• Pourquoi les prix de l’essence et du diesel battent-ils des records historiques… et pas le pétrole ? Arnaud Ruyssen - RTBF
    https://www.rtbf.be/info/economie/detail_pourquoi-les-prix-de-l-essence-et-du-diesel-battent-ils-des-records-hist

    C’est un constat surprenant, si vous regardez les prix du pétrole brut en octobre 2018, ils sont légèrement plus haut qu’aujourd’hui. Pourtant les prix à la pompe de l’essence et du diesel sont eux nettement plus élevés qu’en 2018. Déclic a voulu comprendre.

    Regardons les chiffres en détail. En octobre 2018, le pétrole Brent était à 86 $ le baril, très légèrement plus haut qu’aujourd’hui. En revanche, la différence sur le litre de diesel et d’essence est, elle, nettement plus élevée. 12 centimes de plus pour le diesel et pratiquement 20 centimes en plus pour l’essence.

    Ce ne sont pas les taxes qui sont en cause…
    Ce n’est donc pas la matière brute qui est la cause de cette hausse, mais alors quoi ? La tentation est grande d’incriminer les taxes qui représentent une part importante du prix du carburant. Voyons la décomposition pour le diesel : pour un litre, 63 centimes payent le carburant lui même, 19 centimes rémunèrent la distribution, le reste (52%) ce sont les 60 centimes d’accises et 30 centimes de TVA + une petite cotisation pour alimenter les réserves stratégiques.

    Mais ce n’est pas sur ce front-là qu’il faut chercher les raisons de la hausse. Les accises n’ont pas été augmentées depuis fin 2018 et la TVA est un pourcentage (21%) des autres composantes du prix. Elle accentue donc l’ampleur de la hausse mais n’en est pas la cause.

    C’est le raffinage qui coute très cher en ce moment
    Le coupable de cette hausse particulièrement forte des prix à la pompe se trouve, en fait, à Rotterdam, sur le marché du « Platts »… le pétrole raffiné utilisé en Europe occidentale. Ce pétrole transformé a une cotation spécifique, déconnectée du pétrole brut et, en ce moment, il flambe encore plus que la matière première. 

    La reprise de la demande mondiale post-covid est particulièrement forte au niveau des carburants et «  il y a une sorte de goulot d’étranglement au niveau des capacités de raffinage  » explique Olivier Neiyrinck, directeur technique de la fédération des distributeurs de carburants (BRAFCO). Cela alimente aussi des phénomènes de spéculation qui tirent encore les prix à la hausse.

    Voilà donc pourquoi les prix des carburant sont encore davantage sous tension que les prix du pétrole brut. La plupart des analystes tablent sur une stabilisation entre offre et demande dans le courant du mois de Novembre, qui devrait contribuer à stabiliser les prix.

    #pétrole #énergie #sables_bitumineux #gaz #économie #russie #extractivisme #etats-unis #arabie_saoudite #finance #spéculation #finance #capitalisme #économie #spéculation_financière #europe #agriculture #multinationales #décrypter

  • Jeffrey Kaye sur Twitter :

    “This July 1953 Annual Report of the US Chemical Corps (Ft. Detrick) makes clear that even at that time Gain-of-Function experiment to increase deadliness of organisms used in biological warfare were taking place via passage through various insect species. https://t.co/cqlHEhX6D7” / Twitter
    https://twitter.com/jeff_kaye/status/1443386627946999808

    #états-unis #armes_biologiques

  • How the ’self licking ice cream cone,’ prolonged the 20-year war – Responsible Statecraft
    https://responsiblestatecraft.org/2021/10/04/how-the-self-licking-ice-cream-cone-prolonged-the-20-year-war

    This is the first time political candidates have suggested that the interests of senior military officials played a key part in prolonging the war in Afghanistan. The idea that national security institutions and their leaders pursue such parochial interests has been almost entirely ignored in past discussions, because mainstream foreign policy specialists have disapproved of it.

    #états-unis #l’important #MSM

  • C’est pas tous les jours qu’on se fend la gueule, ma brave dame !

    La Chine estime que la guerre entre les États-Unis et la Chine est imminente — Éric ZUESSE

    https://www.legrandsoir.info/la-chine-estime-que-la-guerre-entre-les-etats-unis-et-la-chine-est-imm

    "Les impérialistes devraient faire attention : lors de la guerre de Corée, il y a 70 ans, une armée chinoise mal équipée et sans force aérienne a pu vaincre les Étasuniens et leurs alliés bien armés.

    Les élites dégénérées étasuniennes courtisent la folle idée d’une victoire à la Pyrrhus sur la Chine. Au lieu de cela, ils risquent fort de se retrouver devant un tribunal de Nuremberg.

    La Chine ne permettra jamais aux États-Unis et à leurs alliés de gagner une guerre contre elle. La seule option de Washington est donc de recourir au nucléaire, ce qui revient à assassiner la planète entière, y compris une grande partie de la population des EU.

    La Chine vient d’annoncer publiquement que, à moins que le gouvernement des EU ne retire rapidement de la province chinoise de Taïwan les forces militaires qu’il y a récemment envoyées, la Chine enverra bientôt des forces militaires dans cette province, parce que, non seulement les États-Unis ont secrètement envoyé des « forces d’opérations spéciales » sur cette île, mais aussi parce que, « depuis que les États-Unis ont révélé la nouvelle par l’intermédiaire de fonctionnaires anonymes, ils ont fait un pas de plus pour saper, de manière secrète à semi-ouverte, les conditions essen (...)"

    #politique #géopolitique #Chine #Etats-Unis #guerre #paix #monde #propagande #vangauguin

  • Facebook’s Secret Blacklist of “Dangerous” Groups and People
    https://theintercept.com/2021/10/12/facebook-secret-blacklist-dangerous

    Experts say the public deserves to see the list, a clear embodiment of U.S. foreign policy priorities that could disproportionately censor marginalized groups.

    #états-unis #facebook

  • California issues formal objection to Activision Blizzard’s $18 million settlement | VG247
    https://www.vg247.com/activision-blizzard-dfeh-settlement-objection

    California’s Department of Fair Employment and Housing has issued a formal objection to the recent settlement publisher and developer Activision Blizzard made with the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission, with the DFEH noting it could cause “irreparable harm” to its ongoing legal proceedings.

    L’accord de $18 M annoncé récemment pour clore les accusations d’agressions sexuelles, discriminations, ou encore de viol de la part de certains employés d’Activision Blizzard ne suffira peut-être pas à calmer les autorités judiciaires qui souhaitent poursuivre leurs investigations.

    #jeu_vidéo #jeux_vidéo #activision_blizzard #blizzard #procès #justice #discrimination #sexisme #ressources_humaines #frat_boy #culture_toxique #environnement_toxique #états-unis #californie #j_allen_brack #jen_oneal #mike_ybarra #jesse_meschuk

  • Courge poivrée rôtie aux pommes
    https://www.cuisine-libre.org/courge-poivree-rotie-aux-pommes

    Courge farcie servie en accompagnement automnal chaud et sucré. Couper la courge en deux et retirer les graines. Placer la courge dans un plat allant au #Four avec le côté creux vers le haut ; remplir les centres de #Pomme. Versez un peu d’eau dans le plat. Couvrir et cuire au four à 350°F/170°C pendant 30 minutes, jusqu’à ce que ce soit partiellement cuit. Saupoudrer de sel, sucre et muscade. Parsemer de beurre. Cuire à découvert environ 45 minutes, jusqu’à ce que la courge soit… Pomme, #Farcis, #Courgeron, #États-Unis / #Végétarien, #Sans viande, #Sans œuf, #Sans gluten, Four

  • Des soldats américains entraînent discrètement l’armée taïwanaise - Le Temps
    https://www.letemps.ch/monde/soldats-americains-entrainent-discretement-larmee-taiwanaise

    Des soldats américains entraînent discrètement l’armée taïwanaise « depuis moins d’un an » pour renforcer les défenses de l’île face à la #Chine, a indiqué un responsable américain, confirmant des informations du Wall Street Journal.

    Une vingtaine de militaires des forces spéciales américaines et un contingent de soldats du corps des Marines forment des petites unités de l’armée de terre et de la marine taïwanaises, avait rapporté le quotidien américain, citant des sources officielles américaines anonymes.

    Je découvre par ailleurs que sur France 24 les informations internet apparaissent d’abord en anglais.
    US special ops forces secretly training Taiwan’s military, says Pentagon official
    https://www.france24.com/en/asia-pacific/20211008-us-special-operations-forces-secretly-training-taiwan-s-military-

    #états-unis

  • Military Bases Turn Into Small Cities as Afghans Wait Months for Homes in U.S.

    An estimated 53,000 evacuees from Kabul remain on eight military bases across the country. Thousands more are waiting at U.S. bases abroad to come to the United States.

    In late August, evacuees from Afghanistan began arriving by the busload to the #Fort_McCoy_Army_base in the Midwest, carrying little more than cellphones and harrowing tales of their narrow escapes from a country they may never see again. They were greeted by soldiers, assigned rooms in white barracks and advised not to stray into the surrounding forest, lest they get lost.

    More than a month later, the remote base some 170 miles from Milwaukee is home to 12,600 Afghan evacuees, almost half of them children, now bigger than any city in western Wisconsin’s Monroe County.

    The story is much the same on seven other military installations from Texas to New Jersey. Overall, roughly 53,000 Afghans have been living at these bases since the chaotic evacuation from Kabul this summer that marked the end of 20 years of war. While many Americans have turned their attention away from the largest evacuation of war refugees since Vietnam, the operation is very much a work in progress here, overseen by a host of federal agencies and thousands of U.S. troops.

    While an initial group of about 2,600 people — largely former military translators and others who helped allied forces during the war — moved quickly into American communities, a vast majority remain stranded on these sprawling military way stations, uncertain of when they will be able to start the new American lives they were expecting. An additional 14,000 people are still on bases abroad, waiting for transfer to the United States.

    “We built a city to house almost 13,000 guests,” said Col. Jen McDonough, deputy commander for sustainment at Fort McCoy, where about 1,600 service members are tasked with ensuring the massive operation runs smoothly.

    On a recent warm autumn day here, refugees played a pickup game of soccer with soldiers, young children made arts and crafts with volunteers while their mothers studied English in an adjacent classroom, and families at a warehouse rummaged through boxes of donated underwear, shirts and jackets.

    Afghan evacuees said they were grateful for the warm reception they have received at the fort, but for many, the long wait has been grueling. None have left the base since arriving, unless they were green card holders or U.S. citizens.

    “I have asked many times about the date of departure,’’ said Farwardin Khorasani, 36, who was an interpreter at the U.S. embassy in Kabul. He fled Afghanistan with his wife and two young daughters and hopes to relocate to Sacramento. “We are jobless here and have nothing to do.”

    U.S. officials say the delays are a result of a measles outbreak, medical checks and a vaccination campaign, as well as the need to complete immigration processing, which involves interviews, biometric exams and applications for work permits. Most bases in the United States are at or near capacity, and Afghan evacuees waiting on bases in the Middle East, Spain and Germany can be flown in only once space opens up.

    A shortage of housing also is creating delays. Many families wish to settle where they already have friends or relatives, in places with existing Afghan communities such as California and the Washington, D.C., area. But officials have said that a dearth of affordable apartments could postpone their resettlement. On Thursday, Congress passed a short-term spending bill that included $6.3 billion to relocate and settle Afghan refugees.

    Gen. Glen D. VanHerck, commander of the United States Northern Command, which oversees the operation at Fort McCoy, said the military was prepared to accommodate arrivals on bases through the spring, giving the authorities time to work through the housing shortage.

    “We’ve built housing capacity and we are providing our Afghan guests the environment they need,” he said.

    One of the first priorities has been to inoculate evacuees against a variety of diseases.

    There have been 24 cases of measles, prompting a vaccination campaign against that illness, along with mumps, rubella and polio, an effort that is just winding down. People must wait at least 21 days after those vaccinations before receiving medical clearance to leave the bases.

    Almost 85 percent of all evacuees on bases have received the single-dose Johnson & Johnson vaccine against the coronavirus, and the rate of infection among the population is less than 1 percent, General VanHerck said.

    The bases also have seen crime, not unlike densely packed cities.

    Two Afghan evacuees are in federal custody; one has been charged with engaging in a sexual act with a minor and another charged with assaulting his spouse, both at Fort McCoy.

    The F.B.I. is investigating an assault on a female service member by Afghan men at Fort Bliss in El Paso. And in Quantico, Va., a military police officer on guard duty reported that he had observed a 24-year-old Afghan sexually assaulting a 3-year-old Afghan girl, according to a criminal complaint.

    General VanHerck said the military would “continue taking all necessary measures to ensure the safety” of both those working on the base and the Afghan evacuees. He said many reports to law enforcement were made by Afghans.

    The residents seen on a tightly controlled media tour of the base represented a cross-section of Afghan society.

    Among them was a group of 148 young women who hoped to finish their university education in the United States, and the principal of an international school. There was an Afghan Air Force pilot who had learned to fly UH-60 Black Hawk helicopters in Alabama and Texas.

    There were men and women from remote provinces, including a cook who had prepared food for soldiers in a far-flung outpost. Some people wore traditional Afghan attire. Others donned jeans and T-shirts. About half knew some English, but others would need to begin learning to read and write once they resettled in the United States, officials said.

    Farzana Mohammadi, a member of the Afghan women’s Paralympic basketball team who has been unable to walk since she had polio as a child, said she hoped to keep playing sports and to study psychology in Seattle.

    While optimistic about her own future, “I am only thinking all the time about my parents and younger sister,” said Ms. Mohammadi, 24, whose family was still in Kabul.

    About 50 to 60 people live in each two-story barracks, where single beds sit side-by-side. For privacy, families have improvised partitions using sheets.

    There are robust security details outside the living quarters, which are clustered into “communities,” each with a center where evacuees can get personal hygiene items or learn about activities, such as town halls with military leadership.

    “Grab and go” cafes offering tea, coffee and light snacks are bustling. But the eight self-service laundromats have been underutilized: Most Afghans have preferred to wash their clothing by hand and hang it out to dry on lines, which the military quickly erected.

    An imam certifies that meals served at four cafeterias are halal, but the lines to buy pizza at the base exchange often stretch outside.

    After weeks of being bottled up together with no timeline for leaving, there have been tensions among the residents. Fights often break out in the line to enter the cafeteria, and there are occasional arguments between people from different tribes.

    Several young single women said they were verbally harassed by Afghan men because they were on the base alone.

    “We were told, ‘How are you here without your male family member? We won’t tolerate this,’” recalled Nilab Ibrahimy, 23, who made it to the Kabul airport in a convoy of seven buses carrying the 148 students from the Asian University for Women, based in Bangladesh, where they had all been studying before the coronavirus outbreak stranded them in Kabul.

    Ms. Ibrahimy took the issue to the U.S. military leadership, and the entire group of students was moved to another barracks housing mainly single women. There have been no problems since, she and others said.

    Passing the time has been another challenge. “When we arrived here, we were sitting in our rooms doing nothing,” said Sepehra Azami, 25, who was studying economics before she fled.

    Ms. Azami, Ms. Ibrahimy and another friend, Batool Bahnam, asked some mothers whether they were interested in having their children learn basic conversational English: What is your name? How are you? Thank you.

    They were. Soon, adults began approaching the young women about lessons, too, and classes were added for women and men. “The demand is really high,” Ms. Azami said. “Families are struggling with language barriers.”

    Mounds of clothing have been donated to the refugees, but it took until last week for every evacuee to receive items.

    On Thursday, it was finally the turn of a 12-year-old boy named Nayatola. Dressed in a brown kurta pajama, he searched for clothes in his size. He ended up with an oversize white pullover. On his feet were the adult-size plastic slippers his father had brought from Afghanistan — Nayatola had no other shoes.

    As the day wore on, children could be seen outside doodling with chalk. When the visitors passed by, they called out. “Hello, how are you?” a few of them shouted, trying out their new English phrases.

    Abdulhadi Pageman, the former Afghan Air Force pilot, looked toward the warehouse where families were getting clothes. “These children are the future of the United States,” he said, talking about the children on the base. “They will be scientists, engineers. You just have to be patient.”

    https://www.nytimes.com/2021/10/03/us/afghan-evacuees-military-bases.html?referringSource=articleShare

    #bases_militaires #réfugiés #asile #migrations #transit #Afghanistan #réfugiés_afghans #limbe

    –—

    A mettre en lien avec les pays qui ont accepté d’accueillir des #réfugiés_afghans sur demande des #Etats-Unis (#USA) et dans l’attente d’une #réinstallation (qui n’arrivera jamais ?). Métaliste ici :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/928551
    #pays_de_transit

    ping @isskein @karine4

  • « #Pandora_Papers » : des #milliers_de_milliards de dollars toujours à l’abri dans des #paradis_fiscaux
    https://www.francetvinfo.fr/economie/impots/paradis-fiscaux/pandora-papers-des-milliers-de-milliards-de-dollars-toujours-a-labri-da

    Tiré de la vidéo d’introduction :

    Ces documents, pour la toute première fois, montrent que les #Etats-Unis sont eux-mêmes un paradis fiscal.

    (Pourtant c’était bien connu, à défaut d’être sérieusement relaté)

    […]

    Je pense que cela démontre surtout que les personnes qui pourraient mettre fin au secret offshore, qui pourraient mettre fin à ce qui se passe, en profitent elles-mêmes. Il n’y a donc pas d’incitation à y mettre fin.

    • Et de un !
      Tiens, l’ineffable député LREM Sylvain Maillard est copropriétaire à l’insu de son plein gré d’une société basée aux Seychelles qui vend des fausses toupies Beyblade.
      Quelle poisse, ça tombe toujours sur les mêmes ce genre de mésaventure…
      #PandoraPapers
      https://www.lemonde.fr/les-decodeurs/article/2021/10/05/pandora-papers-le-depute-sylvain-maillard-l-archipel-et-les-toupies_6097216_

      Enquête : Le député LRM de Paris est lié à une société offshore installée aux Seychelles, condamnée en 2014 pour la vente de jouets contrefaits. L’élu assure tout ignorer de l’affaire.

      Sylvain Maillard est un élu macroniste comme on les imagine. Diplômé d’une école de commerce, il fonde en 2001, à l’âge de 27 ans, Alantys Technology, une entreprise spécialisée dans la commercialisation de composants électroniques qui connaît rapidement un grand succès. A 43 ans, il remporte dès le premier tour l’élection législative dans la première circonscription de Paris, devenant ainsi le premier député de La République en marche (LRM) à entrer au Palais-Bourbon après l’élection d’Emmanuel Macron.

      « Pandora Papers » est une enquête collaborative menée par le Consortium international des journalistes d’investigation (ICIJ) en partenariat avec 150 médias internationaux, dont Le Monde. Elle repose sur la fuite de près de 12 millions de documents confidentiels, transmis par une source anonyme à l’ICIJ, provenant des archives de quatorze cabinets spécialisés dans la création de sociétés offshore dans les paradis fiscaux (îles Vierges britanniques, Dubaï, Singapour, Panama, les Seychelles…).

      Cinq ans après les « Panama Papers », l’enquête révèle l’ampleur des dérives de l’industrie offshore et de ses sociétés anonymes. Elle montre comment ce système profite à des centaines de responsables politiques, et comment de nouveaux paradis fiscaux prennent le relais à mesure que les anciens se convertissent à la transparence.

      #paywall

  • US stem cell clinics boomed while FDA paused crackdown
    https://apnews.com/article/coronavirus-pandemic-business-science-health-california-106808694cb797a59db3

    Many stem cell doctors continue to argue that their in-office procedures are outside FDA’s purview. But FDA has concluded that processing stem cells and giving them to patients with serious diseases amounts to creating a new drug, which the agency regulates.

    #sans_vergogne #laxisme #criminel #FDA #états-Unis #cellules_souches

  • WE’RE ALREADY BARRELING TOWARD THE NEXT PANDEMIC - The Atlantic
    https://www.theatlantic.com/health/archive/2021/09/america-prepared-next-pandemic/620238

    America’s frustrating inability to learn from the recent past shouldn’t be surprising to anyone familiar with the history of public health.

    Inability ou unwillingness?

    During the pandemic, many of the public-health experts who appeared in news reports hailed from wealthy coastal universities, creating a perception of the field as well funded and elite. That perception is false. In the early 1930s, the U.S. was spending just 3.3 cents of every medical dollar on public health, and much of the rest on hospitals, medicines, and private health care. And despite a 90-year span that saw the creation of the CDC, the rise and fall of polio, the emergence of HIV, and relentless calls for more funding, that figure recently stood at … 2.5 cents. Every attempt to boost it eventually receded, and every investment saw an equal and opposite disinvestment. A preparedness fund that was created in 2002 has lost half its budget, accounting for inflation.

    #santé_publique #états-unis

  • Activision Blizzard settlement is a « slap in the face, » workers say - Axios
    https://www.axios.com/workers-activision-blizzard-settlement-896d7759-0570-4852-8e2e-7a5b01565ce0.h

    Un collectif de travailleurs du jeu vidéo et de la tech regrette le relativement faible montant des indemnités allouées aux salariés ayant souffert des conditions de travail toxiques chez Blizzard Entertainement.

    #jeu_vidéo #jeux_vidéo #justice #procès #états-unis #californie #activision_blizzard #accord #resources_humaines

    • Today, corruption in these markets is so extreme that hospital executives themselves are often offered a cut of the fees from GPOs.

      In 2013, one analyst said that “many hospital executives who are part of the Premier alliance have learned to rely on that share back as an integral part of their annual compensation.” In other words, hospitals are buying supplies at inflated prices, and those suppliers use some of that extra money in direct bribes to hospital executives.

      #commission

  • The Temporary Hosting of Evacuated Afghans in Third Countries : Responsibility Sharing or Externalisation ?

    In the days after the Taliban took over Kabul, tens of thousands of people tried to escape Afghanistan through emergency airlift evacuations. Many sought passage to the United States (US), having been associated with the American presence in the country. Between the fall of the Afghan government on 15 August and the end of the US withdrawal on 31 August, tens of thousands of Afghans were able to flee the country among the nearly 130,000 people evacuated on US aircraft.

    However, not all of the Afghans landed on US soil. Instead, a range of other countries, with various levels of experience hosting refugees and some with no ties to the conflict in Afghanistan, announced that they would temporarily host evacuated Afghans on behalf of the US. As reported by the US State Department, this list now includes Albania, Bahrain, Canada, Colombia, Costa Rica, Chile, Ecuador, Guyana, India, Kuwait, Mexico, Netherlands, North Macedonia, Poland, Portugal, Qatar, Rwanda, Singapore, Uganda, and the United Arab Emirates. In addition, thousands of other Afghans transited or are still in one of the US military bases in the Middle East or in Europe. Altogether, these agreements represent an novel form of international cooperation: the provision of temporary protection in third states at US request, in the context of the largest emergency evacuation since the Kosovo crisis.

    While the Biden administration has not made explicit why it asked third countries to provide temporary refuge to evacuees, three main factors can explain this decision. First, these deals have bought the US government some time to run security screenings in these countries, before moving evacuees to US soil. While a number of the evacuated Afghans already applied for the Special Immigrant Visa (SIV) or Priority 2 (P-2) programs,[1] the Biden administration initially needed more time to decide on the legal channels for all those who have not completed their application, as well as the at-risk Afghans who are not SIV or P-2 applicants. Lastly, some analysts have pointed that these arrangements with third countries were partly driven by political concerns, with the Administration worried about a public backlash if tens of thousands of Afghans landed on US soil simultaneously and without a thorough security vetting.

    This post sets out what we know about the situation of the Afghans who were evacuated to a third country (outside of a US military base), specifically looking at what living conditions, protection, and legal pathways to the US the evacuees have access to. The post finally discuss whether these agreements between the US and third countries should be understood as a form of responsibility sharing or externalisation of international protection.

    Temporary hosts

    So far, the group of states that have offered temporary protection to evacuated Afghans announced pledges ranging from 450 in Northern Macedonia, 2,000 in Uganda and 5,000 evacuees in Ecuador. But while governments have publicised these targets, there is limited information as to how many Afghans each country has received so far, and how many more people, including family members of evacuees, could be evacuated in the future.

    The nature of the agreements between the US and third countries has also been informal so far, mainly publicised through government press releases or media coverage. There are presently no signs of more detailed arrangements, suggesting they were negotiated hastily, with operational details being worked out after public announcement.

    At operational level, reception conditions for Afghans upon arrival vary from country to country, with evacuees being hosted in reception centres or ad hoc accommodation, including student housing and hotels. In Albania, for instance, the reception capacity for asylum seekers is limited overall but the government decided to open a separate mechanism to host the rescued Afghans.

    The budget and funding for these arrangements are yet to be made public, but the US government is presumably bearing the costs of reception and processing. However, in high-income countries like Canada or where the government is directly coordinating the operation, it remains unclear which state bears the costs for these arrangements.

    Finally, and critically, the duration of the arrangements remains unclear. The agreements for the purpose of transit through US military bases made clear that Afghan evacuees should not spend over 10 days in the third countries, including the United Arab Emirates or Germany. In contrast, the information available on the temporary hosting arrangements with third countries shows that these governments have not set a time limit, simply calling it a temporary mechanism. The Albanian government, for example, already shared that it expected the evacuees to stay for at least one year.

    Unanswered questions and emerging answers

    The procedure for Afghans in these third countries is yet to be clearly outlined, starting with the question of who was (and could be) sent there in the first place. Due to the chaotic situation at Kabul airport before 31 August, it is possible that evacuated Afghans were sent to US bases abroad or third countries more-or-less at random. But it is also likely that people who had already launched a SIV or P-2 application were sent to US military bases to be processed more quickly. Some anecdotal evidence also suggests that the distribution may be based on the occupation of the evacuees in Afghanistan. For instance, the North Macedonian government reported they would host people who previously worked with US-led international forces while the Albanian Prime Minister said they were focusing on Afghans who previously worked for the North Atlantic Treaty Organization.

    Second, it remains to be seen what status Afghans will enjoy in these third countries, and the implications for their rights, including reception conditions and freedom of movement. Albania, for instance, reported that it would grant evacuees temporary protection status, Kosovo announced they would get a one-year residence permit and North Macedonia provided them with a three-month visa.

    Third, there is limited information as to what will happen to evacuees after screenings in these third countries and how this procedure differs in nature and duration from a screening in the US or at a US military base abroad. It remains unclear, for example, how many of the evacuees in these third countries could benefit from the humanitarian parole scheme announced for 50,000 Afghans on 23 August, that allows access to the US on a temporary humanitarian residence permit. Other legal pathways to the US could be offered to these groups, but it remains to be seen what they would be and how long it would take for these options to materialize.

    The third country agreements seem to leave open the possibility that some Afghans could be granted a form of local integration in the host state as refugees or beneficiaries of other forms of international protection. While there has been little indication of such development in the third countries so far, 90 Afghans staying in a US base in Germany have applied for asylum there in the past week.

    Ultimately, one of the most pressing questions is what will happen to those evacuees who are ‘screened out’ by the US. The government insists that Afghans who do not pass the security vetting will not be allowed into the US, or may be deported if security concerns arise after their arrival on US soil. However, officials have not specified where these people will be sent.

    Of course, the US and third states are bound by the principle of non-refoulement, which prohibits the return of any person to a real risk of torture or other ill treatment at the hands of the Taliban. Some Afghans in third states may receive offers of local integration or an alternative resettlement country, though where they are rejected by the US on security grounds, it is difficult to imagine that any other country would want to assume this responsibility.

    Responsibility sharing or externalisation?

    The rapid emergence of these temporary protection agreements could be a sign of a new responsibility sharing mechanism for refugees, but it could also constitute another form of externalisation designed to prevent Afghan refugees from accessing US territory and protection. Given that these arrangements grew out of an emergency situation and were primarily agreed upon broad principles, their operationalization in the next few weeks should provide a definitive answer to this question.

    Responsibility sharing, on the one hand, is a principle of international refugee law emerging from the preamble to the 1951 Refugee Convention, which provides in part:

    the grant of asylum may place unduly heavy burdens on certain countries, and that a satisfactory solution of a problem of which the United Nations has recognized the international scope and nature cannot therefore be achieved without international co-operation

    The principle does not form part of the substantive obligations of the Convention, though a UNHCR expert roundtable on the principle recommends that cooperation must ‘enhance refugee protection and prospects for durable solutions’ and ‘must be in line with international refugee and human rights law’. The Global Compact on Refugees, a non-binding agreement passed by the United Nations General Assembly in 2018, has ‘more equitable sharing of the burden and responsibility for hosting and supporting the world’s refugees’ as its primary objective.

    Thus, one reading of the third country arrangements for Afghan refugees is as a new form of responsibility sharing, with a varied range of states, often with no prior links to Afghanistan, stepping up to host evacuees as a sign of international solidarity. This might neatly fit into what Durieux labels the ‘rescue paradigm’ as the provision of a safe haven by a collective of states. Many of these countries are from the Global South, with some like Colombia and Uganda already hosting very large refugee populations despite widely underfunded humanitarian and development responses. But even though these arrangements were born to a sense of global responsibility, it remains to be seen how the US will have to show its appreciation and payback.

    On the other hand, externalisation describes migration control policies carried out by high-income states outside their borders. Crisp previously defined externalisation as ‘measures taken by states in locations beyond their territorial borders to obstruct, deter or otherwise avert the arrival of refugees.’ UNHCR recently referred to ‘measures preventing asylum-seekers from entering safe territory and claiming international protection, or transfers of asylum-seekers and refugees to other countries without sufficient safeguards.’ While the term ‘externalisation’ does not appear in international refugee law, it has developed into an umbrella concept encompassing migration control measures intended to deter asylum seekers and refugees either extraterritorially or with extraterritorial effects.

    Another reading of these arrangements could then place them alongside existing externalisation efforts. Thus, rather than providing evacuees admission into its territory, the US government is using its diplomatic clout to delegate responsibility for Afghans to partner states. This is likely to raise serious challenges as without guarantees that evacuated Afghans will receive protection in the US, they could enter a form of legal limbo, with no status in the third country nor the US, and no possibility to return home.

    Conclusions

    It is too early to say whether the current US-led temporary protection arrangements for Afghan evacuees in third countries should be considered responsibility sharing, externalisation or even a third policy approach. What is clear is that the US government is still figuring out how these arrangements will be implemented. Ultimately, they will be assessed based on their impact on the rights of Afghans in need of protection, including their reception conditions and freedom of movement in third countries, the duration of their temporary hosting, the scale of admission to the US, and the provision of solutions for those who are not granted passage to the US.

    Many thanks to Camille Le Coz for her invaluable help in drafting this piece.

    [1] The SIV program grants those who worked with the American government of the International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) or a successor mission in Afghanistan legal status in the US. On August 2, the US government also announced a broader category, the Priority-2 refugee status, opened to a broader category of applicants such as Afghans who do not qualify for SIV but still worked for the US government or ISAF, Afghans who worked for a US-funded program, and Afghans who were employed by a US-based media organization or non-governmental organization.

    https://rli.blogs.sas.ac.uk/2021/09/15/the-temporary-hosting-of-evacuated-afghans-in-third-countries-responsibility-sharing-or-externalisation/#es_form_f1-n1

    #externalisation #asile #migrations #réfugiés #réfugiés_afghans #transit #pays_de_transit #Afghanistan #évacuation #réinstallation #responsabilité

    –—

    ajouté à la métaliste des pays qui ont accepté d’accueillir des #réfugiés_afghans sur demande des #Etats-Unis (#USA) et dans l’attente d’une #réinstallation (qui n’arrivera jamais ?)
    https://seenthis.net/messages/928551

  • L’empire fantôme
    https://laviedesidees.fr/Pekka-Hamalainen-Lakota-America.html

    À propos de : Pekka Hämäläinen, Lakota America. A New History of Indigenous Power, New Haven and London:Yale University Press.. À la croisée des histoires indienne, impériale et étatsunienne, Pekka Hämäläinen porte un regard nouveau sur les Lakotas, peuple à la fois célèbre et mal connu, et démontre l’existence de leur #empire nomade au cœur de l’Amérique, qui a subsisté bien après l’arrivée des premiers Européens.

    #Histoire #États-Unis #Amérindiens
    https://laviedesidees.fr/IMG/docx/20210922_lakotafr.docx

    • Le sociologue Rudolf el Kareh, spécialiste du #Moyen-Orient et fin connaisseur des rouages de l’État libanais, a répondu à nos questions.

      Ce carburant iranien va-t-il contribuer à régler la pénurie ?

      Le fuel et l’essence acheminés par camions de #Syrie au #Liban seront distribués dans tous le pays. D’abord sous la forme de donations, en priorité pour alimenter les générateurs des hôpitaux, maisons de repos, orphelinats et municipalités. Ensuite, ces carburants seront distribués au maximum au prix coûtant dans les chaînes de stations-service. L’objectif n’est pas de faire du bénéfice mais de favoriser le retour à la normale du quotidien de la population et de remettre en marche les circuits de distribution et d’importation.

      Comment est-on arrivé à cette crise ?

      La crise est due à des facteurs internes : c’est le résultat de trente années de « #haririsme », d’#endettement, d’#enrichissement_illicite et de #corruption. On a découvert que des spéculateurs avaient anticipé la situation depuis plus d’un an et demi et organisé des pénuries à grande échelle. Et ce n’est pas dû uniquement à des profiteurs de crise. Il y a aussi des facteurs externes venus se greffer sur la situation et les problèmes structurels internes : sous l’ère Trump, il y a eu dès 2019 une stratégie du secrétaire d’État Mike Pompeo pour faire pression sur l’État libanais et obtenir des concessions politiques. L’objectif était de mettre le #Hezbollah et tous ses alliés hors-jeu. Cette stratégie, gérée par l’ambassade des #États-Unis au Liban, consistait en résumé à entretenir les pénuries de produits de première nécessité, de carburant, de médicaments. Sans compter les manipulations financières qui ont eu pour effet de paupériser la majeure partie du peuple libanais. Ce plan a été repris par l’administration Biden, en particulier ceux qui gravitent autour du nouveau secrétaire d’État Antony Blinken, puisqu’in fine le but est de protéger les intérêts d’#Israël. La stratégie est de parvenir à affaiblir et désarmer l’axe de la résistance.

      Y a-t-il, selon vous, une intention de déstabiliser le Liban ?

      Oui. Il s’agit d’une stratégie de la tension qui a pour but de tenter de déstabiliser l’État et de provoquer un blocage du fonctionnement des institutions. Il n’est pas du tout étonnant que, dans cette atmosphère-là, certains camps politiques comme d’anciennes milices transformées en partis politiques, l’ex-Courant du 14-Mars ainsi que Saad Hariri aient affirmé que la solution passait par la démission du Président de la République et celle du Parlement. Ce qui aurait signié la paralysie totale des institutions.
      Cela me rappelle le plan mis en place par Henry Kissinger au Chili avant le coup d’état de Pinochet. Washington y a délibérément organisé une énorme pénurie pour créer un climat de tension. Dans un pays montagneux comme le Chili où la grande majorité des transports se fait par trafic routier, une grève des camionneurs a été financée. Elle a duré plusieurs mois, ce qui a complètement désorganisé la vie quotidienne. Les campagnes médiatiques ont fait le reste en faisant assumer la responsabilité de la situation à Salvador Allende. Pinochet n’avait plus qu’à cueillir le pouvoir.

      Sous quelle forme cette stratégie s’est-elle manifestée ?

      Il y a d’abord eu des mécanismes mis en œuvre par le gouverneur de la Banque centrale du Liban, lequel est d’ailleurs poursuivi en justice au Liban, en France et en Suisse, et qui a permis une évasion massive de capitaux doublée de l’enrichissement illicite de quelques-uns au détriment de l’écrasante majorité des déposants. Ce personnage continue hélas de bénécier d’une protection curieuse de la part de certaines parties libanaises et de parties étrangères, dont les États-Unis. Ensuite, il y a eu la mise en place d’un système surréaliste inédit où coexistent quatre taux de change pour le dollar, qui régit toute l’économie libanaise. Le taux officiel de 1507 livres libanaises pour un dollar, le taux des banques décidé arbitrairement de 3900 livres, un autre taux pour certaines transactions qui est monté à 8500 livres et un taux au marché noir qui a atteint les 20000 livres pour un dollar. Cela a complètement brisé la stabilité financière et économique des familles libanaises qui ont vu leurs salaires et leur pouvoir d’achat dramatiquement dévalués. Parallèlement, les prix ont commencé à monter parce que de très gros spéculateurs liés à certaines forces politiques ont commencé à spéculer tous azimuts. Pénurie et instabilité financière ont été organisées pour orienter les responsabilités vers le Hezbollah et son allié le président Aoun. Et toute une machine médiatique s’est mise en route pour entretenir ces accusations.

      Comment s’est-on aperçu qu’il y avait une organisation de la pénurie ?

      Du jour au lendemain, certains produits sont devenus indisponibles. L’argument pour expliquer cette soudaine pénurie était que les aides du gouvernement se sont elochées jusqu’à être réduites à peau de chagrin. Dès lors les prix ont commencé à grimper. En réalité, c’est le gouverneur qui a décidé de ces baisses, sans aucun garde-fou ni aucune légitimité. Cet été, des ministres (du gouvernement sortant), ceux de l’Énergie et de la Santé surtout, ont eu du courage d’initier des perquisitions. Et on a commencé à découvrir des millions de litres de carburant, des centaines de tonnes de médicaments, stockés dans des lieux clandestins. Il est alors apparu que des gens n’avaient pas pu stocker autant de marchandises en quelques semaines mais que cela avait été anticipé. Cette pénurie interne, entretenue par la stratégie de Pompeo, a consisté à provoquer un état de tension où l’on ne voyait plus les causes de la situation mais uniquement ses effets. A savoir les les aux stations service, les rationnement d’électricité parce qu’il n’y avait plus de fuel ou de gaz pour faire tourner les centrales électriques, les générateurs dans les hôpitaux...

      Quels éléments expliquent qu’il y a bien une stratégie américaine ?

      Face à cette situation dramatique, le camp opposé à la politique américaine initiée par Pompeo a réagi. Le secrétaire général du Hezbollah, Hassan Nasrallah, a notamment annoncé le mois dernier que l’Iran avait accepté, à sa demande, de livrer des carburants au Liban. Le jour même, l’ambassadrice américaine, Dorothy Shea, s’est précipitée auprès du président Aoun pour lui conrmer que les États-Unis allaient faciliter l’approvisionnement du Liban en oul, gaz et électricité grâce au concours de l’Égypte et de la Jordanie, via la Syrie. Proposer de briser le blocus de la Syrie, que Washington a décrété par le biais de la loi César, est pour le moins étrange et résonne comme un aveu que Washington est bien impliqué dans la pénurie.

      Le gouvernement libanais dit ne pas avoir été saisi d’une demande d’importation de carburant iranien...

      Faux. Pour ne pas mettre l’État libanais en porte-à-faux, le Hezbollah a demandé que le tanker accoste à Banyas, en Syrie. Tout se fait de manière transparente. Il faut noter que Nasrallah avait déclaré qu’à partir du moment où le tanker quitterait les eaux territoriales iraniennes, il deviendrait territoire national libanais et qu’il naviguerait au vu et au su de tous, à destination du Liban. Le message implicite était que si une partie quelconque s’avisait de s’en prendre au navire cela constituerait une agression contre le Liban. Le message clair était délivré aux Israéliens : la moindre action commise contre le navire, désignerait immédiatement les responsabilités.

      Cet acheminement ne fait-il pas prendre des risques au Liban pour non- respect des sanctions pétrolières contre l’Iran ?

      C’est exactement le contraire. Ce premier bateau ne se résume pas à une affaire de carburant, il constitue une action de riposte politique face à une autre action politique. Disons qu’il s’agit symboliquement d’un navire à dimension politique et stratégique. Il a permis à la fois de révéler les dessous de la situation, la structure des complicités, de briser le blocus contre le Liban, de briser le blocus contre la Syrie, ainsi que celui contre l’Iran. Ce n’est pas rien. On ne reviendra pas en arrière. Nous entrons dans une nouvelle phase au Moyen-Orient.

      #Iran #Riad_salemeh

  • Les pollutions indélébiles de l’armée américaine au Proche-Orient | Bruce Stanley
    https://orientxxi.info/magazine/les-pollutions-indelebiles-de-l-armee-americaine-au-moyen-orient,5020

    Les conséquences des interventions militaires américaines dans le monde sont connues : destructions, victimes civiles, régimes renversés ou soutenus... Elles laissent aussi de terribles traces environnementales, écologiques et sanitaires pour les populations, même quand les troupes américaines se sont retirées. Le 2 juillet 2021, les forces de sécurité afghanes ont découvert au petit matin que l’armée américaine s’était retirée dans la nuit de la base aérienne de Bagram, au nord de Kaboul, tout à la fois (...) Source : Orient XXI

  • Counterfeit Capitalism: Why a Monopolized Economy Leads to Inflation and Shortages - by Matt Stoller - BIG by Matt Stoller
    https://mattstoller.substack.com/p/counterfeit-capitalism-why-a-monopolized

    American commerce, law, finance, and politics is organized around producing bottlenecks, not relieving them. And that means when there’s a supply shock, we increasingly can’t take care of ourselves.

    The scariest part of this whole saga is not that a bunch of malevolent monopolists run our economy, inducing shortages for profit. Indeed, these shortages are not intentional, any more than the financial crash of 2008 was intentional. Most of what is happening is unintended. Bad actors aren’t steering the ship. They are just making sure that no one else can, even when it’s headed for the rocks.

    #monopole #pénurie #cherté #états-unis

  • #Virginia Removes Robert E. Lee Statue From State Capital

    The Confederate memorial was erected in 1890, the first of six monuments that became symbols of white power along the main boulevard in #Richmond.

    One of the nation’s largest Confederate monuments — a soaring statue of Robert E. Lee, the South’s Civil War general — was hoisted off its pedestal in downtown Richmond, Va., on Wednesday, bringing to an end the era of Confederate statues in the city that is best known for them.

    At 8:54 a.m., a man in an orange jacket waved his arms, and the 21-foot statue rose into the air and glided, slowly, to a flatbed truck below. The sun had just come out and illuminated the towering, graffiti-scrawled granite pedestal as a small crowd let out a cheer.

    “As a native of Richmond, I want to say that the head of the snake has been removed,” said Gary Flowers, a Black radio show host and civil rights activist at the scene.

    It was an emotional and deeply symbolic moment for a city that was once the capital of the Confederacy. The Lee statue was erected in 1890, the first of six Confederate monuments — symbols of white power — to dot Monument Avenue, a grassy boulevard that was a proud feature of the city’s architecture and a coveted address. On Wednesday, it became the last of them to be removed, opening up the story of this city to all of its residents to write.

    “This city belongs to all of us, not just some of us,” said David Bailey, who is Black and whose nonprofit organization, Arrabon, helps churches with racial reconciliation work. “Now we can try to figure out what’s next. We are creating a new legacy.”

    The country has periodically wrestled over monuments to its Confederate past, including in 2017, after a far-right rally in Charlottesville, Va., touched off efforts to tear them down — and to put them up. Richmond, too, removed some after the murder of George Floyd last year, in a sudden operation that took many by surprise. But the statue of General Lee endured, mostly because of its complicated legal status. That was clarified last week by the Supreme Court of Virginia. On Monday, Gov. Ralph Northam, who had called for its removal last year, announced he would finally do it.

    The battle over Civil War memory has been with Americans since the war itself. At its root, it is a power struggle over who has the right to decide how history is remembered. It is painful because it involves the most traumatic event the nation has experienced, and one that is still, to some extent, unprocessed, largely because the South came up with its own version of the war — that it was a noble fight for states’ rights, not slavery.

    The Lee monument, a bronze sculpture made by a French sculptor, was erected to make those points. When it was unveiled, on May 29, 1890, the crowd that turned out was the largest gathering in Richmond since the inauguration of Jefferson Davis as president of the Confederacy in 1862, with around 150,000 participants, according to the Virginia Department of Historic Resources.

    The statues on Monument Avenue were at the heart of Richmond’s identity, and the fact that they came down seemed to surprise almost everybody.

    “I would have thought somebody would blow up Richmond first before anyone would have let that happen,” Mr. Bailey said. “It’s a modern-day miracle.”

    But Richmond has changed. And as it became more diverse, demographically and politically, more of its residents began to question the memorials. Many people interviewed in this once conservative city said that they might not have agreed in past years, but that now the removal of the statues felt right.

    “I’ve evolved,” said Irv Cantor, a moderate Democrat in Richmond, who is white and whose house is on Monument Avenue. “I was naïvely thinking that we could keep these statues and just add new ones to show the true history, and everything would be fine.”

    But he said the past few years of momentous events involving race, from the election of the first Black president, to the violence in Charlottesville in 2017, to the killing of Mr. Floyd last summer and the protests that followed, showed him that the monuments were fundamentally in conflict with fairness in America.

    “Now I understand the resentment that folks have toward these monuments,” said Mr. Cantor, who is 68. “I don’t think they can exist anymore.”

    Now they are nearly all gone, and the city is littered with a series of empty pedestals, a kind of symbol of America’s unfinished business of race that is particularly characteristic of Richmond. (One smaller Confederate monument remains, of General A.P. Hill, in northern Richmond, far from Monument Avenue. The city has enacted a plan to remove it, but it has taken time because his remains are inside.)

    “We’ve begun to peel back the scabs,” said the Rev. Sylvester Turner, pastor at Pilgrim Baptist Church in the Richmond neighborhood of Eastview, who has worked on racial reconciliation in the city for 30 years. “When you do that, you experience a lot of pain and a lot of pushback, and I think we are in that place.”

    Richmond’s statue story is not typical. W. Fitzhugh Brundage, a historian at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, said that while several Democratic-controlled cities in the South have removed Confederate statues, a vast majority have remained standing. In his state of North Carolina, there were about 220 memorials on public lands in 2017. Today, about 190 are still standing.

    Progress on race in America tends to be followed by backsliding — and backlash — and many Black people interviewed in Richmond said they were bracing for that. Darryl Husband, senior pastor of Mt. Olivet Church in Richmond, works with conservative white churches and does not trust that they really want the change they say they do.

    Mr. Husband was unsentimental about the Lee statue coming down, more interested in real change that would improve the lives of Black people.

    “My first feelings obviously had to do with, ‘OK, what’s next?’” he said. “The symbol is down, but how do we deal with the rest of the symptoms that symbol represented?”

    In Richmond, as in many other places, the argument over race now centers on whether American institutions have racism baked in.

    Maggie Johnston, 62, a waitress who is white, might have rejected that notion earlier in life. She grew up in a Republican family whose firm belief was that hard work always brought success. But time in prison — and a wrenching reckoning with her own mistakes — opened her eyes.

    Ms. Johnston, who watched the monument come down on Wednesday while walking her dog Peanut, said her friends say, “I’m a hard-working person and I don’t have any privilege.” She tells them that privilege is not about money. “Privilege is about thinking the world works for everybody else the way it works for you.”

    Mr. Husband argued that the current thinking from conservatives on race was about who has the right to define America: “It says don’t mess with our power. Our power is in our ability to create the narrative of history.”

    Corey Widmer, pastor at Third Church, a mostly white, largely conservative church in Richmond, said he had wrestled with resistance to the current moment. He has worked hard to help his congregants accept how much the country has moved on race. They have read books, held Zoom sessions and debated what was happening. Some congregants changed. Others left the church.

    “There’s so much fear and so much political polarization,” said Mr. Widmer, who is white. He said every pastor in Richmond who is trying to help white Christians see Black Americans’ perspective and “reckon with our own responsibility has really been grieved by the conflict and pain that it has caused.”

    He added: “And yet this is how we change. Face it head on. Work through it. Love each other. Try to stay at the table. And just keep working. I don’t know what else to do.”

    On Wednesday morning, with the pedestal now empty, and General Lee on his way to a state warehouse, Mr. Flowers, the radio show host, was happy. He said he planned to celebrate by telling pictures of his dead relatives that “the humiliation and agony and pain you suffered has been partly lifted.”

    https://www.nytimes.com/2021/09/08/us/robert-e-lee-statue-virginia.html

    #Robert_Lee #guerre_civile #USA #Etats-Unis #statue #toponymie #toponymie_politique #histoire

    ping @cede

  • #Souveraineté_alimentaire. Aux États-Unis, les Amérindiens veulent “décoloniser leur assiette”

    La pandémie de Covid-19 a accru la volonté d’#autonomie_alimentaire des Amérindiens, qui renouent aujourd’hui avec les semis, les cultures et les #pratiques_culinaires traditionnelles pour “rééduquer” leur palais.

    Au printemps 2020, alors que le Covid-19 se propageait aux États-Unis, #Daniel_Cornelius a fait ses #semis. Membre de la nation #Oneida du Wisconsin, il vit dans la campagne vallonnée du sud de Madison, où il a planté des carottes, des tomates ainsi que des plantes traditionnelles amérindiennes : fèves, citrouilles et maïs.

    Il a aidé d’autres Amérindiens à faire de même. En juin, il a pris son tracteur manuel, direction le Nord, jusqu’aux Chippewas du lac du Flambeau, pour les aider à retourner et à préparer la terre selon la tradition.

    Puis, il a amené des graines de courge à la réserve Menominee du #Wisconsin, où les habitants ont aménagé des parterres de culture surélevés comme le faisaient leurs ancêtres.

    Il a collecté du sirop sur des érables et a ramassé du riz sauvage puis, en septembre, il s’est rendu à une foire dans la réserve Oneida, près de Green Bay, où il les a échangés contre des poivrons, des œufs de caille et de la soupe de maïs. “Presque tout le monde voulait de ce sirop d’érable”, raconte-t-il.

    Renouer avec les pratiques traditionnelles

    Cornelius fait partie du mouvement dit de “souveraineté alimentaire”, de plus en plus populaire chez les Amérindiens, qui vise à augmenter la production locale et à renouer avec l’agriculture et les pratiques culinaires traditionnelles.

    C’est un phénomène à grande échelle qui va de la culture d’un potager par des familles dans leur jardin jusqu’au développement d’un réseau d’organisations régionales et nationales dédiées à la coopération entre tribus, au partage de techniques agricoles et à la préservation de variétés ancestrales.

    “Les gens sont demandeurs de ces produits, explique Cornelius, également conseiller technique pour le Conseil agricole intertribal de Billings, dans le Montana, et professeur à l’université du Wisconsin. Et ils ont aussi soif de connaissances.”

    Pour de nombreux Amérindiens, le retour à des produits et cultures traditionnels s’inscrit dans un effort plus large pour se “décoloniser”. Une façon de réparer les ravages économiques et culturels infligés par les descendants d’Européens qui les ont chassés de leurs terres, enfermés dans des réserves et envoyés dans des pensionnats et ont tout fait pour les couper de leurs racines.

    Cela ne passe pas seulement par un regain d’intérêt pour les #plantes_ancestrales mais aussi par un retour à une certaine vie économique et culturelle, et à des coutumes et des traditions liées à la #nourriture et à sa production.

    Des effets bénéfiques sur la santé

    Sur le plan pratique, la souveraineté alimentaire est une solution qui vise plus d’autonomie et qui ouvre également des perspectives économiques dans les communautés les plus pauvres.

    (#paywall)

    https://www.courrierinternational.com/article/souverainete-alimentaire-aux-etats-unis-les-amerindiens-veule
    #peuples_autochtones #USA #Etats-Unis #décolonisation #alimentation #agriculture

    ping @cede @odilon

    • Seeds and beyond: Native Americans embrace ‘food sovereignty’

      Last spring, as COVID-19 swept the nation, Daniel Cornelius planted. A member of the Oneida Nation of Wisconsin, he lives in the rolling farm country south of Madison, where he planted carrots and tomatoes, as well as traditional Native American crops – beans, pumpkins, and corn in hues ranging from cream to deep red and bearing names like Tuscarora white, Mohawk yellow, and Bear Island flint.

      He helped others plant, too. In June he took his small walk-behind tractor north to help members of the Lac du Flambeau Band of Lake Superior Chippewa start gardens, heaping the soil in long mounded rows in imitation of traditional planting hills. He brought squash seeds to the reservation of the Menominee Indian Tribe of Wisconsin, where members have been building raised beds after ancient Menominee practice. He tapped box-elder trees for syrup and gathered wild rice, and in September he brought them to a bartering event on the Oneida reservation, near Green Bay, where he traded them for peppers, quail eggs, and corn soup.

      “Almost everyone wanted that box-elder syrup,” he says.

      Mr. Cornelius is part of a growing “food sovereignty” movement among Native Americans, an effort aimed at increasing local food production and reviving Indigenous agricultural and culinary practices. It’s a broad-ranging movement that includes families growing vegetables in backyard gardens and an ever-expanding network of regional and national organizations devoted to fostering intertribal cooperation, sharing agricultural know-how, and promoting the use and preservation of traditional crop varieties.

      “People are hungry – literally hungry to eat these foods,” says Mr. Cornelius, who is also a technical adviser for the Intertribal Agriculture Council, based in Billings, Montana, and an instructor at the University of Wisconsin-Madison. “But also, in a more figurative sense, they’re just hungry for knowledge.”

      For many Native Americans, the return to traditional foods is part of a wider effort to “decolonize” their people, a way to repair the economic and cultural damage inflicted by European Americans who drove them from their lands, confined them to reservations, sent them to boarding schools, and tried to sever them from their old ways. It means not just planting old seeds but reviving the economic and cultural life, the ceremonies, the customs and beliefs, around food and food production.

      In a practical sense, food sovereignty offers a path toward greater self-sufficiency and economic opportunity in poor communities. Perhaps more critical are its potential benefits for public health. Native Americans face high rates of diabetes, heart disease, obesity, and other conditions that food sovereignty advocates say result from a dependence on processed foods.

      “We’ve got to get back to a diet and food system that our bodies and our babies can handle,” says Gary Besaw, head of the Department of Agriculture and Food Systems on the Menominee reservation.

      Since it emerged a year ago, COVID-19 has given new urgency to these efforts. The coronavirus hit Native American communities hard: In December, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention reported that Native Americans and Alaskan Natives were 3 1/2 times more likely than white Americans to become infected with the virus. Yet, while COVID-19 has revealed the vulnerability of Native peoples, it has also inspired more of them to plant, fish, gather, and hunt.

      “People are seeing the weakness within our current food system,” says Rebecca Webster, who with her husband, Stephen, grows corn and other traditional crops on the Oneida reservation. “They want to know where their food is coming from. They want to take control back.”

      Much of the food sovereignty movement focuses on seeds: growing and preserving them, as well as finding and distributing old and not-yet-forgotten varieties. Some of this work requires research, like figuring out where a seed company acquired its varieties long ago. It also involves hunting down a variety that someone has been growing – and then producing enough seed to share. Organizations like Seed Savers Exchange, based in Decorah, Iowa, and long devoted to promoting heirloom seeds, have in recent years been growing Native varieties and sending out seeds to a small number of established growers. In addition, an expanding universe of workshops and YouTube videos is available to teach aspiring growers how to use Native agricultural techniques.
      The “Three Sisters”

      The most popular seeds are the “Three Sisters” of Indigenous agriculture: corn, beans, and squash. They are traditionally grown together in mounds, as the Websters do on the Oneida reservation. The cornstalks serve as a trellis for the bean vines, while the beans, which are legumes, enrich the soil for the corn. The squash sprawls out all around. A modification of this strategy is to grow the corn and beans in mounded rows, with squash on the ends. Many Native growers also plant tobacco and sunflowers.

      When the pandemic struck, the demand for seeds soared. People had more time at home; they also were rattled by local food shortages. On the Meskwaki Settlement in Tama, Iowa, Shelley Buffalo, local foods coordinator for the Meskwaki Food Sovereignty Initiative, grappled with a “huge increase” in requests for seeds. “There were many people who were gardening for the first time,” she says. Appeals to the Traditional Native American Farmers Association “nearly depleted what we had,” says Clayton Brascoupé, a farmer in Tesuque Pueblo, New Mexico, and the group’s program director.

      “There were people contacting us from a lot of new places,” he says. “They said, ‘Can you send seed?’”

      But it’s not all about seeds. Native Americans are also raising bison, spearing fish, picking chokecherries, harvesting wild rice – and much more.

      It’s a movement that touches every tribe in the United States and reflects both the geographical and historical diversity of Native American communities. The Quapaw Nation of Oklahoma raises bison on lands recovered from lead and zinc mining and operates its own meat processing plant. The Muckleshoot of Washington state have hosted workshops on how to fillet a salmon and slice up an elk. Ndée Bikíyaa, or People’s Farm, is trying to revive agriculture among Arizona’s White Mountain Apache. Minnesota’s Red Lake Ojibwe sell mail-order wild rice and chokeberry jam. And in Hugo, Minnesota, just outside the Twin Cities, the organization Dream of Wild Health teaches Native children how to garden; a program for teenagers is called Garden Warriors.

      “This year was a big wake-up call for our tribe,” says Greg Johnson, a member of the Lac du Flambeau Band and an expert in cooking muskellunge, a predatory fish found in northern lakes, which he does by wrapping it in birch bark and baking it in the ground, under a fire. Mr. Johnson says that worries over the food supply sent twice the number of his band than usual out to spear walleyed pike in northern Wisconsin lakes early last spring, a tradition among his people. More people hunted deer later in the year; he taught some of them how to can the venison.

      “In many respects, for me it was really good to see that,” he says. “There were people you never thought would get wild rice. There were people who you never thought would get wild medicines. It was really incredible.”
      Chef participation, too

      Getting the food is only part of the movement. A growing number of chefs are promoting Native cuisine, among them Sean Sherman, an Oglala Lakota and recipient of a James Beard Award. The founder and CEO of The Sioux Chef business in Minneapolis, Mr. Sherman directs a food lab devoted to teaching Native culinary approaches. COVID-19 delayed his plan to open a restaurant, but it inspired a new form of outreach: ready-to-eat meals prepared in the Twin Cities and distributed to Native communities around the region. By December, a crew of 24 workers was sending 6,000 meals a week. It distributed 500 meal kits before the holidays, including the fixings for what Mr. Sherman describes as a Native grain bowl – Potawatomi corn, bison meat, dried blueberries, and puffed wild rice. “That was a fun one,” he says.

      Efforts to revive Native foods are not new. Mr. Brascoupé recalls an intertribal meeting in Gallup, New Mexico, in 1992 at which older farmers voiced concerns about their dwindling numbers. “They also saw a decline in people’s health,” he says. “They tied those two together.”

      In the years since, Mr. Brascoupé has seen a steady increase in the ranks of Native farmers. And what started as a rural movement, he says, has moved to cities, where many Native Americans live – to community gardening and programs teaching Native gardening and culture to children. Mr. Brascoupé attributes much of the resurgence not to tribal initiatives, which have become widespread, but to younger individuals carrying on the work of their elders. Once a young farmer himself, he now has grandchildren who farm.

      “A lot of what we see now started with young people,” Mr. Brascoupé says. “It was more from the bottom up than the top down, from tribal governments.”

      Indeed, the food sovereignty movement builds upon the perseverance and determination of individuals and families who have worked over many years to keep Native food traditions alive. One of these people is Luke Kapayou, who grew up on the Meskwaki Settlement. “When I was growing up, all of us, we had to help with the gardens,” he recalls. “Most of the families had their own gardens.”

      As Mr. Kapayou got older, however, he noticed that fewer people were gardening. And those still doing it were planting fewer old varieties – mainly just corn, the most prized of Native foods. He resolved to keep growing traditional beans and squash, and he began to seek out other varieties both on and off the settlement. He consulted old ethnographies. He even tried – unsuccessfully – to track down seeds at a New York museum.

      “Most of the seeds that me and my family are growing in our garden are what my parents and great-grandparents were growing,” he says. “They’ve been growing for a thousand years. I don’t know, I think I believe these seeds are sacred. They’re very special. It makes me want to keep growing them, and I want to make sure our kids keep growing them.”
      Plenty of challenges

      Despite its successes, the food sovereignty movement still faces plenty of challenges. Growing old crop varieties can be labor-intensive: If done in the traditional way, they are planted and harvested by hand, with the three main crops – corn, beans, and squash – planted together. Also, growers need to take care that nearby field crops, especially corn, don’t cross-pollinate with traditional varieties. And it takes time to preserve the foods – usually by drying – and to cook them up in traditional dishes, such as corn soup, which Mr. Kapayou prepares outside in an old kettle over a wood fire. In addition, efforts to take advantage of Native treaty rights for hunting and fishing continue to meet resistance – as when a group of non-Native people harassed Mr. Johnson while he speared walleyes at a Wisconsin lake last April.

      Nor is it easy to get people to renounce modern processed foods. Nicky Buck knows this well. A member of the Prairie Island Indian Community in Minnesota, she grew up behind a McDonald’s and ate sugar sandwiches as a child – and developed kidney disease as an adult. Today she eats – and promotes – Native foods in her community.

      “You just have to retrain your palate,” she says. “You have to decolonize your palate.”

      Decolonizing the palates of the young poses a special challenge. Parents make sloppy Joes out of bison meat and substitute flint corn for wheat pasta. Ms. Webster, the mother of two teenage daughters, says, “We’re trying to show that corn is cool enough even though there’s a frozen pizza looking at them.”

      The gardening itself may occasion a complaint from younger ones, but it’s good family time. Indeed, the food sovereignty movement is often about bringing people together – growing, harvesting, trading seeds and food, and, of course, eating. A Native foods cooperative on the Oneida reservation has 15 member families and saw more applications to join last year than ever before. “There are a lot of folks showing interest,” says Lea Zeise, who manages the co-op.
      A year-round effort

      Food sovereignty is a year-round effort. Over the winter, gardeners have been cooking up what they harvested and preserved in the fall – the dried beans, the canned venison, the corn boiled and dried and stored in glass jars. In northern Wisconsin, members of the Lac du Flambeau Band were busy with winter spearing, chopping holes through 28 inches of ice to get to the fish.

      “We’re going to get as many muskies as we can,” says Mr. Johnson. “We have a lot of younger people who want to do this.”

      Others are looking forward to spring – planning their gardens, shelling dried corn for seed, and in some cases looking beyond the pandemic to a resumption of the workshops and conferences that have helped spread the food sovereignty movement. “People can’t wait to get together,” says Mr. Cornelius.

      In the meantime, Mr. Cornelius, like other food sovereignty advocates, is heavily booked on Zoom. He’s also full of plans for his own farming. In midwinter he was thinking he should plant his greenhouse soon. He was also trying to figure out how to tap more trees in early spring, including a stand of silver maples on land he just bought last year – 51 acres, mostly woods, plus the derelict buildings of an old dairy farm. He hopes to bring in cattle. His friends say he should raise bison. Maybe someday, he tells them.

      “One step at a time,” he says.

      https://www.csmonitor.com/USA/Society/2021/0222/Seeds-and-beyond-Native-Americans-embrace-food-sovereignty

      #semences #graines