• Tous féminins ? (4/4) : Poulain de la Barre, premier philosophe féministe ?
    https://www.franceculture.fr/emissions/les-chemins-de-la-philosophie/tous-feminins-44-poulain-de-la-barre-premier-philosophe-feministe

    François Poulain de la Barre a pris, de son temps, des positions féministes radicales.
    Il désirait se mettre à distance de sa masculinité en devenant philosophe et rationnel, devenir un esprit sans sexe. Il dénonçait tous les préjugés hérités des regards subjectifs masculins sur les femmes et élabora une thèse de l’égalité radicale entre les sexes.
    Il exposa sa philosophie à travers trois ouvrages importants : De l’égalité des deux sexes (1673), De l’éducation des dames pour la conduite de l’esprit dans les sciences et dans les moeurs (1674) et De l’excellence des hommes contre l’égalité des sexes (1675).
    Mais à l’époque, comment était perçu le féminisme d’un homme ?

    Marie-Frédérique Pellegrin, maîtresse de conférences à la faculté de philosophie de l’Université de Lyon
    Autrice de Poulain de la Barre : égalité, radicalité, modernité aux éditions Vrin.

    #histoire #féminisme #philosophie #femmes


  • Dimenticati ai confini d’Europa

    L’obiettivo della ricerca è dare voce alle esperienze dei migranti e dei rifugiati, per rendere chiaro il nesso tra quello che hanno vissuto e le politiche europee che i governi hanno adottato.
    Il report si basa su 117 interviste qualitative realizzate nell’enclave spagnola di Melilla, in Sicilia, a Malta, in Grecia, in Romania, in Croazia e in Serbia. Ciò che emerge chiaramente è che il momento dell’ingresso in Europa, sia che esso avvenga attraverso il mare o attraverso una foresta sul confine terrestre, non è che un frammento di un viaggio molto più lungo ed estremamente traumatico. Le rotte che dall’Africa occidentale e orientale portano fino alla Libia sono notoriamente pericolose, specialmente per le donne, spesso vittime di abusi sessuali o costrette a prostituirsi per pagare i trafficanti.

    Il report mostra che alle frontiere dell’Unione Europea, e talora anche a quelle interne, c’è una vera e propria emergenza dal punto di vista della tutela dei diritti umani. L’assenza di vie legali di accesso per le persone bisognose di protezione le costringe ad affidarsi ai trafficanti su rotte che si fanno sempre più lunghe e pericolose. I tentativi dell’UE e degli Stati Membri di chiudere le principali rotte non proteggono la vita delle persone, come a volte si sostiene, ma nella maggior parte dei casi riescono a far sì che la loro sofferenza abbia sempre meno testimoni.


    http://centroastalli.it/dimenticati-ai-confini-deuropa-2
    #Europe #frontières #asile #migrations #droits_humains #rapport #réfugiés #Sicile #Italie #Malte #Grèce #Roumanie #Croatie #Serbie #UE #EU #femmes #Libye #violence #violences_sexuelles #parcours_migratoires #abus_sexuels #viol #prostitution #voies_légales #invisibilisation #invisibilité #fermeture_des_frontières #refoulement #push-back #violent_borders #Dublin #règlement_dublin #accès_aux_droits #accueil #détention #mouvements_secondaires

    Pour télécharger le rapport :
    https://drive.google.com/file/d/1TT9vefCRv2SEqbfsaEyucSIle5U1dNxh/view

    ping @isskein

    • Migranti, il Centro Astalli: “È emergenza diritti umani alle frontiere d’Europa”

      Assenza di vie di accesso legale ai migranti forzati, respingimenti arbitrari, detenzioni, impossibilità di accedere al diritto d’asilo: è il quadro disegnato da una nuova ricerca della sede italiana del Servizio dei gesuiti per i rifugiati.

      S’intitola “Dimenticati ai confini d’Europa” il report messo a punto dal Centro Astalli, la sede italiana del Servizio dei gesuiti per i rifugiati, che descrive, attraverso le storie dei rifugiati, le sempre più numerose violazioni di diritti fondamentali che si susseguono lungo le frontiere di diversi Paesi europei. La ricerca, presentata oggi a Roma, si basa su 117 interviste qualitative realizzate nell’enclave spagnola di Melilla, in Sicilia, a Malta, in Grecia, in Romania, in Croazia e in Serbia.

      Il report, si spiega nella ricerca, «mostra che alle frontiere dell’Unione europea, e talora anche a quelle interne, c’è una vera e propria emergenza dal punto di vista della tutela dei diritti umani». Secondo padre Camillo Ripamonti, presidente del Centro Astalli, la ricerca mette bene in luce come l’incapacità di gestire il fenomeno migratorio solitamente attribuita all’Ue, nasca anche dalla «volontà di tanti singoli Stati che non vogliono assumersi le proprie responsabilità» di fronte all’arrivo di persone bisognose di protezione alle loro frontiere, al contrario è necessario che l’Europa torni ad essere «il continente dei diritti, non dobbiamo perdere il senso della nostra umanità». «Si tratta di una sfida importante - ha detto Ripamonti - anche in vista delle prossime elezioni europee».

      A sua volta, padre Jose Ignacio Garcia, direttore del Jesuit Refugee Service Europa, ha rilevato come «gli Stati membri dell’Ue continuano ad investire le loro energie e risorse nel cercare di impedire a migranti e rifugiati di raggiungere l’Europa o, nel migliore dei casi, vorrebbero confinarli in ‘centri controllati’ ai confini esterni». «La riforma della legislazione comune in materia d’asilo, molto probabilmente – ha aggiunto - non verrà realizzata prima delle prossime elezioni europee. I politici europei sembrano pensare che se impediamo ai rifugiati di raggiungere le nostre coste, non abbiamo bisogno di un sistema comune d’asilo in Europa».

      La fotografia delle frontiere europee che esce dalla ricerca è inquietante: violazioni di ogni sorta, violenze, detenzioni arbitrarie, respingimenti disumani, aggiramento delle leggi dei singoli Paesi e del diritto internazionale. Un quadro fosco che ha pesanti ricadute sulla vita dei rifugiati già provati da difficoltà a soprusi subiti nel lungo viaggio. «Il Greek Council for Refugees – spiega la ricerca - ha denunciato, nel febbraio del 2018, un numero rilevante di casi di respingimenti illegali dalla regione del fiume Evros, al confine terrestre con la Turchia. Secondo questa organizzazione, migranti vulnerabili come donne incinte, famiglie con bambini e vittime di tortura sono stati forzatamente rimandati in Turchia, stipati in sovraffollate barche attraverso il fiume Evros, dopo essere stati arbitrariamente detenuti in stazioni di polizia in condizioni igieniche precarie». Secondo le testimonianze raccolte in Croazia e Serbia, diversi sono stati gli episodi di violenze fisiche contro rifugiati e di respingimenti immediati da parte della polizia di frontiera.

      E in effetti nel nuovo rapporto del Centro Astalli, più dei soli dati numerici e dei carenti quadri normativi ben descritti, a colpire sono i racconti degli intervistati lungo le diverse frontiere d’Europa. Un ragazzo marocchino, in Sicilia, per esempio ha raccontato «di come i trafficanti gli abbiano rubato i soldi e il cellulare e lo abbiamo tenuto prigioniero in un edificio vuoto con altre centinaia di persone per mesi». «Durante il viaggio – è ancora la sua storia – i trafficanti corrompevano gli ufficiali di polizia e trattavano brutalmente i migranti». Nel corso di un tentativo di attraversamento del Mediterraneo ricorda poi di aver sentito un trafficante dire a un altro: «Qualsiasi cosa succeda non mi interessa, li puoi anche lasciar morire».

      Ancora, una ragazza somala di 19 anni, arrivata incinta in Libia, ha raccontato di come il trafficante la minacciasse di toglierle il bambino appena nato e venderlo perché non aveva la cifra richiesta per la traversata. Alla fine il trafficante ha costretto tutti i suoi compagni di viaggio a pagare per lei ma ci sono voluti comunque diversi mesi prima che riuscissero a mettere insieme la somma richiesta. Storie che sembrano provenire da un altro mondo e sono invece cronache quotidiane lungo i confini di diversi Paesi europei.

      Infine, padre Ripamonti, in merito allo sgombero del centro Baobab di Roma che ospitava diverse centinaia di migranti, ha osservato che «la politica degli sgomberi senza alternative è inaccettabile». Il Centro Astalli «esprime inoltre preoccupazione anche per le crescenti difficoltà di accesso alla protezione in Italia: in un momento in cui molti migranti restano intrappolati in Libia in condizioni disumane e il soccorso in mare è meno efficace rispetto al passato, il nostro Paese ha scelto di adottare nuove misure che rendono più difficile la presentazione della domanda di asilo in frontiera, introducono il trattenimento ai fini dell’identificazione, abbassano gli standard dei centri di prima accoglienza».

      https://www.lastampa.it/2018/11/13/vaticaninsider/immigrazione-il-centro-astalli-c-unemergenza-diritti-umani-alle-frontiere-deuropa-v3qbnNIYRSzCCQSfsPFBHM/pagina.html


  • #Pakistan: Girls Deprived of Education. Barriers Include Underinvestment, Fees, Discrimination

    The Pakistan government is failing to educate a huge proportion of the country’s girls, Human Rights Watch said in a report released today.

    The 111-page report, “‘Shall I Feed My Daughter, or Educate Her?’: Barriers to Girls’ Education in Pakistan,” concludes that many girls simply have no access to education, including because of a shortage of government schools – especially for girls. Nearly 22.5 million of Pakistan’s children – in a country with a population of just over 200 million – are out of school, the majority of them girls. Thirty-two percent of primary school age girls are out of school in Pakistan, compared with 21 percent of boys. By ninth grade, only 13 percent of girls are still in school.

    https://www.hrw.org/news/2018/11/12/pakistan-girls-deprived-education
    #éducation #genre #filles #femmes #discriminations #inégalités #rapport #école


  • Tempête médiatique sur les pesticides : le “Printemps Silencieux” de Rachel Carson [1/5] | Alexandra d’Imperio
    https://troisiemebaobab.com/temp%C3%AAte-m%C3%A9diatique-sur-les-pesticides-le-printemps-silenc

    En 1962, Rachel Carson choque les Américains en leur faisant découvrir la dangerosité des pesticides chimiques dans son livre “Printemps Silencieux”. Un demi-siècle plus tard, cette vieille polémique permet d’éclairer les controverses environnementales actuelles… Source : Le Troisième Baobab


  • Centenaire de l’armistice : au lendemain de la guerre, la cause féministe recule - LCI
    https://www.lci.fr/france/centenaire-de-l-armistice-contre-toute-attente-au-lendemain-de-la-guerre-la-caus

    Entre 1914 et 1918, les femmes participent à l’effort de guerre prenant la place de leur mari ou de leurs fils partis au front. Si la mémoire collective retient l’idée d’une période particulièrement émancipatrice, le bilan de ces quatre années s’avère nettement moins positif. Bien au contraire.
    10 nov. 18:14 - Audrey LE GUELLEC

    Une femme aux cheveux courts abandonnant le corset et affirmant son indépendance. Si l’image de « la Garçonne » comme symbole d’une Grande Guerre émancipatrice pour les femmes est dans les esprits, la réalité est plus nuancée. A la veille de la Grande Guerre, la lutte pour l’obtention des droits politiques est prioritaire pour les organisations féministes. « Déjà à l’époque, on assistait à de nombreux congrès internationaux », explique Françoise Thébaud, spécialiste de l’histoire des femmes, soulignant que contrairement aux idées reçues, il existait bel et bien un féminisme organisé avant 1914. « Des militantes françaises, allemandes, britanniques, américaines ou hollandaises se réunissaient dans ces fameux congrès au cours desquels, elles ont affirmé leur pacifisme tout d’abord mais aussi qu’elles avaient des droits. » C’est le fameux mouvement de la première vague féministe qui court des années 1850 à 1945 en Europe et aux États-Unis.
    Mais à compter du 2 août 1914, la plupart des hommes en âge de travailler est mobilisée, laissant le pays aux mains des femmes. Alors qu’une société nouvelle s’organise, le féminisme perd de son élan. « La guerre est une rupture puisque dans chaque pays on arrête de revendiquer et de considérer les sœurs des pays alliés comme des sœurs de combat », explique l’historienne.

    Que se passe-t-il pendant la guerre ?

    En véritables combattantes de l’arrière, les femmes remplacent peu à peu les hommes partout, des champs aux usines en passant par le foyer. « Ce serait faux de dire que la guerre a mis les femmes au travail parce qu’elles représentaient déjà plus d’un tiers de la population active avant 1914. Néanmoins, dans le secteur industriel et commercial, il y a une forte croissance du travail féminin et il y a surtout un transfert du secteur à main d’œuvre féminine vers des secteurs plus mixtes comme la métallurgie, la mécanique, la chimie », souligne la spécialiste s’appuyant sur l’exemple des usines de guerre où la main d’œuvre est formée d’environ un quart de femmes surnommées les munitionnettes. Tandis que des secrétaires de mairie remplacent les maires mobilisés, des enseignantes remplacent leurs homologues masculins dans les classes de garçons.

    Dans les foyers, les femmes incarnent désormais les « chefs de famille » puisqu’elles sont chargées de pourvoir aux besoins et à l’éducation des enfants, grâce à une mesure temporaire permettant au juge de leur donner procuration. Parallèlement, la séparation massive des couples pendant la Grande Guerre suscite une importante correspondance, incitant maris et femmes à une sorte d’introspection. « Parler de soi, de ses sentiments et même de ses désirs sexuels », détaille l’historienne, évoquant une « écriture proche du journalisme ».

    Une seule revendication concrétisée après-guerre

    « Regardez ce que les femmes ont été capables de faire, elles méritent des droits », diront les militantes à la fin de la guerre dont on commémore le 100e anniversaire. La question du droit de vote des femmes revient dès la fin 1917.

    Pourtant, la seule avancée demeure un décret de 1924 qui invite les lycées de jeunes filles à ouvrir des classes de baccalauréat. Objectif ? Permettre la poursuite d’études, en entrant à l’université. « Ne pas devenir ce qu’était leur mère en somme », résume Françoise Thébaud. Et de détailler : « Qu’attend-on d’une jeune bourgeoise avant 14 ? Qu’elle se marie et qu’elle devienne une maîtresse de maison, une mère de famille et s’occupe éventuellement avec des œuvres charitables. » L’accès aux études peut, éventuellement, lui ouvrir d’autres horizons. Mais peu seront concernées.

    Le vœu pieux du droit de vote
    La guerre a plutôt été un frein, dans l’obtention de droits qui semblaient presque acquis parce qu’une société qui sort d’une guerre est une société en deuil, traumatisée.Françoise Thébaud, historienne

    Au lendemain de la première guerre mondiale, le droit à la contraception, déjà évoqué au début du siècle, fait son retour. Mais au plus mauvais moment. Cette revendication « va être stoppée net par la loi de 1920 qui interdit la contraception », souligne Sylvie Chaperon, spécialisée dans l’histoire du féminisme. Il faut repeupler la France. « Ce texte va permettre de persécuter le mouvement, d’arrêter les leaders et de censurer leur presse », détaille l’historienne.

    Deux autres revendications d’avant-guerre vont rester vaines. La première concerne la modification du code civil napoléonien qui fait de la femme mariée une mineure juridique soumise à son mari. Il faudra attendre 1938 pour que l’incapacité civile de la femme mariée soit supprimée. S’agissant du droit de suffrage des femmes, il faudra attendre 1944 pour que ce droit soit obtenu malgré une première loi française pour le droit de vote des femmes proposée en 1919, puis rejetée par le Sénat en 1922. « La France apparaît extrêmement réactionnaire ou en retard malgré les nombreux débats sur le sujet dans l’entre-deux guerres », souligne Françoise Thébaud. Selon elle, la guerre a « plutôt été un frein, dans l’obtention de droits qui leur semblaient presque acquis à la veille de la guerre parce qu’une société qui sort d’une guerre est une société en deuil, traumatisée. »

    A la fin de la guerre, les discours sont contradictoires. « On dit aux femmes ‘il faut rendre la place aux hommes qui reviennent du front, votre devoir c’est de repeupler le pays’. Mais en même temps il y a un réel besoin de main d’œuvre, » explique Françoise Thébaud. S’enclenche alors une féminisation du secteur tertiaire, de nombreuses femmes quittant des métiers traditionnellement féminins pour devenir factrices, conductrices de tramways ou encore employées de banque. « D’ailleurs, la figure de la femme au travail devient la femme du tertiaire, l’employée. C’est la première guerre mondiale qui permet ça », souligne l’historienne, avant d’ajouter. « Pour le milieu ‘petit Bourgeois’, c’est important aussi que le tertiaire se féminise parce qu’il est accepté socialement que ces filles deviennent des employés. Travailler comme employée de banque c’est plus respectable que comme ouvrière. »

    Des modifications s’opèrent également en dehors du monde du travail, dans la sphère privée. Une récente thèse qui s’intéresse au retour des soldats dans les foyers souligne notamment une augmentation des divorces. « Cela peut être considéré comme un rattrapage car il était difficile de divorcer pendant la guerre, mais ce qui est vraiment nouveau après-guerre c’est que les demandes émanent des hommes, qu’ils accusent leur femme d’adultère. » Ainsi, en 1918, 59% des divorces sont prononcés aux torts de la femme.

    #backlash #femmes #historicisation


  • Adoptez un étudiant-entrepreneur

    Invitation à la soirée « Adoptez un étudiant-entrepreneur » :

    Comme chaque année le Pépite oZer a labellisé une promotion d’étudiants-entrepreneurs en graine (110 cette année) qui ont dorénavant un an pour aller au bout de leur projet et de leur rêve !
    Et comme chaque année, ils seront appuyés par les conseils les plus précieux pour un créateur : les vôtres !

    Vous souhaitez devenir tuteur pour l’année 2018-2019 ? Découvrir les projets des étudiants-entrepreneurs avant de vous positionner ?
    Participez à la soirée de lancement du tutorat le 15 novembre 2018 au Pépite oZer à partir de 18h !
    Inscription (ctrl + clic)

    En une soirée : découvrez le rôle de tuteur, rencontrez les étudiants-entrepreneurs et leurs projets via un speed-meeting et adoptez en un ou plusieurs si le cœur vous en dit !

    Cette soirée sera l’occasion également de vous présenter une série d’évènements préparés en partenariat avec Michel Cezon de Cogiteo à destination de la communauté des tuteurs engagés cette année.
    L’objectif est de permettre aux tuteurs, tutrices de monter en compétence, d’acquérir des savoir-être et savoir-faire liés à la posture d’accompagnant.

    Programme de la soirée « Adoptez un étudiant-entrepreneur » :
    18h-18h15 : accueil des participants
    18h15-18h45 : Présentation du rôle de tuteurs et des évènements tuteurs, co-animé par Cogiteo.
    19h-20h30 : speed tutoring : découvrez et adoptez un ou des étudiants-entrepreneurs !
    20h30-21h00 : Buffet, moment convivial !

    Nous enverrons à tous les inscrits, le catalogue des projets de la promotion étudiants-entrepreneurs actuelle, pour que vous puissiez repérer en amont vos Pépites !
    Si vous ne pouvez pas être présent le 15/11, inscrivez-vous tout de même pour recevoir ce catalogue projet !

    #Entrepreneurialement_vôtre,

    Anaïs ALLEMAND
    Chargée de projets événementiels
    11 rue des mathématiques
    38400 St Martin d’hères
    PÉPITE oZer - Pôle Étudiant Pour l’Innovation, le Transfert et l’Entrepreneuriat
    Communauté Université Grenoble Alpes
    Tel : +33 (0)4 76 82 84 95
    Mail : anais.allemand@univ-grenoble-alpes.fr

    Reçu par email. Pour de vrai. Je vous jure.
    Je pense que je vais mettre sur ce fil toutes ces horreurs qui nous arrivent par mail...

    #start-up_nation #Grenoble #Université_de_Grenoble #entreprenariat #Université_Grenoble_Alpes #France #université

    Notez bien que vous pouvez adopter un « étudiant-entrepreneur », mais pas une étudiante entrepreneuse !
    #genre

    • Et toujours l’Université de Grenoble... mais côté genre...

      Of Mountains and Men in a Changing World - NEW !

      Taught in English, this interdisciplinary program is designed for undergraduate or graduate level students with an interest in environmental change and sustainable development in mountainous regions. Students from all disciplines are welcome.

      The course will cover the processes and mechanics of how mountains are built and examine the relationships between environmental change and human activity in mountainous regions.

      Topics include mountain ecosystem degradation and strategies for restoration, management of risks such as debris and soil erosion, protection and development of special mountain resources, local economic development and social welfare, urbanism.

      https://www.univ-grenoble-alpes.fr/en/main-missions/international/come-to-the-uga/short-programs-102600.kjsp

      On mountains and MEN, les #femmes... on s’en tape !

    • Crève la #ComUE, vive la Commune

      De la Loi Travail à la Loi Vidal, voilà que le politique a refait surface sur les campus universitaires, après quelques années de calme plat. Et il était temps ! Derrière ces deux lois se cache une même logique, la même qui se cache encore derrière la fusion des universités, derrière la « restructuration » des bibliothèques d’UFR, derrière la transformation de l’université en entreprise, avec sa marque, sa publicité, ses slogans pétés, sa fête de rentrée et sa communication 2.0. Cette logique, c’est celle du néolibéralisme, de la concurrence et de l’individualisme. C’est celle qui sépare les individus les uns des autres, les enjoint à être flexibles et dynamiques, à se percevoir comme un produit, à se vendre, être monnayables.

      Au printemps 2016 comme au printemps 2018, nous avons bloqué et occupé nos facs. Par le blocage, il s’agissait de sortir du rythme infernal « métro-cours magistraux-boulot », pour déployer notre propre temporalité. Par l’occupation, il s’agissait de nous réapproprier nos lieux d’études, de les habiter pleinement. Et à chaque fois, la présidence nous a répondu par la répression. Bah ouais, logique. Car il ne s’agissait pas simplement d’un mouvement de contestation d’une loi précise, mais de l’affrontement entre deux conceptions du monde, antagonistes l’une à l’autre.

      La première, à laquelle nous nous opposions, est la gestion managériale du monde. Dans nos filières, durant nos études, nous avons pu voir le fonctionnement de cette machine gestionnaire, qui prétend gouverner jusqu’à nos vies mêmes. Nous avons vu comment elle broie celleux qui n’ont pas de thunes ou le capital social nécessaire pour réussir, les obligeant à trouver un taf à coté de leurs études. Nous avons vu comment le champ de la recherche était réglé, fermé, hiérarchisé, guidé par des impératifs économiques et les modes universitaires. L’université actuelle est régie par des impératifs de rentabilité. C’est à dire que le champ de la recherche, et plus encore celui de la recherche appliquée, est délimité et circonscrit par les intérêts de grands groupes industriels, militaires et financiers. Conséquemment, la valeur des recherches est mesurée à l’aune de leur valeur économique, et uniquement de celle-ci.

      À cette conception du monde, et donc de l’université, nous opposons l’autonomie. « Une relation n’est possible que parce que les limites des individus ne sont pas tracées une fois pour toutes – qu’elles ne se confondent aucunement, par exemple, avec les contours de notre enveloppe corporelle. Elle offre toujours la possibilité d’un débordement commun, mutuel, des limites de notre individualité. » (Collectif pour l’intervention, Communisme : un manifeste) En bref, le monde, les êtres, se traversent les uns les autres, leurs trajectoires se croisent, s’agencent, se tissent les unes aux autres. L’autonomie, c’est assumer cette interdépendance, et faire croître les possibles qui s’y trouvent. Quand le capitalisme dissocie les êtres de leurs milieux de vie pour assurer ses prises, créer des dépendances, et devenir celui par qui il faut nécessairement en passer pour vivre et assurer sa subsistance, l’autonomie réelle s’oppose à la croyance en des individus indépendants les uns des autres. Elle s’oppose aux médiations électorales, médiatiques, juridiques, policières, technologiques, qui s’insinuent partout et tout le temps dans nos existences. Elle propose de reprendre en main, collectivement et immédiatement, notre vie quotidienne. L’autonomie permet de retrouver une capacité effective à agir sur le réel, d’avoir prise sur le monde. Elle permet l’émancipation collective. Elle est à la fois le moyen et la fin.

      Et si nous critiquons les institutions au sein desquelles nous étudions, nous refusons de choisir « entre d’une part la désertion pure et simple de l’école et d’autre part l’invariable réformisme revendiquant davantage de moyens pour ressusciter une école plus ’juste’ et plus ’équitable’. En réalité, aucune de ces deux orientations n’est capable de subvertir l’institution scolaire comme dispositif de pouvoir : l’une parce qu’elle en accepte d’emblée le cadre et ne le remet pas en cause, sauf de manière superficielle, l’autre parce qu’elle s’en détache entièrement, renonce à lutter à partir d’elle et ce faisant, la laisse tout aussi intacte. La désertion, si elle opère une coupure subjective, un dégagement individuel ou micro-collectif à l’égard du pouvoir académique, n’envisage pas, de fait, l’école comme un espace de lutte. Elle ne se donne pas les moyens adéquats pour l’attaquer et pour participer aux mouvements antagoniques qui y naissent. Quant au réformisme, il traîne avec lui son éternel cortège de mystifications, de compromis impossibles et de synthèses fumeuses : la police de proximité, le capitalisme éthique, la prison à visage humain, le nucléaire responsable… » (De l’université à la commune, Lundi Matin #140, 3 avril 2018)

      De là découle notre désir de porter une autre conception de l’apprentissage, de la transmission et de la connaissance. Une conception qui se veuille politique, par la remise en question des rapports de domination insidieux qui existent dans le système universitaire, dans le cours magistral. Cela passe par l’expérimentation de dispositifs horizontaux et l’attention permanente à la façon dont nous interagissons les un.e.s avec les autres. Par la destitution de la relation verticale et unidirectionnelle habituelle professeur.e-étudiant.e pour laisser surgir une constellation de relations horizontales, multidirectionnelles. « Qu’il s’agisse de mathématiques, des gestes nécessaires pour s’occuper d’un potager, ou des postures adéquates pour pratiquer un art martial, transmettre un savoir, ce n’est pas faire passer un contenu préexistant dans la tête d’un autre, comme on verse un liquide d’un contenant à un autre. C’est bien plutôt accepter d’avoir à modifier ’son’ savoir pour se rendre capable de le transmettre, et par là même accepter d’être transformé.e dans le moment même où s’opère la transformation d’un autre. C’est cela qui a lieu malgré l’école ou l’université, et non pas grâce à elles. » (Collectif pour l’intervention, Communisme : un manifeste, Nous, 2008)

      Sans attendre, l’université doit sortir de l’université, se glisser dans les interstices de la métropole, là où s’expérimentent d’autres formes de vie et de lutte comme dans les squats, sur les zads et les piquets de grève. Et s’inspirer de ce qu’il s’y vit, mais qui ne trouve aucun espace ou presque pour exister dans nos universités. D’un même geste, il s’agira de mettre fin à cette séparation absurde entre savoirs intellectuels et manuels, de lier la théorie et la pratique, décloisonner les mondes militants et universitaires. Et c’est aussi toute la conception universitaire de la recherche dont il nous faut nous débarrasser, une recherche prétendument neutre car scientifique, avec des disciplines bien séparées les unes des autres, et ce malgré la nouvelle mode des approches inter, trans ou pluri-disciplinaires. La notre voudra assumer qu’elle est une prise de parti au sein d’un conflit politique, d’un conflit entre plusieurs conceptions de l’existence. C’est pourquoi elle sera indisciplinée, indisciplinaire, politique et surtout collective. Il n’y aurait pas la vie d’un côté et la lutte de l’autre, ou la lutte d’un côté et la recherche de l’autre. La recherche part toujours d’un parti pris : elle est toujours partisane. Et toute entière, notre existence est politique.

      Aussi, le capitalisme néolibéral n’est pas le seul ennemi contre lequel nous avons à nous battre. Et quand nous affirmons que notre existence est politique, c’est que les structures de domination qui nous oppressent ne sont pas des structures abstraites. Elles traversent chacun.e de nous, et nous en sommes des rouages. Et si nous voulons les détruire, nous devons bien sûr attaquer les institutions qui les promeuvent, les maintiennent et les défendent, mais aussi les détruire en nous. Pour nous, combattre ces oppressions n’est possible que collectivement.

      Dans la recherche de ces nouvelles formes d’apprentissage et de transmission, nous savons que nous nous heurterons à de nombreux obstacles. L’administration, bien sûr, nous mettra des bâtons dans les roues. C’est attendu. Nous mêmes aussi, qui devrons apprendre à défaire nos habitudes les plus ancrées : nous avons grandi dans une société individualiste, méritocratique, hiérarchique, fondée sur l’exploitation et l’oppression. Bien sûr, il ne suffira pas d’un peu d’expérimentation politique et de zbeul pour détruire le monde qui nous broie. Mais nous savons aussi que nous ne sommes pas seul.e.s et nous avons confiance en l’inventivité de nos complices, présent.e.s ou à venir. Ce printemps, un collectif appelait à la constitution d’une force autonome, à sortir de « l’isolement que créé l’éloignement géographique de nos campus respectifs » et coordonnant nos initiatives. Multiplier les espaces autonomes au sein de nos universités pourrait amorcer une telle dynamique, en permettant les rencontres lors de séminaires autonomes, de chantiers collectifs ou de carnavals sauvages. De là pourraient naître de nombreuses initiatives : recherche autonome en collectif, revue sur les luttes étudiantes, potagers sauvages, documentaires et enquêtes militantes, etc, ces initiatives pouvant s’alimenter les unes les autres, à l’échelle de plusieurs universités. De la, aussi, pourrait partir une conflictualité politique au sein de l’université, qui ne soit pas dans l’attente du prochain mouvement social. Il ne tient qu’à nous de nous en donner les moyens. Car il n’y a pas d’université alternative à construire mais des mondes à faire.

      https://lundi.am/Creve-la-ComUE-vive-la-Commune


  • Femmes et automobiles
    –----

    Ces professions qui n’aiment pas les femmes - L’Express L’Entreprise
    https://lentreprise.lexpress.fr/rh-management/recrutement/ces-professions-qui-n-aiment-pas-les-femmes_2046734.html ?

    Alors que, depuis le 6 novembre 15h35, les femmes travaillent « gratuitement » jusqu’à la fin de l’année, si on tient compte des écarts de salaires avec les hommes, ce testing ajoute une pierre à l’édifice des injustices qu’elles subissent.

    Réalisé par la Fondation des femmes, en collaboration avec l’Observatoire des discriminations de la Sorbonne, il examine le traitement des candidatures pour des postes à dominante masculine - chauffeur-livreur, mécanicien, jardinier. Les résultats sont éloquents : une candidate a 22 % de chances de moins qu’un candidat d’être rappelée, chiffre obtenu en élimant tous les biais. Thomas et Julie, les faux candidats, avaient tous deux le même âge, étaient tous deux célibataires, habitaient non loin l’un de l’autre, avaient mené les mêmes études et connu des expériences professionnelles similaires.

    Une femme a presque 20% de chance en moins de voir son CV sélectionné pour un poste de mécanicien.

    Getty Images/Westend61
    Chauffeur-livreur, jardinier, mécanicien... les employeurs préfèrent les hommes, selon un testing révélateur.

    Alors que, depuis le 6 novembre 15h35, les femmes travaillent « gratuitement » jusqu’à la fin de l’année, si on tient compte des écarts de salaires avec les hommes, ce testing ajoute une pierre à l’édifice des injustices qu’elles subissent.

    Réalisé par la Fondation des femmes, en collaboration avec l’Observatoire des discriminations de la Sorbonne, il examine le traitement des candidatures pour des postes à dominante masculine - chauffeur-livreur, mécanicien, jardinier. Les résultats sont éloquents : une candidate a 22 % de chances de moins qu’un candidat d’être rappelée, chiffre obtenu en élimant tous les biais. Thomas et Julie, les faux candidats, avaient tous deux le même âge, étaient tous deux célibataires, habitaient non loin l’un de l’autre, avaient mené les mêmes études et connu des expériences professionnelles similaires.
    « Personne plutôt qu’une femme »

    Thomas et Julie ont envoyé chacun 173 CV pour des offres de chauffeur-livreur. Il a reçu 38 réponses positives (demande de rappel ou proposition d’entretien), elle 25. Les chances de la candidate sont réduites de 35%. Le tableau est moins caricatural pour les postes de mécanicien automobile (18,5% de chances en moins) et de jardinier (17,5%).

    Ces différences sont d’autant plus troublantes qu’elles interviennent dans des métiers en tension. En atteste le taux de réponses positives (33%), tous sexes confondus, à comparer à celui qui est généralement observé dans les testings.

    Facteur aggravant, « ce que ne montrent pas les résultats mais qui ressort de nos observations, c’est que Julie était contactée souvent deux ou trois semaines après Thomas, alors que son CV avait été envoyé plus tôt, ajoute Maïlys Vignoud, de la Fondation des femmes. Et quand Thomas était relancé plusieurs fois par l’employeur, Julie ne recevait qu’un appel. Certains employeurs préfèrent n’avoir personne plutôt qu’une femme. »
    Des voies de recours diverses

    Comment agir lorsqu’on s’estime victime ? En se rapprochant de la Fondation des femmes, qui entend multiplier les procédures judiciaires aux côtés des discriminées. Léonore Bocquillon est avocate, au service de l’organisation. Elle rappelle la nécessité de conserver des éléments de preuve : « Imprimez les e-mails et les textos échangés avec l’entreprise, en attendant le lendemain de leur envoi pour que s’affiche une date et qu’il ne soit pas seulement inscrit ’aujourd’hui’ en haut du SMS. Et si vous recevez des messages vocaux, faites les transcrire par un huissier, cela coûte entre 80 et 100 euros. »

    Au civil, l’aménagement de la charge de la preuve fait qu’il est possible de gagner contre un employeur s’il ne parvient pas à démontrer sa bonne foi contre des éléments de preuve laissant supposer l’existence d’une discrimination. Au pénal, en revanche, ces preuves doivent être irréfutables.

    Il est également possible de faire appel au Défenseur des droits. Il dispose de pouvoirs d’enquête et s’il juge qu’il y a eu discrimination, il peut recommander à l’entreprise de réparer le préjudice subi. C’est ce qu’a fait une femme refusée à un poste de conducteur de travaux et dont le cas est en passe d’être résolu. L’employeur, « dans un sentiment d’impunité remarquable », note Léonore Bocquillon, lui avait laissé un message téléphonique dans lequel il lui disait expressément qu’il n’y a « pas de femmes à ces postes dans l’entreprise ».
    Marlène Schiappa contre le CV anonyme

    Comment venir à bout, de manière préventive, de ces discriminations ? « D’autres testings ont prouvé qu’une femme de 32 ans avec enfants a 40% de chances d’embauche en moins qu’un homme du même âge, ou encore qu’une femme sans enfants entre 24 et 30 ans a 58% de chances en moins de survivre au tri de CV », indique Jean-François Amadieu, professeur à Paris I, qui dirige l’Observatoire des discriminations.

    Alors que Marlène Schiappa, secrétaire d’État chargée de l’Egalité entre les femmes et les hommes, a indiqué en début de semaine qu’elle s’opposait au CV anonyme, Jean-François Amadieu plaide pour que soit abandonné le « CV à la française », avec photo et mention de la situation matrimoniale. Pour avoir une chance de passer le premier barrage.

    Ici une vidéo montre comment les professionnels dans les domaines masculins traitent leurs clientes.
    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SEirg5WbP5s

    –—
    Vers mes 18 ans, je me souviens d’une amie qui ne pouvait pas allé seule faire réparer sa voiture et me demandait toujours de l’accompagnée là bas. Le garagiste pratiquait systématiquement du harcelement sexuel contre elle et elle avait très peur qu’il l’agresse sexuellement un jour. C’était le seul garagiste de la région à posséder les pièces de son modèle de voiture. C’était une forme de chantage, viol contre liberté de se déplacé.
    –-----

    + « des hommes et des bagnoles » des couilles sur la table
    https://www.binge.audio/des-hommes-et-des-bagnoles

    –-----
    Étude sur les clichés sexistes autour de la voiture en France financé par une marque de pneu
    https://www.tiregom.fr/guide/data/etude-cliches-femmes-automobile

    –-----
    Témoignage d’une garagiste
    https://lamecaniquepourlesfilles.com/interview-dune-mecanicienne-professionnelle-fiere-de-letre

    Mon apprentissage dans l’automobile a été très rude. J’avais déjà une vie personnelle sinistre et déchue. J’étais insulté par l’autre apprentie de l’entreprise et il n’y avait aucune organisation. J’étais sans cesse en train de me faire critiquer, je finissais mes journées en pleur car ma passion était devenue mon pire cauchemar. Il m’a fallu un an pour m’en remettre, je ne pouvais plus rentrer dans un garage. J’étais laissé dans le tas de m**** sans formation, juste bonne à nettoyer des voitures à longueur de journée. Ma vie n’était pas facile, je vivais seule et mon patron bien sûr au courant de ma situation familiale particulière en avait rien à faire et me laissait échouer sans maître d’apprentissage. Si je dois donner un conseil : ne pas lâcher, j’étais destinée au casse-pipe, aujourd’hui je suis une passionnée qui vit son rêve.

    –----
    Sur le permis de conduire et le sexe :

    Le taux d’échec des femmes à l’épreuve de conduite de l’examen du permis de conduire est plus élevé de 10 % que celui des hommes. Cet écart persiste depuis des décennies, alors que les femmes sont toujours plus nombreuses à décrocher le permis : de 22 % en 1967, elles sont passées à 76 % en 2007, contre 91 % des hommes.

    ...

    Fait intéressant, la situation peut être renversée : « Lorsqu’on évalue les performances au test du Code de la route avec des hommes et des femmes dans la même pièce, en expliquant que l’on souhaite comprendre les différences liées au sexe dans la conduite, ce sont les performances des hommes qui diminuent, comme s’il existait un effet de » menace du stéréotype « sur les hommes. »

    https://www.challenges.fr/automobile/actu-auto/stereotypes-femmes-et-automobile-entretiennent-la-precarite-et-les-inegal

    Pourtant :

    Les femmes sont plus dépendantes de la voiture que les hommes

    Plus inattendu dans ce rapport Jouanno-Hummel est le rappel que les femmes sont les premières touchées par la précarité qui naît de l’absence de mobilité. Partant de l’idée que l’auto est indispensable à bien des femmes pour assumer leur rôle de mère, elles en sont plus dépendantes que les hommes. Ces derniers sont pourtant moins nombreux que les femmes à utiliser les transports en commun.

    –------
    Sur les femmes et l’automobile : un enjeu de lutte contre la précarité, d’orientation professionnelle et de déconstruction des stéréotypes

    Rapport d’information n° 835 (2015-2016) de Mmes Chantal JOUANNO et Christiane HUMMEL, fait au nom de la délégation aux droits des femmes, déposé le 20 septembre 2016

    http://www.senat.fr/rap/r15-835/r15-835_mono.html
    –------
    #femmes #mobilité #voiture #auto #sexisme #discrimination #harcelement_de_rue


  • Pour accroître l’efficacité de ses missions de #paix, l’#ONU recrute davantage de #femmes officiers de #police | ONU Info
    https://news.un.org/fr/story/2018/11/1028551

    Pour être plus efficaces, les missions de #maintien_de_la_paix des Nations Unies ont besoin de recruter davantage de femmes au sein de leurs effectifs de police, a insisté mardi devant le Conseil de sécurité un haut responsable de l’ONU.


  • Viol conjugal : « Mon corps ne m’appartenait plus » - Libération
    https://www.liberation.fr/france/2018/11/05/viol-conjugal-mon-corps-ne-m-appartenait-plus_1690092

    Nadège, Vanessa et Christelle ont toutes les trois porté plainte contre Luis D. pour viol conjugal. Elles racontent leur calvaire, entre harcèlement, coups et violences sexuelles.

    C’est un poids, un fardeau, mais aussi un combat. Nadège, Vanessa et Christelle ont toutes trois porté plainte contre le même homme pour viol conjugal. Chacune à leur manière, elles sont devenues - malgré elles - des porte-voix pour faire entendre des récits qui trop souvent dérangent. Celles de femmes que leur compagnon oblige à des fellations, des sodomies, brutalise physiquement, détruit psychologiquement, dans l’intimité de leur foyer. Dans son appartement de Chambéry, où elle nous reçoit, Nadège, qui fut la première à dénoncer les faits, annonce : « Je n’ai pas à avoir honte, c’est pour cela que je témoigne à visage découvert. » Malgré cette force apparente, les yeux en amande de Nadège s’embuent parfois, comme assombris par le poids des récits qui lui parviennent depuis qu’elle a décidé de parler publiquement. La jeune femme a rejoint plusieurs groupes Facebook de femmes victimes et tente de les aider comme elle peut. Vanessa, elle aussi, veut en finir avec la honte qui scelle souvent les bouches des victimes. « L’union fait la force », dit-elle par téléphone, comme un mantra. Christelle, elle, préfère ne pas trop s’exposer, mais espère toutefois que son récit et ceux des autres anciennes compagnes de Luis D. appelées à témoigner pourra éveiller les consciences : « J’espère vraiment arriver à me reconstruire, et qu’il prenne conscience de ce qu’il a fait. Pas pour lui souhaiter du mal, mais pour son salut. »

    Christelle, 33 ans

    Pendant longtemps, Christelle a préféré ne pas prendre la parole. Aujourd’hui, elle dit avoir « l’espoir d’aider d’autres victimes et de faire évoluer les mentalités ». En couple entre 2003 et 2006 avec Luis D., elle a mis des mots sur ce qu’elle a subi bien plus tard, après le coup de fil de la policière chargée de l’enquête concernant ses autres compagnes, à qui elle a décrit les faits, qui seraient allés selon elle jusqu’à des sévices sexuels pratiqués plusieurs heures durant. Entendre le mot « viol » a été pour Christelle « un énorme choc, le début de la descente aux enfers : au départ, j’ai fait une déposition pour aider les autres filles, sans vraiment réaliser dans quoi je m’embarquais. Six ans de procédure, c’est terrible, je ne suis plus du tout la fille que j’étais avant. Cela m’a sérieusement atteinte, mais je ne regrette pas pour autant », dit-elle aujourd’hui. A l’époque, elle et Luis D. vivaient dans un box, avec un seau pour leurs besoins et une voiture équipée d’un matelas. Christelle sait aujourd’hui qu’il n’était pas normal qu’il « prenne quelque chose quand il le voulait sur le plan sexuel ». « Si je disais non ou que je cherchais à résister, je me faisais insulter de plus belle, et si je pleurais, je prenais une claque dans la gueule. Alors j’ai vite compris que si je m’exécutais, ce serait moins violent, même si je ne voulais pas », se souvient-elle. A cette période, elle était « comme un fantôme », à qui son conjoint aurait interdit toute féminité. « Il me forçait à porter ses caleçons, me dévalorisait sans cesse. Il disait que je n’étais "qu’une pute", "une sous-merde", "une salope", que j’aimais ça… Il m’avait isolée de tout. » Christelle décrit sa « peur extrême » permanente et son isolement, et souhaite dire aux femmes qui « vivent des choses similaires qu’elles ne sont pas seules ». « Il ne faut pas se laisser abattre, il faut continuer de croire en soi, essayer de parler à quelqu’un, même si c’est un inconnu, et ce, dès les premiers signes que quelque chose ne va pas », exhorte-t-elle. Et de poursuivre : « C’est important pour moi qu’on s’attaque à ce problème sociétal profond, en faisant prendre conscience aux hommes que leurs gestes peuvent être douloureux pour nous. Et qu’il y en a marre d’entendre parler de sexe fort. Le changement peut commencer très tôt, en apprenant par exemple aux petits garçons à ne pas être violents avec leurs camarades, en travaillant véritablement sur le fond. »

    Vanessa, 40 ans, Toulon

    Quand elle rencontre Luis D., en juillet 2008, Vanessa est courtière d’assurances en région parisienne. Elle a 30 ans, et lui 35. « Au départ, je ne l’appréciais pas plus que cela. Et puis on s’est revus, et tout est finalement allé assez vite. » Une relation de couple s’établit, que Vanessa décrit comme « compliquée, voire chaotique ». A l’époque, l’homme est placé sous surveillance électronique, « soi-disant pour une histoire de bagarre », selon le récit qu’il livre à Vanessa. En réalité, pour violences conjugales. Vanessa découvre rapidement un homme excessivement jaloux. Surgit ensuite la violence physique et verbale. « Un jour, il a débarqué chez moi à 8 heures du matin, persuadé que je l’avais trompé la veille, alors que je buvais un verre avec un ami. Il m’a cogné la tête contre les murs, il sentait mes sous-vêtements en disant que je "puais la capote". Il m’a mise à quatre pattes par terre, et il m’a prise comme ça. Je me suis mise à pleurer. Ça a été le choc de ma vie », dit-elle. La suite de cette relation est à l’avenant : Vanessa affirme que Luis l’a poussée à quitter son travail, la plaçant dans une situation de dépendance financière et d’isolement social et affectif. Autrefois souriante et volubile, elle devient « renfermée, éteinte ». Dans le huis-clos de cette relation sur laquelle elle n’ose se confier, la brutalité et les viols sont omniprésents. En octobre 2008, Vanessa porte plainte pour violences. Son compagnon écope de six mois de prison. La jeune femme découvre alors qu’elle est enceinte. Elle accouche d’une petite fille en juillet 2009. Selon son récit, Luis D. serait allé jusqu’à lui imposer une fellation à la maternité. Pour autant, la jeune femme n’arrivera à poser le mot « viol » sur ce qu’elle a vécu que des années plus tard, quand une policière lui a demandé si elle avait été forcée à des relations. « J’ai répondu "oui, plusieurs fois par jour." Et elle m’a dit "c’est du viol". A l’époque, je n’étais plus moi-même. Et lui avait plusieurs visages », poursuit Vanessa. « J’espérais qu’il change, pour ma fille », poursuit-elle. C’est finalement par crainte pour cet enfant qu’elle trouve le courage d’appeler sa famille à l’aide et de se rendre à la police. « Si cela ne tenait qu’à moi, je ne témoignerais pas », précise Vanessa. « Mais je réalise que cela peut permettre à des femmes de prendre conscience de ce qu’est le viol conjugal. J’ai envie de leur dire qu’on a évidemment le droit de ne pas faire ce dont on n’a pas envie, de ne pas être d’accord. On a le droit de dire non », conclut-elle.

    Nadège, 35 ans, Chambéry

    Près de huit ans plus tard, la « cassure » est toujours là. Nadège n’est plus vraiment la fille « joyeuse, pétillante souriante et sûre d’elle » qu’elle était en 2010, quand elle a rencontré celui qu’elle refuse d’appeler par son prénom. A l’époque, la jeune femme travaille dans une brasserie des Hauts-de-Seine dont il est un habitué. Tous deux finissent par faire connaissance après que l’homme lui a proposé son aide pour réparer sa voiture. Après quelques jours seulement, Luis D. présente Nadège comme « la femme de sa vie » à sa famille. « Il évoquait tout ce dont je rêvais : une vie simple, à la campagne… Je me suis laissé porter », résume-t-elle. Il s’installe chez elle, la convainc de quitter son travail. Les premiers coups surviennent à peine deux mois plus tard, alors que le couple rend visite à la famille de Nadège. « Il avait fait une remarque désobligeante sur ma mère. J’ai pris son bras et lui ai demandé de partir. Il m’a attrapée, m’a jetée contre l’accoudoir en bois d’un fauteuil du salon, m’a craché dessus. Je saignais du nez. Je suis entrée dans un monde parallèle. Il ne m’était jamais venu à l’esprit qu’un homme puisse me frapper, décrit Nadège. Comme beaucoup de femmes, je pensais : à la première gifle, je me casse. » La peur la pousse pourtant à repartir avec lui en région parisienne. « Je sentais à son intonation que ce n’était pas un homme qu’on quittait comme ça », résume-t-elle. En chemin, sur une aire d’autoroute, selon son récit, il la frappe de nouveau et la menace de l’enterrer dans un bois. « J’ai vraiment cru que j’allais mourir », relate Nadège. Vient ensuite l’emménagement dans une maison isolée de Seine-et-Marne. Nadège découvre qu’elle est enceinte, et le piège se referme. « J’étais totalement isolée, je n’avais plus de portable, pas de téléphone fixe, mes seules sorties, c’était pour faire les courses avec lui. J’étais anéantie psychologiquement, et malgré tout, j’espérais que ça s’arrange », explique-t-elle. Crises de jalousie, menaces, contrôle vestimentaire, dépendance financière… Et les viols, survenus eux aussi très tôt, qui deviennent réguliers, pour ne pas dire quotidiens, y compris la nuit, sans que Nadège ne les nomme ainsi. « Pour moi, c’était de l’abus. Il me forçait à des sodomies. Et les fellations, c’était à longueur de journée : en voiture, quand je cuisinais, devant la télé… » Y compris pendant sa grossesse. « Un soir, il a dit qu’il allait me "prendre comme une pute". Il y est allé direct par derrière. J’essayais de le retenir, je le suppliais, je criais de douleur. Et lui m’insultait. J’ai saigné, et j’ai eu peur pour mon bébé. » « Mon corps ne m’appartenait plus. Lui disait d’ailleurs que j’étais sa femme, sa chienne, sa pute, son amante. » Nadège tente à plusieurs reprises de fuir, en vain. Jusqu’à la naissance de sa fille : « Je lui ai fait une promesse : faire en sorte que si elle avait survécu à tout cela, ce n’était pas pour rien. Quand j’ai pris contact avec ses ex, c’était pour comprendre. Peut-être qu’il avait été pareil avec elles ? Il fallait me sauver la vie. Sinon, j’allais y retourner », résume-t-elle.
    Virginie Ballet

    Article sur le procès de Luis D : https://www.liberation.fr/france/2018/11/05/viol-conjugal-le-proces-d-un-fleau-domestique_1690089

    #viol #violences_conjugales #femmes #procès #justice


  • Contre un Goncourt misogyne : le Femina, un prix tour à tour militant, volcanique et collabo
    https://www.franceculture.fr/litterature/prix-femina

    Nous sommes en 1904 et le jury du prix Goncourt, créé l’année précédente, s’apprête à décerner son deuxième prix. Avec son roman La conquête de Jérusalem, l’orientaliste Myriam Harry est jugée favorite. Lorsque les dix jurés attribuent finalement le prix à Léon Frapié pour son roman La Maternelle, la déconvenue est grande. Entre stupéfaction et indignation, les réactions ne tardent pas à se faire entendre.

    Vingt-deux femmes de lettres, présidées par la poétesse Anna de Noailles, se réunissent et décident d’instituer un prix pour revendiquer leur légitimité littéraire. Le 28 janvier 1905, elles remettent rétrospectivement le prix à Myriam Harry, acte de rébellion contre la misogynie des “dix du Goncourt”. Pour Sylvie Ducas, il s’agit clairement d’une revendication placée dans le registre du genre :

    Les femmes de lettres revendiquent leur droit d’entrée dans les sphères de légitimation littéraire et trouvent précisément dans le Goncourt le contre-modèle idéal avec lequel elles entendent rivaliser.

    “Pas de jupons chez nous !”, l’exclamation de Joris-Karls Huysmans dès les débuts du prix Goncourt donne à elle seule la température de l’époque. Une vingtaine d’années plus tard, la pilule n’est toujours pas passée, et certains journalistes ne reculent pas devant les métaphores animalières et autres dénigrements pour critiquer ce jury féminin. Dans sa thèse de doctorat consacrée aux prix Goncourt et Femina, Sylvie Ducas a analysé la virulence de la presse de l’époque. Ces mots publiés dans L’Humanité en 1925 en donnent un parfait exemple, le journaliste allant jusqu’à comparer le jury du Femina au "tribunal des pintades" :

    Il est un spectacle qui dépasse en horreur comique la réunion Goncourt, c’est l’assemblée de poules qui décerne le prix Femina - Vie Heureuse. Quelques femmes plus ou moins de lettres ont coutume de couvrir de fleurs, chaque année, l’écrivain assez heureux pour émouvoir leur épaisse sensibilité [...] Le ridicule des duchesses de lettres qui fut de tout temps notoire n’avait pas encore réalisé ce prodige : s’instituer en jury littéraire ! Ce doit être un bien beau tableau de moeurs, ce salon où ces Corine [sic] sans talent défendent chacun [sic] leur protégé et exaltent la gloire du romancier qui a su le mieux chatouiller leurs petites passions [...] Petits cris, piaillements, ces mots prennent toute leur valeur quand on a vu la photographie de ce grotesque comité, l’image de ces lourdes quadragénaires crevant de vanité sous leurs perles et dans leur graisse molle ; tout le sinistre d’un salon du monde uni au comique (un comique qui ne fait pas rire), au ridicule de bas bleus ratés et croulants [...] [au] snobisme du tribunal des pintades.


  • Gertrude Abercrombie - Wikipedia
    https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gertrude_Abercrombie

    In 1932 she began to focus strictly on her art. The following summer she made her first sale at an outdoor art fair in Chicago and received an honorable mention in the newspaper for the event.[3] In the mid-1930s she moved out of her family’s home and became active in the regional art scene.[3] From 1934 to 1940 she served as a painter for the Works Progress Administration and in 1934 the Chicago Society of Artists held a solo show of her work.[3] During the 1930s and 1940s she also began creating woodcuts.

    In 1940 she married lawyer Robert Livingston, and in 1942 gave birth to their daughter Dinah. In 1948 the couple divorced. That same year she married music critic Frank Sandiford, with Dizzy Gillespie performing at the wedding. The couple were active in the bohemian lifestyle and jazz scene of Chicago hence their connection with Gillespie. They met musicians through Sandiford and through Abercrombie’s own skills as an improvisational pianist. The couple would divorce in 1964.[3]
    Dizzy Gillespie with Abercrombie on his birthday, 1964

    Within Abercrombie’s avant-garde social circle she was the inspiration for the song “Gertrude’s Bounce” by Richie Powell, who claimed that she walked “just like the way the rhythm sounds in the Introduction”,[5] and she appeared as herself in James Purdy’s Gertrude of Stony Island Avenue and as a fictional character in Purdy’s Malcolm, Eustace Chisholm.[3]

    She painted many variations of her favored subjects: sparsely furnished interiors, barren landscapes, self-portraits, and still-lifes. Many compositions feature a lone woman in a flowing gown, often depicted with attributes of sorcery: an owl, a black cat, a crystal ball, or a broomstick.[3] These works were often self-portraits, as she stated in an interview with Studs Terkel shortly before her death: “it is always myself that I paint”.[7] Tall and sharp-featured, she considered herself ugly;[8] in life she sometimes wore a pointed velvet hat to accentuate her witch-like appearance, “enjoy[ing] the power this artifice gave her over others who would fear or recoil from her”.[9] The 1940s and ’50s are described as her most prolific and productive period; a time when she no longer painted many portraits, but retained the themes mentioned above.[3]

    Abercrombie’s mature works are painted in a precise, controlled style. She took little interest in other artists’ work, although she admired Magritte.[10] Largely self-taught, she did not regard her lack of extensive formal training as a hindrance.[11] She said of her work:

    I am not interested in complicated things nor in the commonplace. I like and like to paint simple things that are a little strange. My work comes directly from my inner consciousness and it must come easily. It is a process of selection and reduction.[4]

    Her work evolved into incorporating her love for jazz music, inspired by parties and jam sessions she hosted in her Hyde Park home. Musicians such as Sonny Rollins, Max Roach, Jackie Cain and the Modern Jazz Quartet were considered friends. Dizzy Gillespie described her “the first bop artist. Bop in the sense that she has taken the essence of our music and transported it to another art form”.[12]

    #femmes #art #historicisation #surréalisme #peinture




  • Commentaire sur twitter :

    Étudiant en médecine, j’étais très impressionné par ce corridor de l’#Hôpital_Notre-Dame avec les photos des médecins décédés. Aujourd’hui, je me dis « Il est où, le mur d’hommage aux infirmières, préposés.e.s, physio, ergo, pharmaciens ? »

    https://twitter.com/LussiD/status/1058419394131431424

    #invisibilité #invisibilisation #hommes #femmes #médecine #hôpitaux #hommages #travail #genre #classe_sociale


  • Avorter à Monaco ? C’est interdit. RTBF avec Brut - 2 Novembre 2018 RTBF
    https://www.rtbf.be/info/societe/detail_avorter-a-monaco-c-est-interdit?id=10062584
    Sauf en cas de viol, de danger pour la santé de la mère ou de l’enfant. _

    À Monaco, l’accès à l’avortement est extrêmement restreint pour les femmes. Il y a près de 10 ans, l’avortement était même totalement interdit. C’est seulement en 2009 que la loi a évolué et ouvert l’avortement aux femmes victimes de viol ou encore qui voient leur santé ou celle de leur enfant en danger. Toute personne qui a recours à l’IVG en dehors du cadre déterminé par cette loi encourt une peine d’emprisonnement allant de 6 mois à 3 ans ainsi qu’une amende de 9000 à 18 000 euros. Les médecins qui pratiquent l’intervention, eux, risquent la même amende et 1 à 5 ans de prison.

    Une forte pression de l’Église
    Une telle législation s’explique notamment par l’article 9 de la Constitution monégasque de 1962 qui indique que « la religion catholique, apostolique et romaine est religion d’État. » Ne pouvant avorter à Monaco, les femmes monégasques sont donc contraintes de se diriger vers la France, principalement à Nice. Mais, pour cela, elles doivent obligatoirement être rattachées à la caisse primaire d’Assurance maladie française pour être remboursées, une démarche qui demande parfois plusieurs semaines alors que le délai légal pour pratiquer l’IVG est de 12 semaines de grossesse, soit 14 semaines d’aménorrhée.

    #monaco #IVG #interdiction #Femmes #catholicisme #droits_des_femmes #religion #catholicisme


  • Maria da Penha Law: A Name that Changed Society | UN Women – Headquarters
    http://www.unwomen.org/en/news/stories/2011/8/maria-da-penha-law-a-name-that-changed-society

    In May 1983, biopharmaceutist Maria da Penha Fernandes was fast asleep when her husband shot her, leaving her a paraplegic for life. Two weeks after her return from the hospital, he tried to electrocute her.

    The case da Penha filed languished in court for two decades, while Maria’s husband remained free. Years later, in a landmark ruling, the Court of Human Rights criticized the Brazilian government for not taking effective measures to prosecute and convict perpetrators of domestic violence. In response to this, the Brazilian government in 2006 enacted a law under the symbolic name “Maria da Penha Law on Domestic and Family Violence.

    On the fifth anniversary of Law in August 2011, the National Council of Justice of Brazil collected data showing positive results: more than 331,000 prosecutions and 110,000 final judgments, and nearly two million calls to the Service Center for Women.

    Positive results that da Penha shares with some reservations.


  • Israa Al-Ghomgham, a Saudi woman facing the death penalty for peaceful protest · Global Voices
    https://globalvoices.org/2018/10/31/israa-al-ghomgham-a-saudi-woman-facing-the-death-penalty-for-peaceful-

    uman rights advocate Israa Al-Ghomgham is facing the death penalty in Saudi Arabia, for her non-violent human rights related activities.

    Al-Ghomgham was arrested in 2015 along with her husband, activist Mousa Al-Hashim, over their roles in anti-government protests in Al-Qatif back in 2011, when pro-democracy protests spread across the Middle East and North Africa.

    #arabie_saoudite #barbares #droits_humains


  • “You Cry at Night but Don’t Know Why”. Sexual Violence against Women in North Korea

    Oh Jung Hee is a former trader in her forties from Ryanggang province. She sold clothes to market stalls in Hyesan city and was involved in the distribution of textiles in her province. She said that up until she left the country in 2014, guards would regularly pass by the market to demand bribes, sometimes in the form of coerced sexual acts or intercourse. She told Human Rights Watch:

    I was a victim many times … On the days they felt like it, market guards or police officials could ask me to follow them to an empty room outside the market, or some other place they’d pick. What can we do? They consider us [sex] toys … We [women] are at the mercy of men. Now, women cannot survive without having men with power near them.

    She said she had no power to resist or report these abuses. She said it never occurred to her that anything could be done to stop these assaults except trying to avoid such situations by moving away or being quiet in order to not be noticed.

    Park Young Hee, a former farmer in her forties also from Ryanggang province who left North Korea for the second time in 2011, was forced back to North Korea from China in the spring of 2010 after her first attempt to flee. She said, after being released by the secret police (bowiseong) and put under the jurisdiction of the police, the officer in charge of questioning her in the police pre-trial detention facility (kuryujang) near Musan city in North Hamgyong province touched her body underneath her clothes and penetrated her several times with his fingers. She said he asked her repeatedly about the sexual relations she had with the Chinese man to whom she had been sold to while in China. She told Human Rights Watch:

    My life was in his hands, so I did everything he wanted and told him everything he asked. How could I do anything else? … Everything we do in North Korea can be considered illegal, so everything can depend on the perception or attitude of who is looking into your life.

    Park Young Hee said she never told anybody about the abuse because she did not think it was unusual, and because she feared the authorities and did not believe anyone would help.

    The experiences of Oh Jung Hee and Park Young Hee are not isolated ones. While sexual and gender-based violence is of concern everywhere, growing evidence suggests it is endemic in North Korea.

    This report–based largely on interviews with 54 North Koreans who left the country after 2011, when the current leader, Kim Jong Un, rose to power, and 8 former North Korean officials who fled the country–focuses on sexual abuse by men in official positions of power. The perpetrators include high-ranking party officials, prison and detention facility guards and interrogators, police and secret police officials, prosecutors, and soldiers. At the time of the assaults, most of the victims were in the custody of authorities or were market traders who came across guards and other officials as they traveled to earn their livelihood.

    Interviewees told us that when a guard or police officer “picks” a woman, she has no choice but to comply with any demands he makes, whether for sex, money, or other favors. Women in custody have little choice should they attempt to refuse or complain afterward, and risk sexual violence, longer periods in detention, beatings, forced labor, or increased scrutiny while conducting market activities.

    Women not in custody risk losing their main source of income and jeopardizing their family’s survival, confiscation of goods and money, and increased scrutiny or punishment, including being sent to labor training facilities (rodong danryeondae) or ordinary-crimes prison camps (kyohwaso, literally reform through labor centers) for being involved in market activities. Other negative impacts include possibly losing access to prime trading locations, being fired or overlooked for jobs, being deprived of means of transportation or business opportunities, being deemed politically disloyal, being relocated to a remote area, and facing more physical or sexual violence.

    The North Koreans we spoke with told us that unwanted sexual contact and violence is so common that it has come to be accepted as part of ordinary life: sexual abuse by officials, and the impunity they enjoy, is linked to larger patterns of sexual abuse and impunity in the country. The precise number of women and girls who experience sexual violence in North Korea, however, is unknown. Survivors rarely report cases, and the North Korean government rarely publishes data on any aspect of life in the country.

    Our research, of necessity conducted among North Koreans who fled, does not provide a generalized sample from which to draw definitive conclusions about the prevalence of sexual abuse by officials. The diversity in age, geographic location, social class, and personal backgrounds of the survivors, combined with many consistencies in how they described their experiences, however, suggest that the patterns of sexual violence identified here are common across North Korea. Our findings also mirror those of other inquiries that have tried to discern the situation in this sealed-off authoritarian country.

    A 2014 United Nations Commission of Inquiry (UN COI) on human rights in the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (DPRK) concluded that systematic, widespread, and gross human rights violations committed by the North Korean government constituted crimes against humanity. These included forced abortion, rape, and other sexual violence, as well as murder, imprisonment, enslavement, and torture on North Koreans in prison or detention. The UN COI stated that witnesses revealed that while “domestic violence is rife within DPRK society … violence against women is not limited to the home, and that it is common to see women being beaten and sexually assaulted in public.”

    The Korea Institute for National Unification (KINU), a South Korean government think tank that specializes in research on North Korea, conducted a survey with 1,125 North Koreans (31.29 percent men and 68.71 percent women) who re-settled in South Korea between 2010 and 2014. The survey found that 37.7 percent of the respondents said sexual harassment and rape of inmates at detention facilities was “common,” including 15.9 percent that considered it “very common.” Thirty-three women said they were raped at detention and prison facilities, 51 said they witnessed rapes in such facilities, and 25 said they heard of such cases. The assailants identified by the respondents were police agents–45.6 percent; guards–17.7 percent; secret police (bowiseong) agents –13.9 percent; and fellow detainees–1.3 percent. The 2014 KINU survey found 48.6 percent of the respondents said that rape and sexual harassment against women in North Korea was “common.”

    The North Koreans we spoke with stressed that women are socialized to feel powerless to demand accountability for sexual abuse and violence, and to feel ashamed when they are victims of abuse. They said the lack of rule of law and corresponding support systems for survivors leads most victims to remain silent–not seek justice and often not even talk about their experiences.

    While most of our interviewees left North Korea between2011 and 2016, and many of the abuses date from a year or more before their departure, all available evidence suggests that the abuses and near-total impunity enjoyed by perpetrators continue to the present.

    In July 2017, the North Korean government told the UN committee that monitors the implementation of the Convention on the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) that just nine people in all of North Korea were convicted of rape in 2008, seven in 2011, and five in 2015. The government said that the numbers of male perpetrators convicted for the crime of forcing a woman who is his subordinate to have sexual intercourse was five in 2008, six in 2011, and three in 2015. While North Korean officials seem to think such ridiculously low numbers show the country to be a violence-free paradise, the numbers are a powerful indictment of their utter failure to address sexual violence in the country.

    Sexual Abuse in Prisons and Detention Facilities

    Human Rights Watch interviewed eight former detainees or prisoners who said they experienced a combination of verbal and sexual violence, harsh questioning, and humiliating treatment by investigators, detention facility personnel, or prison guards that belong to the police or the secret police (bowiseong).

    Six interviewees had experienced sexual, verbal, and physical abuse in pre-trial detention and interrogation facilities (kuryujang)–jails designed to hold detainees during their initial interrogations, run by the MSS or the police. They said secret police or police agents in charge of their personal interrogation touched their faces and their bodies, including their breasts and hips, either through their clothes or by putting their hands inside their clothes.

    Human Rights Watch also documented cases of two women who were sexually abused at a temporary holding facility (jipkyulso) while detainees were being transferred from interrogation facilities (kuryujang) to detention facilities in the detainees’ home districts.

    Sexual Abuse of Women Engaged in Trade

    Human Rights Watch interviewed four women traders who experienced sexual violence, including rape, assault, and sexual harassment, as well as verbal abuse and intimidation, by market gate-keeper officials. We also interviewed 17 women who were sexually abused or experienced unwanted sexual advances by police or other officials as they traveled for their work as traders. Although seeking income outside the command economy was illegal, women started working as traders during the mass famine of the 1990s as survival imperatives led many to ignore the strictures of North Korea’s command economy. Since many married women were not obliged to attend a government-established workplace, they became traders and soon the main breadwinners for their families. But pursuing income in public exposed them to violence.

    Traders and former government officials told us that in North Korea traders are often compelled to pay bribes to officials and market regulators, but for women the “bribes” often include sexual abuse and violence, including rape. Perpetrators of abuses against women traders include high-ranking party officials, managers at state-owned enterprises, and gate-keeper officials at the markets and on roads and check-points, such as police, bowiseong agents, prosecutors, soldiers, and railroad inspectors on trains.

    Women who had worked as traders described unwanted physical contact that included indiscriminately touching their bodies, grabbing their breasts and hips, trying to touch them underneath their skirts or pants, poking their cheeks, pulling their hair, or holding their bodies in their arms. The physical harassment was often accompanied by verbal abuse and intimidation. Women also said it was common for women to try to help protect each other by sharing information about such things, such as which house to avoid because it is rumored that the owner is a rapist or a child molester, which roads not to walk on alone at night, or which local high-ranking official most recently sexually preyed upon women.

    Our research confirms a trend already identified in the UN COI report:

    Officials are not only increasingly engaging in corruption in order to support their low or non-existent salaries, they are also exacting penalties and punishment in the form of sexual abuse and violence as there is no fear of punishment. As more women assume the responsibility for feeding their families due to the dire economic and food situation, more women are traversing through and lingering in public spaces, selling and transporting their goods.

    The UN COI further found “the male dominated state, agents who police the marketplace, inspectors on trains, and soldiers are increasingly committing acts of sexual assault on women in public spaces” and “received reports of train guards frisking women and abusing young girls onboard.” This was described as “the male dominated state preying on the increasingly female-dominated market.”

    Almost all of the women interviewed by Human Rights Watch with trading experience said the only way not to fall prey to extortion or sexual harassment while conducting market activities was to give up hopes of expanding one’s business and barely scrape by, be born to a powerful father with money and connections, marry a man with power, or become close to one.

    Lack of Remedies

    Only one of the survivors of sexual violence Human Rights Watch interviewed for this report said she had tried to report the sexual assault. The other women said they did not report it because they did not trust the police and did not believe police would be willing to take action. The women said the police do not consider sexual violence a serious crime and that it is almost inconceivable to even consider going to the police to report sexual abuse because of the possible repercussions. Family members or close friends who knew about their experience also cautioned women against going to the authorities.

    Eight former government officials, including a former police officer, told Human Rights Watch that cases of sexual abuse or assault are reported to police only when there are witnesses and, even then, the reports invariably are made by third parties and not by the women themselves. Only seven of the North Korean women and men interviewed by Human Rights Watch were aware of cases in which police had investigated sexual violence and in all such cases the victims had been severely injured or killed.

    All of the North Koreans who spoke to Human Rights Watch said the North Korean government does not provide any type of psycho-social support services for survivors of sexual violence and their families. To make matters worse, they said, the use of psychological or psychiatric services itself is highly stigmatized.

    Two former North Korean doctors and a nurse who left after 2010 said there are no protocols for medical treatment and examination of victims of sexual violence to provide therapeutic care or secure medical evidence. They said there are no training programs for medical practitioners on sexual assault and said they never saw a rape victim go to the hospital to receive treatment.

    Discrimination Against Women

    Sex discrimination and subordination of women are pervasive in North Korean. Everyone in North Korea is subjected to a socio-political classification system, known as songbun, that grouped people from its creation into “loyal,” “wavering,” or “hostile” classes. But a woman’s classification also depends, in critical respects, on that of her male relatives, specifically her father and her father’s male relations and, upon marriage, that of her husband and his male relations. A woman’s position in society is lower than a man’s, and her reputation depends largely on maintaining an image of “sexual purity” and obeying the men in her family.

    The government is dominated by men. According to statistics provided by the DPRK government to the UN, as of 2016 women made up just 20.2 percent of the deputies selected, 16.1 percent of divisional directors in government bodies, 11.9 percent of judges and lawyers, 4.9 percent of diplomats, and 16.5 per cent of the officials in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

    On paper, the DPRK says that it is committed to gender equality and women and girl’s rights. The Criminal Code criminalizes rape of women, trafficking in persons, having sexual relations with women in a subordinate position, and child sexual abuse. The 2010 Law on the Protection and Promotion of the Rights of Women bans domestic violence. North Korea has also ratified five international human rights treaties, including ones that address women and girl’s rights and equality, such as the Convention on the Rights of the Child (CRC) and CEDAW.

    During a meeting of a North Korean delegation with the CEDAW Committee, which reviewed North Korean compliance between 2002 and 2015, government officials argued all of the elements of CEDAW had been included in DPRK’s domestic laws. However, under questioning by the committee, the officials were unable to provide the definition of “discrimination against women” employed by the DPRK.

    Park Kwang Ho, Councilor of the Central Court in the DPRK, stated that if a woman in a subordinate position was forced to engage in sexual relations for fear of losing her job or in exchange for preferential treatment, it was her choice as to whether or not she complied. Therefore, he argued, in such a situation the punishment for the perpetrator should be lighter. He later amended his statement to say that if she did not consent to having sexual relations, and was forced to do so, the perpetrator was committing rape and would be punished accordingly.

    https://www.hrw.org/report/2018/10/31/you-cry-night-dont-know-why/sexual-violence-against-women-north-korea
    #abus_sexuels #violence_sexuelle #viols #Corée_du_nord #femmes #rapport


  • Pendant ce temps, dans les lycées français...


    Il s’agit du livre de Français pour les classes de secondes de chez Magnard, programme 2011, en usage aujourd’hui.
    Donc du XVIIe au XXe siècle en France (pardon Shakespeare), la littérature a été l’œuvre des mâles... Parmi la centaine d’extraits cités dans le corps du livre, cinq sont tirés d’œuvres de femmes. Et dire que Simone trouvait les femmes écrivassières (cf. Le deuxième sexe)
    Ich weiß nicht, was soll es bedeuten, daß ich so traurig bin...
    (Je ne sais pas pourquoi je suis si triste...)
    #neiges_d'antan #invisibilisation_des_femmes


  • * Une députée LREM demande la position de la France sur la pénalisation de l’avortement en Andorre AFP - 31 Octobre 2018 - La croix
    https://www.la-croix.com/France/Politique/deputee-LREM-demande-position-France-penalisation-avortement-Andorre-2018-

    La députée LREM des Pyrénées-Orientales Laurence Gayte a demandé au gouvernement de préciser la position de la France sur la pénalisation de l’avortement dans la principauté d’Andorre, dont Emmanuel Macron est coprince, un des derniers États en Europe à interdire l’IVG.

    Dans une question écrite adressée au ministre de l’Europe et des Affaires étrangères Jean-Yves Le Drian, Mme Gayte précise que la principauté est « l’un des derniers États d’Europe - avec Malte, Saint-Marin et le Vatican - à interdire l’avortement, y compris en cas de viol, d’inceste, de maladie ou malformation du fœtus, ou de danger pour la vie de la mère ».

    « L’avortement y constitue un délit passible de six mois d’emprisonnement pour la femme enceinte, et de trois ans de prison et cinq ans d’interdiction d’exercice pour le médecin qui pratique l’intervention », ajoute Mme Gayte, membre de la délégation aux droits des femmes de l’Assemblée nationale et députée d’un département ayant une frontière commune avec la Principauté d’Andorre, rappelle-t-elle.

    Des femmes ont cependant recours à l’avortement, soit en se rendant en Espagne ou en France, soit « par des méthodes peu sûres ou clandestines », souligne la députée.

    Dans le cadre de la journée mondiale du droit à l’avortement, fin septembre, « de nombreuses Andorranes ont défilé dans les rues d’Andorre-la-Vieille afin de demander la dépénalisation de l’avortement dans leur pays », poursuit-elle dans sa question écrite. Elles souhaiteraient « savoir la position de la France sur cette question ».

    Lors de la manifestation, selon un correspondant de l’AFP, certaines affiches réclamaient « Pas de tutelle ni de l’État ni de l’Église » ou encore « Laissez vos chapelets en dehors de nos ovaires », en référence à la position anti-avortement d’un des deux coprinces d’Andorre, l’évêque d’Urgell Mgr Joan-Enric Vives.

    #Laurence_Gayte #Andorre #IVG #interdiction #emmanuel_macron #Andorre #Femmes #catholicisme #droits_des_femmes #religion #catholicisme


  • Le salariat comme au temps de Marx ?
    https://lecourrier.ch/2018/10/28/le-salariat-comme-au-temps-de-marx

    Les femmes ne sont pas considérées comme des travailleuses professionnelles, mais avant tout comme des ménagères et mères de famille. Leur légitimité trouve sa place dans l’espace domestique et non dans l’espace professionnel, et cela même si elles ont, de fait, toujours travaillé pour la production.

    Pour Silvia Federici6, cette division sexuelle du travail s’installe comme un élément fondamental dans le passage du féodalisme au capitalisme. Les relations de genre sont alors remodelées en profondeur, la lente exclusion des femmes du domaine public accompagnant l’émergence des rapports de production capitalistes.

    #production #reproduction #féminisme


  • Request a Scientist — 500 Women Scientists
    https://500womenscientists.org/request-a-scientist

    We need more women’s voices — in the media, at scientific conferences, at universities, in government. We, 500 Women Scientists, are creating a solution to this gender gap, from manels to largely male keynote speakers at scientific conferences to the prominence of males as policy makers.

    The Request a Woman Scientist platform connects our extensive multidisciplinary network of vetted women in science with anyone who needs to consult a scientist for a news story, invite a keynote speaker or panelist for a conference or workshop, find a woman scientist to collaborate on a project, or serve as a subject matter expert in any capacity. Importantly, 500 Women Scientists is committed to diversity and inclusion, not just in our scientific fields, but in our society as a whole.

    We are what a scientist looks like.

    #sciences #femmes #invisibilité_des_femmes




  • The Everyday Consumption of “#Whiteness”: The #Gaikokujin-fū (Foreign-Like) Hair Trend in Japan

    In feminist literature, the beauty and the fashion industries have at times been criticized for being one of the means through which women are objectified.1 Likewise, Critical Race Studies have often pinpointed how the existence of a global beauty industry has the effect of propagating Eurocentric beauty ideals.2 Throughout this article I aim to explore the complicated ways in which beauty and racialized categories intersect in Japan through an analysis of the female-targeted hair trend of the gaikokujin-fū (foreigner-like) hair.

    Essentialism is what prompts us to divide the world into two, “us” versus “them,” negating all that is in between the two categories or even changes within the categories themselves. Although this binary thinking has been subject to criticism by various disciplines, such as Critical Race Studies and Postcolonial Studies, it is still among the dominant ways in which human relations are performed in Japanese society. The essentialistic opposing duality between Foreignness and Japaneseness has been constructed in post-war Japan through widespread discourses known by the name nihonjinron (lit. the theories on the Japanese).3 Even though it could be understood as a powerful reply to American racism towards the Japanese, nihonjinron only confirms stereotypes by reversing their value, from negative to positive. Moreover, these theories have had the effect of emphasizing Japanese racial and cultural purity through the alienation and exoticization of the other, most often represented by the white “Westerner”4 (obeijin, seiyōjin, hakujin).

    The ambivalent exoticism that surrounds the foreigner (gaikokujin) has made it possible for racialised categories and consumerism to intersect in the archipelago. The beauty industry is particularly susceptible to the segmentation between “self” and “other,” and the global white hegemony has a certain influence over it. However, as Miller rightly observes, dominant beauty standards in Japan are equally influenced by local values of “Japaneseness.”5 Torigoe goes even farther: in her essay, she positions whiteness as a power relation and through her analysis she demonstrates how white women are constructed as Others in Japanese media representations, thus creating “a racial ladder that places Japanese people on top.”6 The link between whiteness and widespread beauty practices has been criticized also in studies of the neighbouring country of Korea, with scholars arguing that cosmetic surgeries in the country are successful only if they enhance the body’s natural “Koreanness.”7

    My aim in this paper is to tackle the capitalistic commercialization and fetishization of whiteness in contemporary Japan. As it will become clear throughout the analysis, the Japanese beauty industry is creating a particular image of whiteness that is suitable to the consumers’ needs and desires: this toned-down, less threating way of becoming “foreigner-like” is marketed as an accessory that far from overriding one’s natural features, is instrumental in accentuating and valorizing them. Investigating the peculiar position of this beauty trend, which has been affected by the influence of the two contrasting hegemonic discourses of white supremacy and the purity/superiority of the Japanese race, might be helpful in shedding some light on the increasingly complicated ways the concept of race is being constructed in a setting that has been often considered “other” to the Eurocentric gaze.

    Whiteness and the Global Beauty Industry

    Beauty is an important practice in our daily life, and as such it has been at the center of animated discussions about its social function. Seen as one of the practices through which gender is performed, it has been put into scrutiny by feminist literature. The approach used to analyze beauty has been dualistic. On the one hand, the beauty and fashion industries have been criticized for being among the reasons of women’s subordination, depriving them financially8 and imposing on them male normative standards of beauty.9 On the other, it has been cited as one of the ways in which female consumers could express their individuality in an oppressive world.10

    The increasingly globalized beauty and fashion industries have also been subjects of criticism from the viewpoint of Critical Race Studies. It is not uncommon to hear that these industries are guilty of spreading Eurocentric tastes, thus privileging pale-skinned, thin women with light hair.11 The massive sale of skin-whitening creams in Asia and Africa as well as the creation of new beauty standards that privilege thinness over traditionally preferred plump forms are often cited to defend this argument. At the same time, there have been instances in which this denouncing of Eurocentrism itself has been charged guilty of the same evil. Practices such as plastic surgery in South Korea and Japanese preference for white skin have been often criticized as being born out of the desire to be “Western”: these analyses have been contested as simplistic and ignoring the cultural significance of local standards of beauty in shaping beauty ideals.12

    Answers to these diatribes have not been yet found.13 It is nonetheless clear that beauty practices articulate a series of complex understandings about gender and race, often oscillating between particularisms and universalisms. Throughout this article I would like to contribute to this ongoing discussion analyzing how pre-existing notions of race and gender intersect and are re-shaped in a newly emerging trend aptly called gaikokujin-fū (foreigner-like) hair.

    Us/Others in Japan: The Essentialization of the Foreign
    Japan and the tan’itsu minzoku

    It is not uncommon to hear that Japan is one of the most ethnically homogenous countries in the world. In Japanese, the locution tan’itsu minzoku (single/unique ethnic group, people, nation), was often used as a slogan when comparing the archipelago with significantly multi-ethnic countries such as the USA.14 The notion of Japan as a mono-ethnic country is being starkly criticized in recent years:15 minorities such as the zainichi Koreans and Chinese who have been living in the country since the end of the second world war, the conspicuous populations of foreign immigrants from Asia and Latin America, as well as mixed-race people, who were thought of as a social problem until these last ten years,16 have been making their voices heard. In the following paragraphs, I will trace how the idea of a racially homogeneous Japan was constructed.

    The word minzoku (ethnic group, people, nation) first appeared in the Japanese language in the Taishō Period (1912-1926), as an alternative to the term jinshū (race).17 The concept of race did not exist prior to the Meiji period (1868-1912), when it was introduced by scholars as one of the ideas from the “West” that would have helped Japan become a modernized nation.18 It could be argued that while the opening up of Japan after the sakoku period was not the first time that the Japanese government had to interact with people of different racial features,19 it was the first time that the idea of racial hierarchies were introduced to the country. Japanese scholars recognized themselves to be part of the ōshoku jinshū (“yellow race”), hierarchically subordinate to the “white race.”20 With rising nationalism and the beginning of the colonization project during the Taishō period, the need arose for a concept that could further differentiate the Japanese people from the neighboring Asian countries such as the newly annexed Taiwan and Korea:21 the newly created minzoku fit this purpose well. Scholar Kawai Yuko compared the term to the German concept of Volk, which indicates a group whose identity is defined by shared language and culture. These traits are racialized, as they are defined as being “biological,” a natural component of the member of the ethnic group who acquires them at birth.22 It was the attribution of these intrinsic qualities that allowed the members of the naichi (mainland Japan) to be assigned in a superior position to the gaichi (colonies). Interestingly, the nationalistic discourse of the pre-war and of the war period had the double intent of both establishing Japanese supremacy and legitimizing its role as a “guide” for the colonies grounding it in their racial affinities: unlike the conquerors from Europe, the Japanese were of similar breed.

    These hierarchies were ultimately dissociated from the term minzoku after the end of the Second World War, when it was appropriated by Leftist discourse. Opposing it to ta-minzoku (multiethnic nation or people)23

    that at the time implied divisions and inequalities and was perceived as a characteristic of the Japanese Empire, Left-leaning intellectuals advocated a tan’itsu minzoku nation based on equality. The Leftist discourse emphasized the need of the “Japanese minzoku” to stand up to the American occupation, but the term gradually lost its critical nuance when Japan reached economic prosperity and tan’itsu minzoku came to mean racial homogeneity as a unique characteristic of Japanese society, advocated by the Right.24

    Self-Orientalism

    The term minzoku might have “lost his Volk-ish qualities,”25 but homogeneity in Japan is also perceived to be of a cultural nature. Sociologists Mouer and Sugimoto26 lament that many Japanese people believe to be the carriers of an “unique” and essentialized cultural heritage, that renders them completely alien to foreigners. According to the two scholars, the distinctive qualities that have been usually (self-)ascribed to Japanese people are the following: a weak individuality, the tendency to act in groups, and the tendency to privilege harmony in social situations.27 Essentialized “Japaneseness” is a mixture of these psychological traits with the products of Japanese history and culture. The perception that Japaneseness is ever unchanging and a cultural given of each Japanese individual was further increased by the popularity of the nihonjinron discourse editorial genre, which gained mass-media prominence in the archipelago after the 1970s along with Japan’s economic growth.28 Drawing on Said’s notion of Orientalism,29 Miller states that “in the case of Japan, we have to deal […] with the spectacle of a culture vigorously determined to orientalize itself.”30 According to Roy Miller, Japan has effectively constructed Japaneseness through a process of self-othering, which he refers to as self-Orientalism. The nihonjinron publications were very much influenced by cultural anthropologist Ruth Benedict’s highly influential “The Chrysanthemum and the Sword,” published in 1946. Benedict’s study of the “Japanese people” is based on the assumption that the USA and Japan are polar opposites where the former stands for modernity and individualism whereas the latter is characterized by tradition and groupism.31

    Japanese anthropologists and psychoanalysts, such as Nakane and Doi32 further contributed to the study of Japaneseness, never once challenging the polar opposition between the “Japanese” and the “Westernerners.”

    It would seem contradictory at first for a large number of people in Japan to have this tendency to think and consume their own culture through stereotypes. However, Iwabuchi draws attention to the fact that Japan’s self-Orientalism is not just a passive acceptance of “Western” values but is in fact used to assert the nation’s cultural superiority. It remains nonetheless profoundly complicit with Euro-American Orientalism insofar that it is an essentializing and reifying process: it erases all internal differences and external similarities.33 This essentialization that Japan is capitalizing on proves fundamental for the “West,” as it is the tool through which it maintains its cultural hegemony.

    Images of the Foreigner

    Images of the foreigner are not equal, and they form an important node in the (self-)Orientalistic relations that Japan entertains with the rest of the world. An essentialized view of both the Euro-American and Asian foreigner functions in different ways as a counterweight to the “we-Japanese” (ware ware Nihonjin) rhethoric.

    In the Japanese language, gaikokujin (foreigner) refers to every person who doesn’t have the same nationality as the country she/he lives in.34 The term gaikokujin does not have racial connotations and can be used to effectively describe anyone that is not a Japanese citizen. However, the racially-charged related term gaijin35 refers especially to the “white” foreigner.36 Written very similarly to gaikokujin, the word gaijin actually has a different origin and the double meaning of “foreigner” and “outsider.” The word carries strong implications of “othering,” and refers to the construction of the Europe and America as other to the young nation-state in the Meiji period, during which knowledge was routinely imported from the “West.”37 Thus, gaijin and the representation of foreigners-as-other came to reflect the dominant hierarchies of nineteenth-century “Western” knowledge.38

    Putting every white-skinned individual in the same category functions as a strategy to create the antithetical “West” that is so important as a marker of difference in self-Orientalism: it serves to create an “Other” that makes it possible to recognize the “Self.”39 At the same time, it perpetuates the perception of whiteness as the dominant position in America and Europe. In her analysis on the use of foreigner models in Japanese advertisements, Creighton notes that representation of gaijin positions them both as a source of innovation and style and as a potential moral threat.40

    This splitting is not uncommon when dealing with representations of the Other. What generates it is the fetishistic component that is always present in the stereotype.41 Bhabha argues that this characteristic allows the Other to be understood in a contradictory way as a source of both pleasure and anxiety for the Non-Other. Stuart Hall draws on Bhabha’s theories to state that the stereotype makes it so that this binary description can be the only way in which is possible to think of the Other–they generate essentialized identities.42 In the Japanese context, the gaijin, fulfilling his role as a racially visible minority,43 is thus inscribed in the double definition of source of disruption and person to admire (akogare no taishō).

    Whiteness in the Japanese Context

    Akogare (admiration, longing, desire) is a word that young women44 in Japan often use when talking about the “white, Western” foreigner. Kelsky explains that the word indicates the longing for something that is impossible to obtain and she maintains that “it is a rather precise gloss […] of the term “desire” in Lacanian usage. […] Desire arises from lack and finds expression in the fetish. The fetish substitutes the thing that is desired but impossible to obtain.”45 Fulfilment of this unattainable desire can be realized through activities such as participation in English conversation classes and engaging in conversation with “Western” people.46 The consumption of “Western” images and representations as well as everyday practices associated with the Euro-American foreigner could also be considered a fetish that substitutes the unattainable object of desire. In this sense, the gaikokujin-fū hairstyle trend might be for the producers one such way of catering to young Japanese women’s akogare for the “Western” world.

    Gaikokujin-fū is inextricably connected to gaijin, “white” foreigners. For instance, the Hair Encyclopedia section of the website Hotpepper Beauty reports two entries with the keyword gaikokujin-fū: gaikokujin-fū karā (foreigner-like color) and gaikokujin-fū asshu (foreigner-like ash). The “color” entry states the following:

    Gaikokujin-fū karā means, as the name suggests, a dye that colors the hair in a tint similar to that of foreigners. The word “foreigner” here mostly stands for people with white skin and blond hair that are usually called “American” and “European.”47

    Similarly, the “ash” entry explains the following:

    The coloring that aims for the kind of blond hair with little red pigments that is often found among Americans is called gaikokujin-fū asshu.

    Asshu means “grey” and its characteristic is to give a slightly dull (dark?) impression. It fits well with many hairstyles ranging from short cuts to long hair, and it can be done in a way to make you look like a “western” hāfu (mixed race individual).

    It is clear from these descriptions that the term gaikokujin-fū is racially charged. What hairdresser discourse is trying to reproduce is a kind of hair color associated with America and Europe’s Caucasian population. They are selling “whiteness.”

    Writing from the viewpoint of multicultural England, Dyer writes that the study of the representation of white people is important because “as long as white people are not racially seen and named, they/we function as a human norm.”49 White discourse is ubiquitous, and it is precisely this unmarked invisibility that makes it a position of dominance. The representation of people belonging to minority groups is inevitably marked or tied to their race or skin color, but Caucasians are often “just people.” At the base of white privilege there is this characteristic of universality that is implied in whiteness.

    The marked positioning of the white foreigner in Japanese society would seem an exception to this rule. Torigoe, while acknowledging that the Japanese media “saturated [her] with images of young white females as the standard of beauty,”50 analyzes in her article how white beauty actually embodies values such as overt sexual attractiveness that would be considered deviant or over the top by standard societal norms.51 Likewise, Russell points to the scrutiny that the bodies of the white female woman receive on Japanese mass media, dominated by a male gaze. White females become subject to the sexual curiosity of the Japanese male, and being accompanied by one of them often makes him look more sophisticated and competitive in a globalized world.52 As the most easily, less controversially portrayed Other through which Japanese self-identity is created, the white individual is often subject to stereotyping and essentialization. Russell notes this happening in both advertisement and the portrayal of white local celebrities, that assume even “whiter” characteristics in order to better market their persona in the Japanese television environment.

    However, it is my opinion that we must be careful to not be exceedingly uncritical of the marginality that Caucasians are subject to in Japanese society. I argue that whiteness is in an ambiguous position in the Japanese context: it would be wrong to say that in the archipelago white people do not benefit from the privileges that have accompanied their racialization up to the present times. The othering processes that whites are subject to is more often than not related to them being brought up and representing a different culture than to their racial difference.54 The word hakujin (lit. white person) is barely used in everyday conversation, whereas it is more common to hear the term kokujin (lit. black person): white people are not reduced to their racial characteristics in the same way as black people might be.55 Whiteness might not be the completely hegemonic in the Japanese context, but the country does not exist in a vacuum, and its standards have been influenced by the globally hegemonic white euro-centric values to some extent.

    To reiterate, white people in the Japanese archipelago experience the contradictory position of being a visible minority subject to reifying “othering” processes while at the same time reaping many of the benefits and privileges that are usually associated with the color of their skin. They are socially and politically located at the margins but are a hegemonic presence in the aesthetic consciousness as an ideal to which aspire to. In the following sections, I will expand on gaikokujin’s ambiguous location by looking at the ways in which whiteness is consumed through the gaikokujin-fū hairstyle trend.

    Producing Whiteness: Selling gaikokujin-fū Hair
    Creating the “New”

    In order to understand the meanings shaping the catchphrase gaikokujin-fū, I have used a mixture of different approaches. My research began by applying the methods of Visual Analysis56 to the latest online promotional material. I have tried to semiotically analyze the pictures on the websites in relation to the copywriting. In addition, I have complemented it with fieldwork, interviewing a total of seven hairdressers and four girls aged from 20 to 2457 in the period between April and June 2017. It was while doing fieldwork that I realized how important social networking is for the establishment of contemporary trends: this is frequently acknowledged also in the press by textually referencing hashtags.58 Instagram is a very important part of Japanese girls’ everyday life, and is used both as a tool for self-expression/self-promotion as well as a compass to navigate the ever-growing ocean of lifestyle trends. Japanese internet spaces had been previously analyzed as relatively closed spaces created and accessed by predominantly Japanese people, and this had implications on how online discourses about races were carried on.59 However, being a predominantly visual medium, Instagram also functions as a site where information can, to a large extent, overcome language barriers.

    The gaikokujin-fū hashtag counts 499,103 posts on Instagram, whereas 381,615 pictures have been tagged gaikokujin-fū karā.60 Most of them are published by professional whose aim is to publicize their work, and it is not uncommon to find pricing and information for booking in the description.

    Scrolling down the results of the Instagram search, it is easy to notice the high number of back and profile shots; what the hairdressers are trying to show through these pictures is their hairdressing skills. By cutting out the face they are putting the hair itself at the center of the viewer’s attention and eliminating any possibility of identification. The aim here is to sell “whiteness” as an object. The trendsetters are capitalizing on a term (gaikokujin-fū) that has already an appealing meaning outside the field of hair coloring, and that is usually associated with the wider desire or longing (akogare) for “Western” people, culture and lifestyle.

    To the non-initiated, the term gaikokujin-fū might indicate anything that is not “Japanese like” such as curly hair, or blonde hair. However, it became clear when speaking to my hairdresser informants that they only used the term referring to the ash-like coloring. Professionals in the field are reclaiming it to define a new, emerging niche of products that only started appearing a couple of years ago.61 In doing so, Japanese hairdressers are creating a new kind of “whiteness” that goes beyond the “Western” cultural conception of white as blonde and blue-eyed, in order to make it more acceptable to Japanese societal standards. In fact, fair hair is considered extremely unnatural.62 The advantage that ash brown hair has over blonde is the relatively darker shade that allows consumers to stand out without being completely out of place.63

    However, gaikokujin-fū hair comes at a cost. All of my informants told me during the interviews that the colors usually associated with this trend involve dyes have a blue or green base, and are very difficult to recreate on most people of the East Asia whose naturally black hair has a red base. The difficulty they experienced in reproducing the Ash (asshu) and Matt colors on Japanese hair constituted a fundamental charm point for hair technicians, and precisely because of this being able to produce a neat ash coloring might be considered synonymous with keeping on pace with the last technology in hair dying. The Wella “Illumina Color”64 series came out in September 2015, while Throw,65 a Japanese-produced series of hair dyes that eliminate the reddish undertones of Japanese black hair, went on sale very recently in June 2016.66 Another Japanese maker, Milbon, released its “Addichty Color”67 series as recently as February 2017. The globally dominant but locally peripheral whiteness has been “appropriated” and domesticated by Japanese hairdressers as a propeller of the latest trends, as a vital tool in creating the “new.”

    To summarize, the technological developments in hair dyes certainly gave a big push to the popularizing of the gaikokujin-fū hairstyle trend. Moreover, in a very chicken-and-egg-like fashion, the technological advancing itself was at the same time motivated by the admiration and desire towards Euro-American countries. However, this desire for “Westerness” does not entail adopting whiteness in its essentialized “purest” form,68 as that would have negative implications in the context of Japanese society. Rather, Japanese trendsetters have operated a selection and chosen the variant of whiteness that would be different enough to allow the creation of the “latest” while minimizing its more threatening aspects.
    Branding the “New”

    In the previous section I mentioned the fact that most of pictures posted on the social network Instagram serve to amplify and diffuse existing values for consumption, and constantly refer to a set of meanings that are generated elsewhere reifying them. Throughout this section I will examine the production of these values through the branding of the aforementioned hair dye brands: Wella’s “Illumina Color,” THROW, and Milbon’s “Addichty Color.”

    Wella’s “Illumina Color” offers an interesting case study as it is produced by an American multinational brand. Comparing the Japanese website with the international one, it is clear that we have before our eyes a prime example of “glocalization.”69 While on the international webpage70 the eye-catch is a picture of a white, blue-eyed blonde woman that sports an intricate braided hairstyle with some purplish accents in the braid, the Japanese71 version features a hāfu-like72 young woman with long, flowing straight dark brown hair. The description of the product also contains the suggestive sentence “even the hard and visible hair typical of the Japanese [can become] of a pale, soft color.” The keywords here are the terms hard (katai) and soft (yawaraka). Hardness is defined as being a characteristic typical of the Japanese hair texture (nihonjin tokuyū) and it is opposed to the desired effect, softness. The sentence implies by contrasting the two terms that softness is not a characteristic of Japanese hair, and the assumption could be taken further to understand that it is a quality typical of the “foreign.” Perhaps unsurprisingly, the international webpage contains no such reference and instead vaguely praises the hair dye’s ability to provide a light color. The visuals of the latter are consistent with Dyer’s definition of whiteness.

    Unlike Wella, Milbon and beauty experience are Japanese companies, and their products ORDEVE Addichty and THROW are only geared to the Japanese marketplace. Milbon’s ORDEVE Addichty dye series is the most recent of the two. The product’s promotional webpage is almost entirely composed of pictures: the top half features 14 moving pictures, two for each of the seven colours available. The pictures slide in a way that shows the customer all the four sides of the model’s bust up, and each one of the girls is holding a sign with the name of the product. To the center left, we see a GIF image with the name of the brand in the roman and Japanese alphabet, accompanied by the catchphrase hajimete mitsukaru, atarashii watashirashisa (“I found it for the first time, a new way of being myself”), that slides into another text-filled picture that explains the concepts behind the branding.

    Occidental-like (ōbeijin) voluminous hair with a shine (tsuya) never seen before. This incredible feeling of translucence (tōmeikan) that even shows on your Instagram [pictures], will receive a lot of likes from everybody. Let’s find the charm of a freer myself with Addichty color!

    The red-diminishing dyes are here associated with both physical and ideological characteristics identified as “Western,” like the “feeling of translucence” (tōmeikan)73 and “freedom” (jiyū). The word tōmeikan is a constant of technical descriptions of gaikokujin-fū and it is generally very difficult for the hairdressers to explain what does it mean. My hairdresser informant N. quickly explained to me that having translucent hair means to have a hair color that has a low red component. Informants H. and S., also hair professionals, further explained that translucency is a characteristic typical of hair that seems to be semi-transparent when hit by light. While in the English-speaking world it would certainly be unusual to positively describe somebody’s hair as translucent, tōmeikan is a positive adjective often used as a compliment in other different contexts and it indicates clarity and brightness. In fact, the Japanese Daijisen dictionary lists two definitions for translucent, the second of which reads “clear, without impurities.”74 It is perhaps in relation to this meaning that the melanin-filled black core of the Japanese hair is considered “heavy” (omoi) and strong. Reddish and lighter brown colors are also defined in the same way. What is more, even hair colors at the other end of the spectrum can be “muddy”(nigori no aru): blonde hair is also described as such.75 It is clear that while tōmeikan is a quality of “occidental hair,” it is not a characteristic of all the shades that are usually associated with whiteness.

    In the last sentence, “freedom” is linked to charm (miryoku) and the individual. These three concepts are also very often associated with the foreigner. The freedom of the gaijin is a freedom from social constraints and from the sameness that pervades dominant representations of Japaneseness.76 Individualism is further emphasized by the pronoun “myself,” which in the original Japanese is a possessive pronoun to the word “charm” (miryoku). As a word, miryoku has an openly sexual connotation, and because of this it might be linked to the concept of “foreignness.” As Torigoe found out in her analysis of Japanese advertisements, white women are often represented as a sexualized counterpart to the more innocent Japanese woman.77 Gaikokujin-fū hair offers customers the possibility to become closer to obtaining this sexiness, that distances the self from the monotone standards of society.

    Of the three, THROW is possibly the most interesting to analyze, mostly because of the huge quantity of content they released in order to strengthen the brand image. In addition to the incredibly detailed homepage, they are constantly releasing new media contents related to gaikokujin-fū coloring on their “THROW Journal.”78

    The “story” page of the website serves as an explanation of the brand identity. It is a vertically designed page heavy on images, possibly designed to be optimally visualized in mobile devices such as smartphones and tablets. The first image that the viewer encounters is that of a girl whose brown hair is flowing in the wind, which results in some strands covering the features of her pale-white face. This makes it hard to understand her nationality and makes it so that all the attention is focused on the light, airy qualities of the hair. As I said before, “lightness” (karusa) is associated to translucency and is one of the characteristics at the center of the marketing of gaikokujin-fū. This picture very clearly renders those sensations in a way that is very pleasant to the eye and indeed invites consumption.

    Under the picture we find a very short narration that complements it. In bigger characters, the words dare de mo nai, watashi ni naru, that roughly translates as “I’ll become a myself, that is nobody else.” Here again we find an emphasis on individuality and difference. Scrolling down, we find the following paragraph written in a smaller font:

    I leave my body to the blowing wind.

    My hair is enveloped in light, and is filled by the pleasant air.

    What I needed was this [facial] expression.

    I got rid of what I did not need, and refreshingly freed my mind.

    Gracefully, freely.

    I should just enjoy myself more.79

    Unlike the tagline in the Addichty webpage, THROW’s brand identity is here described in ideological terms only. Once again, “freedom” is the central theme, and is associated with a sensation of freshness (kaze, “the wind”; also, the onomatopoeia sutto, here rendered as “refreshingly”). The image of release is further emphasized by the fact that “I” of this text is in close contact with nature: her skin feels the wind, she is shrouded in light and breathes pure air. But what is the subject being released from? The fourth and the last line would suggest that she is being trapped by social constraints, something akin to the Freudian super-ego, that somehow renders her unable to enjoy herself for what she really is. My literal translation of the sixth line makes it hard to understand the hedonistic implications of its meaning: what the original Japanese implies is not simply that she should “have fun,” but she should be finding pleasure in what she is and not what she is expected to be. It is perhaps strange to the eyes of the Euro-American observer accustomed to the discourse of white supremacy that the consumption of whiteness comes with an invitation to spontaneity. The whiteness being sold here is certainly perceived in a radically different way from the Eurocentric “West,” where it is associated with self-constraint.80 It is being marketed to the Japanese public in a way that reminds the portrayal of minorities in the white-dominated world,81 and that makes it particularly appealing to the archipelago’s consumers.

    Listening to the producers’ interviews, it becomes clear for them that the red pigments of the hair, as a symbol of this self-Orientalistically represented “Japaneseness” are represented as a further constraint. Producer Kimura Naoto speaks of a “liberation from redness for the women who hate it”;82 fellow member of the production team Horiuchi brings up the ever-present desire in Japanese women to “become like foreigners,”83 but neither of the two explains the connection between the deletion of red pigments from the hair and the possibility of becoming foreigner-like. It is perhaps this lack of an explicit connection in an explanation from an expert that makes it perceived as an “obvious truth.” In fact, nobody seems to refer to the fact that red undertones are common overseas as well, not to mention the existence of redheads in predominantly Caucasian regions. By hiding these facts, the red pigments are constructed as something that is peculiarly Japanese and juxtaposed to the exclusively foreign blue pigments, further contributing to the essentializing of the gaikokujin that propels self-Orientalism.

    Consuming Whiteness: Gaikokujin-fū and Everyday Life

    To understand the ways that gaikokujin-fū was being interpreted and consumed I conducted fieldwork for two months (April-June 2017) in Tokyo. Engaging in participant observation proved to be relatively easy, since superficial conversation about beauty trends is one of the most common ways that young women around my age use to socialize. Most of my peers were very quick to react every time I lightly introduced the subject. However, due to the perceived “lightness” of the topic, not many people showed to be willing to talk prolongedly about it. This prompted me to supplement the fieldwork with semi-structured interviews I conducted with four people aged 20-22.

    The general reaction to the gaikokujin-fū buzzword was one of recognition–the existence of the trend was acknowledged both by people who were actually familiar with it as well as by others who were not really interested but had seen the phrase and recognized a more general idea behind it. As the reader might expect after having gone through the previous chapter, consumers of gaikokujin-fū hair all brought up the difficulties they had in obtaining the desired results. When I first contacted K., a 23-year-old university student in Tokyo, she told me to wait till the following week for the interview since she had an appointment to dye her hair of an ash-like color. Seven days later, I was surprised to see that her hair had not changed much. Turns out that her virgin hair was a very difficult base to work with: having never bleached it, it proved to be very resistant to blue-green dyes. Dying the hair of an ash-like color would have been impossible as the naturally red pigments of the hair would have completely nullified the effect.

    Whiteness as Empowerment, Whiteness as Difference

    K. was nonetheless very accommodating and answered my questions very enthusiastically. To her, the word gaikokujin had indeed a very positive meaning, and she specifically associated it to difference. My informant used a very harsh word when talking about her fellow Japanese: to her, Japanese style equals mass-production. Her image of Japan was perfectly congruent with those described by Mouer and Sugimoto in their critique of Nihonjinron. “Ordinary” Japanese girls were, in her opinion, the cutesy and quiet girls with straight black hair and bangs covering their foreheads. Why did she feel attracted to gaikokujin-fū in the first place? K. felt that the “traditional” Japanese image was constraining, and she had both very physical and empirical reasons (she does not like face with bangs) as well as a specific ideological background. It is worth nothing here that K. has had since her childhood a very strong akogare towards “Western countries”: she has studied English since she was a small child and is now studying Italian, which led her to spend a year abroad in the University of Venice. Moreover, she attended a very liberal protestant high school in Tokyo, where students were allowed to dye their hair and had no obligation to wear the school uniform. She herself stated that the liberal environment she was brought up in had a huge influence on her view of the world and thus she did not feel the need to “conform.” K. speaks from a privileged position that allowed her to glimpse a “different” world, in which she is promised freedom. In a similar fashion to the representations I analysed in the previous chapter, “Western” foreign becomes a symbol of liberation from the societal constraints of a traditionalistic society.

    The liberating qualities of the akogare towards the essentialized “Western” foreign have been brought up in previous research as a space for young women to astray themselves from the hierarchies of everyday life. The link between freedom and diversity was indeed particularly strong in K., who feels somehow “oppressed” by certain aspects of society. However, this is far from being a universal mode of consumption: in fact, the other three girls never even mentioned anything ideological. To S., a 22-year-old girl I met while studying in Tokyo two years ago, dying her hair of an ash-like hue was an act genuinely finalized to the enhancement of her beauty: she thought the color made her face look brighter. While she too stated during the interview that foreigners are viewed as cool and fashionable, she did not allude to a desire to “become” one nor she mentioned any ideological values associated with them that she emphasized with. In her everyday practice, whiteness is consumed as a tool regardless of its hegemonic signified. Informants A. and H. talked about the trend in a similar way. H. initially dyed her hair because she liked how cute ash hair looked on her favourite model, and had little more to say other than that. Her friend A., who recently graduated from a fashion school, confessed that in her environment standing out was more the rule than a subversive act. Her ash phase was brief and followed by even more explosive hues such as blue and pink. S., A., and H., were very much less conscious of their ways of consumption, but, as French theorist Michel de Certeau argues,84 it is precisely the aimlessness of their wandering that make their practices subvert the hegemony established by the global white supremacy. Having gaikokujin-fū hair is one of the strategies that Japanese women have at their disposition to attain beauty, and while it is trendy, it is far from being superior to different styles. Whiteness becomes an accessory that enhances the natural beauty of the self, and it is not employed to override one’s original racial features but rather to enrich them through the display of individuality. Under this light, it is possible to see the consumption of foreign-like hair as an unconscious tentative of overcoming the racialized barriers that might generate uncanny feelings in the eyes of the “white” spectator.

    Subdued Subversion and the Ambiguities of Consumption

    There are however at least two factors that complicate the consumption of gaikokujin-fū hair, making it a multifaceted and complex process. Firstly, during my interview with K. we discussed the differences between this and other fashion trends that tend to refuse the stereotypical sameness of the constructed Japanese image. K. suggested the existence of an even more individualistic trend–Harajuku–style fashion. The Harajuku district of Tokyo is famous world-wide for hosting a wide range of colourful subcultures,85 which my interviewee described with terms such as dokusouteki (creative) and yancha (mischievous). Harajuku fashion is individuality taken to such a level in which it becomes even more openly contestant of society. S. described these subcultures as referencing the image of “an invented fantasy world, completely out of touch with reality.” The gaikokujin-fū hair colour is indeed a way to break out of the “factory mould,” but it is a relatively tame way of doing it as it is the consumption of a domesticized otherness. As I also pointed out during the analysis of the production processes, the aesthetics of the trend are largely shaped in relation to societal norms and purposely do not excessively break out of them. Especially in its darker tones, foreign-like ash hair is visually closer (albeit chemically harder to obtain) than platinum blonde, and it is precisely in these shades that the hue is being consumed by girls like K. and S.

    Furthermore, one could say that Gaikokujin-fū hues can at times be experimentations instrumental to the formation of one’s identity. H. and S. both explained that they tried out ash dyes as a phase, only then to move on to something that they thought better reflected their own selves. In both cases, that meant going back to their natural black color and to darker tones. H., in particular, after spending her three years of freedom in university experimenting with various hues, finally concluded in her fourth and final year that natural black hair was “what suits Japanese people best.”. After trying out the “Other” and recognizing it as such, her identification acted as what Stuart Hall might have called a suture between her as an acting subject and the discursive practices of “Japaneseness.”86 As “foreignness,” and whiteness as one of its variants, cannot be easily conceived outside the dominant self-Orientalistic discourses, even gaikokujin-fū is inevitably bound to the essentialized “Japaneseness” of the Nihonjinron. This is only worsened by the fact that foreign-like hair colors are a product in the beauty market: they need to be marketed to the consumers, and this necessitates simplification. Essentialization and the reinforcement of self-Orientalism are the high prices that one must pay for the consumption of the other, and constitute a big limitation of its subversive power.

    Conclusion

    I have attempted to analyse the ways in which whiteness is produced and consumed in Japan, a country with significant economic and cultural power that does not have a significant Caucasian population. I have chosen as the topic a feature of the human body that is usually considered peripherical to the construction of racialized categories, and I have attempted to demonstrate how it becomes central in the production of an occidentalistic image of “whiteness” in the Japanese Archipelago.

    What this trend helps us to understand is the complexities and multiplicities of whiteness. By shedding some light on the way that hairdressers in Japan construct and sell the gaikokujin-fū trend we become aware of the fact that an aspect such as hair color that we do not usually pay much attention to in relation to this racialized category can be central when the same is consumed in a different setting. It is significant that what is being marketed here it is a slightly different paradigm from the Eurocentric or conventional idea of “white” people, that sees at its center blonde-haired, fair-skinned people with blue or green eyes: whiteness is mitigated and familiarized in order to make it more desirable to wider audiences. Its localized production and its consumption as a disposable accessory might be taken as challenging to the global dominance of Caucasian aesthetic.

    Acting in the (locally) ambiguous field of racial representations,87 hairdressers in Japan are creating their own whiteness, one that is starkly defined by what is socially acceptable and what is rejected.88 It thus becomes apparent the fact that racialized categories are nothing but discourses, constantly morphing in relation to time and space. The existence of a different whiteness created by and for the use of people who are not considered as belonging to this racialized category creates conflict with the discourse of a global, hegemonic whiteness by demonstrating its artificiality and construction.

    However, the use of the word gaikokujin inevitably generates ambivalent meanings. The trend becomes linked to the discourse of “foreignness” and the desires associated with it. Eventually, it ends up reproducing the essentialist and reifying stereotypes that are creating through the occidentalistic (and self-Orientalistic) practices of nihonjinron. The trend potentially reinforces the “us/them” barriers that are at the basis of essentialistic thought by juxtaposing the desired “foreign hair” as a polar opposite of the more conservative and traditional “Japanese hair.”

    To reiterate, gaikokujin-fū might be subversive on the global scale, but it is nonetheless an expression of the oppressive mainstream on the local level, as it restates notions of difference and exclusivity that form the basis for social exclusion of phenotypically alien foreigners. Unfortunately, the practices of marketing necessitate simplifications, and makes it is hard to achieve what I believe would be the most subversive action: the elimination of these reifying barriers. It is imperative that we start to think about ways to talk about race and culture in a non-essentializing manner while maintaining an anti-white-centric stance.

    Although the problem of essentialization cannot be resolved by looking at representation only, by looking at how the product is effectively consumed in everyday life we might find that these semi-conscious practices already offer some hints on how to overcome the barriers that reification builds around us. It is indeed true that consumers answer to the “call” of the marketers, and that they identify themselves to some extent with the images of racialized whiteness created by the beauty industry. However, what the interviews revealed is that often times the link between image and product is broken in the immediacy of consumption. By using whiteness as an accessory, some of the consumers open up a space in which they contest the seriousness and rigidity of racialized categories–a space that allows hybridity to exist.


    http://zapruderworld.org/journal/archive/volume-4/the-everyday-consumption-of-whiteness-the-gaikokujin-fu-foreign-like-
    #corps #beauté #femmes #géographie_culturelle #japon #cheveux #identité #altérité #orientalisme #blancheur #hakujin #blancs #représentation