• Le démontage de « Fauda » par le CICR touche un point sensible
    2 janvier 2021 - Agence Media Palestine

    Le Comité International de la Croix Rouge s’est exprimé sur les réseaux sociaux pour donner à voir toutes les manières dont la série télévisée « Fauda » représente les violations des droits humains par Israël. La presse israélienne, les représentants gouvernementaux officiels et divers apologistes n’ont pas été contents. (...)

  • Pourquoi « Fauda » n’est pas une série réaliste
    (The Conversation, 26 mars 2020)

    Sortie sur Netflix, la troisième saison de Fauda, la série israélienne portant à l’écran le quotidien de forces spéciales de Tsahal, est louée par une partie de la presse française. Produite en 2015 par deux vétérans de cette unité, (...) elle narre les « aventures » des mista’aravim (littéralement les « arabisés »), dont la mission est d’opérer incognito derrière les lignes ennemies en se déguisant en civils palestiniens, ce qui est interdit au regard du droit international. Elle a suscité des éloges appuyés aussi bien que de virulentes critiques (...). La réponse des deux showrunners à ces critiques est ambiguë. Ces derniers arguent de leur licence fictionnelle sans craindre la contradiction avec leurs déclarations sur « l’honnêteté brutale » de leur série. Ils estiment « honorer le discours palestinien » tout en expliquant que : « Nous sommes Israéliens, nous écrivons une série israélienne, le discours est israélien, et je veux vraiment dire à tous les critiques qui nous demandent d’apporter des scénaristes palestiniens, vous savez, si les Palestiniens veulent écrire une série, qu’ils écrivent une série. » Une telle remarque ignore le fait cinéma palestinien rencontre de nombreux obstacles, notamment du fait que les permis de filmer en Cisjordanie soient délivrés par l’État d’Israël. Le film Five Broken Cameras décrit les difficultés rencontrées par les Palestiniens à filmer leur quotidien. Co-réalisé par le Palestinien Emad Burnat et l’Israélien Guy Davidi, il a pour sujet les manifestations à Bil’in, un village de Cisjordanie traversé par le mur de séparation. Au cours du tournage, cinq caméras ont été détruites par les soldats israéliens, ce qui témoigne des difficultés des Palestiniens à produire et décrire leur propre histoire.

    #asymétrie #récits #récit #appropriation_culturelle #séries #Fauda #Palestine #Israël #colonisation #colonialisme #guerre #Palestiniens #représentations #soft_power #Netflix


  • How ’Fauda’ has romanticized the most repugnant aspects of Israel’s occupation - Opinion - Israel News | Haaretz.com

    C’est vieux mais c’est toujours d’actualité, à propos de la propagande israélienne via le feuilleton Fauda.

    Opinion How ’Fauda’ Has Romanticized the Most Repugnant Aspects of Israel’s Occupation

    When Israeli security forces, disguised as Palestinian journalists, stormed Birzeit university and arrested a student leader, the Israeli media, rather than outrage, offered its highest plaudit: “Just like ’Fauda’”

    Bon article en arabe dont je traduis les 4 sous-titres https://www.vice.com/ar/article/59qj7x/%D8%A3%D8%B1%D8%A8%D8%B9%D8%A9-%D8%A3%D8%B3%D8%A8%D8%A7%D8%A8-%D9%83%D9%8A-%D9 :

    1) Fauda légitime les crimes de guerre israéliens 2) le acteurs palestiniens du feuilletons confirment la version israélienne du conflilt 3) Fauda, via Netflix, est une opération de propagande 4) ce n’est pas de l’histoire/de l l’Histoire, ça se passe aujourd’hui...

    #netflix #fauda #israël #palestine

  • ‘Fauda’ isn’t just ignorant, dishonest and sadly absurd. It’s anti-Palestinian incitement
    Warning: Spoilers The Middle East is already bursting with disinformation, insinuations and dangerous propaganda: there’s no need for yet more. Fauda can do better
    George Zeidan - Apr 22, 2020 11:43 AM - Haaretz.com

    As a Palestinian living in the occupied territories, I understand that a lot of Israelis, and many viewers worldwide, genuinely believe that the Netflix series ’Fauda’ presents an informed, even “neutral,” point of view about the conflict in Israel and Palestine. Indeed, the series’ strapline is: “The human stories on both sides of the Israel-Palestine conflict.”

    That faith in ’Fauda’ is badly misplaced. The mispreception that the series offers any kind of accurate portrayal of Palestinian life and identity has, sadly, wide-ranging and unfortunate repercussions.

    In the just-released season three, the same Israeli undercover commando unit that completed operations, successfully and controversially, inside the West Bank over the first and second seasons, has a new theater of operations: Gaza. The unit, whose members speak Arabic and are trained to both assasinate and “blend in,” participate in an operation to release two Israeli youngsters kidnapped by Hamas.

    Palestinians in Gaza have been under an Israeli and Egyptian land, air, and sea blockade since 2007. Since the only other border is the sea, that means there is no way out and few ways in, too. Very few Israelis may have entered Gaza in the last 15 years. Very few Palestinians from the West Bank have either. I happen to be one of the few, entering several times on humanitarian missions. So does Fauda offer a rare window into an effectively closed-off territory?


    Well, the season’s writers clearly thought they had done their duty to truth-telling by showing, from time to time, Gaza’s endemic electricity outages. They showed how dirty and contaminated the water is there.

    But the reality is worse than even the most dystopian television script: 38 percent of the population lives in poverty. 54 percent suffer from food insecurity. 39 percent of the youth are unemployed, and over 90 percent of the water is undrinkable. I saw kids from Gaza leaving through the Erez border crossing for cancer treatments in Israel without their families: it’s almost unimaginable, but you won’t learn that from Fauda.

    The reality of life in Gaza is even less than the most basic backdrop to the real action. In contrast, the writers grab every opportunity to focus on the radicalization in Gaza.

    In one of the episodes, Doron Kavillio, the key protagonist and leader - by force of personality but not title - of the undercover unit, enters a shop in Gaza disguised as a Palestinian. He starts with greeting the shop owner with a very cool “Hi” in English and finishes by calling the young lady “habibti” [my love/my dearest.]

    It is true that we Arabs tend to use the word “habibi” beyond its actual meaning, but almost never towards someone random of the opposite gender, and definitely not in Gaza. Using “habibi” in that way is an Israelism. In the “real” Gaza, Doron’s cultural impropriety would have raised a flashing red light - enough reason for him to be caught.

    While Doron is getting unduly linguistically over-familiar with the Gaza shop owner, his two colleagues, Eli and Sagi, are stopped by a Hamas police officer while waiting for Doron to leave the store. They’re wearing rough, dirty clothes and riding a battered old car. They introduce themselves as traders from the West Bank and Eli announces he is getting married in Gaza tonight. Honestly, I couldn’t not help but laugh out loud.

    First, the number of West Bank traders who enter Gaza in a good year can be counted on the fingers of two hands, and they are invariably the richest and best-connected businessmen. Secondly, the idea of a West Bank man getting married to a woman from Gaza is bizarre and incongruous, as since the blockade, it no longer happens. Thirdly: the sad absurdity that Israel would grant the trader’s friend a permit to attend the wedding too? That’s just too much.

    It’s reasonable that the series’ vast global audience might not have the information and tools to know Gaza’s reality, but that makes the culpability of the directors, who don’t even try to present the truth, far more egregious.

    In the same vein, there are other examples of a pronounced unfamiliarity with how Palestinians speak. Any Palestinian would have understood there was something fishy about the boxer featured this season who is supposed to come from Hebron. Most West Bank accents are reasonably similar - but Hebron’s is famously distinctive. There was not even the smallest effort to reflect this.

    It leaves the impression that Palestinians are good enough to appropriate for dramatic material but not for anything approaching an authentic representation. Perhaps Fauda needs more Palestinian advisors.

    This leads me to my biggest problem with the show. Every chance that they have, Fauda’s writers present the Israeli commandos as personally and operationally principled, lingering on their deep concern for protecting the civilians of Gaza, going out of their way to fulfil their promise to the family of the Palestinian informer who supported them. They aren’t shown shooting or killing any Palestinian women or childen.

    A Palestinian woman carries her baby across rubble where rescue workers search for trapped civilians after the Israeli military offensive. Near Rafah refugee camp, Gaza, August 4, 2014 Credit AFP

    But this is Fauda’s war on truth. All the data shows that the opposite is true. According to the United Nations Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) in relation to just one of the Israel-Hamas conflicts, the 2014 Gaza war, 2251 Palestinians were killed, of which 1462 were civilians 551 were children and 299 were women. Israelis need to know the unvarnished truth: that their army is responsible for killing all these civilians, and to recognize the chasm between those deaths, their perpetrators and Fauda’s fantasy soldiers.

    And if it’s too hard to trust Palestinians and international humanitarian organizations - hear it from Israeli military veterans themselves, whose testimonies Breaking the Silence compiles, who describe how entire neighborhoods have been virtually wiped off the map, and soldiers told - and I quote - “shoot anyone in your proximity.” Read the words of Israel’s own government ministers, like then-Defense Minister Avigdor Lieberman, who declared in 2018, “You have to understand, there are no innocent people in the Gaza Strip.”

    But for me, one of the worst, even dangerous, scenes occurs towards the end of the third season, when an Arab physiotherapist, as he’s starting a therapy session in an Israeli hospital attempts to kill the head of a Shin Bet branch in the West Bank.

    It’s worth deconstructing this plot: 17 percent of Israel’s physicians, 24 percent of its nurses and 47 percent of its pharmacists are Arabs. There has never been a single incident in history where Arab medics in Israel have betrayed their Hippocratic oath and harmed a patient.

    It is beyond ridiculous to platform a character and plotline that marks Arabs working inside the Israeli health care system as untrustworthy and disloyal, and capable of violent attacks. It can only create further mistrust between people. To promote such an image is completely deceitful and false - and worse, it feeds those voices, including at the top of Israel’s government, who constantly demean Israel’s Arab citizens, legislate their inequality and incite against them.

    A Palestinian artist paints a mural in a show of support for Palestinian prisoners held in Israeli jails amid the COVID-19 pandemic. Gaza City, April 20, 2020 Credit AFP

    Having a future fourth season based in the Palestinian territories, whether Gaza or the West Bank, would push the limits of credibility too far, after three seasons of serially blowing up both their cover and having exhausted their “authentic Palestinian” schtick. The obvious candidates for Fauda’s future script location would be Lebanon or Syria.

    If so, I hope the writers and producers take more seriously their responsibility to present a more faithful social and political reality. That they retreat from the barely subliminal anti-Arab incitement. And that they can bring themselves to offer even the superficial respect for the essential nuances of Arab culture and the value of human life that they serially failed to provide for Palestinians.

    With the region already bursting with so much disinformation, name-calling and dangerous propaganda, there’s no need to further confirm prejudices and deepen ignorance. Fauda can do better.

    George Zeidan is co-founder of Right to Movement Palestine, an initiative to illustrate the reality of Palestinian life through sports. A Fulbright awardee with a masters degree from the Price School of Public Policy, University of Southern California, he works for an international humanitarian organization in Jerusalem. He grew up in Jerusalem’s Old City

    • « Fauda » n’est pas seulement ignorant, malhonnête et malheureusement absurde. Il s’agit d’une incitation anti-palestinienne
      Par George Zeidan, 22 avril 2020

      En tant que Palestinien vivant dans les territoires occupés, je comprends que beaucoup d’Israéliens, et de nombreux téléspectateurs dans le monde entier, croient sincèrement que la série « Fauda » de Netflix présente un point de vue informé, voire « neutre« , sur le conflit en Israël et en Palestine. En effet, le fil conducteur de la série est : « Les histoires humaines des deux côtés du conflit israélo-palestinien« .

      Cette foi en « Fauda » est très mal placée. L’idée erronée selon laquelle la série offre une représentation exacte de la vie et de l’identité palestiniennes a malheureusement des répercussions importantes et de grande envergure. (...)


  • Fauda, d’Israël : un drame immoral, qui exploite et transforme la souffrance des Palestiniens en un divertissement
    Orly Noy – 7 janvier 2020 – Middle East Eye – Traduction : BP pour l’Agence Média Palestine|

    La troisième saison de cette série télévisée populaire traite des opérations dans la bande de Gaza assiégée.

    La série télévisée Fauda (le « chaos », en arabe) traite de l’histoire d’une unité clandestine israélienne, la Mistaravim, dont les commandos, déguisés en arabes, vont effectuer des missions à l’intérieur des territoires palestiniens occupés. (...)


  • Des victimes du hacker Ulcan interpellent un festival à propos d’un documentaire

    « Diffamation infamante ».

    Le Festival international des programmes audiovisuels (Fipa), qui se tiendra fin janvier à Biarritz, projettera un film intitulé The Patriot, ainsi résumé sur le site du festival : « Ulcan, un hacker sioniste militant, livre une guerre virtuelle et sans merci aux leaders du mouvement antisémite français. » Cette présentation a fait « frémir » les journalistes Pierre Haski, Daniel Schneidermann et Denis Sieffert, qui l’expriment dans une lettre ouverte publiée sur le site de Politis. En effet, tous trois comptent parmi les victimes d’Ulcan, dont l’une des méthodes est de faire intervenir la police chez les personnes qu’il a prises pour cibles. « Ces quelques lignes contiennent une diffamation infamante contre toutes les victimes d’Ulcan présentées comme "antisémites" », relèvent les journalistes, en rappelant qu’en France, Ulcan est visé par un mandat d’arrêt pour « action criminelle ayant entraîné une mort » (en l’occurrence, celle du père d’un journaliste de Rue89).