prototype, which doesn’t exist right now. In fact, although they are on a tight budget, they will put more money into this than into usual toilets, because also the developer and everybody want this aspect to be exemplary. And it will be quite vegetal, with urban agriculture; we will try to remediate the grey waters. All the principles that we are using in R-Urban hubs will be implementing as much as we can also here.

    AA: So, the city 2.0 should look differently because it values and creates hierarchies in a different way?

    DP: Yes, it is important to create a new discourse, but also governance is important, social and ecological governance, that is what we try to express through architecture. There are many layers which add up to the modernist functional layer. And there is also the idea of being reversible, the fact that a building needs to evolve, to adapt, to disappear if necessary after a while, so it is not built to last hundreds of years. Because we need to leave room for future generations to build the architecture they need, don’t we?

    #ville #écologie #participation #auto_gestion #urban_planning

  • Poulet à l’estragon
    https://www.cuisine-libre.org/poulet-a-l-estragon

    Faites chauffer une cocotte sur feu modéré avec l’huile d’olive. Ajoutez le poulet. Laissez-le se colorer pendant une dizaine de minutes en le retournant de temps en temps. Hachez finement l’échalote. Ôtez le poulet de la cocotte et mettez à la place l’échalote. Remuez régulièrement pendant deux ou trois minutes puis ajoutez le vin et le bouillon de poule. Remettez le poulet. Faites cuire sur modéré pendant vingt à trente minutes. Vérifiez la cuisson du poulet. Quand il est cuit, enlevez-le du bouillon… #Estragon, #Ragoûts, #Poulet_en morceaux / #Sans œuf, #Sans gluten, Mijoté

    #Mijoté

  • Walkscapes | Actes Sud
    https://www.actes-sud.fr/catalogue/walkscapes

    Ouvrage culte pour les urbanistes et les architectes, « Walkscapes » fait de la marche beaucoup plus qu’une simple promenade. Pour Francesco Careri, en effet, l’origine de l’#architecture n’est pas à chercher dans les sociétés sédentaires mais dans le monde nomade.

    La #marche est #esthétique, elle révèle des recoins oubliés, des beautés cachées, la poésie des lieux délaissés. Mais elle est aussi politique : en découvrant ces #territoires qui sont à la marge et cependant peuplés, elle montre que les frontières spatiales sont aussi des frontières sociales.

    Ainsi s’ouvrent les derniers espaces de liberté de nos sociétés quadrillées et s’esquisse une tentative de réponse aux préoccupations de demain : comment réinventer la #ville pour en faire une terre d’accueil de l’altérité ?

    #livre

  • Bolsonaro in hospital as hiccups persist for more than 10 days | Jair Bolsonaro | The Guardian
    http://www.theguardian.com/world/2021/jul/14/bolsonaro-brazil-hospital-hiccups
    https://i.guim.co.uk/img/media/d4916e5001a32d5cbbcc9b8c3a00780a7812ee79/0_117_3500_2100/master/3500.jpg?width=1200&height=630&quality=85&auto=format&fit=crop&overlay-ali

    The Brazilian president Jair Bolsonaro has been admitted to hospital complaining of abdominal pain after being struck down by an unremitting bout of the hiccups which has lasted for more than 10 days.

    10 jours de #hoquet, je n’y avais jamais pensé comme punition divine, mais il a bien mérité ça non ? #justice #estomac #abdominal #cruauté