• Des tribunaux français arrêtent des #renvois dans le cadre du #règlement_dublin vers l’#Italie... ceci car il n’y aurait pas de #garanties suffisantes pour les demandeurs d’asile...
    C’est évidemment une conséquence du #Decreto_Salvini (#décret_salvini), peut-être la seule conséquence positive...
    v. cet article paru dans un journal italien :

    L’odissea degli ultimi. « L’Italia vìola i diritti dei profughi »

    Tribunali francesi bloccano i rimpatri verso l’Italia: «Garanzie insufficienti per i richiedenti asilo». Anche da Londra una doppia sentenza della «corte superiore» apre a ricorsi di massa contro Roma.

    Francia e Regno Unito stanno respingendo sempre meno migranti verso l’Italia. Proprio quello che chiede il governo di Roma. La motivazione, però, non è lusinghiera. I tribunali esteri stanno annullando i trasferimenti perché il sistema giuridico e la prassi italiana sono «a rischio di trattamenti inumani o degradanti», e in «aperta violazione della Carta dei diritti fondamentali dell’Unione europea».

    Il campionario delle contestazioni è un’escalation di accuse. Si va dall’uso «eccessivo della forza nelle procedure di identificazione», per passare all’analisi delle «carenze sistemiche, in particolare per quanto riguarda il diritto alla casa e alla salute», arrivando alla «detenzione sistematica dei richiedenti asilo» durante la quale si svolgono «interrogatori sommari, indipendentemente dal trauma del viaggio appena vissuto, in assenza di considerazione per le particolari esigenze e i casi di vulnerabilità ». I magistrati transalpini non sono teneri neanche con le proprie autorità. Specie rimproverando la gendarmeria e le prefetture, che ordinano l’accompagnamento coatto alla frontiera italiana senza esaminare la situazione di ogni singolo straniero. Poi mettono sul banco degli imputati defezioni e anomalie nella gestione del fenomeno migratorio nel nostro Paese.

    Alcune sentenze riguardano casi esaminati all’epoca del governo Gentiloni. Ma da quando è in sella l’esecutivo pentaleghista i ricorsi dei migranti che soggiornano irregolarmente in Francia e che rischiano di venire respinti verso il Paese di primo approdo (come prevede il regolamento di Dublino) sono aumentati: tre solo nell’ultimo mese. Verdetti che fanno giurisprudenza e che già nei prossimi giorni fanno annunciare una pioggia di ricorsi da parte dei migranti arrivati irregolarmente in Francia. Il 15 ottobre, per stare a una delle sentenze più recenti, il tribunale amministrativo di Pau, ai piedi dei Pirenei, non lontano da Lourdes, ha annullato l’ordine di trasferimento emesso dal prefetto delle Landes contro un richiedente asilo. Nel decreto del giudice viene spiegato che spesso dopo i respingimenti in Italia i richiedenti asilo vengono abbandonati a sé stessi, «in condizioni a volte pericolose», non di rado costretti «a vagare per centinaia di chilometri». Inoltre, pur se in attesa dell’esame della domanda d’asilo, gli stranieri anche «a causa di ritardi amministrativi», finiscono per vivere nella precarietà, in situazioni di occupazioni abusive, «nei campi informali o in edifici fatiscenti ». Condizioni che non consentono di tutelare «i loro diritti, incluso quello alla salute».

    Persone che sopravvivono «grazie a enti di beneficenza» ma sono messe «sotto pressione dalle autorità che abitualmente evacuano i loro luoghi di vita senza proporre soluzioni risistemazione». L’avvocato parigino Alexandra Olsufiev è in prima linea nella difesa dei diritti dei migranti. «Per anni – spiega – i legali francesi hanno combattuto con poco successo i trasferimenti secondo il dettato di Dublino».

    I tribunali amministrativi «hanno sempre dato ragione alle prefetture che con i loro provvedimenti rispedivano in Italia i richiedienti d’asilo. Ma con la nomina del nuovo governo italiano le cose sono cambiate. I giudizi che cancellano i trasferimenti – osserva Olsufiev – si moltiplicano anche davanti alle Corti di appello». Non tutti i giudici addossano responsabilità esclusive sul governo italiano, spesso lasciato da solo a gestire le emergenze. Il 5 ottobre il tribunale amministrativo di Nantes ha annullato l’accompagnamento di un nordafricano fino al confine italiano perché l’afflusso di immigrati nella Penisola «rallenta l’elaborazione delle domande d’asilo», mettendo in difficoltà le autorità italiane che non sempre «sono in grado di adempiere ai propri obblighi nei confronti dei migranti richiedenti asilo».

    Anche da Londra, nonostante la Brexit e l’annunciata stretta sull’ammissione di stranieri, arrivano accuse all’Italia. Nei giorni scorsi è stato depositato dalla “Camera per l’immigrazione e l’asilo” del Tribunale superiore una sentenza di 102 pagine su fatti risalenti all’aprile 2018 (governo Gentiloni). Nelle motivazioni, però, non mancano riferimenti alla situazione attuale, su cui i giudici britannici si pronunciano senza andare per il sottile. Esaminando tre ricorsi di migranti arrivati illegalmente attraverso la Francia e destinati a rientrare in Italia, i magistrati hanno accolto due istanze depositate dallo studio legale ’Wilson Sollicitors”, fra l’altro istruiti da Giulia Tranchina, avvocato di origine milanese specializzato nel Diritto d’asilo e dei migranti. Il Tribunale ha concluso che S.M. (un cittadino sudanese, con status di rifugiato in Italia) giunto illegalmente nel Regno Unito, «ha vissuto eventi traumatici» e a causa di queste esperienze «soffre di gravi problemi di salute mentale». In Italia, però, non è stato adeguatamente assistito.

    Anche R.K. (un cittadino eritreo) è stato riconosciuto come «persona vulnerabile », alla luce della natura «dei maltrattamenti subiti in Eritrea e altrove e che hanno causato o almeno contribuito a ciò che riteniamo come una seria disabilità mentale e fisica». La corte riconosce come l’Italia sia «sotto pressione» a causa dell’afflusso di migranti, ma ritiene «provato» che l’iter delle domande d’asilo e le possibilità offerte ai migranti di poter manifestare e provare la propria condizione di rifugiati siano lacunose. L’accesso agli Sprar (prima delle ulteriori restrizioni entrate in vigore con il Decreto Sicurezza) era già allora ritenuto come «incerto», con lunghe liste d’attesa e senza garanzie per le persone vulnerabili.

    https://www.avvenire.it/attualita/pagine/litalia-vola-i-diritti-dei-profughi
    #expulsions #renvois_Dublin #asile #migrations #réfugiés #France #UK #Angleterre



  • #Saint-Médard-en-Jalles (33) : Dernière semaine mouvementée sur la Zone du Dehors
    https://fr.squat.net/2018/12/03/saint-medard-en-jalles-33-derniere-semaine-mouvementee-sur-la-zone-du-deho

    Lundi et mardi, nous avons attendus dès 7 heures du matin l’arrivée d’une équipe d’employés d’Ariane Group afin de lancer les négociations au sujet de l’opération de forages et prélèvements qu’ils avaient pour projet de faire dans les jardins des maisons du quartier. Ces négociations sont actuellement au point mort, faute d’interlocuteur.trice, car ils ne […]

    #Allée_Dordins #Bordeaux #Chemin_des_Vergers #Collectif_Zone_Du_Dehors #expulsion #ouverture #sans-papiers


  • Regno Unito, quindici attivisti rischiano l’ergastolo per aver bloccato la deportazione di migranti

    La criminalizzazione della solidarietà non riguarda solo l’Italia, con la martellante campagna contro le Ong che salvano vite nel Mediterraneo. In Francia sette attivisti rischiano 10 anni di carcere e 750mila euro di multa per “associazione a delinquere finalizzata all’immigrazione clandestina”. Nel Regno Unito altri quindici rischiano addirittura l’ergastolo per aver bloccato nella notte del 28 marzo 2017 nell’aeroporto di Stansted la deportazione di un gruppo di migranti caricati in segreto su un aereo diretto in Nigeria.

    Attivisti appartenenti ai gruppi End Deportations, Plane Stupid e Lesbian and Gays Support the Migrants hanno circondato l’aereo, impedendone il decollo. Come risultato della loro azione undici persone sono rimaste nel Regno Unito mentre la loro domanda di asilo veniva esaminata e due hanno potuto restare nel paese. Nonostante il carattere nonviolento dell’azione, il gruppo che ha bloccato l’aereo è finito sotto processo con accuse basate sulla legge anti-terrorismo e se giudicato colpevole rischia addirittura l’ergastolo. Il verdetto è atteso la settimana prossima.

    Membri dei movimenti pacifisti, antirazzisti e ambientalisti si sono uniti per protestare contro l’iniquità delle accuse. Amnesty International ha espresso la preoccupazione che siano state formulate per scoraggiare altri attivisti dall’intraprendere azioni dirette nonviolente in difesa dei diritti umani. Il vescovo di Chelmsford, la cittadina dove si tiene il processo, si è presentato in tribunale per esprimere il suo appoggio agli imputati. La primavera scorsa oltre 50 personalità, tra cui la leader dei Verdi Caroline Lucas, la scrittrice e giornalista Naomi Klein, il regista Ken Loach e l’attrice Emma Thompson hanno firmato una lettera in cui chiedono il ritiro delle accuse contro i “Quindici di Stansted” e la fine dei voli segreti di deportazione.

    Nel Regno Unito questa pratica è iniziata nel 2001. Molte delle persone deportate hanno vissuto per anni nel paese; vengono portate via dai posti di lavoro, in strada o dalle loro case, rinchiuse in centri di detenzione, caricate in segreto su voli charter notturni e inviate in paesi che spesso non conoscono e dove rischiano persecuzioni e morte. Alcuni non vengono preavvisati in tempo per ricorrere in appello contro la deportazione. “Il nostro è stato un atto di solidarietà umana, di difesa e resistenza contro un regime sempre più brutale” ha dichiarato un’attivista.


    https://www.pressenza.com/it/2018/12/regno-unito-quindici-attivisti-rischiano-lergastolo-per-aver-bloccato-la-
    #UK #Angleterre #solidarité #délit_de_solidarité #criminalisation #asile #migrations #réfugiés #expulsions



  • The Administrative Arrangement between Greece and Germany

    The Administrative Arrangement between Ministry of migration Policy of the Hellenic Republic and the Federal Ministry of Interior of the Republic of Germany has been implemented already to four known cases. It has been the product of bilateral negotiations that occurred after German Chancellor Merkel faced another political crisis at home regarding the handling of the refugee issue.

    The document which has been the product of undisclosed negotiations and has not been made public upon its conclusion is a brief description of the cooperation of Greek and German authorities in cases of refusal of entry to persons seeking protection in the context of temporary checks at the internal German-Austrian border, as defined in its title. It essentially is a fast track implementation of return procedures in cases for which Dublin Regulation already lays down specific rules and procedures. The procedures provided in the ‘Arrangement’ skip all legal safeguards and guarantees of European Legislation.

    RSA and PRO ASYL have decided to publicize the document of the Arrangement for the purpose of serving public interest and transparency. The considerable secrecy that the two member states kept on a document of such importance is a scandal itself. There are two first underlying observations which incur/ result from studying the document. First, the Arrangement has the same institutional (or by institutional) features with the EU-Turkey deal, it is the product of negotiations which intend to regulate EU policy procedures without having been the product of an EU level institutional procedure. It circumvents European law (the Dublin regulation) in order to serve the interests of a group of particular member states. As a result its status within the legal apparatus of the EU and international law is obscure.

    Secondly, the ‘Arrangement’ introduces a grey zone (intentionally if not geographically) where a bilateral deal between two countries gains supremacy over European (Dublin regulation) and international legislation (Geneva convention). It is therefore an important document that should be critically and at length studied by all scholars and experts active in the field of refugee protection as it deprives asylum seekers of their rights and is a clear violation of EU law.

    Last but not least as Article 15-ii of the ‘Arrangement’ notes “This Administrative Arrangement will also discontinue upon entry into force of the revised Common European Asylum System”. Still as everyone in Brussels already admits the CEAS reform has been declared dead. So if nothing occurs to reconstitute the defunct CEAS policy and the arrangement remains as the only channel/form of cooperation between Greece and Germany in order to establish responsibility for asylum seekers arriving in Germany after coming through Greece, then could Greece and Germany, in their irregular bilateral efforts to circumvent the European process, have actually produced one of the first post EU legal arrangements?

    https://rsaegean.org/en/the-administrative-arrangement-between-greece-and-germany

    #accord #Allemagne #Grèce #asile #migrations #réfugiés #Dublin #Règlement_Dublin #renvois #expulsions #accord_bilatéral #regroupement_familial #liaison_officers #officiers_de_liaison #Eurodac #refus_d'entrée #renvois #expulsions #frontières #contrôles_frontaliers #Autriche #réadmission #avion #vol

    ping @isskein


  • Fichage des enfants et adolescent∙e∙s non accompagné∙e∙s : le gouvernement doit renoncer à son projet de décret

    Deux mois après la création d’un fichier national biométrique des mineur⋅e⋅s non accompagné⋅e⋅s (#MNA) par la loi « Asile et Immigration », 10 organisations rendent public le projet de décret d’application préparé par le Ministère de l’Intérieur. Ce texte confirme nos craintes et en suscite de nouvelles. Au motif annoncé dans ce projet de décret de « mieux garantir la protection de l’enfance et de lutter contre l’entrée et le séjour irréguliers des étrangers », le ministère de l’Intérieur propose un texte qui permettra aux départements de remettre en cause encore plus aisément la minorité des enfants qui sollicitent une protection et facilitera leur éloignement du territoire, sans égard pour le respect de leur #vie_privée et leur droit à une protection. Ces mineur∙e∙s sont ainsi considéré∙e∙s d’abord comme des migrant∙e∙s à expulser plutôt que comme des enfants à protéger.

    Un nouveau fichier d’« Appui à l’Évaluation de la Minorité »

    Alors même que nos organisations dénoncent le « non accueil » dont ils font l’objet et demandent que soit garantie une mise à l’abri immédiate, un temps de répit, de protection et de mise en confiance avant l’évaluation de leur situation, le projet de décret prévoit une première phase strictement administrative, pendant laquelle les mineur∙e∙s isolé∙e∙s devront se soumettre à une prise d’empreintes, de photographie et répondre aux questions d’agents des préfectures, formulées dans une langue « dont il est raisonnable de penser » qu’ils ou elles la comprennent. Leur état civil, la référence de leurs documents d’identité, leur filiation, leur adresse, leur numéro de téléphone, ou encore la date et les conditions de leur arrivée en France pourront aussi être enregistrés dans ce nouveau fichier dénommé « Appui à l’Évaluation de la Minorité » (AEM). S’ils ou elles refusent, le préfet informera le président du Conseil départemental, qui risquerait d’interpréter ce refus comme un aveu de majorité et mettra fin à leur prise en charge.

    Expulsé.e.s après une évaluation aléatoire ?

    Pire, le décret transforme la protection de l’enfance en potentiel instrument de la politique d’expulsion du territoire : le refus de protéger un∙e jeune à l’issue de son évaluation permettra aux services préfectoraux de procéder à « un examen de sa situation, et le cas échéant, [à] une mesure d’éloignement ». Or, les conditions dans lesquelles sont menées ces évaluations ne permettent pas aux départements de prendre des décisions fiables et respectueuses des droits de ces enfants, de sorte qu’elles sont régulièrement remises en cause par les juges des enfants. A Paris, en 2016 et 2017, la moitié des décisions administratives de non reconnaissance de minorité ont été infirmées par le juge qui a ordonné à l’aide sociale à l’enfance d’admettre ces enfants, qu’elle avait précédemment remis à la rue [1].

    VISABIO, une source d’erreur supplémentaire

    Alors même que cette possibilité avait été écartée lors des débats à l’Assemblée Nationale, ce projet de décret autorise également les préfectures à consulter le fichier VISABIO [2] pour vérifier l’âge et l’identité de ces enfants. Ce fichier ne peut constituer qu’une source d’erreur supplémentaire lorsque l’on sait que beaucoup d’enfants tentent, avant d’entreprendre un voyage périlleux vers l’Europe, d’obtenir un visa d’entrée en Europe en se faisant passer pour des adultes. Les données issues de #VISABIO sont d’ailleurs très souvent écartées par les tribunaux, qui considèrent qu’elles ne permettent pas de remettre en cause l’identité des mineur∙e∙s, ni d’invalider les documents qu’ils ou elles présentent à l’appui de leurs déclarations.

    Nous, organisations agissant au quotidien auprès des mineur∙e∙s en danger, alertons sur les conséquences désastreuses que ce projet de décret aurait pour ces enfants et demandons son retrait. Il est impératif que le gouvernement garantisse à ces jeunes un accès à leurs droits dans des conditions dignes, quel que soit le département où ils sollicitent une protection.

    https://www.gisti.org/spip.php?article6036
    #biométrie #surveillance #mineurs_non_accompagnés #enfants #enfance #asile #migrations #réfugiés #expulsions #âge #renvois #empreintes_digitales


  • 21.11.2018 – UE - Tunisie - Conseil d’association - Priorités stratégiques

    Décision n° 1/2018 du Conseil d’association UE-Tunisie du 9 novembre 2018 adoptant les priorités stratégiques UE-Tunisie pour la période 2018-2020

    (...)

    Consolider le partenariat privilégié UE-Tunisie : priorités stratégiques pour la période 2018-2020

    (...)

    2.3. Rapprochement entre les peuples, mobilité et migration

    Le rapprochement entre les sociétés tunisiennes et européennes constitue un pilier essentiel du partenariat privilégié, à travers le renforcement des échanges entre peuples, sociétés et cultures. Cette dimension mobilité revêt une importance particulière dans la mise en œuvre du partenariat pour la Jeunesse. La mise en œuvre effective de l’association de la Tunisie à Horizon 2020 et sa participation à Europe Créative et Erasmus+ seront les pierres angulaires de ces efforts.

    La gestion concertée de la migration est une priorité politique, tant pour la Tunisie que pour l’Union européenne. Les deux parties s’engagent à intensifier le dialogue et la coopération, notamment par la mise en œuvre du partenariat pour la mobilité, le renforcement de la lutte contre les causes profondes de la migration irrégulière, ainsi qu’une disponibilité européenne pour soutenir la mise en place d’un système d’asile tunisien. Cette coopération, qui reflétera aussi la dimension régionale de ces problématiques, inclura :

    — la mise en œuvre de la stratégie nationale tunisienne en matière de migration, couvrant également l’asile et la protection internationale, y inclus la mise en œuvre d’un cadre législatif approprié,

    — la conclusion des négociations d’accords de réadmission et de facilitation des visas,

    — la bonne gouvernance de la migration légale, par une meilleure coordination avec les États membres de l’Union européenne dans le respect de leurs compétences, y compris à travers la mise en place de schémas pilotes de mobilité et une meilleure intégration des migrants dans les pays hôtes,

    le soutien à la mobilisation des Tunisiens de l’étranger pour les investissements dans les secteurs innovants en Tunisie,

    — le soutien à la prévention de la migration irrégulière, en particulier par une meilleure prise en compte des questions migratoires dans les stratégies de développement ; ceci passe également par une gestion des frontières renforcée et par des campagnes de sensibilisation sur les risques de la migration irrégulière,

    — le soutien aux activités de prévention, et de lutte contre le trafic des migrants et la traite des êtres humains, y compris à travers la détection et la poursuite des réseaux criminels, et

    — la consolidation de la coopération en matière de retour et réadmission, y compris à travers le soutien à la réinsertion durables des Tunisiens de retour.

    –-> https://eur-lex.europa.eu/legal-content/FR/TXT/?uri=uriserv:OJ.L_.2018.293.01.0039.01.FRA&toc=OJ:L:2018:293:TOC

    http://www.europeanmigrationlaw.eu/fr/articles/actualites/ue-tunisie-conseil-d-association-priorites-strategiques.html
    #externalisation #asile #migrations #réfugiés #Tunisie #EU #UE #Europe

    Commentaire de Claudia Charles sur la mailing-list Migreurop :

    En complément du message envoyé par Alizée, voici un article sur la décision n° 1/2018 du conseil d’association (en vertu de l’#accord_d'association UE - Tunisie) "adoptant les priorités stratégiques UE - Tunisie pour la période 2018 - 2020

    Le point sur « rapprochement entre les peuples, mobilité et migration » se résume (rien de nouveau) à l’adoption, par la Tunisie, d’une réglementation en matière de migration et d’asile, des mesurettes concernant la mobilité (ce qui était déjà dit à multiples occasions et enceintes (processus de Rabat, Sommet de Malte, FFU, partenariat pour la mobilité), et les #accords_de_réadmission / facilitation de #visa.

    L’#OIM aura sa part du gâteau : « la consolidation de la coopération en matière de retour et #réadmission, y compris à travers le soutien à la #réinsertion durables des Tunisiens de retour. »

    #IOM #retours #renvois #expulsions

    ping @_kg_

    • L’émigration irrégulière : Conception de l’opération et parade

      L’émigration vers l’Europe n’est pas un phénomène nouveau en Tunisie car elle date depuis 1970. Par contre, l’émigration irrégulière (la #Harga) entre les côtes tunisiennes et italiennes a commencé en 1990 lorsque l’#Italie a ratifié les accords #Schengen imposant ainsi des #visas d’entrée pour les ressortissants tunisiens.

      Une étude élaborée par le Forum tunisien des droits économiques et sociaux (FTDES) montre qu’avant la révolution de 2011, 30% des Tunisiens de moins de 35 ans exprimaient le désir de migrer vers l’Europe. En raison de la #crise_économique qui ne cesse de frapper le pays durant la période de transition démocratique, ce chiffre a grimpé à 54% en 2017.

      La recrudescence de l’#émigration clandestine à partir de 2015 s’est traduite par des chiffres très alarmants. En effet, 119.369 migrants sont arrivés en Italie en 2017 alors que le nombre de victimes en 2016 est de 5000 selon un rapport publié par les Nations Unies.

      Face à cette situation préoccupante, l’Europe cherche à coordonner avec les #pays_de_transit en vue de trouver une solution à ce quelle considère une menace asymétrique qui pèse sur la sécurité de l’Occident.

      Aujourd’hui, les causes de l’émigration irrégulière sont connues et toute solution au problème doit passer par une combinaison de mesures politiques, économiques, sociales et sécuritaires.
      Sachant que les mesures politiques et socio-économiques ont fait l’objet de plusieurs études, le présent article est consacré à l’explication du volet opérationnel de l’émigration irrégulière. Une explication sans laquelle toute mesure sécuritaire reste incomplète et non concluante.

      Ainsi, après une présentation succincte de l’importance géographique de la Tunisie qui fait du pays un tremplin pour l’Europe, je prendrai en détails la conception de l’opération d’émigration clandestine avant de proposer les actions à entreprendre pour interdire ou contrer cette opération.

      1. Importance géographique de la Tunisie

      Selon une carte tracée par l’Union Européenne, les flux de l’émigration clandestine à destination de l’Europe suivent trois routes en mer méditerranéenne : La route occidentale qui passe par Gibraltar, la route centrale qui passe par la Tunisie et la Libye (carte nr1) et la route orientale qui passe par la Turquie et la mer Egée.

      Sur cette route centrale, la Tunisie occupe une place privilégiée. En effet, située sur le canal de Sicile qui constitue un pont entre l’Afrique et l’Europe et marquée par des conditions météorologiques clémentes sur la quasi-totalité de l’année, elle offre plusieurs possibilités pour rallier l’Italie (carte nr2) :

      Au nord, on trouve deux routes : La Galite-La Sardaigne (130 km) et Bizerte-Mazzara (175km).
      le nord-est présente trois options : Kélébia-Pantelleria (70km), Al Hawaria-Mazzara (160km) et Béni Khiar-Lampedusa (195km).
      au sud, trois autres itinéraires vers Lampedusa : à partir de Chebba (135km), de Kerkennah (140km) et de Zarzis (250km).

      En outre, la Tunisie est devenue le seul pays de transit après la fermeture des routes partant de la Libye. En effet, le flux d’émigrés à partir de ce pays a significativement tari suite à la signature d’un mémorandum d’entente le 2 février 2017 entre Rome et Tripoli (appuyé par les dirigeants européens dans la déclaration de Malte). Aux termes de cet accord, l’Italie doit coopérer avec les forces armées et les garde-frontières libyennes afin de juguler l’afflux de migrants illégaux. Un dispositif a été alors mis en place et 20.000 émigrants ont été interceptés en 2017 et reconduits en Libye, dans des centres de détention. Ainsi, le flux venant essentiellement des pays du Sahel africain a basculé sur le territoire tunisien.
      2. Déroulement d’une opération d’émigration clandestine

      De prime abord, il est à signaler que Les voyages clandestins sont organisés par des réseaux criminels. Le trafic est devenu transnational et apporte beaucoup d’argent. Une étude publiée par le journal d’actualités américain « The Christian Science Monitor » souligne « l’apparition de groupes mafieux d’envergure internationale italiens, albanais, libyens et autres » qui se livrent à ce trafic et gagnent 400 milliards de dollars à travers leurs actions qui englobent toute la région. Selon la même étude, Le candidat à l’émigration clandestine à partir de la Tunisie doit dépenser entre 3000 et 8000 dinars.
      L’organisation d’une opération d’émigration irrégulière passe par trois phases :
      2.1. La phase de recrutement

      Il s’agit de se servir d’agents et intermédiaires pour chercher et d’identifier les postulants à l’émigration sur le territoire national. Les quartiers pauvres et les zones grises du pays sont visés en priorité. Le contact se fait soit directement de bouche à l’oreille dans les cafés et les lieux publics soit par internet et notamment à travers les réseaux sociaux. Ceux qui viennent des pays étrangers sont recrutés et regroupés dans les pays limitrophes avant de les transférer par des passeurs en Tunisie.
      2.2. La phase de préparation logistique

      Tout d’abord, il faut trouver des caches (locaux) où regrouper les postulants au voyage et stocker des vivres pour subvenir à leur besoin durant la période d’attente. Ensuite, on prévoit le moyen de transport. Il est généralement un moyen vétuste acheté à moindre coût pour effectuer un aller sans retour (canot pneumatique, embarcation ou un vieux chalutier). Ce moyen est dépourvu de tout équipement de sécurité, de navigation et de communication. Enfin, le chef de réseau doit coordonner avec ses agents locaux et ses pairs à l’étranger pour fixer les moyens et les procédures nécessaires pour passer et/ou diriger les émigrés sur le lieu du regroupement. Cette phase englobe aussi une collecte de renseignement sur les dispositifs de sécurité déployés sur le théâtre de l’opération.
      2.3. Phase de préparation du transit

      C’est la phase la plus importante car elle fait appel à une bonne expérience pour choisir l’itinéraire, la période propice au voyage et le passeur (patron) qui sera chargé de la traversée.

      2.3.1. Choix de l’itinéraire : Le choix de la route doit prendre en compte la caractéristique physique du milieu marin, la sûreté du transit et le temps mis pour la traversée :

      La route La Galite-La Sardaigne est relativement longue (130km). Elle traverse une zone connue par la faible densité du trafic maritime et le mauvais temps. Elle est donc favorable à la détection radar (difficulté de dissimulation) et défavorable à la navigation des petites embarcations.
      Les deux routes à destination de Mazzara à partir de Bizerte (175km) et de Hawaria (160km) sont similaires. Elles sont longues et traversent une zone de séparation de trafic par laquelle passe plusieurs centaines de navires par jour. La zone est caractérisée par des courants giratoires relativement forts. Elle est donc favorable à la dissimulation mais défavorable à la navigation des petites embarcations.
      La route Kélébia-Pantellaria est la plus courte (70km). Cependant, elle est risquée en raison des patrouilles, de la couverture radar et du dispositif de sécurité mis en place par les autorités italiennes.
      La route Béni Khiar-Lampedusa (195km) est longue et traverse une zone peu fréquentée sur une grande partie de l’année. Elle est donc très défavorable à l’emploi des embarcations pneumatiques qui sont handicapées par le manque d’autonomie et le mode de propulsion.
      Les deux routes à destination de Lampedusa à parir de Chebba (135km) et de Kerkenah (140km) sont très similaires. Elles ont la même distance et traversent la zone de pêche réservée délimitée par l’isobathe de 50m (la zone verte sur la carte nr3). C’est une zone de haut fond qui s’étend jusqu’aux approches de Lampedusa. Cette zone est très hospitalière pour les petits navires. Elle est fréquentée par plusieurs milliers de chalutiers et embarcations. L’environnement est donc très favorable à la navigation et la dissimulation.

      La route Zarzis-Lampedusa est la plus longue (250km). L’emploi de petites embarcations sur cette route est très risqué à moins qu’elles soient utilisées comme relais pour rallier une plate-forme plus grande stationnée au large (navire ou chalutier).

      2.3.2. Le critère de compétence : Les iles Kerkennah se distinguent par le nombre de compétences (des anciens pêcheurs) qui coopèrent avec les réseaux criminels. Ces pêcheurs reconvertis en passeurs sont chargés de la traversée. Cette reconversion s’explique par une pollution maritime qui a mis ces gens de mer au chômage. En effet, les déchets chimiques provenant des industriels dont notamment Thyna Petroleum Services (TPS) et Petrofac ont dégradé l’environnement marin détruisant ainsi la faune marine (poissons, poulpes et éponges). victime de cette pollution et de la pêche illicite, la mer n’est plus généreuse comme au bon vieux temps. D’après The Christian Science Monitor, “les pêcheurs gagnaient jusqu’à 40$ - 100$ par jour (entre 100 et 250 dinars tunisiens). Maintenant, ils ont du mal à gagner 4 à 7$ (entre 10 et 17 dinars) par jour”. Ils ce sont alors livrés aux contrebondiers et leurs embarcations sont vendues aux réseaux criminels à un coût qui fait trois fois le prix réel.

      C’est cette qualité de pêcheur qui explique l’enrôlement des Kerkéniens dans les réseaux de trafic de migrants. Les statistiques du ministère de l’intérieur montrent que la majorité des patrons d’embarcations arrêtés lors des opérations avortées sont originaires de l’archipel.

      2.3.3. Le choix de la période et lieu d’embarquement :

      C’est le critère le plus important pour décider de l’exécution de l’opération. Tout s’explique par la force et la direction du vent. Une étude élaborée par l’Institut Tunisien des Etudes Stratégiques ( ITES) montre des chiffres très significatifs tirés à partir des opérations avortées en 2017 :

      le gouvernorat de Sfax est classé premier sur la liste avec 62 opérations suivi par Nabeul (34 opérations), Bizerte (24 opérations) et Zarzis (11 opérations). En outre, les statistiques montrent que 60% de ces opérations sont effectuées pendant les mois de septembre et d’octobre, 14% pendant juin et juillet. Le reste (26%) est réparti sur toute l’année. Ceci s’explique par la force et la direction (moyenne sur toute l’année) du vent dans ces régions (voir tableau).
      En effet, dans la région de Sfax, le vent atteint sa force la plus faible durant septembre et octobre (inférieur à 10 km/h). Il souffle du secteur Est engendrant de petites vagues qui ne gênent pas le mouvement des embarcations qui naviguent bout au vent (face au vent). Les accidents qui surviennent durant cette période sont causés essentiellement par un manque de stabilité en raison d’un excès de chargement. Ces caractéristiques du vent qui s’ajoutent aux caractéristiques physiques de l’environnement et aux compétences des pêcheurs font de Kerkénah le port préféré pour l’embarquement.
      Le fait que Nabeul et Bizerte occupent respectivement la deuxième et la troisième place s’explique par le vent du secteur Ouest qui souffle sur ces régions et qui pousse les embarcations (vent arrière) sur les côtes de Pantellaria et Mazzara. Les itinéraires partant de la Galite vers la Sardaigne et de Béni Khiar vers Lampeduza, qui sont déjà discriminés par le facteur physique, sont écartés en raison du vent très défavorable (vent de travers).
      La place occupée par Zarzis (4ème place) s’explique uniquement par sa proximité des frontières libyennes et par le vent modéré qui domine la région.

      3. Comment lutter contre le fléau ?

      Tout d’abord, il faut signaler que nos voisins européens déploient leur force (Opération Sofia) sur nos frontières et cherchent à s’ingérer dans nos affaires intérieures sous prétexte de lutter contre l’immigration clandestine. Plusieurs déclarations de responsables européens rentrent dans ce sens :

      Le 15 février 2011, le ministre de l’intérieur italien Roberto Maroni propose de déployer des policiers italiens en Tunisie. Le 9 avril de la même année, il parle de « débarquement » de 22.000 Tunisiens sur les côtes italiennes.
      Le 26 mai 2011, le député maire de Nice, Christian Estrosi, déclare “On constate aussi qu’une partie d’entre eux (les imigrés) – et cela est plus grave – appartiennent aux 10 000 délinquants condamnés et évadés des prisons.”
      Le 3 juin 2018, le nouveau ministre italien de l’Intérieur Matteo Salvini déclare « Il y a de plus en plus de migrants clandestins qui arrivent de Tunisie ici. Ce ne sont pas des réfugiés de guerre mais bien souvent des délinquants et ex-détenus. »
      Dans son projet de rapport 2018/2044(INI), la commission spéciale sur le terrorisme demande au parlement européen « que le mandat de l’opération #EUNAVFOR_MED Sophia soit étendu et que sa portée territoriale soit élargie afin de mieux répondre à l’évolution des schémas migratoires tels que les débarquements fantômes en provenance de la Tunisie, et que la lutte contre le terrorisme soit spécifiquement couverte par son mandat ». Elle propose aussi de « saisir Conseil de sécurité de l’ONU en vue d’adopter une résolution permettant à Sophia d’accéder aux eaux territoriales des États côtiers afin d’effectuer des contrôles sur les navires suspects ».
      Ensuite, il faut appliquer les textes juridiques propres à la matière :
      le Protocole contre le trafic illicite de migrants par terre, air et mer, additionnel à la Convention des Nations unies contre la criminalité transnationale organisée en 2000.
      notre réglementation intérieure en matière de lutte contre l’émigration clandestine et notamment la loi du 3 février 2004 relative à la traite des personnes et au trafic des migrants.
      Les accords bilatéraux (avec la France et l’Italie) concernant les migrants.

      Sur le plan opérationnel, la lutte doit se baser sur deux volets ; le renseignement et l’intervention. Le renseignement est la seule solution pour compenser le manque de moyens matériels dont souffrent nos unités.

      Aujourd’hui, l’intervention est handicapée par le manque d’unités navales et la diversité des intervenants en mer qui appartiennent aux différents ministères (marine nationale, garde maritime nationale et douane). Pour assurer notre souveraineté sur les espaces maritimes qui nous reviennent de droit et remplir nos missions en mer (dont la lutte contre l’émigration clandestine), il faut agir en deux directions :

      Adopter le concept de la sauvegarde maritime pour assurer la synergie des efforts entre tous les intervenants en mer,
      Déployer nos unités en fonction des impératifs du moment. A titre d’exemple, basculer des unités sur le port de Sfax, durant les mois de septembre et d’octobre pour couper la route à l’émigration clandestine entre Kerkennah et Lampedusa.

      Ainsi, ce sont quelques idées proposées aux décideurs pour les éclairer sur le coté opérationnel de l’émigration irrégulière. La guerre contre ce fléau ne peut être gagnée qu’avec la combinaison de mesures d’ordre économique et social.

      http://www.leaders.com.tn/article/25601-l-immigration-irreguliere-conception-de-l-operation-et-parade
      #émigration_irrégulière #migrations #asile #réfugiés #Tunisie #statistiques #chiffres #histoire #opération_sophia #externalisation
      ping @_kg_



  • Oltre 500 ore consecutive di culto per non far espellere una famiglia migrante

    In Olanda la legge vieta di interrompere una funziona religiosa: per questo centinaia di pastori da oltre tre settimane si alternano per evitare il rimpatrio di una famiglia ospitata in chiesa.

    In Olanda una chiesa protestante de l’Aja sta tenendo un culto da oltre tre settimane consecutive per proteggere una famiglia di migranti dall’espulsione dal Paese.

    La storia è tanto semplice quanto geniale: secondo la legge statale le forze dell’ordine non possono interrompere una funzione religiosa in corso. Centinaia di pastori si stanno dunque alternando per non far cessare mai il culto cui sta partecipando la famiglia in questione, una coppia armena con tre figli di 15, 19 e 21 anni. L’idea è venuta al presidente del consiglio generale della Chiesa protestante olandese, il pastore Theo Hettema, una volta saputo che la famiglia, da ben 8 anni nei Paesi Bassi, con un figlio iscritto all’università e gli altri alle scuole dell’obbligo, rischiava il rimpatrio perché non può più godere delle tutele internazionali in quanto l’Armenia, terra d’origine dei cinque, non è considerata nazione a rischio.

    I cinque, cristiani, frequentano la chiesa protestante della cittadina in cui risiedono, Katwijk, nei pressi proprio de L’Aja, e una delle figlie svolge volontariato in una associazione legata alla chiesa. L’ appello del pastore Hettema ha raccolto l’adesione di centinaia di colleghi e di moltissimi membri di chiesa, provenienti anche dai Comuni vicini. Tutti consapevoli che la splendida iniziativa non potrà durare in eterno, ma con la speranza di far nel mentre cambiare idea al governo, che ha però più volte affermato che la famiglia non ha i requisiti per rimanere nel Paese. Otto anni per ottenere una risposta sulla possibilità di asilo o meno in una nazione rischiano di essere un tragico record, e ignorare che la famiglia si sia oramai integrata nel nuovo contesto pare un’inutile cattiveria.

    Quando i 5 non partecipano alla funzione, si riposano nei locali sopra la cappella. Un tempo in Italia le chiese erano luoghi di asilo e rifugio in cui le forze dell’ordine non potevano entrare, ma da oltre un secolo le cose sono cambiate (secondo quanto normato prima dalle leggi Siccardi del 1850 e quindi dai Patti Lateranensi del 1929 il cui l’articolo 5 recita comunque con formula ambigua “Salvo i casi di urgente necessità, la forza pubblica non potrà entrare, per l’esercizio delle sue funzioni, negli edifici aperti al culto, senza averne dato previo avviso all’autorità ecclesiastica”). Le norme in materia cambiano molto da Stato a Stato e non sono mancate in questi anni polemiche a seguito di arresti di migranti in chiesa (in Germania, in Islanda).

    La Chiesa protestante in Olanda, nata dalla fusione di tre precedenti chiese, la riformata olandese, la riformata in Olanda e la evangelica luterana, rappresenta circa un terzo dei 6 milioni di abitanti dei Paesi Bassi.

    https://riforma.it/it/articolo/2018/11/19/oltre-500-ore-consecutive-di-culto-non-far-espellere-una-famiglia-migrante
    #messe #résistance #expulsions #asile #migrations #réfugiés #Pays-Bas #culte #religion #refuge #Eglise #église


  • Rwandan refugees in Uganda may be thrown out – Minister Onek

    The government of Uganda is considering cancelling the refugee status of thousands of Rwandans living in Uganda.

    The announcement was made by the Minister for Relief, Disaster Preparedness and Refugees Hillary Onek while meeting lawmakers of the East African Legislative Assembly (EALA) in Kampala.

    He explained that government is considering cancelling their refugee status and instead issuing them with temporary permits.
    “We are going to turn them over to the immigration department so that their long stay in Uganda will be subjected to immigration laws because immigration laws in Uganda say that you are given a #visa to stay for three months. Thereafter you have to justify your further stay in a country,” Mr Onek said.

    The minister said that the process of convincing Rwandans to return home has not been easy as many are not willing to do so.

    Hundreds of thousands of Rwandans fled to Uganda following the 1994 genocide.

    Rwanda has generally been peaceful for over 20 years and many Rwandese who had fled have since returned to their home country.
    But government says there are still over 14000 Rwandans still living in Uganda as refugees.

    https://www.monitor.co.ug/News/National/Rwandan-refugees-Uganda-may-be-thrown-out-Minister-Onek/688334-4853062-ra0ok9/index.html
    #réfugiés_rwandais #ouganda #asile #migrations #réfugiés #modèle_ougandais (?) #statut_de_réfugié #renvois #expulsions

    • Abuses against Rwandan refugees in Uganda: Has Time Come for Accountability?

      For many years, Rwandan refugees in Uganda have faced abuses, including arbitrary detention, forced return to Rwanda and attacks on their physical security, without any form of accountability. However, last Friday, 24 August, former Inspector-General of the Ugandan police, General Kale Kayihura, has been charged with aiding and abetting the kidnapping and repatriation of Rwandan refugees, amongst other charges. In October last year, other security officers had already been arrested and indicted under similar charges. Is it finally time for justice?

      The case of Joel Mutabazi

      Kayihura is accused of aiding and abetting the kidnapping of Rwandan refugees Joel Mutabazi, Jackson Karemera and Innocent Kalisa by Ugandan police officers. Six Ugandan police officers, one Rwandan security officer and one Congolese individual are on trial for their involvement in the abduction and forced return of Mutabazi. A senior police who had been arrested earlier in connection to this case has since been released.

      Joel Mutabazi, a former bodyguard of Rwandan President, Paul Kagame, had been arrested in April 2010 in Rwanda and detained and tortured in military custody for his suspected links with opposition groups. After he was released in October 2011, Mutabazi fled to Uganda, where he was granted refugee status. In 2013, he was abducted from a UNHCR safe house near Uganda’s capital Kampala, and taken back to Rwanda. Mutabazi’s whereabouts were unknown for several days, until the Rwandan police stated that he was in their custody. UNHCR, which failed to protect Mutabazi, expressed its concern over the breach of the principle of non-refoulement and called for accountability.

      In 2014, a Rwandan military court sentenced Mutabazi to life in prison, including for forming an armed group and for terrorism. His younger brother, Jackson Karemera, and another co-accused, Innocent Kalisa, also lived in Uganda before the trial and were themselves abducted back to Rwanda. They were sentenced respectively to four months and 25 years in prison. Karemera was rearrested after his release, his family hasn’t heard from him since. All three said during the trial they had been tortured in detention in Rwanda, but the court did not order an investigation into those allegations.

      Abuses against Rwandan refugees

      The illegal transfer of Mutabazi and his co-accused to Rwanda was not an isolated case. Over the years, including more recently, International Refugee Rights Initiative (IRRI) has received several reports about threats, illegal arrests, attacks and forced returns of Rwandan refugees in Uganda. Many of such cases remain unreported, given the secrecy surrounding such abuses and the fear of reprisals, and are difficult to confirm. A few examples include:

      In July 2010, Rwandan refugees were forcibly removed en masse from refugee settlements in south-western Uganda to Rwanda. Ugandan police officers used live rounds, wounding several in the process, to force refugees onto buses which dropped them in Rwanda.
      In November 2011, Charles Ingabire, a Rwandan journalist, was murdered when he left a bar in Kampala. He was a fierce government critic who had obtained refugee status in Uganda. An investigation was opened, but to date, nobody has been charged for involvement in this crime.
      In 2017, according to judicial documents, a Rwandan refugee was illegally detained for almost two months in Kireka police station in Kampala, and threatened with return to Rwanda, on the basis of his alleged involvement in the Rwandan genocide in 1994. Rwanda and Uganda do not have an extradition treaty. He was never charged and was eventually released.
      Multiple sources confirmed to IRRI that on 20 December 2017, five Rwandan nationals were arrested in Mbarara, and one in Kampala. They were detained incommunicado for several days and allegedly tortured. Five of them were driven to the border with Rwanda nine days later and deported. According to Uganda’s army spokesperson, one was not deported because of her refugee status, and remained in incommunicado detention.

      In addition to abuses against refugees, there have been several allegations, in the past year, of abuses against Rwandan nationals residing in Uganda. According to several sources, two Rwandan citizens were arrested in Uganda, respectively on 9 November 2017 and 3 January 2018, and detained incommunicado before being sent back to Rwanda. The first says he was tortured, which was confirmed to IRRI by a source knowledgeable about the case on 24 January 2018: “He was beaten up and tortured… and dumped at the border with Rwanda. He couldn’t walk and barely could talk.” The other man also reported to the media that he was tortured before being taken to the border with Rwanda.

      For none of these cases has there been any apparent effort to provide meaningful accountability. Other reports have been difficult to verify, but as a consequence of such events, Rwandan refugees in Uganda continue to fear for their safety. Rwanda and Uganda have had close but turbulent bilateral relations in recent years, and many connections remain between individuals within the countries security services. There have, however, been reports that relations between the two countries have deteriorated.

      Many interpreted the decision by Uganda, in early 2018, not to invoke a cessation clause against the more than 15,000 Rwandan refugees still currently living in Uganda as an illustration of this dynamic. This cessation clause, if invoked, would have forced refugees who fled Rwanda before 31 December 1998 to return to Rwanda, reapply for refugee protection or acquire citizenship in their country of exile. Seven countries have already begun implementing the cessation clause.

      Concerns about right to a fair trial

      While the arrested officers have themselves been accused of involvement in human rights violations, their own right to a fair trial and lawful detention seemed to have also been in jeopardy since their arrest. The arrest of General Kale Kayihura seems to have violated legal provisions on judicial review and detention terms. According to judicial documents and interviews with several people knowledgeable of the case, at least one of the accused in the trial against senior police officials has been detained incommunicado and tortured, in an attempt to extract testimony against other senior figures. Court documents show that the court told a bail applicant to edit out details of torture, but on 31 January 2018 a judge ordered an investigation into torture allegations. There have also been concerns about the prosecution of civilian suspects in a military court, a common practice in Uganda, and about settling scores within the security apparatus.

      These trials against former senior Ugandan security officials could send a welcome signal to Rwandan refugees that abuses against them will be no longer tolerated. But justice can only be done if arrests and trials are conducted in accordance with standards in Ugandan and international law. More efforts must be done to end ongoing abuses against Rwandan refugees, and bring all perpetrators to account.

      http://refugee-rights.org/abuses-against-rwandan-refugees-in-uganda-has-time-come-for-accounta
      #abus


  • Autour d’accords de réadmission entre pays européens...

    Mini liste sur la question des accords de réadmission signés entre différents pays européens afin de pouvoir expulser les migrants...

    –-----------------------

    Entre la #Suisse et l’#Italie :
    Accord entre la Confédération suisse et la République italienne relatif à la réadmission des personnes en situation irrégulière
    https://www.admin.ch/opc/fr/classified-compilation/20022507/index.html
    v. aussi : https://asile.ch/2016/09/16/decryptage-frontieres-migrants-refugies-usage-termes-chiffres

    –------------------

    Entre la #France et l’#Italie :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/730361

    –-------------------

    Apparemment aussi maintenant entre l’#Espagne et la #France :

    Un accord signé entre la France et l’Espagne prévoit de renvoyer tout migrant se trouvant sur le territoire français depuis moins de quatre heures.

    http://www.infomigrants.net/fr/post/13368/france-19-migrants-interpelles-dans-un-bus-en-provenance-de-bayonne-et

    –---------------

    Et entre l’Italie et la #Slovénie (sens inverse) :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/733273

    #accord_de_réadmission #accord_bilatéral #frontières #expulsions #renvois #refoulement #migrations #asile #réfugiés
    ping @isskein

    • Concernant l’accord entre l’Espagne et la France, voici un complément, reçu via la mailing-list Migreurop :

      C’est un accord de réadmission bilatéral signé entre la France et l’Espagne (comme tas d’autres) qui prévoit la réadmission des nationaux ou de ressortissants de pays tiers ayant transité par le territoire de l’un de ces pays.

      L’article 7 de cet accord prévoit :
      Les autorités responsables des contrôles aux frontières des deux Parties contractantes réadmettent immédiatement sur leur territoire les étrangers, ressortissants d’Etats tiers, qui sont présentés par les autorités des frontières de l’autre Partie, dans les quatre heures suivant le passage illégal de la frontière commune.

      Il a été signé le 26 novembre 2002, et concernant la France, publié par le décret n° 2004-226 du 9 mars 2004.

      Vous trouverez sur le site de Migreurop, d’autres accords signés par la France (et aussi par d’autres pays de l’UE),

      http://www.migreurop.org/article1931.html


  • REISO | Le renvoi des ex-mineur·e·s non accompagné·e·s
    https://asile.ch/2018/11/12/reiso-le-renvoi-des-ex-mineur%c2%b7e%c2%b7s-non-accompagne%c2%b7e%c2%b7s

    Quel est l’accompagnement professionnel apporté en Suisse aux ex-mineur·e·s non accompagné·e·s en procédure de renvoi ? Une recherche a analysé les pratiques sociales et psychologiques visant la réintégration au pays d’origine. Un article de Margaux Sidler, publié dans la revue REISO.


  • Europe is using smartphone data as a weapon to deport refugees

    European leaders need to bring immigration numbers down, and #metadata on smartphones could be just what they need to start sending migrants back.

    Smartphones have helped tens of thousands of migrants travel to Europe. A phone means you can stay in touch with your family – or with people smugglers. On the road, you can check Facebook groups that warn of border closures, policy changes or scams to watch out for. Advice on how to avoid border police spreads via WhatsApp.

    Now, governments are using migrants’ smartphones to deport them.

    Across the continent, migrants are being confronted by a booming mobile forensics industry that specialises in extracting a smartphone’s messages, location history, and even #WhatsApp data. That information can potentially be turned against the phone owners themselves.

    In 2017 both Germany and Denmark expanded laws that enabled immigration officials to extract data from asylum seekers’ phones. Similar legislation has been proposed in Belgium and Austria, while the UK and Norway have been searching asylum seekers’ devices for years.

    Following right-wing gains across the EU, beleaguered governments are scrambling to bring immigration numbers down. Tackling fraudulent asylum applications seems like an easy way to do that. As European leaders met in Brussels last week to thrash out a new, tougher framework to manage migration —which nevertheless seems insufficient to placate Angela Merkel’s critics in Germany— immigration agencies across Europe are showing new enthusiasm for laws and software that enable phone data to be used in deportation cases.

    Admittedly, some refugees do lie on their asylum applications. Omar – not his real name – certainly did. He travelled to Germany via Greece. Even for Syrians like him there were few legal alternatives into the EU. But his route meant he could face deportation under the EU’s Dublin regulation, which dictates that asylum seekers must claim refugee status in the first EU country they arrive in. For Omar, that would mean settling in Greece – hardly an attractive destination considering its high unemployment and stretched social services.

    Last year, more than 7,000 people were deported from Germany according to the Dublin regulation. If Omar’s phone were searched, he could have become one of them, as his location history would have revealed his route through Europe, including his arrival in Greece.

    But before his asylum interview, he met Lena – also not her real name. A refugee advocate and businesswoman, Lena had read about Germany’s new surveillance laws. She encouraged Omar to throw his phone away and tell immigration officials it had been stolen in the refugee camp where he was staying. “This camp was well-known for crime,” says Lena, “so the story seemed believable.” His application is still pending.

    Omar is not the only asylum seeker to hide phone data from state officials. When sociology professor Marie Gillespie researched phone use among migrants travelling to Europe in 2016, she encountered widespread fear of mobile phone surveillance. “Mobile phones were facilitators and enablers of their journeys, but they also posed a threat,” she says. In response, she saw migrants who kept up to 13 different #SIM cards, hiding them in different parts of their bodies as they travelled.

    This could become a problem for immigration officials, who are increasingly using mobile phones to verify migrants’ identities, and ascertain whether they qualify for asylum. (That is: whether they are fleeing countries where they risk facing violence or persecution.) In Germany, only 40 per cent of asylum applicants in 2016 could provide official identification documents. In their absence, the nationalities of the other 60 per cent were verified through a mixture of language analysis — using human translators and computers to confirm whether their accent is authentic — and mobile phone data.

    Over the six months after Germany’s phone search law came into force, immigration officials searched 8,000 phones. If they doubted an asylum seeker’s story, they would extract their phone’s metadata – digital information that can reveal the user’s language settings and the locations where they made calls or took pictures.

    To do this, German authorities are using a computer programme, called Atos, that combines technology made by two mobile forensic companies – T3K and MSAB. It takes just a few minutes to download metadata. “The analysis of mobile phone data is never the sole basis on which a decision about the application for asylum is made,” says a spokesperson for BAMF, Germany’s immigration agency. But they do use the data to look for inconsistencies in an applicant’s story. If a person says they were in Turkey in September, for example, but phone data shows they were actually in Syria, they can see more investigation is needed.

    Denmark is taking this a step further, by asking migrants for their Facebook passwords. Refugee groups note how the platform is being used more and more to verify an asylum seeker’s identity.

    It recently happened to Assem, a 36-year-old refugee from Syria. Five minutes on his public Facebook profile will tell you two things about him: first, he supports a revolution against Syria’s Assad regime and, second, he is a devoted fan of Barcelona football club. When Danish immigration officials asked him for his password, he gave it to them willingly. “At that time, I didn’t care what they were doing. I just wanted to leave the asylum center,” he says. While Assem was not happy about the request, he now has refugee status.

    The Danish immigration agency confirmed they do ask asylum applicants to see their Facebook profiles. While it is not standard procedure, it can be used if a caseworker feels they need more information. If the applicant refused their consent, they would tell them they are obliged under Danish law. Right now, they only use Facebook – not Instagram or other social platforms.

    Across the EU, rights groups and opposition parties have questioned whether these searches are constitutional, raising concerns over their infringement of privacy and the effect of searching migrants like criminals.

    “In my view, it’s a violation of ethics on privacy to ask for a password to Facebook or open somebody’s mobile phone,” says Michala Clante Bendixen of Denmark’s Refugees Welcome movement. “For an asylum seeker, this is often the only piece of personal and private space he or she has left.”

    Information sourced from phones and social media offers an alternative reality that can compete with an asylum seeker’s own testimony. “They’re holding the phone to be a stronger testament to their history than what the person is ready to disclose,” says Gus Hosein, executive director of Privacy International. “That’s unprecedented.”
    Read next

    Everything we know about the UK’s plan to block online porn
    Everything we know about the UK’s plan to block online porn

    By WIRED

    Privacy campaigners note how digital information might not reflect a person’s character accurately. “Because there is so much data on a person’s phone, you can make quite sweeping judgements that might not necessarily be true,” says Christopher Weatherhead, technologist at Privacy International.

    Bendixen cites the case of one man whose asylum application was rejected after Danish authorities examined his phone and saw his Facebook account had left comments during a time he said he was in prison. He explained that his brother also had access to his account, but the authorities did not believe him; he is currently waiting for appeal.

    A spokesperson for the UK’s Home Office told me they don’t check the social media of asylum seekers unless they are suspected of a crime. Nonetheless, British lawyers and social workers have reported that social media searches do take place, although it is unclear whether they reflect official policy. The Home Office did not respond to requests for clarification on that matter.

    Privacy International has investigated the UK police’s ability to search phones, indicating that immigration officials could possess similar powers. “What surprised us was the level of detail of these phone searches. Police could access information even you don’t have access to, such as deleted messages,” Weatherhead says.

    His team found that British police are aided by Israeli mobile forensic company Cellebrite. Using their software, officials can access search history, including deleted browsing history. It can also extract WhatsApp messages from some Android phones.

    There is a crippling irony that the smartphone, for so long a tool of liberation, has become a digital Judas. If you had stood in Athens’ Victoria Square in 2015, at the height of the refugee crisis, you would have noticed the “smartphone stoop”: hundreds of Syrians, Iraqis, and Afghans standing or sitting about this sun-baked patch of grass and concrete, were bending their heads, looking into their phones.

    The smartphone has become the essential accessory for modern migration. Travelling to Europe as an asylum seeker is expensive. People who can’t afford phones typically can’t afford the journey either. Phones became a constant feature along the route to Northern Europe: young men would line the pavements outside reception centres in Berlin, hunched over their screens. In Calais, groups would crowd around charging points. In 2016, the UN refugee agency reported that phones were so important to migrants moving across Europe, that they were spending up to one third of their income on phone credit.

    Now, migrants are being forced to confront a more dangerous reality, as governments worldwide expand their abilities to search asylum seekers’ phones. While European countries were relaxing their laws on metadata search, last year US immigration spent $2.2 million on phone hacking software. But asylum seekers too are changing their behaviour as they become more aware that the smartphone, the very device that has bought them so much freedom, could be the very thing used to unravel their hope of a new life.

    https://www.wired.co.uk/article/europe-immigration-refugees-smartphone-metadata-deportations
    #smartphone #smartphones #données #big_data #expulsions #Allemagne #Danemark #renvois #carte_SIM #Belgique #Autriche


  • Deportation as Air Power

    Guest post by #William_Walters, Professor of political sociology, Carleton University. William directs the Air Deportation Project, a five-year investigation into the aviation / expulsion nexus funded by Canada’s Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council. This is the fifth post of Border Criminologies’ themed series ‘Migrant Digitalities and the Politics of Dispersal’, organised by Glenda Garelli and Martina Tazzioli.

    https://www.law.ox.ac.uk/research-subject-groups/centre-criminology/centreborder-criminologies/blog/2018/05/deportation-air
    #renvois #expulsions #avions #asile #migrations #réfugiés #déportation


  • [infokiosques.net] - La résistance aux expulsions - Australie 1929-1936
    https://infokiosques.net/lire.php?id_article=994

    Annotations :

    L’UWM a aussi aidé à fonder les Anti-Eviction Committees (AECs, Comités Anti-Expulsions), lesquels luttaient pour que les chômeurs/chômeuses soient dispensés de payer un loyer. Ces groupes utilisaient différentes stratégies contre les huissiers, les propriétaires, les entreprises financières et ceux qui en général faisaient chier les chômeurs/chômeuses. Les comités abordaient les gens menacés d’expulsion et leurs proposaient de mettre en place des piquets devant chez eux [4], de les aider si besoin pour la nourriture, la garde des enfants, le déménagement, etc. Alors, ils rendaient généralement visite au propriétaire ou à l’agence immobilière pour les prévenir qu’il n’y aurait pas d’expulsion sans résistance. (...)

    #lutte #logement #expulsion #-Australie #-1930~ #chomeur.euses


  • #Rosario (Argentine) : #émeutes du logement dans le quartier de la Sexta
    https://fr.squat.net/2018/11/05/rosario-argentine-emeutes-du-logement-dans-le-quartier-de-la-sexta

    Dans la matinée du jeudi 1er novembre 2018, dans le quartier de La Sexta, au sud-est de Rosario, les flics sont intervenus en nombre pour expulser plusieurs familles vivant en squats ainsi qu’un centre social bien connu par les habitant-e-s. La résistance a été immédiate, des affrontements ont opposé de nombreux habitant-e-s aux forces de […]

    #Amériques #Argentine #expulsion


  • Déclaration de Susan Abulhawa à l’intention du festival de littérature palestinienne Kalimat
    5 novembre | Susan Abulhawa |Traduction SF pour l’AURDIP
    https://www.aurdip.org/declaration-de-susan-abulhawa-a-l.html

    Déclaration au festival de littérature palestinienne Kalimat :

    Je voudrais exprimer ma profonde gratitude au Festival de littérature palestinienne Kalimat, à Mahmoud Muna en particulier, et à l’Institut Kenyon du British Council, pour m’avoir invitée et avoir assumé les frais de ma participation au festival de littérature de cette année en Palestine.

    Comme vous le savez tous maintenant, les autorités israéliennes m’ont refusé l’entrée dans mon pays et je ne suis pas, de ce fait, en mesure de participer au festival. Je suis très peinée de ne pas être avec mes amis et collègues écrivains pour me pencher sur et célébrer nos traditions littéraires avec des lecteurs et avec chacun de nous dans notre pays. Je suis très peinée que nous puissions nous rencontrer partout dans le monde sauf en Palestine, le lieu auquel nous appartenons, d’où nos histoires émergent et où tous nos parcours finissent par aboutir. Nous ne pouvons pas nous réunir sur le sol qui a été fertilisé par les corps de nos ancêtres et arrosé par les larmes et le sang des fils et filles de Palestine qui combattent chaque jour pour elle.

    Depuis mon expulsion, je lis que les autorités israéliennes ont indiqué que j’étais requise de « coordonner » mon voyage avec elles par avance. C’est un mensonge. En fait, à mon arrivée à l’aéroport on m’a dit que j’aurais dû demander un visa avec mon passeport américain et que cette demande ne serait pas satisfaite avant 2020, soit au moins cinq ans après la première fois qu’ils m’ont refusé l’entrée. Ils ont dit qu’il était de ma responsabilité de le savoir alors même que je n’ai jamais été informée que j’étais interdite d’entrée. Puis ils ont dit que ma première expulsion en 2015 était due à mon refus de leur donner les raisons de ma visite. Cela aussi est un mensonge. Voici les faits :(...)

    #frontières #expulsion #Susan_Abulhawa
    https://seenthis.net/messages/733214


  • #Trieste, valico con la Slovenia. Le «riammissioni» dei migranti. Dopo settimane di marcia nei boschi rimandati indietro anche se arrivati su territorio italiano.

    La Questura di Trieste: sono riammissioni previste dalle norme Ue. Ma è giallo sui respingimenti a catena.

    «Nessun respingimento irregolare alla frontiera con la Slovenia», giura il questore di Trieste. «Tutto viene fatto secondo le regole». È comprensibile infatti lo smarrimento del povero disgraziato che dopo settimane di marcia nei boschi di Slovenia e Croazia, si butta tra le braccia di un poliziotto italiano pensando di avercela fatta. Ma non è così perché c’è l’impersonale, algido, fors’anche crudele accordo di #Schengen che stabilisce la sua sorte.

    Ebbene, Schengen dice che se un irregolare è individuato in una «fascia frontaliera» e nella presunta «immediatezza» dell’ingresso, può essere riaccompagnato oltre frontiera e affidato alla polizia dell’altra parte. È una procedura che si chiama «riammissione» e sostituisce il vecchio «respingimento» di quando esistevano le frontiere. Abolite appunto grazie a Schengen.

    È quanto accade quotidianamente al confine con la Slovenia, come anche con l’Austria e la Francia. A regolare queste «riammissioni» ci sono alcune circolari della Ue che fissano lo spazio e il tempo: per fascia frontaliera s’intende un corridoio di 150 metri da una parte e dell’altra della linea di confine, per fascia temporale s’intende un massimo di 2 ore.

    C’è poi un accordo bilaterale italo-sloveno firmato a Roma il 3 settembre 1996, entrato in vigore dal 1° settembre 1997, più estensivo quanto a territorio e orari. Secondo quest’accordo, può essere «riammesso» (e succede ormai massicciamente da quando si sono intensificati gli arrivi dalla rotta balcanica e ci sono molte più pattuglie a controllare il confine, comprese la guardie forestali mobilitate dal governatore Massimiliano Fedriga) chi non ha richiesto l’asilo politico.

    Il database nazionale
    In ogni caso, dato che la polizia slovena non è felice di riprendersi i clandestini, l’intera procedura viene documentata (e secondo la questura ciò avviene alla presenza di interpreti, ma chissà se questo avviene davvero a ogni ora del giorno e della notte) per essere poi condivisa con i colleghi d’oltre frontiera. Agli stranieri vengono prese le impronte digitali, che si confrontano con il database nazionale e quello cosiddetto Eurodac per verificare se la persona non sia stata già fotosegnalata in Slovenia, Croazia o Grecia. Nel secondo caso, la procedura è più lunga e complessa. E se mai nessun poliziotto di altri Paesi li ha identificati, paradossalmente la procedura è più spiccia. I minori stranieri non vengono riammessi, ma affidati ad apposite strutture di accoglienza italiane, e così le persone particolarmente malate.

    Diverso ancora è il caso di chi è sbarcato in uno hotspot in Grecia. Oppure di chi ha presentato domanda di asilo politico in un Paese della Ue e poi si presenta alla nostra frontiera: una selva di situazioni giuridiche diverse che agli occhi del migrante, proveniente da Paesi immensamente lontani, rappresenta un’incomprensibile roulette russa.

    E che magari interpreta come il capriccio del poliziotto che ha davanti. Tocca comunque agli sloveni accettarli. Perciò gli italiani devono documentare con scontrini, biglietti di treno, qualsiasi prova, l’immediatezza dell’ingresso in Italia. Quindi, se arriva il via libera, rigorosamente entro le ore 16 perché dopo gli sloveni non ci stanno, gli stranieri vengono consegnati «esclusivamente con mezzi con i colori d’istituto della Polizia di Stato» presso la stazione di polizia Krvavi Potoc (Pesek).

    Le accuse contro Zagabria
    Quel che accade da quel momento, lo sanno solo gli sloveni ma è immaginabile che abbiano accordi diretti con la polizia croata. E nessuno dubita che sia un circuito infernale per il disgraziato che vi finisce dentro. Pochissimi sono i diritti riconosciuti ai migranti, specie da parte croata.

    L’ultimo Rapporto di Amnesty International ci ricorda che «la Croazia ha continuato a rimandare in Serbia rifugiati e migranti entrati nel Paese irregolarmente, senza garantire loro l’accesso a un’effettiva procedura per la determinazione del diritto d’asilo. Durante i respingimenti, talvolta anche dall’interno del territorio croato, la polizia è ricorsa regolarmente a coercizione, intimidazione, confisca o distruzione di oggetti personali di valore e uso sproporzionato della forza».

    https://www.diritti-umani.org/2018/11/trieste-valico-con-la-slovenia-le.html
    #Italie #Slovénie #réadmissions #migrations #asile #réfugiés #frontières #push-back #renvois #expulsions #refoulement #frontière_sud-alpine #Croatie #accord_bilatéral #accords_bilatéraux

    • “Caricati a forza nei furgoni”. Così la polizia italiana riporta i migranti nei Balcani

      Il racconto di due pakistani: «A Trieste ci hanno illuso sulla richiesta d’asilo ma ci hanno rimandati in Slovenia». Poi una nuova odissea fino alla Bosnia. «Le autorità croate ci hanno picchiato e lasciato nei boschi al confine»

      https://www.lastampa.it/2018/11/02/italia/caricati-a-forza-nei-furgoni-cos-la-polizia-italiana-riporta-i-migranti-nei-balcani-K775KFcYpdofE4r0eNJTFI/premium.html

    • Il caso dei migranti riportati in Slovenia. La polizia: “Agiamo seguendo le regole”

      La Questura di Trieste: sono riammissioni previste dalle norme Ue. Ma è giallo sui respingimenti a catena.

      «Nessun respingimento irregolare alla frontiera con la Slovenia», giura il questore di Trieste. «Tutto viene fatto secondo le regole». È comprensibile infatti lo smarrimento del povero disgraziato che dopo settimane di marcia nei boschi di Slovenia e Croazia, si butta tra le braccia di un poliziotto italiano pensando di avercela fatta. Ma non è così perché c’è l’impersonale, algido, fors’anche crudele accordo di Schengen che stabilisce la sua sorte.

      Ebbene, Schengen dice che se un irregolare è individuato in una «fascia frontaliera» e nella presunta «immediatezza» dell’ingresso, può essere riaccompagnato oltre frontiera e affidato alla polizia dell’altra parte. È una procedura che si chiama «riammissione» e sostituisce il vecchio «respingimento» di quando esistevano le frontiere. Abolite appunto grazie a Schengen.

      È quanto accade quotidianamente al confine con la Slovenia, come anche con l’Austria e la Francia. A regolare queste «riammissioni» ci sono alcune circolari della Ue che fissano lo spazio e il tempo: per fascia frontaliera s’intende un corridoio di 150 metri da una parte e dell’altra della linea di confine, per fascia temporale s’intende un massimo di 2 ore. C’è poi un accordo bilaterale italo-sloveno firmato a Roma il 3 settembre 1996, entrato in vigore dal 1° settembre 1997, più estensivo quanto a territorio e orari. Secondo quest’accordo, può essere «riammesso» (e succede ormai massicciamente da quando si sono intensificati gli arrivi dalla rotta balcanica e ci sono molte più pattuglie a controllare il confine, comprese la guardie forestali mobilitate dal governatore Massimiliano Fedriga) chi non ha richiesto l’asilo politico.

      Il database nazionale

      In ogni caso, dato che la polizia slovena non è felice di riprendersi i clandestini, l’intera procedura viene documentata (e secondo la questura ciò avviene alla presenza di interpreti, ma chissà se questo avviene davvero a ogni ora del giorno e della notte) per essere poi condivisa con i colleghi d’oltre frontiera. Agli stranieri vengono prese le impronte digitali, che si confrontano con il database nazionale e quello cosiddetto Eurodac per verificare se la persona non sia stata già fotosegnalata in Slovenia, Croazia o Grecia. Nel secondo caso, la procedura è più lunga e complessa. E se mai nessun poliziotto di altri Paesi li ha identificati, paradossalmente la procedura è più spiccia. I minori stranieri non vengono riammessi, ma affidati ad apposite strutture di accoglienza italiane, e così le persone particolarmente malate.

      Diverso ancora è il caso di chi è sbarcato in uno hotspot in Grecia. Oppure di chi ha presentato domanda di asilo politico in un Paese della Ue e poi si presenta alla nostra frontiera: una selva di situazioni giuridiche diverse che agli occhi del migrante, proveniente da Paesi immensamente lontani, rappresenta un’incomprensibile roulette russa. E che magari interpreta come il capriccio del poliziotto che ha davanti. Tocca comunque agli sloveni accettarli. Perciò gli italiani devono documentare con scontrini, biglietti di treno, qualsiasi prova, l’immediatezza dell’ingresso in Italia. Quindi, se arriva il via libera, rigorosamente entro le ore 16 perché dopo gli sloveni non ci stanno, gli stranieri vengono consegnati «esclusivamente con mezzi con i colori d’istituto della Polizia di Stato» presso la stazione di polizia Krvavi Potoc (Pesek).
      Le accuse contro Zagabria

      Quel che accade da quel momento, lo sanno solo gli sloveni ma è immaginabile che abbiano accordi diretti con la polizia croata. E nessuno dubita che sia un circuito infernale per il disgraziato che vi finisce dentro. Pochissimi sono i diritti riconosciuti ai migranti, specie da parte croata. L’ultimo Rapporto di Amnesty International ci ricorda che «la Croazia ha continuato a rimandare in Serbia rifugiati e migranti entrati nel Paese irregolarmente, senza garantire loro l’accesso a un’effettiva procedura per la determinazione del diritto d’asilo. Durante i respingimenti, talvolta anche dall’interno del territorio croato, la polizia è ricorsa regolarmente a coercizione, intimidazione, confisca o distruzione di oggetti personali di valore e uso sproporzionato della forza».

      https://www.lastampa.it/2018/11/03/italia/il-caso-dei-migranti-riportati-in-slovenia-la-polizia-agiamo-seguendo-le-regole-KLb7LoSe5l5uv8XggFl7FN/pagina.html


  • Israël cherche à expulser l’auteure Susan Abulhawa
    Nicolas Gary - 02.11.2018
    https://www.actualitte.com/article/monde-edition/israel-cherche-a-expulser-l-auteure-susan-abulhawa/91690

    Susan Abulhawa a 48 ans : elle devrait intervenir au festival de littérature palestinienne qui se tient du 3 au 7 novembre, invitée par le British Council, sponsor de la manifestation. Mais outre son activité d’auteure, elle est également partisane de la campagne BDS, Boycott, Désinvestissement et Sanctions.
    (...)

    Les autorités israéliennes avaient surtout en mémoire qu’elle avait été expulsée d’Israël et qu’elle aurait, pour y revenir, dû demander l’octroi d’un visa. Un point légal que l’écrivaine ignorait totalement, assure son amie. C’est pourtant en mars 2017 que le Parlement a adopté une législation très controversée interdisant littéralement aux membres de BDS de séjourner sur le sol israélien.
    Elle devait comparaître devant le juge ce 2 novembre – avec une certaine clémence, toutefois, ayant appris que le festival dépendait en grande partie de sa présence.

    Expulsion actée, en attente de l’appel

    Pour autant, le juge a décidé de son expulsion, sans autre forme de procès. Susans Abulhawa a fait appel de la décision, mais personne ne sait quand ce dernier sera entendu. Un avocat du British Council ainsi que l’ambassade des États-Unis se sont rapprochés des organisateurs de la manifestation, mais n’ont pas pu prendre attache avec elle.

    Le problème vient également de ce que l’auteure est un best-seller parmi les plus importantes chez les écrivains arabes. Son livre Mornings in Jenin est devenu un succès mondial, traduit en 28 langues.

    #frontières #expulsion #Susan_Abulhawa

    • Susan Abulhawa’s statement to Kalimat Palestinian Literature Festival after the Israeli authorities have denied her entry into her country and she was therefore unable to attend the festival.
      https://www.facebook.com/susan.abulhawa/posts/10156481100262254

      I would like to express my deep gratitude to the Kalimat Palestinian Literature Festival, Mahmoud Muna in particular, and to the Kenyon Institute of the British Council for inviting me and undertaking the expense for me to participate in this year’s literature festival in Palestine.

      As you all know by now, Israeli authorities have denied me entry into my country and I am therefore unable to attend the festival. It pains me greatly not to be with my friends and fellow writers to explore and celebrate our literary traditions with readers and with each other in our homeland. It pains me that we can meet anywhere in the world except in Palestine, the place to which we belong, from whence our stories emerge and where all our turns eventually lead. We cannot meet on soil that has been fertilized for millennia by the bodies of our ancestors and watered by the tears and blood of Palestine’s sons and daughters who daily fight for her.

      Since my deportation, I read that Israeli authorities indicated that I was required to “coordinate” my travel with them in advance. This is a lie. In fact, I was told upon arrival at the airport that I had been required to apply for a visa to my US passport, and that this application would not be accepted until 2020, at least five years after the first time they denied me entry. They said it was my responsibility to know this even though I was never given any indication of being banned. Then they said my first deportation in 2015 was because I refused to give them the reason for my visit. This, too, is a lie. Here are the facts:

      In 2015, I traveled to Palestine to build playgrounds in several villages and to hold opening ceremonies at playgrounds we had already built in the months previous. Another member of our organization was traveling with me. She happened to be Jewish and they allowed her in. Several Israeli interrogators asked me the same questions in different ways over the course of approximately 7.5 hours. I answered them all, as Palestinians must if we are to stand a chance of going home, even as visitors. But I was not sufficiently deferential, nor was I capable of that in the moment. But I was certainly composed and – the requirement for all violated people – “civil.” Finally, I was accused of not cooperating because I did not know how many cousins I have and what are all their names and the names of their spouses. It was only after being told that I was denied entry that I raised my voice and refused to leave quietly. I did yell, and I stand by everything I yelled. According to Haaretz, Israel said I “behaved angrily, crudely and vulgarly” in 2015 at the Allenby Bridge.

      What I said in 2015 to my interrogators, and which was also reported in Haaretz at the time, is that they should be the ones to leave, not me; that I am a daughter of this land and nothing will change that; that my own direct history is steeped in the land and there’s no way they can extricate it; that as much as they invoke Zionist mythological fairy tales, they can never claim such personal familial lineage, much as they wish they could.

      I suppose that must sound vulgar to Zionist ears. To be confronted with authenticity of Palestinian indigeneity despite exile, and face their apocryphal, ever-shifting colonial narratives.

      My lack of deference in 2015 and choice not to quietly accept the arbitrary decision of an illegitimate gatekeeper to my country apparently got appended to my name and, upon my arrival this time on November 1st, signaled for my immediate deportation.

      The true vulgarity is that several million Europeans and other foreigners live in Palestine now while the indigenous population lives either in exile or under the cruel boots of Israeli occupation; the true vulgarity is in the rows of snipers surrounding Gaza, taking careful aim and shooting human beings with no real way to defend themselves, who dare to protest their collective imprisonment and imposed misery; the true vulgarity is in seeing our youth bleed on the ground, waste in Israeli jails, starve for an education, travel, learning, or some opportunity to fully be in the world; The true vulgarity is the way they have taken and continue to take everything from us, how they have carved out our hearts, stolen our everything, occupied our history, and tamp our voices and our art.

      In total, Israel detained me for approximately 36 hours. We were not allowed any electronics, pens or pencils in the jail cells, but I found a way to take both – because we Palestinians are resourceful, smart, and we find our way to freedom and dignity by any means we can. I have photos and video from inside that terrible detention center, which I took with a second phone hidden on my body, and I left for them a few messages on the walls by the dirty bed I had to lay on. I suppose they will find it vulgar to read: “Free Palestine,” “Israel is an Apartheid State,” or “susan abulhawa was here and smuggled this pencil into her prison cell”.

      But the most memorable part of this ordeal were the books. I had two books in my carry-on when I arrived at the jail and I was allowed to keep them. I alternated reading from each, sleeping, thinking.

      The first book was a highly researched text by historian Nur Masalha, “Palestine: A Four Thousand Year History.” I was scheduled to interview Nur on stage about his epic audit of Palestinian millennia-old history, told not from the politically motivated narratives, but from archeological and other forensic narratives. It is a people’s history, spanning the untidy and multilayered identities of Palestine’s indigenous populations from the Bronze Age until today. In an Israeli detention cell, with five other women – all of them Eastern European, and each of them in her own private pain, the chapters of Nur Masalha’s book took me through Palestine’s pluralistic, multicultural and multi-religious past, distorted and essentialized by modern inventions of an ancient past.

      The bitter irony of our condition was not lost on me. I, a daughter of the land, of a family rooted at least 900 years in the land, and who spent much of her childhood in Jerusalem, was being deported from her homeland by the sons and daughters of recent arrivals, who came to Palestine a mere decades ago with European-born ethos of racial Darwinism, invoking biblical fairy tales and divinely ordained entitlement..

      It occurred to me, too, that all Palestinians – regardless of our conditions, ideologies, or the places of our imprisonment or exile – are forever bound together in a common history that begins with us and travels to the ancient past to one place on earth, like the many leaves and branches of a tree that lead to one trunk. And we are also bound together by the collective pain of watching people from all over the world colonize not only the physical space of our existence, but the spiritual, familial, and cultural arenas of our existence. I think we also find power in this unending, unhealed wound. We write our stories from it. Sing our songs and dabke there, too. We make art from these aches. We pick up rifles and pens, cameras and paint brushes in this space, throw stones, fly kites and flash victory and power fists there.

      The other book I read was Colson Whitehead’s acclaimed, spellbinding novel, “The Underground Railroad.” It is the story of Cora, a girl born into slavery to Mabel, the first escaped slave from the Randal Plantation. In this fictional account, Cora escapes the plantation with her friend Ceasar their determined slave catcher, Ridgeway on their trail in the Underground Railroad – a real-life metaphor made into an actual railroad in the novel. The generational trauma of inconceivable bondage is all the more devastating in this novel because it is told matter-of-factly from the vantage of the enslaved. Another people’s collective unhealed wound laid bare, an excruciatingly powerful common past, a place of their power too, a source of their stories and their songs.

      I am back in my house now, with my daughter and our beloved dogs and cats, but my heart doesn’t ever leave Palestine. So, I am there, and we will continue to meet each other in the landscapes of our literature, art, cuisine and all the riches of our shared culture.

      After writing this statement, I learned that the press conference is being held at Dar el Tifl. I lived the best years of my childhood there, despite my separation from family and the sometimes difficult conditions we faced living under Israeli occupation. Dar el Tifl is the legacy of one of the most admirable women I have ever known – Sitt Hind el Husseini. She saved me in more ways than I suppose she knew, or that I understood at the time. She saved a lot of us girls. She gave gathered us from all the broken bits of Palestine. She gave us food and shelter, educated and believed in us, and in turn made us believe we were worthy. There is no more appropriate place than Dar el Tift to read this statement.

      I want to leave you with one more thought I had in that jail cell, and it is this: Israel is spiritually, emotionally, and culturally small despite the large guns they point at us – or perhaps precisely because of them. It is to their own detriment that they cannot accept our presence in our homeland, because our humanity remains intact and our art is beautiful and life-affirming, and we aren’t going anywhere but home.


  • Vannes : une enseignante à la retraite expulsée la veille de la trêve hivernale
    https://www.rtl.fr/actu/debats-societe/vannes-une-enseignante-a-la-retraite-expulsee-la-veille-de-la-treve-hivernale-77

    Se faire expulser de son logement la veille de la trêve hivernale, c’est ce qui est arrivé à Françoise Le Clanche. Cette enseignante retraitée a été priée, par des huissiers et des policiers à 9 heures du matin mercredi 31 octobre, de quitter son appartement de Vannes.

    #logement #retraite #pauvreté #expulsion


  • #Angola : Les migrants africains en danger de mort

    Les autorités angolaises lancent « la chasse aux ressortissants sub-sahariens en situation irrégulière ». Une #opération dénommée « #expatriado » est en cours en ce moment. Elle vise à « expulser tous les immigrés en situation irrégulière en Angola ». Des ressortissants maliens témoignent des « cas d’#emprisonnement suivis de pires formes de #maltraitance et d’#humiliation ». Pour l’instant, difficile d’avoir des chiffres officiels sur le nombre de Maliens victimes. Mais ceux joints sur place appellent à l’aide des autorités maliennes.

    Selon certains Maliens, ces opérations d’expulsion ont débuté dans les zones minières. Elles se déroulent maintenant dans toutes les villes du pays, et concernent toutes les nationalités y compris les Maliens, qui sont parmi les plus nombreux. « Cela fait des jours que nous ne pouvons plus sortir pour aller au boulot par peur de nous faire arrêter », explique un ressortissant malien sur place. Selon lui, cette opération qui ne devrait concerner que les #sans-papiers, est aussi menée par les forces de l’ordre angolaises contre ceux qui sont en situation régulière. L’objectif, selon notre interlocuteur, est de soutirer de l’argent aux migrants.

    « Une fois entre les mains des autorités angolaises, il faut payer de l’argent ou partir en prison », témoignent certains migrants maliens, avant de confirmer que plusieurs d’entre eux sont actuellement en prison. En Angola certains Maliens ont l’impression d’être « laissés pour compte par les autorités maliennes ». Pour l’Association Malienne des Expulsés, « il est inacceptable qu’un pays membre de l’Union Africaine expulse d’autres africains de la sorte ». L’AME qui juge la situation « grave » en Angola, appelle les autorités maliennes à réagir.

    https://www.expulsesmaliens.info/Angola-Les-migrants-africains-en-danger-de-mort.html
    #migrations #asile #réfugiés #rafles #expulsions #renvois #chasse_aux_migrants #migrants_maliens

    • Briefing: Problems multiply in Congo’s Kasaï

      The Kasaï region in the Democratic Republic of Congo is struggling to recover from two years of intense conflict. The influx last month of more than 300,000 people from Angola, most of them long-standing migrant workers, has made a fragile humanitarian situation worse.

      Here’s our briefing on the risks for the region and the new challenges for the humanitarian response.
      What happened?

      In attempts to clamp down on what it called illegal diamond mining operations, Angola’s government ordered the expulsion of more than 360,000 Congolese nationals, forcing them to flee in October into the Kasaï region of neighbouring DRC.

      "This new shock is compounding an already dire situation in the same area that was the epicentre of the Kasaï crisis over the last couple of years,” explained Dan Schreiber, head of coordination in Congo for the UN’s emergency aid body, OCHA.

      Congolese migrants and officials said the crackdown was violent, telling Reuters that dozens of people were killed, with the worst attacks occurring in Lucapa in Angola’s diamond-rich Lunda Norte province. Angolan security forces denied the allegations.
      Where did they go?

      Most of those expelled crossed into Kamako in Kasaï province, where aid organisations are responding to the tail-end of the Kamuina Nsapu insurgency that first erupted in 2016. Some of the returnees include refugees who fled violence in Kasaï over the last two years, the Norwegian Refugee Council said.

      The NRC said conditions returnees face in Congo are “shocking”, including the risk of waterborne disease due to ineffective water and sanitation; thousands sleeping outdoors because of insufficient shelter; food prices tripling; and extortion of goods on both sides of the border.

      “Hundreds of thousands of people have been robbed of their right to a dignified existence,” said Ulrika Blom, NRC’s country director in DRC. “This is not a crisis that is about to begin, it is a full-blown emergency.”
      What has the reaction been?

      While local communities have generally been welcoming to the returnees, OCHA’s Schreiber said skirmishes erupted in certain villages, mainly over the strain on limited food resources.

      “Experience in the DRC does show that when you have a large influx of people arriving in an area it can generate tensions between host communities and the people who arrive,” he said.

      Schreiber said OCHA has seen most returnees wanting to move away from the border areas and toward other destinations inland, which could help ease the humanitarian strain in Kasaï, but he also warned that more returnees could arrive from Angola.

      “We don’t expect the first wave to be the last wave,” he said. “Expulsions from Angola are a cyclical phenomena that go all the way back to 2002-2003. It’s not a new phenomenon, but in this case we are seeing a major influx, and clearly the absorption capacity is not there.”
      Why is their arrival in Kasaï in particular such a problem?

      Kasaï was a relatively stable region in an unstable country – one currently dealing with multiple conflicts, an Ebola outbreak in North Kivu province, and one of the world’s most neglected displacement crises.

      The situation in Kasaï changed dramatically in 2016 when conflict erupted between the Kamuina Nsapu anti-government movement and Congolese security forces. The inter-communal clashes spread far and wide, soon engulfing the entire region.

      The conflict escalated in 2017, with massacres and mass graves, as well as general insecurity marked by banditry, and poor harvests that led to food insecurity and malnutrition.

      An estimated 5,000 people have since been killed and more than 1.4 million displaced.

      Toward the end of 2017 and into 2018, the crisis eased slightly, as national authorities regained control over large parts of the region. Despite isolated bouts of violence, aid groups say most militias have been formally disbanded and displaced communities are tentatively returning home.

      “But those returns are accompanied by many needs, because people are returning to burned villages, destroyed homes, and a lot of destruction,” said OCHA’s Schreiber.

      Two years of violence and displacement also mean locals have been unable to grow crops for three seasons, which has led to concerns over malnutrition. “We have really seen food insecurity skyrocket. So even in areas where returns have occurred, humanitarian needs have not come to an end,” Schreiber added.
      What are the risks?

      Although the current influx of people from Angola isn’t directly linked to the Kamuina Nsapu rebellion, aid groups are concerned about the implications of piling one problem on top of another in the same geographic area.

      For the most vulnerable groups, specifically women and children, the challenges that affect those displaced by the insurgency also pose risks for the new returnees from Angola.

      In May for instance, UNICEF reported that 400,000 children were “at risk of death” in the Kasaïs, because of food shortages.

      Yves Willemot, a spokesman for UNICEF in Congo, said the rate of severe acute malnutrition among children living in the region has improved slightly since earlier this year but “remains challenging”.

      “The security situation has clearly improved, but the impact on children is not ending in the short term,” he said.

      Among those newly returned from Angola are 80,000 children. They now are also at risk, forced to walk long distances while exposed to inclement weather, hunger, and the threat of violence. Willemot said basic services are lacking for them, including access to drinking water, schooling, and treatment for diseases like malaria and measles.

      Médecins Sans Frontières is among the NGOs initiating primary healthcare services for the recent arrivals, while also continuing interventions to assist the local population.

      In a recent report, MSF documented alarming levels of rape in the Kasaï region, saying it treated 2,600 victims of sexual violence between May 2017 and September 2018; 80 percent of those interviewed said armed men raped them.

      “The sexual violence committed in Kasaï was perpetrated largely by armed groups against non-armed people,” Philippe Kadima, MSF’s humanitarian advisor for the Great Lakes region, told IRIN. “Although the main conflict is over, we still see some violence happening in Kasaï.”

      For the more than 300,000 returnees, he said there are clear humanitarian concerns, but also the risk of insecurity. “The question is, how do you keep people secure?”

      “Displaced people become vulnerable, so it’s not that different to what the existing IDPs in Kasaï are going through… Security concerns, humanitarian needs, and risks of sexual violence are all factors when people become vulnerable,” he said.
      What about the longer-term challenges?

      Humanitarian needs remain critically underfunded in the Kasai region, said OCHA’s Shreiber, emphasising that beyond the immediate concerns are much broader needs in the region and the DRC as a whole.

      He added that the humanitarian response must help minimise the long-term impact of the crisis on those affected.

      “The longer we remain in this critical phase, the more we can expect to see humanitarian needs spiral out of control,” he said. “The current trigger of new humanitarian needs (the returnees from Angola) may be time-bound, but I think the impact will be lasting.”

      Schreiber said the Kasaï region remains vulnerable because it faces particular challenges, including decades of underdevelopment and inaccessibility as a result of poor road infrastructure, and he urged more development actors to get involved.

      “People in the Kasaïs are eager to rebound, to be back on their feet, and move on. There is no expectation that humanitarian assistance should continue forever in the Kasaï region,” he said. “People want to be autonomous, but what they need is support to build up their resilience and be able to move towards a situation where their most basic needs are met and they are able to think about their futures again.”


      http://www.irinnews.org/news-feature/2018/11/08/briefing-congo-kasai-angola-aid-conflict

    • Les violations des droits humains des migrants africains en Angola

      Les violations des droits humains des migrants africains en Angola

      Depuis un certain moment, la communauté africaine vivant sur le territoire angolais est l’objet de toute sorte de violation de ses droits les plus fondamentaux par les autorités de ce pays. La Charte Africaines des Droits de l’Homme et des Peuples protège les droits des migrants dans tous ses aspects contre les violations des droits et l’Angola est justement membre de l’Union Africaine. Ainsi, ces violations se matérialisent par des arrestations musclées et arbitraires, des emprisonnements dans des conditions inhumaines et dégradantes (art.5 de la Déclaration Universelle des Droits de l’Homme et de la Charte Africaine des Droits de l’Homme et des Peuples) de même que les expulsions collectives pourtant interdites par la Charte Africaine dans son article 12.5.

      L’AME est vivement préoccupée par les récentes arrestations, détentions et expulsions des centaines de milliers de migrants africains dont des maliens. Selon des informations recueillies auprès de nos sources sur place, une centaine de maliens sont concernés par cette situation qui évolue et change de jour en jour.

      Nous attirons l’attention de l’Union Africaine et de ses pays membres sur la situation inacceptable que vivent les étrangers sur la terre africaine d’Angola et rappeler que les droits de l’homme sont des droits inaliénables de tous les êtres humains, quels que soient leur nationalité, leur lieu de résidence, leur sexe, leur origine ethnique ou nationale, leur couleur, leur religion…

      L’Angola comme la plupart des pays africains s’est engagé à protéger, respecter et réaliser les droits de l’homme, non seulement de ses nationaux, mais de toute personne sous sa juridiction. Dans ce contexte, tous les étrangers se trouvant sur le sol angolais auraient dû bénéficier de la protection des autorités angolaises quelque soient les raisons qu’elles mettent en avant pour justifier ces expulsions.

      L’Organisation des Nations Unies (ONU) n’est pas resté silencieuse comme la plupart des pays africains, le Haut-Commissaire des Nations Unies aux droits de l’homme a mis en garde sur les conséquences des expulsions massives de réfugiés depuis l’Angola, au cours des trois dernières semaines de ce mois d’octobre.

      Par ailleurs, le Secrétaire Général des Nations Unies a rappelé le 19 septembre 2017 que : « tout pays a le droit de contrôler ses frontières. Mais cela doit se faire de telle sorte que les droits des personnes ‘en mouvement’ soient protégés ».

      Au regard de tout ce qui vient d’être évoqué :
      1. L’Association Malienne des Expulsés (AME) pour sa part, exhorte le gouvernement Malien à tout mettre en œuvre pour la sécurisation de nos compatriotes et de leurs biens dans les pays d’accueil ;
      2. Appelle le gouvernement à communiquer davantage sur cette situation en donnant beaucoup plus d’informations aux familles des maliens vivants en Angola ;
      3. Encourage le gouvernement de continuer à œuvrer pour le respect des droits des migrants maliens et aussi pour le développement d’une relation franche entre les Etats africains en vue de la réalisation de l’unité africaine comme le prévoit l’article 117 de la Constitution ;
      4. Invite l’Union Africaine à dénoncer et prendre des mesures contre les violations des droits humains dans les pays membres ;
      5. Invite également les Etats membres de l’Union Africaine à renoncer aux expulsions massives des ressortissants d’autres pays africains et à mettre fin sans délais aux opérations actuelles en cour ;
      6. Exhorte l’U.A et les Etats à une plus grande implication des organisations de la société civile aux différents processus pour la gestion de la migration.

      http://www.expulsesmaliens.info/Les-violations-des-droits-humains-des-migrants-africains-en-Angola


  • Airbnb : la locataire doit rembourser 46 000 euros à sa propriétaire | SOS conso
    http://sosconso.blog.lemonde.fr/2018/10/31/airbnb-la-locataire-doit-rembourser-46-000-euros-a-sa-propriet

    En 2005, Mme X, propriétaire d’un meublé dans le 17e arrondissement de Paris, loue celui-ci à Mme Y. Le contrat est reconduit chaque année. En janvier 2018, la propriétaire constate que sa locataire a mis l’appartement en sous-location sur le site Airbnb. Le 20 février, elle fait faire un constat d’huissier.

    Le 25 juin, elle assigne sa locataire devant le tribunal d’instance du 7e arrondissement de Paris, constat d’huissier à l’appui, en demandant son #expulsion ainsi que le remboursement des sous-loyers perçus.

    Fruits civils de la propriété

    La propriétaire demande que Mme Y soit condamnée à lui rembourser les sous-loyers perçus, qui sont les « fruits civils de la #propriété ». Cet argument a été utilisé, avec succès, dans l’affaire suivante, signalée sur le blog Sosconso sous le titre le locataire doit rembourser à son propriétaire les sous-loyers perçus grâce à Airbnb : le propriétaire, Thomas L., avait invoqué les articles 546 et 547 du code civil.
    Le premier énonce : « La propriété d’une chose (…) donne droit sur tout ce qu’elle produit, et sur ce qui s’y unit accessoirement soit naturellement, soit artificiellement. Ce droit s’appelle ‘droit d’accession’. »
    L’article 547 dit que« les fruits civils [revenus périodiques d’un capital, NDLR] appartiennent au propriétaire par #droit_d’accession ». Le propriétaire avait soutenu que les sous-loyers perçus par son #locataire sont des « fruits civils de la propriété » et qu’ils lui appartiennent de facto.

    La propriétaire indique que « les fruits civils » perçus par sa locataire s’élèvent à :
    2011 :  446 euros pour 9 jours
    2012 : 6 688 euros pour 97 jours
    2013 : 8 446 euros pour 120 jours
    2014 : 7 562 euros pour 115 jours
    2015 : 8 915 euros pour 160 jours
    2016 : 5 922 euros pour 103 jours
    2017 : 6 566 euros pour 130 jours
    2018 : 1 732,33 euros pour 33 jours
    soit en totalité 46 277 euros, dont elle demande le remboursement.

    Interdiction de sous-louer

    Mme X fait valoir que la sous-location est proscrite par le bail, et que la loi du 6 juillet 1989 l’interdit aussi, sauf autorisation expresse du bailleur – autorisation qu’elle n’a jamais donnée. Elle demande la résiliation judiciaire du bail de Mme Y, ainsi que l’expulsion de celle-ci.

    Mme Y répond qu’elle a été contrainte de sous-louer en raison de sa situation financière difficile, et ce, « seulement à partir de l’année 2017 ». Elle affirme qu’elle en a demandé l’autorisation à sa propriétaire, qui ne lui aurait jamais répondu, et donc nullement interdit formellement d’y procéder. Elle ajoute que le montant des loyers qu’elle a perçus (environ 50 euros la nuit) était inférieur au montant du sien – ce qui est inexact, puisqu’elle payait 610 euros par mois [soit plus de deux fois la somme reçue au tire de l’allocation logement, ndc] , soit environ 20 euros par nuit. Elle demande à bénéficier d’une prescription.

    Expulsion

    Le tribunal, qui statue le 24 octobre (2018) précise que, « s’agissant de fruits civils indûment perçus, aucune prescription n’intervient ». Il condamne donc Mme Y à payer à Mme X la somme de 46 277 euros, avec intérêt légal. Il y ajoute 1 000 euros de dommages et intérêts pour inexécution contractuelle, plus 1 000 euros de frais d’avocat. Il ordonne l’exécution provisoire (si Mme Y fait appel, celui-ci ne sera pas suspensif). Il accorde seulement un paiement en 24 mensualités.

    Il prononce la résiliation du bail, aux torts exclusifs de Mme Y, ainsi que l’expulsion de celle-ci, « au besoin avec le concours de la force publique, faute de départ volontaire dans un délai de deux mois à compter de la date d’avoir à quitter les lieux, signifiée en application de la présente décision ». Il refuse de lui accorder un délai.
    Sur le même sujet, lire aussi la chronique Locations touristiques illégales : les juges frappent au portefeuille (abonnés)
    .


  • No man’s land at Paris airport: Where France keeps foreigners who’ve been refused entry

    Every day, foreigners suspected of trying to enter France illegally are taken to a special area of Paris’s Charles de Gaulle airport where they are held at a facility dubbed #ZAPI. Located just a stone’s throw away from the airport’s runways, the ultra-secure area is closed to the general public. NGOs say ZAPI is just another name for a prison, where foreigner’s rights are flouted and where expulsions are fast-tracked. InfoMigrants was granted exclusive access to it.

    Audrey is pulling funny faces at the little girl she’s holding in her arms. “She’s not mine,” she says, and points to the girl’s mother who is sitting on another bench just a few metres away. “I’m just playing with her to pass the time,” she says. Twenty-eight-year-old Audrey from Gabon currently lives inside the four walls of the Charles de Gaulle airport’s “waiting zone”, or ZAPI, where people who have been refused entry onto French territory are being held while authorities decide what to do with them.

    Audrey’s laugh is barely audible. Neither is that of the little girl. The loud noise of the aircraft that just touched down some 50 metres away from them have drowned out all the surrounding sounds. “The noise, it’s hard… It prevents us from sleeping, we hear the planes all the time…,” the young woman complains without even looking at the giant aircraft whose wings are now gracing the fence of ZAPI.

    This tiny piece of no man’s land lies just next to one of the airport’s runways. “ZAPI is a bit like a protrusion of the international zone,” Alexis Marty explains, who heads up the immigration department at the French border police (PAF). In legal terms, the zone is not deemed to be a part of French territory. “It’s a zone where people end up when they’ve been refused entry into France and the Schengen area” by not having a visa, or because there are suspicions that their travel documents have been forged… Audrey, who’s been there for nearly a week, recalls how she was intercepted just as she was getting off the plane. She says she was placed at ZAPI because she didn’t have a “hotel” and “not enough money”.

    To visit France for a period lasting up to three months, foreigners need to fulfill certain conditions before being allowed to touch French ground: They need to have a valid passport, a visa (depending on the nationality), a medical insurance covering their stay, proof of lodging (hotel reservation or with family members), enough funds to cover their stay as well as a return ticket.

    Ill-prepared tourists or illegal immigrants?

    Foreigners who are stopped by customs officers because they don’t fulfill the conditions linked to their stay generally end up at ZAPI. “We don’t send everyone there,” Marty explains, however, pointing to certain nuances. “There are confused tourists who’ve just prepared their vacations really poorly, and who’ve forgotten essential documents. But there are also those who have different intentions, and who produce forged documents to try to enter European territory illegally.”

    It’s difficult to tell an ill-prepared tourist and a potential illegal immigrant apart. This is why the verification is done in several steps. “We don’t send people to ZAPI right away, we first carry out an initial check. When a suspicious person steps out of the plane, we bring them into a separate room to verify their documents, to ask them questions, listen to their replies and to verify any additional information they give us. If all goes well, we release them after a few hours,” he explains. “But if the incoherencies and the doubts persist, if the person produces fake documents or no documents at all, if a ‘migration risk’ exists for the person, we place them in ZAPI.”

    On this particular October day, the airport’s “waiting zone” houses a total of 96 people, of which one is an unaccompanied minor. The number of people changes on a daily basis. “Generally, a person spends four and a half days at ZAPI, so the rotation is pretty fast,” police commander Serge Berquier, who is the head of ZAPI, says. The maximum time a person can stay there is 20 days. Men, women and children – even minors traveling on their own – may be sent there. There is no age limit.

    After a three-week stay, a so-called “ZAPIst” is left with three options: Either they are finally granted entry into France (with a safe conduct), they are sent back to the country they traveled from, or a legal case is opened against them (for refusing to board, for forging documents, etc.). In 2016, some 7,000 people were held at the airport at some point, of which 53 percent were immediately refused entry into France.

    While “ZAPIsts” wait for their fates to be decided, they do what they can to kill time. They stroll in the outdoor space, they stay in their rooms, or they hang out in the TV room. The PAF makes a point of clarifying that the “ZAPIsts” are not “detainees” but rather “retainees”. This means that they have rights; family members can visit, they have access to catering services and can get legal and humanitarian assistance from the Red Cross which has a permanent presence at the facility.

    “It’s not a prison,” Marty says. “Here, you can keep your personal belongings, your mobile phone, you can go in and out of the rooms as much as you like. The only restriction is that you’re not allowed to exit the premises.”

    It may not be a prison, but it’s definitely a place of deprivation. Not all mobile phones are allowed, and those equipped with a camera are confiscated automatically.

    It’s 11.45am, but no one seems to be around on the ground floor. The TV is on in the communal room, but there’s no one there to watch it. No one is using the public payphones which are available to the “ZAPIsts” 24/7. On the first floor, where the rooms are located, the hallways are more or less empty. “They’re most likely downstairs, in the canteen, lunch will be served soon,” a police officer says. “Otherwise they might be outside, in the garden, talking or smoking.”

    The police presence is fairly discrete on the floor with the rooms, but every now and then the police officers can be heard calling someone through the loud-speakers that have been installed in the building. “We use it to call people who have a visit or a meeting. It helps us avoid having to run through the hallways to find them,” Berquier, the head of ZAPI, explains while showing us around the premises. “There are 67 rooms. Some are reserved for families, and others for people with reduced mobility […] There’s also an area reserved for unaccompanied minors and an area with games for them and for families.”

    La ZAPI compte au total une soixantaine de chambres Crdit InfoMigrants

    ‘Things can be improved’

    The atmosphere at ZAPI is calm, almost peaceful. Until Youssef, an Algerian who’s been held there for four days, turns up. He seems to be on his guard, and appears quite tense. “I’m still waiting for my suitcase, I don’t have any clothes to change with,” he complains and lights a cigarette. “The Red Cross is helping me out.” It can take several days for a person who’ve been placed in ZAPI to have their personal belongings returned to them. Checked-in luggage first has to be located and then controlled… During this period, the Red Cross does what it can in terms of clothing, offering T-shirts and underwear.

    Marty finds the situation with the luggage deplorable. “It’s evident that not everything is perfect, there are things that can be improved,” he admits. “To have a suitcase speedily returned to someone at ZAPI is among the things where progress can be made.”

    Returning home

    Audrey from Gabon and Youssef from Algeria, who have both found themselves blocked in this no-man’s land, have more or less the same story to tell. Both of them claim they came to France to visit family, insisting they did not intend to enter the country illegally. “But now, my situation isn’t very good,” the young woman says. Did she really come for the “tourist visit” she claims? Or did she try her chance at entering France by sneaking through the controls (customs)? It’s hard to know. The police have the same doubts when it comes to Youssef. “I came here to visit family, but I had a problem with my return ticket which didn’t match my visa,” he explains. Youssef says he wants to try to regularize his documents – “to buy a return ticket that conforms to the conditions” – in order to leave ZAPI and thereafter enter France. Audrey, on the other hand, says she has “given up”. She wants to go home now.

    The PAF sometimes comes across “people who ask to go home because they understand that their entry into France is compromised,” Marty explains. The costs of such returns are normally taken out of the pocket of the airline that flew the foreigner in question to France in the first place, and is undoubtedly a way for authorities to sanction the airlines and force them to be more vigilant when it comes to checking their passengers’ travel documents.

    The risk of failing an attempt to enter a country illegally is often higher for those who try to do so via air travel. “It’s an expensive trip, you have to pay for the ticket as well as the forged passport you need to fool the authorities, and this is before having to take the rigorous controls at the airports into account,” Marty says.

    The nationalities of migrants arriving by plane are often different from those who try to reach Europe by sea or by land. “The people at ZAPI are mainly from South America, Honduras, Brazil, and Nicaragua. Also from China and Russia. Some also come from North Africa and Sub-Saharan Africa, but they are fewer in numbers.” On this particular day, the people in ZAPI’s courtyard are from Gabon, Chad, Sri Lanka, Turkey, Morocco, Tunisia, Algeria, and South America.

    ’The aim is to deport’

    ZAPI also houses people seeking asylum. “There are people who demand protection in France as soon as they step off the plane,” Marty explains. “They tell border police […] Everything has been organized so that they know they have the right to demand asylum and that we’re ready to help them in their attempt to do so.”

    Charlene Cuartero-Saez works for Anafé, an association that helps foreigners who have been blocked between borders, and which has an office at ZAPI. She almost chokes when she hears the “model” description of the facility that Marty has given, saying it is far from the benevolent place he has been talking about.

    Cuartero-Saez has her desk in room 38 of the building, which has been converted into an Anafé office, Cuartero-Saez lists the different dysfunctions of the place: the poor ventilation, the restricted outdoor access, cameras in the communal areas, no laundry room… “It’s true that here, the material conditions are less difficult than elsewhere. Charles de Gaulle’s ZAPI is a bit like the display window for other ‘waiting zones’ in France. But that doesn’t prevent people from having their rights flouted, especially here.”

    ’Some are sent back just a few hours after their arrival in France’

    “[Police] say that people are informed of their rights in their native language, but in my opinion that is not always true. Many [officers] work on the principle that if the migrants speaks a few words of English, he or she doesn’t need an interpreter.”

    Anafé is also alarmed over the fast-speed returns of “ZAPIsts” – despite the existence of a “clear day” which normally gives a person 24 hours of respite at ZAPI. “This ‘clear day’ exists, yes, but you only get it if you ask for it! Many people don’t even know what it is,” Cuartero-Saez says. “There have been cases where people have been sent back to their countries just a few hours after arriving in France.”

    The law stipulates that asylum request can be filed at any moment – and thereby suspending an imminent deportation. In those cases, an Ofpra official comes to ZAPI to carry out a pre-assessment of the person’s request. The interview doesn’t decide on the asylum application itself, but evaluates the pertinence of the demand. A decision should be made within 20 days. If the demand is rejected, a deportation is imminent. A person filing a demand for asylum while at ZAPI can therefore receive a definite response within just a few days, whereas the average waiting time in France is between two and eight months or even more, depending on the case.

    Ces trois jeunes Sri-Lankais ont dpos une demande dasile aux frontires Crdit InfoMigrants

    “The aim of keeping [people in] this waiting area is to be able deport them, Cuartero-Saez states, and gives three asylum-seeking Sri Lankans who are currently staying at ZAPI as an example. The three men – all under the age of 30 – are in the courtyard and explain how they fear for their lives because they’re members of the separatist Tamil Tigers (LTTE) movement. All three have just been notified that their demands for asylum have been rejected.

    They show their rejection letters while seated on a bench in the sunshine. They speak neither French nor English and they don’t seem to know what to do next. They’ve been there for two weeks now. “We told them that they can appeal the decision. They didn’t know they could do that, no one had informed them of that,” Cuartero-Saez says.

    The three Tamils appear to be quite lost. They don’t seem to understand that they could face imminent deportation. In five days’ time, their retention at ZAPI will expire. “We don’t want to go back to Sri Lanka,” they say smiling. “We want to stay in France.”

    Aja, from Chad, and her two small daughters are in the same situation. They have been held at ZAPI for four days. Aja doesn’t want them to be returned to Chad, but she doesn’t want to demand asylum either. “I think I had a problem with money… That’s why they’re keeping me here. I’m here as a tourist,” she says, but adds that she “would very much like” to stay in France if it was possible. Because of this deadlock, she and her daughters also risk deportation.

    For those staying at ZAPI, the place is not synonymous with neither violence nor mistreatment but rather anxiety. At any given moment, PAF officers can try to force someone at ZAPI onboard a plane. “We have examples of people who don’t manage to register their asylum request in time,” Cuartero-Saez at Anafé says. “When the demand hasn’t been registered, the process is never launched… And so, without recourse, a person can be sent back in less than four days without even knowing his or her rights.”

    http://www.infomigrants.net/en/webdoc/146/no-man-s-land-at-paris-airport-where-france-keeps-foreigners-who-ve-be
    #Paris #aéroport #zone_de_transit #limbe #asile #migrations #réfugiés #déboutés #renvois #expulsions #détention #rétention #détention_administrative


  • #Caen : #expulsion du #Squat_de_la_Guérinière. Appel à don et invitation au Fournil du Marais
    https://fr.squat.net/2018/10/27/caen-expulsion-du-squat-de-la-gueriniere

    Le squat de la Guérinière, 10 Boulevard de la Charité, plus ancien lieu encore ouvert de l’AG jusqu’ici (ouverture le 29 mai 2015), a été expulsé ce matin (24 octobre), dès 8h40. Le dispositif policier mobilisé a été tout bonnement hallucinant : une centaine de flics (brigade d’intervention de la police nationale locale accompagnée de […]

    #10_boulevard_de_la_Charité #45_Chemin_des_Coteaux #5_rue_du_Marais #AG_de_lutte_contre_les_expulsions #Le_Marais #sans-papiers #Squat_de_Fleury-sur-Orne