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  • Xinjiang’s System of Militarized Vocational Training Comes to #Tibet

    Introduction and Summary

    In 2019 and 2020, the Tibet Autonomous Region (TAR) introduced new policies to promote the systematic, centralized, and large-scale training and transfer of “rural surplus laborers” to other parts of the TAR, as well as to other provinces of the People’s Republic of China (PRC). In the first 7 months of 2020, the region had trained over half a million rural surplus laborers through this policy. This scheme encompasses Tibetans of all ages, covers the entire region, and is distinct from the coercive vocational training of secondary students and young adults reported by exile Tibetans (RFA, October 29, 2019).

    The labor transfer policy mandates that pastoralists and farmers are to be subjected to centralized “military-style” (军旅式, junlüshi) vocational training, which aims to reform “backward thinking” and includes training in “work discipline,” law, and the Chinese language. Examples from the TAR’s Chamdo region indicate that the militarized training regimen is supervised by People’s Armed Police drill sergeants, and training photos published by state media show Tibetan trainees dressed in military fatigues (see accompanying images).

    Poverty alleviation reports bluntly say that the state must “stop raising up lazy people.” Documents state that the “strict military-style management” of the vocational training process “strengthens [the Tibetans’] weak work discipline” and reforms their “backward thinking.” Tibetans are to be transformed from “[being] unwilling to move” to becoming willing to participate, a process that requires “diluting the negative influence of religion.” This is aided by a worrisome new scheme that “encourages” Tibetans to hand over their land and herds to government-run cooperatives, turning them into wage laborers.

    An order-oriented, batch-style matching and training mechanism trains laborers based on company needs. Training, matching and delivery of workers to their work destination takes place in a centralized fashion. Recruitments rely, among other things, on village-based work teams, an intrusive social control mechanism pioneered in the TAR by Chen Quanguo (陈全国), and later used in Xinjiang to identify Uyghurs who should be sent to internment camps (China Brief, September 21, 2017). Key policy documents state that cadres who fail to achieve the mandated quotas are subject to “strict rewards and punishments” (严格奖惩措施, yange jiangcheng cuoshi). The goal of the scheme is to achieve Xi Jinping’s signature goal of eradicating absolute poverty by increasing rural disposable incomes. This means that Tibetan nomads and farmers must change their livelihoods so that they earn a measurable cash income, and can therefore be declared “poverty-free.”

    This draconian scheme shows a disturbing number of close similarities to the system of coercive vocational training and labor transfer established in Xinjiang. The fact that Tibet and Xinjiang share many of the same social control and securitization mechanisms—in each case introduced under administrations directed by Chen Quanguo—renders the adaptation of one region’s scheme to the other particularly straightforward.

    Historical Context

    As early as 2005, the TAR had a small-scale rural surplus labor training and employment initiative for pastoralists and farmers in Lhasa (Sina, May 13, 2005). The 11th Five-Year Plan (2006-2010) then specified that this type of training and labor transfer was to be conducted throughout the TAR (PRC Government, February 8, 2006). From 2012, the Chamdo region initiated a “military-style training for surplus labor force transfer for pastoral and agricultural regions” (农牧区富余劳动力转移就业军旅式培训, nongmuqu fuyu laodongli zhuanyi jiuye junlüshi peixun) (Tibet’s Chamdo, October 8, 2014). Chamdo’s scheme was formally established in the region’s 13th Five-Year Plan (2016-2020), with the goal of training 65,000 laborers (including urban unemployed persons) during that time (Chamdo Government, December 29, 2015).

    By 2016, Chamdo had established 45 related vocational training bases (TAR Government, November 17, 2016). Starting in 2016, the TAR’s Shannan region likewise implemented vocational training with “semi-military-style management” (半军事化管理, ban junshihua guanli) (Tibet Shannan Net, April 5, 2017). Several different sources indicate that Chamdo’s military-style training management was conducted by People’s Armed Police drill sergeants.[1]

    Policies of the 2019-2020 Militarized Vocational Training and Labor Transfer Action Plan

    In March 2019, the TAR issued the 2019-2020 Farmer and Pastoralist Training and Labor Transfer Action Plan (西藏自治区2019-2020年农牧民培训和转移就业行动方案, Xizang Zizhiqu 2019-2020 Nian Nongmumin Peixun he Zhuanyi Jiuye Xingdong Fang’an) which mandates the “vigorous promotion of military-style…[vocational] training,” adopting the model pioneered in Chamdo and mandating it throughout the region. [2] The vocational training process must include “work discipline, Chinese language and work ethics,” aiming to “enhance laborers’ sense of discipline to comply with national laws and regulations and work unit rules and regulations.”

    Surplus labor training is to follow the “order-oriented” (订单定向式, dingdan dingxiangshi) or “need-driven” (以需定培, yi xu dingpei) method, [3] whereby the job is arranged first, and the training is based on the pre-arranged job placement. In 2020, at least 40 percent of job placements were to follow this method, with this share mandated to exceed 60 percent by the year 2024 (see [2], also below). Companies that employ a minimum number of laborers can obtain financial rewards of up to 500,000 renminbi ($73,900 U.S. dollars). Local labor brokers receive 300 ($44) or 500 ($74) renminbi per arranged labor transfer, depending whether it is within the TAR or without. [4] Detailed quotas not only mandate how many surplus laborers each county must train, but also how many are to be trained in each vocational specialty (Ngari Government, July 31, 2019).

    The similarities to Xinjiang’s coercive training scheme are abundant: both schemes have the same target group (“rural surplus laborers”—农牧区富余劳动者, nongmuqu fuyu laodongzhe); a high-powered focus on mobilizing a “reticent” minority group to change their traditional livelihood mode; employ military drill and military-style training management to produce discipline and obedience; emphasize the need to “transform” laborers’ thinking and identity, and to reform their “backwardness;” teach law and Chinese; aim to weaken the perceived negative influence of religion; prescribe detailed quotas; and put great pressure on officials to achieve program goals. [5]

    Labor Transfers to Other Provinces in 2020

    In 2020, the TAR introduced a related region-wide labor transfer policy that established mechanisms and target quotas for the transfer of trained rural surplus laborers both within (55,000) and without (5,000) the TAR (TAR Human Resources Department, July 17). The terminology is akin to that used in relation to Xinjiang’s labor transfers, employing phrases such as: “supra-regional employment transfer” (跨区域转移就业, kuaquyu zhuanyi jiuye) and “labor export” (劳务输出, laowu shuchu). Both the 2019-2020 Training and Labor Transfer Action Plan and the TAR’s 13th Five-Year Plan (2016-2020) only mention transfers outside the TAR in passing, without outlining a detailed related policy or the use of terminology akin to that found in related documents from Xinjiang. [6]

    In the first 7 months of 2020, the TAR trained 543,000 rural surplus laborers, accomplishing 90.5% of its annual goal by July. Of these, 49,900 were transferred to other parts of the TAR, and 3,109 to other parts of China (TAR Government, August 12). Each region is assigned a transfer quota. By the end of 2020, this transfer scheme must cover the entire TAR.

    Specific examples of such labor transfers identified by the author to other regions within the TAR include job placements in road construction, cleaning, mining, cooking and driving. [7] Transfers to labor placements outside the TAR include employment at the COFCO Group, China’s largest state-owned food-processing company (Hebei News, September 18, 2020).

    The central terminology employed for the labor transfer process is identical with language used in Xinjiang: “unified matching, unified organizing, unified management, unified sending off” (统一对接、统一组织、统一管理、统一输送 / tongyi duijie, tongyi zuzhi, tongyi guanli, tongyi shusong). [8] Workers are transferred to their destination in a centralized, “group-style” (组团式, zutuanshi), “point-to-point” (点对点, dianduidian) fashion. The policy document sets group sizes at 30 persons, divided into subgroups of 10, both to be headed by (sub-)group leaders (TAR Human Resources Department, July 17). In one instance, this transport method was described as “nanny-style point-to-point service” (“点对点”“保姆式”服务 / “dianduidian” “baomu shi” fuwu) (Chinatibet.net, June 21). As in Xinjiang, these labor transfers to other provinces are arranged and supported through the Mutual Pairing Assistance [or “assist Tibet” (援藏, Yuan Zang)] mechanism, albeit not exclusively. [9] The transferred laborers’ “left-behind” children, wives and elderly family members are to receive the state’s “loving care.” [10]

    Again, the similarities to Xinjiang’s inter-provincial transfer scheme are significant: unified processing, batch-style transfers, strong government involvement, financial incentives for middlemen and for participating companies, and state-mandated quotas. However, for the TAR’s labor transfer scheme, there is so far no evidence of accompanying cadres or security personnel, of cadres stationed in factories, or of workers being kept in closed, securitized environments at their final work destination. It is possible that the transfer of Tibetan laborers is not as securitized as that of Uyghur workers. There is also currently no evidence of TAR labor training and transfer schemes being linked to extrajudicial internment. The full range of TAR vocational training and job assignment mechanisms can take various forms and has a range of focus groups; not all of them involve centralized transfers or the military-style training and transfer of nomads and farmers.

    The Coercive Nature of the Labor Training and Transfer System

    Even so, there are clear elements of coercion during recruitment, training and job matching, as well as a centralized and strongly state-administered and supervised transfer process. While some documents assert that the scheme is predicated on voluntary participation, the overall evidence indicates the systemic presence of numerous coercive elements.

    As in Xinjiang, TAR government documents make it clear that poverty alleviation is a “battlefield,” with such work to be organized under a military-like “command” structure (脱贫攻坚指挥部, tuopin gongjian zhihuibu) (TAR Government, October 29, 2019; Xinhua, October 7, 2018). In mid-2019, the battle against poverty in the TAR was said to have “entered the decisive phase,” given the goal to eradicate absolute poverty by the end of 2020 (Tibet.cn, June 11, 2019). Since poverty is measured by income levels, and labor transfer is the primary means to increase incomes—and hence to “lift” people out of poverty—the pressure for local governments to round up poor populations and feed them into the scheme is extremely high.

    The Training and Labor Transfer Action Plan cited above establishes strict administrative procedures, and mandates the establishment of dedicated work groups as well as the involvement of top leadership cadres, to “ensure that the target tasks are completed on schedule” (see [2]). Each administrative level is to pass on the “pressure [to achieve the targets] to the next [lower] level.” Local government units are to “establish a task progress list [and] those who lag behind their work schedule… are to be reported and to be held accountable according to regulations.” The version adopted by the region governed under Shannan City is even more draconian: training and labor transfer achievements are directly weighed in cadres’ annual assessment scores, complemented by a system of “strict rewards and punishments.” [11] Specific threats of “strict rewards and punishments” in relation to achieving labor training and transfer targets are also found elsewhere, such as in official reports from the region governed under Ngari City, which mandate “weekly, monthly and quarterly” reporting mechanisms (TAR Government, December 18, 2018).

    As with the Uyghurs in Xinjiang, overcoming Tibetans’ resistance to labor transfer is an integral part of the entire mechanism. Documents state that the “strict military-style management” of the vocational training process causes the “masses to comply with discipline,” “continuously strengthens their patriotic awareness,” and reforms their “backward thinking.” [12] This may also involve the presence of local cadres to “make the training discipline stricter.” [13]

    Because the military-style vocational training process produces discipline and transforms “backward employment views,” it is said to “promote labor transfer.” [14] Rural laborers are to be transformed from “[being] unwilling to move” to becoming willing to participate, a process that requires “diluting the negative influence of religion,” which is said to induce passivity (TAR Commerce Department, June 10). The poverty alleviation and training process is therefore coupled with an all-out propaganda effort that aims to use “thought education” to “educate and guide the unemployed to change their closed, conservative and traditional employment mindset” (Tibet’s Chamdo, July 8, 2016). [15] One document notes that the poverty alleviation and labor transfer process is part of an effort to “stop raising up lazy people” (TAR Government, December 18, 2018).

    A 2018 account from Chamdo of post-training follow-up shows the tight procedures employed by the authorities:

    Strictly follow up and ask for effectiveness. Before the end of each training course, trainees are required to fill in the “Employment Willingness Questionnaire.” Establish a database…to grasp the employment…status of trainees after the training. For those who cannot be employed in time after training, follow up and visit regularly, and actively recommend employment…. [16]

    These “strict” follow-up procedures are increasingly unnecessary, because the mandated “order-oriented” process means that locals are matched with future jobs prior to the training.

    “Grid Management” and the “Double-Linked Household” System

    Coercive elements play an important role during the recruitment process. Village-based work teams, an intrusive social control mechanism pioneered by Chen Quanguo, go from door to door to “help transform the thinking and views of poor households.” [17] The descriptions of these processes, and the extensive government resources invested to ensure their operation, overlap to a high degree with those that are commonly practiced in Xinjiang (The China Quarterly, July 12, 2019). As is the case in Xinjiang, poverty-alleviation work in the TAR is tightly linked to social control mechanisms and key aspects of the security apparatus. To quote one government document, “By combining grid management and the ‘double-linked household’ management model, [we must] organize, educate, and guide the people to participate and to support the fine-grained poverty alleviation … work.” [18]

    Grid management (网格化管理, wanggehua guanli) is a highly intrusive social control mechanism, through which neighborhoods and communities are subdivided into smaller units of surveillance and control. Besides dedicated administrative and security staff, this turns substantial numbers of locals into “volunteers,” enhancing the surveillance powers of the state. [19] Grid management later became the backbone of social control and surveillance in Xinjiang. For poverty alleviation, it involves detailed databases that list every single person “in poverty,” along with indicators and countermeasures, and may include a “combat visualization” (图表化作战, tubiaohua zuozhan) feature whereby progress in the “war on poverty” is visualized through maps and charts (TAR Government, November 10, 2016). Purang County in Ngari spent 1.58 million renminbi ($233,588 dollars) on a “Smart Poverty Alleviation Big Data Management Platform,” which can display poverty alleviation progress on a large screen in real time (TAR Government, February 20, 2019).

    Similarly, the “double-linked household” (双联户, shuang lian hu) system corrals regular citizens into the state’s extensive surveillance apparatus by making sets of 10 “double-linked” households report on each other. Between 2012 and 2016, the TAR established 81,140 double-linked household entities, covering over three million residents, and therefore virtually the region’s entire population (South China Morning Post, December 12, 2016). An August 2020 article on poverty alleviation in Ngari notes that it was the head of a “double-linked” household unit who led his “entire village” to hand over their grassland and herds to a local husbandry cooperative (Hunan Government, August 20).

    Converting Property to Shares Through Government Cooperatives

    A particularly troubling aspect of the Training and Labor Transfer Action Plan is the directive to promote a “poverty alleviation industry” (扶贫产业, fupin chanye) scheme by which local nomads and farmers are asked to hand over their land and herds to large-scale, state-run cooperatives (农牧民专业合作社, nongmumin zhuanye hezuoshe). [20] In that way, “nomads become shareholders” as they convert their usage rights into shares. This scheme, which harks back to the forced collectivization era of the 1950s, increases the disposable incomes of nomads and farmers through share dividends and by turning them into wage laborers. They are then either employed by these cooperatives or are now “free” to participate in the wider labor transfer scheme. [21] In Nagqu, this is referred to as the “one township one cooperative, one village one cooperative ” (“一乡一社”“一村一合” / “yixiang yishe” “yicun yihe”) scheme, indicating its universal coverage. [22] One account describes the land transfer as prodding Tibetans to “put down the whip, walk out of the pasture, and enter the [labor] market” (People.cn, July 27, 2020).

    Clearly, such a radical transformation of traditional livelihoods is not achieved without overcoming local resistance. A government report from Shuanghu County (Nagqu) in July 2020 notes that:

    In the early stages, … most herders were not enthusiastic about participating. [Then], the county government…organized…county-level cadres to deeply penetrate township and village households, convening village meetings to mobilize people, insisted on transforming the [prevailing attitude of] “I am wanted to get rid of poverty” to “I want to get rid of poverty” as the starting point for the formation of a cooperative… [and] comprehensively promoted the policy… Presently… the participation rate of registered poor herders is at 100 percent, [that] of other herders at 97 percent. [23]

    Importantly, the phrase “transforming [attitudes of] ‘I am wanted to get rid of poverty’ to ‘I want to get rid of poverty’” is found in this exact form in accounts of poverty alleviation through labor transfer in Xinjiang. [24]

    Given that this scheme severs the long-standing connection between Tibetans and their traditional livelihood bases, its explicit inclusion in the militarized vocational training and labor transfer policy context is of great concern.

    Militarized Vocational Training: Examining a Training Base in Chamdo

    The Chamdo Golden Sunshine Vocational Training School (昌都市金色阳光职业培训学校, Changdushi Jinse Yangguang Zhiye Peixun Xuexiao) operates a vocational training base within Chamdo’s Vocational and Technical School, located in Eluo Town, Karuo District. The facility conducts “military-style training” (军旅式培训, junlüshi peixun) of rural surplus laborers for the purpose of achieving labor transfer; photos of the complex show a rudimentary facility with rural Tibetan trainees of various ages, mostly dressed in military fatigues. [25]

    Satellite imagery (see accompanying images) shows that after a smaller initial setup in 2016, [26] the facility was expanded in the year 2018 to its current state. [27] The compound is fully enclosed, surrounded by a tall perimeter wall and fence, and bisected by a tall internal wire mesh fence that separates the three main northern buildings from the three main southern ones (building numbers 4 and 5 and parts of the surrounding wall are shown in the accompanying Figure 4). The internal fence might be used to separate dormitories from teaching and administrative buildings. Independent experts in satellite analysis contacted by the author estimated the height of the internal fence at approximately 3 meters. The neighboring vocational school does not feature any such security measures.

    Conclusions

    In both Xinjiang and Tibet, state-mandated poverty alleviation consists of a top-down scheme that extends the government’s social control deep into family units. The state’s preferred method to increase the disposable incomes of rural surplus laborers in these restive minority regions is through vocational training and labor transfer. Both regions have by now implemented a comprehensive scheme that relies heavily on centralized administrative mechanisms; quota fulfilment; job matching prior to training; and a militarized training process that involves thought transformation, patriotic and legal education, and Chinese language teaching.

    Important differences remain between Beijing’s approaches in Xinjiang and Tibet. Presently, there is no evidence that the TAR’s scheme is linked to extrajudicial internment, and aspects of its labor transfer mechanisms are potentially less coercive. However, in a system where the transition between securitization and poverty alleviation is seamless, there is no telling where coercion stops and where genuinely voluntary local agency begins. While some Tibetans may voluntarily participate in some or all aspects of the scheme, and while their incomes may indeed increase as a result, the systemic presence of clear indicators of coercion and indoctrination, coupled with profound and potentially permanent change in modes of livelihood, is highly problematic. In the context of Beijing’s increasingly assimilatory ethnic minority policy, it is likely that these policies will promote a long-term loss of linguistic, cultural and spiritual heritage.

    Adrian Zenz is a Senior Fellow in China Studies at the Victims of Communism Memorial Foundation, Washington, D.C. (non-resident), and supervises PhD students at the European School of Culture and Theology, Korntal, Germany. His research focus is on China’s ethnic policy, public recruitment in Tibet and Xinjiang, Beijing’s internment campaign in Xinjiang, and China’s domestic security budgets. Dr. Zenz is the author of Tibetanness under Threat and co-editor of Mapping Amdo: Dynamics of Change. He has played a leading role in the analysis of leaked Chinese government documents, to include the “China Cables” and the “Karakax List.” Dr. Zenz is an advisor to the Inter-Parliamentary Alliance on China, and a frequent contributor to the international media.

    Notes

    [1] See for example https://archive.is/wip/4ItV6 or http://archive.is/RVJRK. State media articles from September 2020 indicate that this type of training is ongoing https://archive.is/e1XqL.

    [2] Chinese: 大力推广军旅式…培训 (dali tuiguang junlüshi…peixun). See https://bit.ly/3mmiQk7 (pp.12-17). See local implementation documents of this directive from Shannan City (https://bit.ly/32uVlO5, pp.15-24), Xigatse (https://archive.is/7oJ7p) and Ngari (https://archive.is/wip/R3Mpw).

    [3] See also https://archive.is/wip/eQMGa.

    [4] Provided that the person was employed for at least 6 months in a given year. Source: https://archive.is/KE1Vd.

    [5] See the author’s main work on this in section 6 of: “Beyond the Camps: Beijing’s Long-Term Scheme of Coercive Labor, Poverty Alleviation and Social Control in Xinjiang,” Journal of Political Risk (Vol. 7, No. 12), December 2019. https://www.jpolrisk.com/beyond-the-camps-beijings-long-term-scheme-of-coercive-labor-poverty-allev.

    [6] See https://archive.is/wip/Dyapm.

    [7] See https://archive.is/wip/XiZfl, https://archive.is/RdnvS, https://archive.is/w1kfx, https://archive.is/wip/NehA6, https://archive.is/wip/KMaUo, https://archive.is/wip/XiZfl, https://archive.is/RdnvS, https://archive.is/w1kfx.

    [8] See https://archive.is/KE1Vd and https://archive.is/wip/8afPF.

    [9] See https://archive.is/KE1Vd and https://archive.is/wip/8afPF.

    [10] See https://archive.is/KE1Vd.

    [11] See https://bit.ly/32uVlO5, p.24.

    [12] See https://archive.is/wip/fN9hz and https://archive.is/NYMwi, compare https://archive.is/wip/iiF7h and http://archive.is/Nh7tT.

    [13] See https://archive.is/wip/kQVnX. A state media account of Tibetan waiters at a tourism-oriented restaurant in Xiexong Township (Chamdo) notes that these are all from “poverty-alleviation households,” and have all gone through “centralized, military-style training.” Consequently, per this account, they have developed a “service attitude of being willing to suffer [or: work hard]”, as is evident from their “vigorous pace and their [constant] shuttling back and forth” as they serve their customers. https://archive.is/wip/Nfxnx (account from 2016); compare https://archive.is/wip/dTLku.

    [14] See https://archive.is/wip/faIeL and https://archive.is/wip/18CXh.

    [15] See https://archive.is/iiF7h.

    [16] See https://archive.is/wip/ETmNe

    [17] See https://archive.is/wip/iEV7P, see also e.g. https://archive.is/wip/1p6lV.

    [18] See https://archive.is/e45fJ.

    [19] See https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/china-quarterly/article/securitizing-xinjiang-police-recruitment-informal-policing-and-ethnic-minority-cooptation/FEEC613414AA33A0353949F9B791E733 and https://www.hrw.org/news/2013/03/20/china-alarming-new-surveillance-security-tibet.

    [20] E.g. https://archive.is/R3Mpw. This scheme was also mentioned in the TAR’s 13th 5-Year-Plan (2016-2020) (https://archive.is/wip/S3buo). See also similar accounts, e.g. https://archive.is/IJUyl.

    [21] Note e.g. the sequence of the description of these cooperatives followed by an account of labor transfer (https://archive.is/gIw3f).

    [22] See https://archive.is/wip/gIw3f or https://archive.is/wip/z5Tor or https://archive.is/wip/PR7lh.

    [23] See https://archive.is/wip/85zXB.

    [24] See the author’s related work on this in section 2.2 of: “Beyond the Camps: Beijing’s Long-Term Scheme of Coercive Labor, Poverty Alleviation and Social Control in Xinjiang,” Journal of Political Risk (Vol. 7, No. 12), December 2019. https://www.jpolrisk.com/beyond-the-camps-beijings-long-term-scheme-of-coercive-labor-poverty-allev.

    [25] Located as part of the 昌都市卡若区俄洛镇昌都市职业技术学校 campus. See https://bit.ly/2Rr6Ekc; compare https://archive.is/wip/uUTCp and https://archive.is/wip/lKnbe.

    [26] See https://archive.is/wip/WZsvQ.

    [27] Coordinates: 31.187035, 97.091817. Website: https://bit.ly/2Rr6Ekc. The timeframe for construction is indicated by historical satellite imagery and by the year 2018 featured on a red banner on the bottom-most photo of the website.

    https://jamestown.org/program/jamestown-early-warning-brief-xinjiangs-system-of-militarized-vocational-

    #Chine #transfert_de_population #déplacement #rural_surplus_laborers #formaation_professionnelle #armée #travail #agriculture #discipline #discipline_de_travail #Chamdo #préjugés #terres #salariés #travailleurs_salariés #Chen_Quanguo #Xinjiang #Oïghours #camps #pauvreté #contrôle_social #pastoralisme #Farmer_and_Pastoralist_Training_and_Labor_Transfer_Action_Plan #minorités #obédience #discipline #identité #langue #religion #COFCO_Group #mots #terminologie #vocabulaire #Mutual_Pairing_Assistance #pauvreté #Shannan_City #Ngari_City #surveillance #poverty_alleviation #coopératives #salaire #Nagqu #Chamdo_Golden_Sunshine_Vocational_Training_School #Eluo_Town

  • The Struggle to Save #Heirloom Rice in India

    Long-forgotten varieties of the staple crop can survive flood, drought and other calamities. The challenge is bringing them back

    https://www.scientificamerican.com/article/the-struggle-to-save-heirloom-rice-in-india
    #Inde #riz #semences #résistance #agriculture
    #paywall... mais une citation trouvée sur twitter :

    “...the long-term #sustainability of #rice farming depends crucially on the restoration of traditional #farming practices based on #biodiversity and use of the full diversity of crop varieties that have survived the onslaught of industrial farming.”

    https://twitter.com/CriticScienceCH/status/1185169096423432193

    • Why India’s farmers want to conserve indigenous heirloom rice

      https://i.guim.co.uk/img/media/aa62832899cd38a40758c6d63bc4ac3de99b38d9/172_0_2640_1584/master/2640.jpg?width=1300&quality=85&auto=format&fit=max&s=d3013eafe0f01ac0e3b3b

      India was once home to 100,000 rice varieties, but high-yield, less hardy hybrids have taken over encouraging farmers to safeguard more resistant strains.

      India is rice country: the cereal provides daily sustenance for more than 60% of the population. Half a century ago, it was home to more than 100,000 rice varieties, encompassing a stunning diversity in taste, nutrition, pest-resistance and, crucially in this age of climate change and natural disasters, adaptability to a range of conditions.

      Today, much of this biodiversity is irretrievably lost, forced out by the quest for high-yield hybrids and varieties encouraged by government agencies. Such “superior” varieties now cover more than 80% of India’s rice acreage.

      The Koraput region in the state of Odisha in India’s east was historically among the world’s leading areas of rice diversification. In the 1950s, an official survey found farmers here growing more than 1,700 different rice varieties. Now, more than 1,400 farmers in the region are at the heart of a movement to safeguard what remains of this genetic wealth.

      The effort is anchored by a small conservation team led by ecologist Dr Debal Deb. Almost 200 of the 1,200 varieties in Deb’s collection have been sourced from Koraput’s farmers, indicating that villagers have not abandoned their native seeds for modern varieties. Anxious that his collection not end up as the last repository of endangered local varieties, Deb asked some farmers to grow them and circulate their seeds to help safeguard them from extinction.

      https://i.guim.co.uk/img/media/e218073223b65644f3bac998bb82248d6eabcfa4/0_0_2560_1598/master/2560.jpg?width=620&quality=85&auto=format&fit=max&s=4a5008dfc1d64026369f07

      Several farmers outlined economic reasons for not abandoning indigenous heirloom varieties, which they refer to as “desi dhaan”, as opposed to modern hybrids, “sarkari dhaan”, quite literally, “government rice”. “With hybrids, we have to keep spending money on buying them,” one farmer said. “With desi, we store our seeds carefully and use them the following season.”

      Other farmers wanted to get off the pesticide treadmill to reduce costs and stem the visible ill-effects of chemicals on soil quality and biodiversity. “Hybrids demand ever-increasing pesticide applications and our costs go up in an unsustainable way,” said farmer Duryodhan Gheuria.

      Gheuria cultivated four desi varieties – Kolamali, Sonaseri, Tikkichuri, Kosikamon – “just like generations of my family”. After encountering Deb’s team, Gheuria began growing three more endangered heirlooms: Samudrabaali, Raji and Governmentchuri.

      Heirloom varieties, adapted over centuries to local ecologies, also proved hardier in the face of problems such as pests and drought, the farmers said. In contrast, modern varieties bred in faraway labs were designed for the neat routines of intensive agriculture. They were tailored for mechanised farming, intended to absorb large doses of chemical fertilisers and predictable supplies of water. But farmers reported that such varieties were unsuited for the variable conditions they cultivated in, from undulating land to increasingly unpredictable weather.

      The nephew and uncle farming team Laxminath and Sadan Gouda said that on flood-prone land along a riverbank like theirs, modern varieties fared poorly. “They barely grow, pests attack them … we face a world of trouble. But desi dhaan grow well, which is why we will never abandon them.”

      Many farmers reported that some heirloom varieties were able to withstand cyclones better than the modern ones, while others could cope better in conditions of drought or low rainfall.

      Farmers had other reasons to prefer desi varieties. Their taller paddy stalks yielded valuable byproducts: fodder for cattle, mulch for the soil, and hay for thatching the roofs of their homes, unlike the short-statured modern varieties.

      And then there is the universal motivation of taste. Scented varieties like Kolaajeera and Kolakrushna has a sweet aroma, making cooking and eatingthe rice a pleasurable experience.

      “With sarkaari rice, even if you have three vegetables accompanying it, it does not taste that good,” laughed farmer Gomati Raut. “Our desi rice, you can eat it by itself.”

      https://i.guim.co.uk/img/media/d4ddc6149c0a517c2317657e233723e473842fa3/0_71_4000_2753/master/4000.jpg?width=620&quality=85&auto=format&fit=max&s=4ebbe4cd8b9bf43414d7e2

      Deb has said that having a huge number of rice varieties is not an end in itself. “Rice conservation is a handle to ask ourselves, how do we build sustainability in our societies?” he said.

      It is a question India must increasingly confront, with increasingly depleted water tables, infertile soils, greenhouse emissions and debt that pushes farmers to suicide.

      Meanwhile, hundreds of farmers in Koraput embody an alternative model of agricultural development. Drawing on centuries of knowledge and skills, these farmers sustain 200 rice varieties. In the process, they are reducing their dependence on external agencies, from the seed company and the pesticide seller to the government subsidy and bank loan.

      By reviving seeds, they are also reviving food, taste, ritual, nutrition, and sustainability – attributes often forgotten as a result of the obsession with yield. Attributes that make rice more than just a bundle of calories and starch.

      https://www.theguardian.com/environment/2017/sep/24/why-indias-farmers-want-to-conserve-indigenous-heirloom-rice

  • Herbicidal Warfare In Gaza
    Publication Date 19.07.2019← Forensic Architecture
    https://forensic-architecture.org/investigation/herbicidal-warfare-in-gaza

    Over three decades, in tandem with the Madrid and Oslo negotiation processes, the occupied Gaza Strip has been slowly isolated from the rest of Palestine and the outside world, and subjected to repeated Israeli military incursions. These incursions intensified from September 2003 to the fall of 2014, during which Israel launched at least 24 separate military operations targeting Gaza, giving shape to its surrounding borders today. (...)

    #Gaza #Herbicides

  • Investment platforms vie to capture a share of global #remittances

    Investment platforms are vying to capture a share of global remittances
    IN 2016 AYO ADEWUNMI, a Nigerian-born agricultural trader living in London, bought a five-hectare farm in
    his homeland. It has produced little since. “I am not in the country, so I have to rely on third parties. It’s just
    not good enough,” he says.
    Mr Adewunmi has since discovered another, potentially more satisfactory way to make such investments:
    through #FarmCrowdy (https://www.farmcrowdy.com), a crowdfunding platform that lends to Nigerian farms and provides technical
    assistance to their owners. The two-year-old startup, which is considering expanding into Ghana, places high
    hopes in the African diaspora as a source of funds.
    The case for such platforms goes beyond agriculture. Global remittances are expected to soar from $468bn
    in 2010 to $667bn in 2019. They are among the top two foreign-currency sources in several countries,
    including Kenya and the Philippines. Yet hardly any of the money is invested.
    In part, this is because recipients use three-quarters of the money for basics such as food and housing. But it
    is also because emigrants who want to invest back home have few options. New investment channels could
    attract lots of extra cash—about $73bn a year in Commonwealth countries alone, according to research by
    the 53-country grouping.

    Crowdfunding platforms would enable investors to put modest sums directly into smaller businesses in
    developing countries, which are often cash-starved. Yet of the emerging world’s 85 debt- and
    equity-crowdfunding ventures, only a handful raise money abroad. Several platforms set up in rich countries
    over the past decade to invest in developing countries, including Emerging Crowd, Homestrings and Enable
    Impact, quickly folded.
    A big problem is that few developing countries have rules about crowdfunding. Many have allowed activity
    so far chiefly because the industry is so small, says Anton Root of Allied Crowds, a consultancy. Cross-border
    transfers using such platforms easily fall foul of rich countries’ rules intended to stop money-laundering and
    the financing of terrorism.
    Some developing countries have realised that they need to act. Thailand, Malaysia, Singapore and Indonesia
    have all recently passed regulations on equity crowdfunding or peer-to-peer lending. But from a
    cross-border perspective, Africa seems most inventive, owing to active entrepreneurs and Western help.

    Last month the British government approved a grant of £230,000 ($300,000) to the African Crowdfunding
    Association to help it craft model accreditation and investor-protection rules. Elizabeth Howard of
    LelapaFund, a platform focused on east Africa, is part of an effort to see such rules adopted across the
    continent. That would help reassure sending countries that transfers do not end up in the wrong hands, she
    says. She hopes to enlist the support of the Central Bank of West African States, which oversees eight
    Francophone countries, at a gathering of crowdfunders and regulators sponsored by the French
    government in Dakar, in Senegal, this month.
    Thameur Hemdane of Afrikwity, a platform targeting Francophone Africa, says the industry will also study
    whether prospective laws could be expanded to the Central African Economic and Monetary Community, a
    grouping of six countries. Harmonised rules will not guarantee crowdfunders’ success, but would be a useful
    step towards raising the amount of diaspora capital that is put to productive use.


    https://www.economist.com/finance-and-economics/2018/11/08/investment-platforms-vie-to-capture-a-share-of-global-remittances?fsrc=scn/tw/te/bl/ed/investmentplatformsvietocaptureashareofglobalremittancesitscominghome
    #agriculture #crowdfunding #migrations #investissement #développement

  • Sulle tracce del marmo della discordia

    Le montagne sventrate, le falde inquinate, il viavai di camion, i morti sul lavoro, le infiltrazioni criminali, la mancata distribuzione di una ricchezza collettiva. Carrara è schiacciata dai signori del marmo. Non sono cave: sono miniere. La roccia estratta qui non nisce in sculture e non alimenta più la liera artigianale locale. Parte per l’Asia oppure, in gran percentuale, finisce nei dentifrici, nella carta e in altre decine di prodotti. È il business del carbonato di calcio. Un’attività dominata dalla multinazionale svizzera #Omya che qui possiede un grosso stabilimento industriale.


    https://www.wereport.fr/articles/sulle-tracce-del-marmo-della-discordia-area
    #marbre #extractivisme #Carrara #Italie #pollution #carbonate_de_calcium #multinationales #Suisse #mondialisation #géographie_de_la_mondialisation #globalisation

    • A Carrara, sulle tracce del marmo della discordia

      Le montagne sventrate, le falde inquinate, il via vai di camion, i morti sul lavoro, la mancata distribuzione di una ricchezza collettiva. Carrara è schiacciata dai signori del marmo. Non sono cave: sono miniere. La roccia estratta qui non finisce in sculture e non alimenta più la filiera artigianale locale. Parte per l’Asia oppure, in gran percentuale, finisce nei dentifrici, nella carta e in altre decine di prodotti. È il business del carbonato di calcio. Un’attività dominata dalla multinazionale svizzera Omya che qui possiede un grosso stabilimento industriale.

      Sembra un ghiacciaio ma è un bacino minerario. Tutto è bianco sporco. Le rocce, le strade, la polvere. Le montagne sono divorate dalle ruspe. Decine di camion, carichi di blocchi o di detriti, scendono a valle da stradine improvvisate. Persino la nostra Panda 4X4 fatica sul ripido pendio sterrato. Stiamo salendo alla cava Michelangelo, una delle più pregiate del bacino marmifero di Carrara, in Toscana. Qui viene estratto lo statuario, il marmo venduto anche a 4.600 franchi la tonnellata. In questa grossa cava lavorano circa una dozzina di persone.

      Riccardo, 52 anni di cui trenta passati a estrarre roccia, sta manovrando un blocco con il filo diamantato. Il sole che batte a picco sul marmo dà l’effetto di un forno. «D’estate è così mentre d’inverno è freddo e umido» ci racconta questo figlio e nipote di cavatori. Riccardo spiega con orgoglio il suo lavoro. Poi conclude: «Spero che mio figlio faccia qualcos’altro nella vita».

      Un lavoro rischioso

      La situazione nelle cave è sicuramente migliorata rispetto a qualche anno fa, ma il lavoro qui resta rischioso. L’ultimo decesso è dello scorso mese di luglio: Luca Savio, 37 anni, papà di un piccolo bambino, è stato travolto da un blocco in un deposito. Aveva un contratto di lavoro di sei giorni. A maggio, Luciano Pampana, un operaio di 58 anni, è invece morto schiacciato sotto una pala meccanica. «Qui i servi della gleba versano sangue» ha esclamato don Raffaello, il parroco di Carrara che nella sua omelia dopo questa morte si è scagliato contro il business del marmo: «Le Apuane sono sfregiate e pochi si arricchiscono!»

      «Le Apuane sono sfregiate e pochi si arricchiscono!».

      Don Raffaele, parroco di Carrara
      Fine della citazione

      I sindacati hanno indetto un giorno di sciopero e chiesto la chiusura delle cave non in regola. Negli ultimi dodici anni vi sono stati undici incidenti mortali, di cui sei tra il 2015 e il 2016. «È decisamente troppo se si calcola che in tutta la provincia i cavatori sono circa 600» esclama Roberto Venturini, segretario della Fillea Cgil di Massa Carrara che ci accompagna nella visita. Per il sindacalista vi è un solo modo per rendere compatibile questa attività con l’ambiente e con una cittadinanza che sempre meno tollera le cave: «Bisogna rallentare la produzione e aumentare il numero di dipendenti».
      «Monocoltura del marmo»

      Carrara e la vicina Massa sono un microcosmo rappresentativo delle attuali problematiche dell’economia: l’automatizzazione, la maledizione delle risorse, la concentrazione delle ricchezze, il conflitto tra ambiente e lavoro. Un conflitto, questo, che è emerso in queste zone già negli anni 80 attorno al polo chimico situato nella piana, verso il mare. Nel 1987 ci fu il primo referendum consultivo d’Europa con cui i cittadini si espressero a favore della chiusura dello stabilimento Farmoplant della Montedison. Ciò che avvenne, però, solo un anno dopo, a seguito dell’esplosione di un serbatoio di Rogor, pesticida cui già il nome dà inquietudine.

      In pochi anni, a catena, tutti gli stabilimenti cessarono le attività lasciando come eredità terreni inquinati e una schiera di disoccupati. Oggi la zona industriale si è trasferita dal mare alle montagne.

      L’unico settore che tira è quello estrattivo tanto che qui si parla di “monocultura del marmo”, in comparazione a quei paesi che hanno fatto di un prodotto destinato all’esportazione la sola attività economica. E così in pochi ci guadagnano mentre alla collettività rimangono le briciole e gli effetti nocivi.

      I ricavi crescono, gli impieghi no

      Nello scorso triennio il settore, dal punto di vista del ricavo, è cresciuto all’incirca del 5% all’anno. Difficile trovare un altro comparto in così rapida crescita. I profitti, però, sono sempre più concentrati.

      Gli addetti sono sempre meno e una crescente percentuale dell’attività di trasformazione è ormai svolta all’estero: dall’inizio degli anni duemila gli impieghi diretti sono diminuiti di oltre il 30%, passando da quasi 7’000 a circa 4’750 unità. Negli ultimi anni nelle cave sempre più meccanizzate sono stati persi più di 300 posti di lavoro; altri 300 sono scomparsi nelle attività di trasformazione e nella lavorazione.

      Ma anche attorno a queste cifre vi è scontro. Da un lato gli ambientalisti, dall’altro i rappresentanti del mondo imprenditoriale con i primi che tendono a sminuirne l’impatto economico e i secondi che mettono in valore l’effetto occupazionale del settore. La sola certezza, qui, è che quel marmo che ha plasmato l’identità ribelle dei carrarrini e fatto conoscere la città nel mondo intero è oggi sinonimo di conflitto.
      «Una comunità arrabbiata e ferita»

      «Dal marmo il territorio si aspetterebbe molto di più», ci spiega Paolo Gozzani, segretario della Cgil di Massa e Carrara. Il quale aggiunge: «Questa è una comunità arrabbiata e ferita che vede i signori del marmo come un potere arrogante, che si accaparra la ricchezza derivata da questa materia prima senza dare al territorio la possibilità di migliorarsi da un punto di vista sociale, dei servizi e senza fare in modo che, attorno al marmo, si sviluppi una vera e propria filiera».

      Un’opinione condivisa da Giulio Milani, uno scrittore che ha dedicato un libro alla devastazione territoriale di questa terra, dalla chimica al marmo: «L’industria del marmo c’è sempre stata in questa zona, ma negli ultimi anni è diventata una turboindustria che sta mettendo in crisi il territorio».

      Milani s’interroga sul presente e sul futuro dei suoi tre figli in un luogo che ha già sofferto per le conseguenze dell’inquinamento della chimica: «Tutte le volte in cui piove i fiumi diventano bianchi come latte a causa della marmittola, la polvere di marmo; a Carrara vi sono state quattro gravi alluvioni in nove anni legate al dissesto idrogeologico del territorio. Per questo parlo di costi sociali di questa attività. Dobbiamo ormai considerare che questo è diventato un distretto minerario vero e proprio e noi ci viviamo dentro».

      A supporto di questa situazione vi è la netta presa di posizione del procuratore capo di Massa, Aldo Giubilaro, che lo scorso mese di maggio ha illustrato l’entità di un’operazione effettuata presso diverse società attive nella lavorazione del marmo dalla quale è emerso uno spaccato di irregolarità ambientali diffuse: «Salvo rari casi, sicuramente encomiabili, sembra essere una regola per le aziende del lapideo al piano, quella di non rispettare le normative sull’impatto ambientale con conseguenze decisamente deleterie per chi vive in questa zona (…). Non si tratta solo di un problema ambientale, ma riguarda anche e soprattutto la salute dei cittadini che vivono in questa provincia, purtroppo maglia nera per il numero di tumori in tutta la Toscana» ha affermato questo magistrato noto per aver più volte criticato l’omertà del settore.
      Il carbonato svizzero

      Lasciata la cava, con la nostra Panda 4X4 ridiscendiamo a valle. Ai lati della strada diversi ravaneti, le vallate dove una volta si riversavano i detriti derivati dalla scavazione.

      Sotto numerosi camion sono in fila per scaricare le loro benne cariche di sassi. Il rumore degli scarichi e della frantumazione è incessante. Siamo di fronte a quello che è chiamato «il mulino»: i sassi qui vengono frantumati in scaglie.

      Una volta effettuata l’operazione, i camion imboccano la Strada dei marmi – sei chilometri di gallerie costati 138 milioni di franchi pubblici e destinati solo al trasporto del marmo – che sbuca verso il mare, a pochi passi da un grosso stabilimento industriale. È la fabbrica della Omya Spa dove le scaglie di marmo vengono lavorate fino a renderle carbonato di calcio, un prodotto sempre più richiesto.

      Questa farina di marmo la si trova dappertutto, nei dentifrici, nella carta e in altre decine di prodotti. La Omya Spa è una filiale della Omya Schweiz, che ha sede nel Canton Argovia. Pur essendo un’impresa familiare, poco nota al grande pubblico e non quotata in borsa, stiamo parlando di una vera e propria multinazionale: con 180 stabilimenti in 55 paesi Omya è il leader mondiale del carbonato di calcio. In Toscana ha campo libero. Nel 2014 il gruppo elvetico ha acquistato lo stabilimento del principale concorrente, la francese Imerys. Non solo: Omya ha preso importanti partecipazioni in quattro aziende attive nell’estrazione che la riforniscono di materia prima.

      Le polveri del boom

      A Carrara e dintorni si respirano le polveri di questo boom. Si stima che i blocchi di marmo rappresentino soltanto il 25% del materiale estratto: il restante 75% sono detriti. Una volta le scaglie erano considerate un rifiuto fastidioso, che impediva l’avanzata degli scavi e che veniva liberato nei ravaneti.

      Poi, nel 1987, arrivò Raul Gardini che con la sua Calcestruzzi Spa entrò nel business delle cave e ottenne un maxi contratto per la desolforazione delle centrali a carbone della Enel: un’attività in cui il carbonato di calcio era essenziale. L’industriale Raul Gardini morì suicida sulla scia di Tangentopoli, ma a Carrara rimase e si sviluppò questa nuova attività.

      Il business del carbonato di calcio ha dato un’accelerata all’attività estrattiva e ha permesso di tenere aperte cave che altrimenti sarebbero già state chiuse. Lo abbiamo visto alle pendici del Monte Sagro, all’interno del Parco delle Apuane, marchio Unesco: questa montagna, come ci ha mostrato Eros Tetti, dell’associazione Salviamo le Apuane, continua ad essere scarnificata per alimentare proprio il commercio del carbonato.

      La corsa alla polvere di marmo tocca anche il versante lucano. A Seravezza, un paesino a mezz’ora di auto da Carrara, abbiamo incontrato un gruppo di cittadini che si batte contro l’aumento incontrollato dell’attività di scavo: «Il comitato – ci spiegano i promotori – nasce proprio in risposta alla riapertura di tre cave di marmo sul Monte Costa. Siamo preoccupati per il nostro territorio e ci siamo interrogati sugli effetti che questi siti estrattivi avranno sulla nostra cittadinanza».
      Le parti nobili partono all’estero

      Se gran parte della roccia viene sbriciolata, la parte nobile – i blocchi di marmo – partono per il mondo. Così, interi e grezzi. Verranno poi lavorati direttamente all’estero, dove la manodopera costa meno.

      Se prima la regione di Massa e Carrara era un centro mondiale dell’arte e dell’artigianato legato al marmo, oggi la filiera legata all’estrazione è praticamente scomparsa. Ce lo racconta Boutros Romhein, un rinomato scultore siriano, da 35 anni a Carrara dove, oltre a realizzare enormi sculture, insegna agli studenti di tutto il mondo i segreti di questa nobile roccia: «Non ci sono ormai più artigiani sulla via Carriona, che parte dalle cave e va fino al mare. Una volta era un tutt’uno di piccole e grandi aziende che producevano sculture o materiale per l’architettura. Oggi possiamo dire che non c’è più nessuno».

      Una percezione confermata dai dati. Nel 2017 l’esportazione dei blocchi di marmo italiano è aumentata del 37%. È stata, in particolare, la provincia di Massa Carrara a realizzare il fatturato estero più alto con un export del valore di circa 212 milioni di euro. In calo, invece, i lavorati di marmo: per la provincia, nel 2017, la diminuzione è stata del 6,6%. I blocchi partono interi per gli Stati Uniti, la Cina, l’India e per i Paesi arabi.
      Il marmo dei Bin Laden

      Significativo di questa dinamica mondiale è lo sbarco a Carrara della famiglia saudita dei Bin Laden. Già grandi acquirenti di marmo per le loro attività edili, i Bin Laden sono ora entrati direttamente nell’attività estrattiva.

      Nel 2014 la famiglia saudita ha investito 45 milioni di euro per assicurarsi il controllo della società Erton che detiene il 50% della Marmi Carrara, il gruppo più importante del comprensorio del marmo, che attraverso la Società Apuana Marmi (Sam) controlla un terzo delle concessioni. Quattro famiglie carraresi si sono così riempite le tasche e messo parte delle cave nelle mani della CpC Holding, società controllata dalla Saudi Binladin Group.
      Un bacino minerario vero e proprio

      A Carrara siamo davanti non più a un’economia di cava, ma ad un bacino minerario vero e proprio. Così come nelle Ande e in Africa, nelle zone cioè dove l’estrazione di minerali è più selvaggia, il lato oscuro di questo business – mischiato alla pesante eredità lasciata dall’industria chimica e al fatto di non aver saputo sviluppare alternative economiche al marmo – hanno generato tutta una serie di effetti negativi: inquinamento, malattie, disoccupazione e disagio sociale.

      Nella graduatoria sulla qualità di vita 2017 curata dal dipartimento di statistiche dell’Università La Sapienza di Roma, la provincia di Massa-Carrara figura al 98esimo posto su 110. Se guardiamo i dettagli di questa classifica, la provincia è addirittura penultima per il fattore ambiente, 107esima per disagio sociale, 103esima per il superamento quotidiano della media di polveri sottili disperse nell’aria e 95esima per gli infortuni sul lavoro.

      Anche se non è possibile fare un legame diretto con il marmo, in questa terra vi è inoltre un’incidenza di malattie oncologiche fra le più elevate in Italia. In particolare vi un indice molto elevato nei mesoteliomi pleurici, la cui causa è quasi certamente dovuta alle tipologie di lavorazioni svolte in passato e all’eredità di prodotti tossici tuttora da smaltire. Per quanto riguarda il lavoro: nel 2017, Massa Carrara è stata la seconda provincia d’Italia con l’incremento più grande di disoccupazione (+36,7%). Il business del marmo e del suo derivato, il carbonato di calcio, sembra anch’esso continuare a crescere.


      https://www.tvsvizzera.it/tvs/cultura-e-dintorni/economia-mineraria_a-carrara--sulle-tracce-del-marmo-della-discordia/44377160
      #décès #risque #accident #morts #travail #Farmoplant #Montedison #Rogor #mécanisation #inondations #environnement #cancer #santé #Strad_dei_marmi #suisse #dentifrice #Argovie #Imerys #Calcestruzzi_Spa #Raul_Gardini #Monte_Sagro #Parco_delle_Apuane #résistance #Salviamo_le_Apuane #Seravezza #Monte_Costa #Bin_Laden #Arabie_Saoudite #Erton #Società_Apuana_Marmi (#Sam) #CpC_Holding #Saudi_Binladin_Group #chômage #pollution

    • “La terra bianca. Marmo, chimica e altri disastri” di #Giulio_Milani

      Mi balena in mente un quadro, come un’epifania, intercettato anni fa nel vivaio del d’Orsay, perché quelle opere respirano e non venitemi a dire che non assorbono luce e non emettono ossigeno. Sono creature folte e sempre assetate. Le spigolatrici di Jean-François Millet incastra tre donne su un lenzuolo di terra. Sono chinate, sono ingobbite, sono stanche e senza volto. La fatica rivendica il possesso feudale di quelle facce. Ma malgrado le loro schiene lontane da ogni verticale, malgrado tutte le ore inarcate e incallite, quelle lavoratrici sanno che il suolo non sputa. Che dal ventre di semi e raccolte dipende la loro vita. E anche quella che non conoscono. Non esiste(va) legame più forte. Perché il tempo presente fa pensare all’imperfetto.

      Il libro di Giulio Milani La terra bianca (Laterza, 2015) è l’ennesimo emblema della frattura, l’ulteriore dolente puntata di una serie d’inchieste sullo stupro più o meno inconsapevole subito dal nostro Paese.

      Siamo avvezzi ai fuochi campani, allo sfregio dell’agro aversano, all’idea che i rifiuti si sommergano, oppure che s-fumino altissimi a ingozzare le nuvole. Tutto già digerito. Il potere dei media gonfia il clamore e poi lo normalizza. Ci anestetizza. Ma la tragedia ambientale cambia dialetto. E in questo caso parla toscano. Nell’enclave assoluta del marmo.

      «Un’onda pietrificata, una sterminata scogliera di fossili» nella zona di confine tra la bassa Liguria e l’Emilia, che comprende la doppia provincia di Massa Carrara, le Alpi Apuane e una costola di Mar Tirreno.

      Giulio Milani, scrittore e direttore responsabile della casa editrice Transeuropa, ha sempre abitato qui, il bacino delle cave, un poligono colonizzato dalle industrie fin dagli anni Cinquanta. «Ex Farmoplant-Montedison. Ex Rumianca-Enichem. Ex Bario-Solvay. Ex Italiana Coke».

      Una sequela di sposalizi chimici e divorzi malconci che hanno divelto, macellato, svuotato un territorio rendendolo una tra le aree più inquinate d’Italia «anche per le polveri sottili prodotte dal traffico incessante dei mezzi pesanti, tra i quali i sempre più numerosi e caratteristici camion coi pianali per il trasporto di blocchi di marmo grandi alle volte come interi container e, in misura molto maggiore, i ribaltabili carichi fino al colmo di scaglie detritiche per i mille usi non ornamentali della pietra». «Fumi di latte», un impasto pestifero sbriciolato nell’aria, che la gente del luogo ingurgita ogni giorno, pensando non sia immaginabile un ipotetico altrimenti. Perché le cave sono lavoro e senza lavoro si muore. Ma a quanto pare anche a causa del lavoro.

      L’inchiesta di Milani parte da un episodio miliare: Il 17 luglio del 1988 il serbatoio di un pesticida (il Rogor), occultato malamente tra i Formulati liquidi per eludere la legge, scoppia come un attentato nello stabilimento Farmoplant- Montedison, partorendo una nube tossica diluita per 2000 kmq, soprattutto su Marina di Massa e Marina di Carrara. Nessun morto e chissà quante vittime. Perché il disastro più maligno è quello che s’incassa tardi, che s’incista nelle crepe, acquattato nelle vie respiratorie, nell’alcova dei polmoni, tra reni e vescica.

      Dopo proteste di ogni tipo la fabbrica fu chiusa, ma non la scia di condanne pronta a chiedere asilo dentro troppi cittadini. Il motivo? Le pratiche più diffuse da molte di quelle aziende riguardavano lo smaltimento “sportivo” dei rifiuti. Ovviamente tossico-nocivi, tramite la termodistruzione per opera dell’inceneritore Lurgi nel caso della Farmoplant, attraverso interramenti silenziosi e consenzienti in tutti gli altri. Abbuffare le zolle di veleni e poi coprirle di ulivi e ammalarsi d’olio e non capirlo mai per tempo.

      Ma il libro di Milani procede oltre, traccia una geometria spazio-temporale molto complessa, diagonali d’analisi che scavalcano il singolo episodio e pennellano il profilo di una provincia abusata attraverso la Storia, in prima istanza dalla fatica delle cave, dove i dispositivi di protezione sono stati per decenni fantasmi senza guanti. Operai falciati come insetti per un cumulo distratto, schiacciati da un peso sfuggito al controllo. Poi il vespaio furioso dell’industria estrattiva e dei suoi sversamenti. E la smania noncurante di usare la terra come un tappeto. Come un sepolcro ben ammobiliato.

      Milani ci racconta per salti, di uomini capaci di opporsi al male, dello stormo partigiano della Resistenza Apuana, negli echi di guerra nelle steppe di Russia (suo argomento di laurea). «Si erano battuti per tre giorni di seguito. Per tre giorni e due notti si erano sacrificati, a turno, ai piedi di una quota da riconquistare». Poi di altri uomini anni in anni più vicini, intenti a riagguantare la pulizia dei fatti, a denunciare gli illeciti, a spingere forze, a non tacere. Come Marcello Palagi, principale esponente del movimento per la chiusura della Farmoplant; come Alberto Grossi, regista del documentario Aut Out.«Se si altera la morfologia di un luogo non ne vengono modificati solo i caratteri distintivi, ma anche quelli invisibili, come l’alimentazione degli acquiferi e il clima. Sono a rischio le sorgenti, si perdono i fiori, e forse anche la poesia». E lo scempio continua.

      Chi pagherà per ogni verso bruciato, per lo sguardo rappreso in un cucchiaio d’orrore? Per la strage travestita da capitolo ordinario, senza nessun dittatore da offendere? Per le diagnosi neoplastiche di cui smettiamo di stupirci? Sempre noi, che se restiamo fermi avremo solo terre sane dipinte in un museo.

      http://www.flaneri.com/2016/05/25/la-terra-bianca-giulio-milani

      #livre

    • La malédiction du marbre de Carrare

      Le fameux marbre de Carrare n’est pas seulement symbole de luxe. Le site est surtout devenu un des hauts lieux de l’extraction du carbonate de calcium, utilisé notamment dans la fabrication des dentifrices. Une exploitation industrielle qui défigure le paysage et s’accompagne de morts sur les chantiers, de pollution et d’accaparement des ressources par une élite locale et par des acteurs internationaux, dont la famille Ben Laden et la multinationale suisse Omya.


      https://www.swissinfo.ch/fre/economie/pollution--maladies-et-gros-profits_la-mal%C3%A9diction-du-marbre-de-carrare/44416350

    • Gli affari sul marmo delle #Apuane e i riflessi su salute e ambiente

      A Massa e Carrara la “#marmettola” prodotta dalla lavorazione della roccia nelle cave impatta sulle falde. Diverse realtà locali denunciano la gestione problematica delle aziende e le ricadute ambientali del settore. Ecco perché

      Sopra la vallata del fiume Frigido, nel Comune di Massa, c’è una cava inattiva da circa tre anni. Ci avviciniamo in un giorno di sole, risalendo il sentiero che si inerpica nel canale tra cumuli di massi bianchi. Dal tunnel scavato nel marmo si sente l’acqua che scroscia. “Le #Alpi_Apuane sono come un serbatoio, è il famoso carsismo: l’acqua penetra in abbondanza nella roccia, in direzioni che non conosciamo perché non seguono quelle dello spartiacque di superficie, e poi scende formando le sorgenti. Quella che senti, però, alla sorgente del Frigido non arriverà mai”, spiega Nicola Cavazzuti del Club alpino italiano (Cai), che da anni denuncia gli impatti ambientali delle circa ottanta cave attive a Carrara alle quali si aggiungono le quindici di Massa. Tra quest’ultime, molte rientrano all’interno del Parco regionale delle Alpi Apuane.

      L’ultima denuncia risale all’inizio di giugno quando il Cai e altre realtà come il Gruppo d’Intervento Giuridico (GrIG) e Italia Nostra hanno presentato un’istanza di accesso civico a una serie di soggetti istituzionali, tra i quali la Regione Toscana, il ministero dell’Ambiente e i carabinieri forestali, per ottenere informazioni sulle azioni intraprese a tutela dell’ambiente, inviando anche un esposto alla procura di Massa. Al centro della denuncia c’è il fenomeno della “marmettola”, la polvere prodotta dall’estrazione e dalla lavorazione del marmo. Per le associazioni, produce un inquinamento “gravissimo, conclamato e ormai cronico delle acque destinate all’uso potabile”.

      Il problema è noto da decenni e anche se oggi viene gestita come un rifiuto e sono aumentate le prescrizioni per evitare che si diffonda nell’ambiente, le realtà del territorio denunciano che spesso è ancora abbandonata sui piazzali delle cave. Così quando piove viene trascinata nei fiumi cementificandone il letto e riducendo l’habitat di microflora e piccoli organismi. “Le situazioni più critiche sono state osservate nel fiume Frigido e nel torrente Carrione”, si legge nelle conclusioni del “#Progetto_Cave” dell’#Agenzia_regionale_per_la_protezione_ambientale_della_Toscana (#Arpat), monitoraggio durato dal 2017 al 2019. In quegli anni l’Arpat ha effettuato una serie di controlli nelle cave di Massa, Carrara e Lucca, anche in merito alla gestione della marmettola, che “hanno evidenziato una diffusa illegalità e dato luogo a un consistente numero di sanzioni amministrative e di notizie di reato all’autorità giudiziaria”. Nel 2018, scrive Arpat, 18 cave su 60 hanno avuto un “controllo regolare”.

      La marmettola finisce anche nelle falde. Secondo un articolo scientifico del 2019, redatto da docenti e ricercatori dell’università di Firenze, dell’Aquila e del Cnr, si è “accumulata negli acquiferi” con effetti “non ancora noti nel dettaglio” ma che potrebbero modificare “l’idrodinamica delle reti carsiche riducendone la capacità di accumulo”.

      A Forno, frazione di Massa dove nasce il Frigido, il problema è esploso il 19 novembre 2022. “La sorgente è diventata bianca e per dieci giorni l’erogazione dell’acqua è stata sospesa -racconta Cavazzuti-. È un problema costante, tanto che negli anni Novanta è stato costruito questo impianto di depurazione”, dice indicando le sue grandi vasche. Pochi metri più a monte, tra i massi di un fosso in secca, si è accumulato uno strato di marmettola. Le immagini di fiumi e torrenti di colore bianco sono una costante sui giornali locali. Quelle del Carrione che attraversa Carrara, scattate il 13 aprile 2023, sono arrivate anche sulla scrivania del ministero dell’Ambiente che ha chiesto all’Istituto superiore per la protezione e la ricerca ambientale (Ispra) di valutare se si tratti di danno ambientale.

      A Forno, frazione di Massa dove nasce il Frigido, il problema è esploso il 19 novembre 2022. “La sorgente è diventata bianca e per dieci giorni l’erogazione dell’acqua è stata sospesa -racconta Cavazzuti-. È un problema costante, tanto che negli anni Novanta è stato costruito questo impianto di depurazione”, dice indicando le sue grandi vasche. Pochi metri più a monte, tra i massi di un fosso in secca, si è accumulato uno strato di marmettola. Le immagini di fiumi e torrenti di colore bianco sono una costante sui giornali locali. Quelle del Carrione che attraversa Carrara, scattate il 13 aprile 2023, sono arrivate anche sulla scrivania del ministero dell’Ambiente che ha chiesto all’Istituto superiore per la protezione e la ricerca ambientale (Ispra) di valutare se si tratti di danno ambientale.

      Il problema della marmettola si è aggravato con l’introduzione di strumenti più efficienti, come il filo diamantato, che ha reso possibile la lavorazione dei blocchi anche a monte. Le nuove tecnologie hanno anche generato un’impennata della quantità di materiale estratto, che oggi ammonta a quattro milioni di tonnellate all’anno. “Le montagne spariscono davanti ai nostri occhi”, commenta Grossi. Nonostante Carrara sia famosa per il suo marmo, secondo dati forniti dal Comune alla sezione locale di Legambiente, nel 2022 solo il 18,6% del materiale è stato estratto in blocchi (utilizzato quindi per uso ornamentale). “Il danno alla montagna viene inferto per ricavare detriti di carbonato di calcio che dagli anni Novanta è diventato un affare perché impiegato per vari usi industriali, dall’alimentazione alle vernici -denuncia Paola Antonioli, presidente di Legambiente Carrara che da 15 anni raccoglie i dati comunali-. Purtroppo non possiamo collegare i dati alle rispettive cave, perché l’amministrazione li ha secretati fornendoli solo in modo anonimo. Ma è importante saperli: alcune aziende estraggono il 90% di detriti e vorremmo che venissero chiuse”. Il Piano regionale cave del 2020 ha affrontato il nodo fissando il quantitativo minimo di blocchi, introducendo però delle deroghe. Per Antonioli “la norma è stata stravolta e le cave che non rispettano i parametri non sono mai state chiuse”.

      Per gli imprenditori del marmo il territorio non può fare a meno di un settore che, secondo un report di Confindustria con dati del 2017, vale il 15% del Pil provinciale per un fatturato totale di quasi un miliardo, di cui 560 milioni di export e rappresenta il 7% degli occupati. Per gli ambientalisti però il marmo grezzo che parte per l’estero, in particolare per la Cina, è sempre di più e i lavoratori sono sempre meno. Dal 1994 al 2020, secondo Fondo Marmo, ente che riunisce industriali e sindacati, il numero di dipendenti è sceso del 36%. Il calo più marcato riguarda i lavoratori impiegati “al piano”: meno 50,9%. Laboratori e segherie, invece, sono crollati del 55%.

      Gli incidenti sul lavoro però non si fermano. Nonostante l’Inail abbia certificato un calo del rischio infortunistico, la provincia di Massa Carrara vanta il primato per gli incidenti mortali nel settore tra il 2015 e il 2019, sette in totale. Anche il 2023 ha già avuto la sua vittima nel bacino apuano, anche se in provincia di Lucca: il 13 maggio Ugo Antonio Orsi, 55 anni, è rimasto schiacciato da un masso che si è staccato dal costone in una cava a Minucciano, in Garfagnana. “Questa è una storia di sfruttamento di beni comuni che arricchiscono le tasche di pochi privati. Ammesso che si possa compensare un simile danno, quasi nulla viene risarcito alla comunità -commenta Paolo Pileri, docente di Pianificazione urbanistica al Politecnico di Milano-. Comparando i canoni di concessione e il contributo di estrazione incassato ogni anno dal comune di Carrara con la quantità di blocchi prodotti, ho calcolato che per ogni tonnellata di marmo rimangono al territorio circa 25 euro a fronte di un prezzo di vendita che va da 800 a 8mila euro. Preciso che si tratta di dati parziali, ottenuti grazie al lavoro di attivisti locali, che non sono resi accessibili così che tutti possano conoscere la situazione. Un pezzo di Paese viene così distrutto per alimentare un modello di sviluppo tossico”.

      https://altreconomia.it/gli-affari-sul-marmo-delle-apuane-e-i-riflessi-su-salute-e-ambiente

  • #suicides #agriculture:
    Why are America’s #farmers #killing themselves in record numbers? | US news | The Guardian
    https://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2017/dec/06/why-are-americas-farmers-killing-themselves-in-record-numbers

    “The US farmer suicide crisis echoes a much larger farmer suicide crisis happening globally: an Australian farmer dies by suicide every four days; in the UK, one farmer a week takes his or her own life; in France, one farmer dies by suicide every two days; in India, more than 270,000 farmers have died by suicide since 1995.”

  • The reality of the conditions for #Farmworkers in #South_Africa
    http://africasacountry.com/afrikaner-farms-race-relations-and-the-new-south-africa

    It seems that no music video in the history of South African music, has attracted as much controversy as the Cape Town hip hop collective Dookoom’s “Larney Jou Poes,” which loosely translates into English as “Boss, you’re a cunt”.* In the two weeks since its release, it has attracted over 50,000 views and inspired innumerable […]

    #POLITICS #race

  • The #Dookoom debate in #South_Africa
    http://africasacountry.com/the-dookoom-debate-in-south-africa

    Sometimes one can’t help but feel disheartened by the way we speak to each other in South Africa. Or rather, how people talk past each other, or about each other. Despite the fact that the peaceful transition to democracy in South Africa, often hailed as a “miracle,” was due to the ability of former enemies […]

    #MUSIC #POLITICS #Contro'Versy #farm_workers #VIDEO

  • #MUSIC Revue, No.2 : #Dookoom Rises Up
    http://africasacountry.com/aiac-music-revue-dookoom-rises-up

    Finally South African #hip_hop is spurring national debate, and it’s not Die Antwoord. No it is Dookoom, the new Cape Town hip hop outfit fronted by local legend Isaac Mutant, which has caused a huge stir with its #VIDEO “Larney Jou Poes” (roughly translated: Boss, your cunt.) Much has been written about the video, from […]

    #UNCATEGORIZED #Capetown #Direct_Action #farm_workers #rap #South_Africa

  • Deputy health minister sacked as #Saudi_Arabia announces 113 unreported #MERS cases
    http://english.al-akhbar.com/content/deputy-health-minister-sacked-over-saudi-mers-handling

    Saudi Arabia’s health minister has sacked one of his deputies as an updated death toll by the MERS coronavirus based on previously unrecorded cases reached 282, the ministry said Tuesday. No reasons were given for the dismissal of deputy minister Ziad Memish, but the ministry, in a separate statement Tuesday, announced that it had identified an additional 113 confirmed cases of MERS that had not been previously recorded, bringing the total to 688. A review of health data also showed that the death toll from the virus stood at 282, not 190, as the ministry had previously reported. read more

    #camels #farmers

  • How much has really changed on #South_Africa’s wine #farms?
    http://africasacountry.com/how-much-has-really-changed-on-south-africas-wine-farms

    Sixty five years ago, Margaret Bourke-White traveled to South Africa, and spent some time in what are today known as the Worcester winelands, in the #Western_Cape. According to South African Tourism, still today “the largest wine growing area in South Africa, stretch from the Hex River Valley in the north to Villiersdorp in the […]

    #FILM #MEDIA #De_Doorns

  • #FarmBot prend pour modèle Farmville pour une #agriculture de précision en #open_source
    http://www.atelier.net/trends/articles/farmbot-prend-modele-farmville-une-agriculture-de-precision-open-source_427

    Dans le cadre d’une économie collaborative et dans un souci de production durable et efficace, FarmBot élabore des machines agricoles de précision en #open_source.

    Selon un rapport #publié ; l’année dernière par le World Resources Institute […]

    Encore un article un peu approximatif mais qui à le mérite de faire découvrir FarmBot, un projet qui à l’air assez intéressant.

  • Farmakonisi : Frontex confirms that the testimonies presented by the Greek Coast Guard are false

    Frontex’ report about the tragedy that took place on 20 January 2014 close to Farmakonisi island, and cost the lives of twelve people (women and yound children in their majority), confirms that the “testimonies” of the survivors which were presented by the Greek Coast Guard on 24 January are false.

    http://greekcrisisreview.wordpress.com/2014/02/13/farmakonisi-frontex-confirms-that-the-testimonies-prese

    Pour l’historique de cette affaire : http://seen.li/4q47

    Voilà, @simplicissimus... tu as peut-être raison...

  • Coast guard rejects blame for migrant sea tragedy

    The coast guard on Wednesday rebuffed reports that one of its vessels had been towing a boat full of would-be immigrants back to Turkey when a number of the passengers fell into the sea, resulting in several drownings, following criticism from international bodies over the incident.

    http://www.ekathimerini.com/4dcgi/_w_articles_wsite1_1_22/01/2014_536731

    #Méditerranée #mourir_en_mer #Grèce #décès #mort #tragédie #responsabilité #mer #migration #Mer_Egée

    • The Coast Guard “drowned” the migrants in Farmakonisi

      Eyewitnesses accuse the Greek Coast Guard of drowning migrants off the coast of the island of Farmakonisi.

      As UNHCR reports: “According to survivors’ testimonies, the Coast Guard boat towing their vessel was heading, at high speed, towards the Turkish coast, when the tragic incident happened amid rough seas. The same witnesses said people were screaming for help, since there was a large number of children on the boat”.

      International organisations have condemned, several times, the refoulement policy against migrants entering Greece without papers.

      UNHCR has requested explanations in the past from the Greek authorities about the mysterious “disappearance” of dozens of migrants by the Greek police, under circumstances that caused an international outcry against the Greek government.

      In other cases, residents of peripheral islands have denounced that migrants surrendering to the port authorities, in order to be transferred to reception centres, never arrive there.

      http://www.x-pressed.org/?xpd_article=the-coast-guard-drowned-the-migrants-in-farmakonisi

    • Varvitsiotis reacts to criticism following deadly boat incident

      Merchant Marine Minister Militadis Varvitsiotis on Thursday responded to international criticism of Greek authorities following a deadly boat accident involving immigrants in the east Aegean Sea.

      The boat capsized off the island of Farmakonisi on Monday while being towed by a Greek coastguard vessel. The bodies of a woman and a child aged around 5 were found near the Turkish coast early Wednesday, but another 10 people were missing. Sixteen people were rescued and were transferred to Piraeus.

      The incident prompted criticism from the United Nations Refugee Agency (UNHCR) which quoted survivors as saying that several migrants fell off the boat as it was being towed, at high speed, toward the Turkish coast. The UNHCR has called for an inquiry into the circumstances of the tragedy.

      The Council of Europe’s commissioner for human rights, Nils Muiznieks, said he was “shocked and distressed” and called on Greek authorities to “put an end to the illegal practice of collective expulsions and effectively investigate all such cases.”

      Speaking to Skai on Thursday, Varvitsiotis rejected allegations that the Greek coast guard was towing the boat toward the Turkish coast. He said panicking migrants caused the boat to capsize themselves.

      “Muiznieks and several others want to create a political issue in Greece,” Varvitsiotis said.

      “Such issues should not become the subject of petty [political] exploitation,” Varvitsiotis told Skai adding that neither PASOK nor SYRIZA have so far asked to be briefed on the incident.

      “No one really wants to open up the gates and grant asylum to every immigrant in this country,” said Varvitisotis adding that Greek coast guard officials have so far rescued 3,500 people at sea.



      http://www.ekathimerini.com/4dcgi/_w_articles_wsite1_1_23/01/2014_536742

    • Greek Government must carry out a transparent and thorough investigation into the loss of life in the Aegean

      Amnesty International urges the Greek Government to carry out a transparent and thorough investigation into the circumstances which led to loss of life in the Aegean.

      http://www.whenyoudontexist.eu/greek-government-must-carry-out-a-transparent-and-thorough-investig

      #secours_en_mer

    • Grèce : les garde-côtes ont-ils provoqué le naufrage du bateau de réfugiés syriens en Mer Égée ?

      Dans la nuit de lundi, un bateau de pêche convoyant 28 réfugiés, a fait naufrage en Mer Égée, non loin de l’île de #Farmakonisi. Bilan : douze morts, principalement des femmes et des enfants. Les #témoignages des #survivants sont accablants pour les #garde-côtes grecs, qui auraient délibérément fait chavirer le bateau en le remorquant à grande vitesse en direction des eaux territoriales turques.

      http://balkans.courriers.info/article24101.html

      #push-back #refoulement_illégal

    • The Greek Coast Guard “drowned” the Asylum seekers in Farmakonisi

      Following the tragic incident near Farkakonisi island on Sunday 20 January, which cost the lives of 11 Afghan
      refugees, the 15 survivors arrived in the port of Pireaus on the morning of Thursday 23 January, whereupon they were received by a number of organizations that showed their solidarity to the survivors, including the UNHCR, the Greek Forum for Refugees and other networks and organizations that support immigrants and refugees. There was wide media coverage. One of the survivors, testified that there were 28 people on board the ship. Upon finding themselves approximately 100 meters from the shore of the Farmakonisi island, they were warned by a Greek coastal guard boat not to approach the island. The coastal guard then tied the boat with their own, and started to drag it back towards the Turkish coast, at great speed. Suddenly the part of the ship to which the Greek coastal guard’s ship was
      tied, broke off from the ship carrying the refugees, causing great damage to the boat and thus allowing water to flood the boat. The boat was old and frail, and began sinking. The Greek coastal guard boat then turned back, but the refugees attempted to board the Greek coastal guard ship in order to save themselves. The coastal guard beat them in order to keep them out of their ship, forcing them to remain inside their own sinking vessel. Only 16 of those persons managed to board the coastal guard’s boat. One of the survivors, from Syria, tried saving a small child by extending him a stick from the safety of the coastal guard boat, but was brutally prevented by a member of the coastal guard, who beat the man assisting the child, thus resulting in the drowning of the child. The same witness claims that no attempt whatsoever was made by the coastal guard to save the drowning individuals. The testimonies of all the survivors describe the same sequence of events. Two of the bodies (one woman and one small child) were discovered on the Turkish coast. Of the other persons who died in the incident, two were women and seven were small children.

      http://refugeegr.blogspot.gr/2014/01/the-greek-coast-guard-drowned-asylum.html

    • Reports from press conference by survivors of Farmakonisi

      On 25 January, during the press conference held by organizations and movements for human rights,th January in Farmakonisi.
      thousands of people including refugees and migrant communities, women - children and various reporters participated and listened carefully to speakers who were among the survivors of the incident on 20 January in Farmakonisi.

      http://refugeegr.blogspot.gr/2014/01/reports-from-press-conference-by.html

    • Grèce : les garde-côtes ont-ils provoqué le naufrage du bateau de réfugiés syriens en Mer Égée ?

      Dans la nuit de lundi, un bateau de pêche convoyant 28 réfugiés, a fait naufrage en Mer Égée, non loin de l’île de Farmakonisi. Bilan : douze morts, principalement des femmes et des enfants. Les témoignages des survivants sont accablants pour les garde-côtes grecs, qui auraient délibérément fait chavirer le bateau en le remorquant à grande vitesse en direction des eaux territoriales turques.

      http://balkans.courriers.info/article24101.html

    • Des migrants naufragés accusent la Grèce
      Publié dans Le Monde, le 1er février 2014

      Un grand sourire illumine le visage du petit Youssef, 15 mois. Bien au chaud dans les bras de sa mère, il rit, s’agite et s’amuse des grimaces de son père. Un enfant comme les autres… ou presque. Youssef est le seul enfant ayant survécu au terrible naufrage survenu dans la nuit du 19 au 20 janvier à proximité de l’île grecque de Farmakonisi et qui a coûté la vie à onze migrants, principalement des femmes et des enfants.

      Ce soir-là, vingt-quatre Afghans et trois Syriens s’entassent clandestinement dans un petit bateau de pêche depuis le port turc de Didim. « J’ai payé 6 000 dollars - 4 400 euros - au passeur pour ma femme, mon fils et moi », explique Khaiber Rahemi, 25 ans, le père de Youssef. Deux heures de navigation plus tard, les voici dans les eaux territoriales grecques. L’Europe. « Notre moteur est tombé en panne mais, assez vite, nous avons vu arriver vers nous un bateau grec. Je me suis dit : ça y est, notre longue route est finie. »

      Enquête préliminaire

      Parti il y a cinq mois de Kaboul, cet ancien chauffeur de taxi raconte les semaines de marche dans les montagnes enneigées du Pakistan, puis les quatre mois dans un hôtel miteux d’Istanbul à attendre le feu vert du passeur. « La lumière de ce bateau grec, c’était l’espoir concrétisé de cette vie nouvelle, sans danger ni violence, que ma femme et moi voulions pour notre fils. Mais rien ne s’est passé comme nous l’attendions. »

      Khaiber affirme que les policiers grecs ont attaché une corde à leur bateau et ont commencé à les remorquer vers la Turquie. « Je suis sûr de ce que je dis car je voyais les lumières », insiste Khaiber. Les autorités grecques, transcriptions radar à l’appui, rejettent ces accusations de refoulement vers les eaux turques. Cette opération les placerait dans l’illégalité, le droit européen interdisant de renvoyer de force à la frontière des réfugiés et potentiels demandeurs d’asile.

      Pour les ONG qui travaillent sur la question, le refoulement est pourtant une réalité en Grèce. En juillet 2013, un rapport d’Amnesty International dénonçait de telles pratiques et rappelait que, depuis août 2012, au moins 136 réfugiés ont perdu la vie alors qu’ils tentaient de rejoindre la Grèce en bateau depuis la Turquie. « La différence ici, c’est que le drame s’est déroulé alors que l’embarcation des migrants était déjà sous le contrôle des gardes-côtes grecs et qu’il y a des survivants pour nous le dire », souligne Georges Tsarbopoulos, le chef du bureau du Haut-Commissariat des Nations unies pour les réfugiés (HCR) à Athènes.

      A part le petit Youssef et sa mère, Zoura, les quatorze autres survivants sont des hommes. « Lorsque le bateau grec nous tirait de plus en plus vite en faisant des zigzags, l’eau rentrait de partout dans le bateau, alors les femmes et les enfants se sont réfugiés dans la petite cabine. Ils se sont retrouvés piégés lorsqu’on a sombré », explique Abdul Sabur Azizi, 30 ans. « Nous, les hommes, on a réussi à se hisser à bord du bateau grec malgré les tentatives pour nous en empêcher. Un Grec a coupé la corde reliant les deux bateaux », soutient encore M. Azizi.

      La marine grecque affirme de son côté que les migrants ont fait chavirer leur bateau lorsque deux d’entre eux sont tombés à l’eau et nie avoir refusé de prendre à bord les clandestins et les avoir maltraités. Mais sous la pression des ONG, la cour navale du Pirée a ouvert une enquête préliminaire.

      « Scandale politique »

      L’affaire a pris un tour politique quand le ministre grec de la marine marchande, Miltiadis Varvitsiotis, irrité par les critiques du commissaire aux droits de l’homme du Conseil de l’Europe, Nils Muiznieks, dénonçant un « acte probable d’expulsion collective ayant échoué », a affirmé que « Muiznieks et certains autres veulent créer un scandale politique en Grèce ». Le ministre a assuré que la garde côtière avait fait de son mieux pour sauver le plus possible de personnes, compte tenu des conditions de navigation difficiles. « Personne ne veut ouvrir en grand les portes et octroyer l’asile à tous les immigrants qui se présentent dans ce pays », a-t-il ajouté.

      Selon les chiffres du HCR, 39 759 migrants ont été appréhendés lors de leur entrée en Grèce en différents points du territoire en 2013. Ils étaient 73 976 en 2012. Hébergés à Athènes, les seize survivants ont reçu une invitation à quitter le territoire dans les trente jours. Le HCR demande au gouvernement grec de leur accorder un permis de séjour afin qu’ils puissent témoigner dans la procédure judiciaire.

      Abdul Sabur Azizi refuse de partir tant que les autorités ne lui auront pas remis les corps de sa femme de 28 ans, Elaha, et de son fils de 10 ans, Bezad, tous deux probablement prisonniers de l’épave. « J’étais si fier de lui. Je voulais qu’il ait une vie loin des guerres de clans qui déciment ma famille », dit en s’effondrant ce jeune homme qui avait tenu à raconter sans faillir son histoire, le regard hanté. « Finalement, j’aurais préféré mourir avec eux. Regardez comme elle est belle et lui… si sérieux », ajoute-t-il en montrant, dans le creux de sa main, deux minuscules photos plastifiées de sa femme et son fils. « C’est tout ce qu’il me reste d’eux. »

      Adéa Guillot

    • HRW urges MPs to investigate pushbacks, summary expulsions in wake of Farmakonisi tragedy

      Greek MPs must urgently launch an inquiry into allegations of collective expulsions, pushbacks, and dangerous maneuvers by the Greek Coast Guard on the country’s sea borders with Turkey, Human Rights Watch said on Thursday.

      Twelve women and children died in the sea area of Farmakonisi, in the southern Aegean Sea, on January 20, in what survivors allege was a pushback operation in bad weather.

      http://www.ekathimerini.com/4dcgi/_w_articles_wsite1_1_30/01/2014_536936

    • Greek police detain dozens protesting boat deaths

      Greek police detained dozens of people Thursday during a protest at the merchant marine minister’s office over the deaths of immigrants whose boat sank as it was being towed by the Coast Guard.

      Twelve people, mostly children, are believed to have died last week when a small boat carrying 28 people from Turkey into Greece sank in the eastern Aegean Sea. Only two bodies, those of a woman and a child, have been recovered.

      Police detained 47 people during the protest at office of the minister, Miltiadis Varvitsiotis, who is responsible for the Coast Guard.

      http://news.yahoo.com/greek-police-detain-dozens-protesting-boat-deaths-111936042.html?soc_src

    • Farmakonisi: Frontex confirms that the testimonies presented by the Greek Coast Guard are false

      Frontex’ report about the tragedy that took place on 20 January 2014 close to Farmakonisi island, and cost the lives of twelve people (women and yound children in their majority), confirms that the “testimonies” of the survivors which were presented by the Greek Coast Guard on 24 January are false.

      http://greekcrisisreview.wordpress.com/2014/02/13/farmakonisi-frontex-confirms-that-the-testimonies-prese

    • Invitation to Press Conference on Farmakonisi shipwreck- Thursday 31 July at 12:00 hrs

      the Greek Council for Refugee, the Hellenic League for Human Rights, the Network of Social Support to Refugees and Migrants - DIKTYO and the Group of Lawyers for the Rights of Migrants and Refugees cordially invite you to attend their Press Conference on Thursday, 31 July 2014, at 12:00pm, in the Venue Room of the Athens Bar Association at Akadimias Str. No 60.

      http://omadadikigorwnenglish.blogspot.gr/2014/07/urgent-invitation-to-press-conference.html

    • "Wir wollen Gerechtigkeit. Bitte unterstützt uns."

      Die Angehörigen und Überlebenden der Opfer vom 20. Januar 2014 haben uns darum gebeten, ihren Aufruf und die Fotos ihrer Verstorbenen zu veröffentlichen. Am 20. Januar 2014 starben vor der griechischen Insel Farmakonisi acht Kinder und drei Frauen im Schlepptau der griechischen Küstenwache. Vermutlich handelte es sich bei dem Einsatz um eine völkerrechtswidrige Push-back-Operation.

      Aufklärung versprachen staatsanwaltliche Ermittlungen. Doch diese wurden eingestellt. Es kommt nicht zu einem Gerichtsverfahren. Mit einem Appell wenden sich die Angehörigen der Opfer, darunter auch die Väter und Ehemänner, die am 20. Januar überlebten, nun an die europäische Öffentlichkeit. Sie sind schockiert über die Einstellung der Ermittlungen und fordern Aufklärung und Gerechtigkeit für ihre Toten.


      http://www.proasyl.de/de/home/farmakonisi-we-demand-justice

    • Human rights watchdog criticizes decision to file Farmakonisi case

      Europe’s top human rights official has criticized a decision by a Greek prosecutor earlier this week to shelve the investigation into the deaths of 11 immigrants who drowned during a controversial coast guard operation near the eastern Aegean islet of Farmakonisi in January.

      www.ekathimerini.com/4dcgi/_w_articles_wsite1_1_01/08/2014_541872

    • Grèce : « Le #verdict de la honte »

      A Manolada dans le Péloponnèse, c’est la consternation parmi les migrants, travailleurs originaires du Bangladesh, associations anti-racistes et parti d’opposition de la gauche radicale Syriza. A la Cour d’appel de Patras, le verdict vient de tomber : contre toute attente, le propriétaire néo-esclavagiste de la ferme productive de fraises M. Vaggelatos vient d’être acquitté à l’unanimité de l’accusation d’agression et d’emploi illégal de migrants. Le contremaître, Costas Haloulas, a lui aussi été acquitté. Les deux autres surveillants ont été condamnés, l’un pour coups et blessures graves volontaires et l’autre, pour simple complicité en coups et blessures graves.

      http://blogs.mediapart.fr/edition/immigration-un-autre-regard/article/010814/grece-le-verdict-de-la-honte

    • Migrants morts en mer Egée : la Grèce enterre le dossier Farmakonisi

      En janvier dernier, les garde-côtes grecs étaient mis en cause dans le naufrage d’un bateau de pêche transportant 28 migrants en mer Egée, causant la mort de onze personnes dont huit enfants. La semaine dernière, la justice militaire a cependant décidé de classer le dossier, mettant fin à toute procédure judiciaire. Une décision inacceptable pour les mouvements de défense des droits des migrants.

      http://balkans.courriers.info/article25374.html

  • Ces agriculteurs et ingénieurs qui veulent libérer les machines - Basta !
    http://www.bastamag.net/article3450.html

    La démarche s’inscrit dans le courant de l’#Open_source_ecology. Une utopie et des pratiques que veut faire vivre l’association Adabio construction, en Ardèche. En se basant cette fois davantage sur les savoir-faire issus d’un métier, celui d’agriculteur, que sur la co-construction d’outils ex nihilo par des ingénieurs et bricoleurs. Objectif de ce projet : la création d’outils agricoles, à construire soi-même, à partir de plans libres de droits. L’idée est née du constat que des agriculteurs font de nombreuses trouvailles en bricolant, en adaptant des outils pour leur travail quotidien, de manière intuitive. L’association s’est donc donnée pour mission de recenser ces inventions, d’en tracer les plans et de les diffuser. En 2009-2010, une quinzaine d’outils sont répertoriés : planche permanente pour compacter la terre dans la culture de légumes bio, cadre de vélo utilisé pour désherber, dispositif de traction animale, poulaillers mobiles... Une seule exigence : que ces outils soient reproductibles. Et qu’on puisse les construire avec peu de matériel.

    Le projet est porté par des maraichers bio et des techniciens de l’ADABio (association des producteurs biologiques). « On part d’une recherche empirique, qui valorise le savoir-faire des paysans, explique Julien Reynier, chargé de développement de l’association. On va à l’inverse du modèle des chambres d’agriculture qui veulent diffuser des savoirs dans une démarche descendante ». L’enjeu est de mutualiser et co-produire des outils, pour renforcer l’autonomie des exploitations agricoles. « Car l’#agriculture bio, ce n’est pas celle de nos grands-pères, c’est au contraire quelque chose de très technique », poursuit Julien Reynier. Il faut notamment réussir à s’affranchir des intrants chimiques, engrais, pesticides.

    #open_source #farmlabs #3D #technologie #mutualisation #bricolage

  • The Story of South African #farming is a Women’s Story
    http://africasacountry.com/the-story-of-south-african-farming-is-a-womens-story

    The story of South African farming, especially small hold or small scale, independent, subsistence, emerging or peasant farming is a women’s story, and not peripherally or secondarily. It always has been and continues to be. But you wouldn’t know it from reports on farming. Take the case of #Kenalemang_Kgoroeadira. In 2009, Kenalemang Kgoroeadira founded […]

    #HISTORY #farms #South_Africa

  • #Zimbabwe’s Forgotten 20%
    http://africasacountry.com/zimbabwes-forgotten-20

    Zimbabwe makes a good story for western writers and readers. The staggering racism of the Rhodesian whites, the heroic liberation uprising, and Mugabe; a freedom fighter not unlike Nelson Mandela, who having spent more than a decade in prison, won the first democratic election and immediately called for racial reconciliation. Then, from the late ‘90s, […]

    #HISTORY #The_Zimbabwe_Files #farm_workers #land_reform

  • The Story of South African #farms
    http://africasacountry.com/the-story-of-south-african-farms

    In 2011 an investigation by Human Rights Watch into working conditions on #South_Africa’s wine and fruit farms drew international attention. The report documented numerous instances of human rights and labour abuses, including instances where workers faced physical abuse from farmers and were exposed to toxic chemicals. While the report was criticized by many in [...]

    #MEDIA #Flip_Engelbrecht #racism

  • For The Win » Cory Doctorow (2010)
    http://craphound.com/ftw

    #livre #roman pour jeunes adultes qui décrit la formation d’un mouvement syndical des "gold farmers" de #jeux_vidéo, associés aux "turcs mécaniques" d’amazon… #Chine, #Inde et #Californie, avec des morceaux de bravoure "in-game" et "out-game", notamment dans les #bidonvilles, les transports de #conteneurs etc.

    un lecteur-fan a créé un wiki pour discuter du concept "#farming for development" : http://betterfarming.wikia.com/wiki/Better_Farming_Wiki