• Renverser le féminisme – les transféministes | Radio renversée
    https://www.intempestive.net/Radio-renversee-no8-renverser-le-feminisme-les-transfeministes

    Troisième émission de notre série « Renverser le féminisme ». La première accueillait des féministes handi, la deuxième des afroféministes. Aujourd’hui, entretiens avec deux générations de militantes transféministes. Les chercheuses Karine Espineira et Maud Yeuse Thomas reviennent sur l’histoire du militantisme trans, du questionnement du genre, des alliances entre trans et féministes et de la transphobie de la part de femmes se disant féministes. Agathe et Constance du collectif #Toutesdefemmes démontent quant à elles les attaques transphobes de ces derniers mois. Durée : 2h04. Source : Pi-node et l’Eko des (...)

    https://www.intempestive.net/IMG/mp3/radiorenversee08_renverserfeminisme_transfeminisme_21juill20.mp3

    • Je corrige cet oubli de @rezo :

      Agathe et Constance du collectif #Toutesdefemmes, qui a publié la tribune « Féminisme : le débat sur la place des femmes trans n’a pas lieu d’être » en février dernier, démontent quant à elles les attaques transphobes de ces derniers mois.

      Ça sent bon dès l’attaque : « renverser le féminisme », dont chacun·e sait que c’est une idéologie qui gouverne le monde. Renouveler, bousculer c’était trop sympa, il faut renverser ?

      #féminisme #transféminisme #transidentité #TERF #guerre_de_tranchée_féministe

    • Et pourquoi est-ce le nom général de l’émission ? Parce que quoi de plus tendance que de « renverser » des enjeux qui mobilisent naïves et naïfs : les enfants, le travail bénévole, le handicap, les migrant-e-s et, bien sûr, le féminisme où la gauche autoproclamée peut s’ébattre à jouer les unes contre les autres sous un titre « provoc » (air connu), avec un beau glaviot au sujet de « la transphobie de la part de femmes se disant féministes ». Beurk...

    • Je vois ça, merci @rastapopoulos. Mais renverser l’état d’urgence sanitaire, la société validiste, ou renverser l’enfance et le féminisme, ça ne sonne pas pareil !

      Pourquoi Radio renversée ? Parce que les renversements, c’est bien, il serait temps. Parce que ce qui nous intéresse le plus c’est pas de faire de la radio pour causer mais faire de la radio pour écouter. Parce que forcément ça va être bancal, bidouillé, casse-gueule, mais c’est la condition pour que l’émission soit ouverte à la fragilité, aux hésitations, aux doutes. Parce que ça va sans cesse basculer d’entretiens très politiques à des créations très poétiques, de reportages à l’arrache à des musiques déters. Bref, parce que le renversement c’est ambitieux et amusant.

      Ça ne me motive pas spécialement, d’écouter une émission qui entend pas « attaques transphobes de ces derniers mois » des débats entre féministes, aussi mal menés soient-ils, sans viser en aucune façon les violences subies par les personnes trans (insultes, exclusion familiale, discrimination sociale, violences physiques, etc.).

    • @antonin1 Ah bah c’est pas une émission de débat c’est sûr, c’est uniquement de l’historique et point de vue du transactivisme, et prend assez clairement parti des deux intervenantes de « toutes des femmes », qui affirment depuis des mois littéralement (c’est le titre même de leur tribune) : « le débat n’a pas lieu d’être ». Soit tu penses pareil, soit tu penses pareil. :)

    • #OKLM

      Pour résumer la situation, deux comptes à pseudos masculins ont décidé de tirer à vue sur une émission féministe qu’ils revendiquent de ne pas écouter, prenant prétexte d’un mot ("renverser") auquel il faudrait préférer « bousculer » (sic !).

      L’un est chef de proue d’un site largement décrié comme transphobe. Fin lettré, il choisit ses mots avec délicatesse (glaviot, beurk…). L’autre prend bien soin de dédouaner de toute transphobie, mais comme il analyse qu’il s’agit d’une « guerre de tranchées », il peut s’autoriser à poser comme hypothèse de départ la bêtise de ses « ennemies », car de toutes façons il sait mieux qu’elle comment il faudrait en parler et ne pas en parler.

      Victoire, triomphe !! Qu’ils se réjouissent, l’autrice visée par leur vindicte vient de quitter seenthis.

  • Crise de nerfs à Sciences Po Lille autour d’un « poste à moustache »
    https://www.mediacites.fr/enquete/lille/2020/07/17/crise-de-nerfs-a-sciences-po-lille-autour-dun-poste-a-moustache

    Le recrutement d’un maître de conférence sur lequel pèse des soupçons de favoritisme a fait l’objet d’un recours en annulation au tribunal administratif et d’un signalement au procureur, générant des tensions au sein de l’établissement nordiste. L’affaire met en lumière l’existence de postes d’enseignants faussement ouverts au concours, dits « postes à moustache » dans le milieu universitaire.

    Cette affaire a déchiré le vivre-ensemble à l’école. Elle a créé un conflit qui a forcé tout le monde à choisir qui soutenir. » Pour ce professeur vétéran de Sciences Po Lille, qui s’exprime sous couvert d’anonymat (voir l’encadré En Coulisses), il n’y a pas de doute : le recrutement controversé d’un enseignant-chercheur voilà deux ans a provoqué un traumatisme au sein de la grande école lilloise.

    En février 2018, l’IEP de Lille décide d’ouvrir un poste de maître de conférences en « sociologie financière et fiscale ». Quatre candidats postulent. Un est retenu. Jusque-là, hormis l’intitulé plutôt original du poste, rien que de très banal. Sauf que les trois candidats recalés décident de déposer un recours en annulation du concours au tribunal administratif. Plus étonnant encore, des enseignants, membres de la commission scientifique, adressent un signalement en mai de la même année auprès du procureur de la République pour faux et usage de faux.

    « L’affaire » commence lorsqu’un des candidats non retenus désire prendre connaissance de son dossier. Comme il réside à l’étranger, sa candidature doit faire l’objet d’un examen préalable du conseil scientifique. Et de fait, un procès verbal atteste de la tenue d’une réunion. Problème, trois enseignants de Sciences Po, sur les neuf membres de ce comité, affirment ne pas avoir été présents ce jour-là. Et se disent « choqués » d’avoir vu leur signature apposée sur le procès verbal. Ils décident donc de le signaler au Procureur.


    Fausses signatures
    
Dans ces signalements, que Mediacités a pu consulter, les enseignants s’émeuvent de l’usurpation de leur signature. « Je n’ai reçu aucune convocation à cette réunion, aucun ordre du jour, aucune pièce préparatoire, et je doute fortement qu’elle ait eu lieu » ; « ces documents me paraissent être des faux et sont de nature à me causer un grave préjudice professionnel et moral », peut-on notamment y lire.

    Tous leurs collègues ne partagent pas cet émoi. « C’est secondaire, c’est du détail, tente d’expliquer un enseignant-chercheur qui ne siège pas dans cette commission scientifique. Il aurait mieux valu régler ça en interne plutôt que d’entacher la réputation de l’institution. Il y a certes des informalités. Mais il nous arrive de signer des PV a posteriori, notamment pour des jurys sans délibération. » Sauf que dans ce cas précis, les membres en question s’insurgent qu’on puisse utiliser leur signature sans leur consentement. « C’est clairement un faux en écriture alors que . . . . . .

    #sciences_po #SciencesPo #Sciences-Popo #faux #usage_de_faux #faux_en_écriture #procès_verbal #lille #france #IEP #conseil_scientifique

  • #Roma_negata. Percorsi postcoloniali nella città
    Un viaggio attraverso la città per recuperare dall’oblio un passato coloniale disconosciuto.

    Libia, Somalia, Eritrea, Etiopia: quali sono le tracce dell’avventura coloniale italiana a Roma? Roma negata è un viaggio attraverso la città per recuperare dall’oblio un passato coloniale disconosciuto e dare voce a chi proviene da quell’Africa che l’Italia ha prima invaso e poi dimenticato. Igiaba Scego racconta i luoghi simbolo di quel passato coloniale; Rino Bianchi li fotografa, assieme agli eredi di quella storia. Il risultato è una costruzione narrativa e visiva di un’Italia decolonizzata, multiculturale, inclusiva, dove ogni cittadino possa essere finalmente se stesso. Negli anni trenta del secolo scorso Asmara, Mogadiscio, Macallè, Tripoli, Adua erano nomi familiari agli italiani. La propaganda per l’impero voluta da Benito Mussolini era stata battente e ossessiva. Dai giochi dell’oca ai quaderni scolastici, per non parlare delle parate, tutto profumava di colonie. Di quella storia ora si sa poco o niente, anche se in Italia è forte la presenza di chi proviene da quelle terre d’Africa colonizzate: ci sono eritrei, libici, somali, etiopi. Il libro riprende la materia dell’oblio coloniale e la tematizza attraverso alcuni luoghi di Roma che portano le tracce di quel passato dimenticato. I monumenti infatti, più di altre cose, ci parlano di questa storia, dove le ombre sono più delle luci. Prende vita così un’analisi emozionale dei luoghi voluti a celebrazione del colonialismo italiano, attraverso un testo narrativo e delle fotografie. In ogni foto insieme al monumento viene ritratta anche una persona appartenente a quell’Africa che fu colonia dell’Italia. Scego e Bianchi costruiscono così un percorso di riappropriazione della storia da parte di chi è stato subalterno. «Volevamo partire dal Corno D’Africa, dall’umiliazione di quel colonialismo crudele e straccione, perché di fatto era in quel passato che si annidava la xenofobia del presente (…) Da Roma negata emerge quel Corno d’Africa che oggi sta morendo nel Mediterraneo, disconosciuto da tutti e soprattutto da chi un tempo l’aveva sfruttato».

    https://www.ediesseonline.it/prodotto/roma-negata

    –---

    Citations :

    «Ma non tutte le memorie, lo stavo scoprendo con il tempo, avevano lo stesso trattamento.
    C’erano memorie di serie B e serie C. Memorie che nessuno voleva ricordare, perché troppo scomode, troppo vere.»

    (pp.16-17)

    «Ahi, il colonialismo italiano ferita mai risanata, ferita mai ricucita, memoria obliata»

    (p.18)

    «Ora la stele sta ad Axum, insieme alle sue sorelle etiopi. Ma a Piazza di Porta Capena cos’è rimasto di quel passaggio?
    Solo vuoto, solo silenzio, assenza, oblio, smemoratezza in salsa italica».

    (p.18)

    «E anche dimenticare la storia che lega Africa e Italia è un’infamia. Perché dimenticandola si dimentica di essere stati infami, razzisti, colonialisti. Italiani brava gente, ti dicono i più autoassolvendosi, e si continua beatamente a rifare gli stessi errori. Ieri i colonizzati, oggi i migranti, vittime di un sistema che si autogenera e autoassolve. Ecco perché sono ossessionata dai luoghi. E’ da lì che dobbiamo ricominciare un percorso diverso, un’Italia diversa.»

    (p.25)

    Sur le Cinema Impero :

    «Il colonialismo italiano era davanti ai loro occhi tutti i giorni con i suoi massacri, i suoi stupri, la sopraffazione dei corpi e delle menti. Era lì con la sua storia di lacrime e di sangue sparso. Era lì a testimoniare quel legame tra Africa e Italia. Un legame violento, cattivo, sporco e non certo piacevole. Anche nel nome quel cinema era violento. L’impero era quello che Benito Mussolini sognava per aver prestigio davanti alle altre potenze europee e soprattutto davanti a quell’Adolf Hitler che lo preoccupava tanto. L’imprero era quello del Mare Nostrum dove le faccette nere sarebbero state costrette a partorire balilla per la nazione tricolore. L’impero era quello che era riapparso ’sui colli fatali di Roma’. Un impero che Benito Mussolini nel discorso del 9 maggio 1936 aveva dichiarato
    ’Impero fascista, perché porta i segni indistruttibili della volontà e della potenza del Littorio romano, perché questa è la meta verso la quale durante quattordici anni furono sollecitate le energie prorompenti e disciplinate delle giovani, gagliarde generazioni italiane’.
    Era la violenza delle squadracce, ma anche gli sventramenti indiscriminati del tessuto urbano delle città africane.
    L’Africa colonizzata dagli italiani si rempì così di archi di trionfo, busti pavoneggianti, palazzi improbabili. In Somalia per esempio De Vecchis, uno dei quadrumviri della marcia su Roma, aveva voluto costruire una cattedrale che fosse l’esatta copia di quella di Cefalù con le sue due torri altissime. Una volta costruita alcuni somali notarono l’altezza sproporzionata delle torri rispetto ai palazzi nei dintorni e cominciarono a definire la costruzione ’la doppia erezione’. E poi come dimenticare il faro di Capo Guardafui trasformato in un fascio littorio? Asmara (ma in generale l’Eritrea) fu quella che però subì più trasformazioni di tutti. Infatti fu chiamata da più parti la piccola Roma. Tra il 1935 e il 1941 gli architetti italiani si sbizzarrirono in questa città creando uno stile assai stravagante che mischiava modernismo, futurismo e un teutonico stile littorio.»

    (pp.32-33)

    Poésie de Ulisse Barbieri (anarchico poeta direttore del giornale « Combattiamo »), Dopo il disastro :

    «No, non è patriottismo, no, per DIO!
    Al massacro mandar nuovi soldati,
    Né tener lì... quei che si son mandati
    Perché dei vostri error paghino il Fio!
    Ma non capire... o branco di cretini...
    Che i patriotti... sono gli Abissini?»

    (p.56)

    «Il Risorgimento, se vogliamo dare anche questa lettura, fu la lotta di liberazione degli italiani dal dominio straniero, dal dominio coloniale. Una liberazione portata avanti da un’élite che si era legata ad uno strano potere monarchico, quello dei Savoia, ma pur sempre una liberazione. Ecco perché il colonialismo italiano è tra quelli europei uno dei più assurdi. Gli italiani, che avevano sperimentato sulla propria pelle il giogo straniero, ora volevano sottoporre lo stesso trattamento brutale a popolazioni che mai si erano sognate di mettersi contro l’Italia. Ma l’Italia voleva il suo posto al sole. Questa espressione sarà usata nel secolo successivo da Benito Mussolini per la guerra d’Etiopia, ma disegna bene le mire espansionistiche italiane anche durante questi primi passi come nazione neocoloniale. L’Italia, questa giovincella, viveva di fatto un complesso di inferiorità verso l’altra Europa, quella ricca, che conquistava e dominava. Si sentiva da meno di Gran Bretagna e Francia. Si sentiva sola e piccolina. Per questo l’Africa si stava affacciando nei pensieri di questa Italietta provinciale e ancora non del tutto formata. L’Italia voleva contare. Voleva un potere negoziale all’interno del continente europeo. E pensò bene (anzi male, malissimo!) di ottenerlo a spese dell’Africa.»

    (pp.56-57)

    «Venne infatti collocato davanti al monumento ai caduti un leone in bronzo proveniente direttamente da Addis Abeba. Non era un leone qualsiasi, bensì il celeberrimo #Leone_di_Giuda, simbolo che suggellava il patto dell’Etiopia con Dio. Sigillo, quindi, della tribù di Giuda, dal quale discendevano molti profeti e Cristo stesso.»

    (p.61)

    #Piazza_dei_cinquecento

    «E chi lo immaginava che proprio questa piazza babilonia fosse legata alal storia del colonialismo italiano? Infatti i cinquecento citati nel nome della piazza sono i cinquecento caduti di Dogali. Non so bene quando l’ho scoperto. Forse l’ho sempre saputo. E forse anche per questo, per un caso fortuito della vita, è diventata la piazza dei somali, degli eritrei, degli etiopi e anche di tutti gli altri migranti. Una piazza postcoloniale suo malgrado, quasi per caso. Perché è qui che la storia degli italiani in Africa orientale è stata cancellata. Nessuno (tranne pochi) sa chi sono stati i cinquecento o che cosa è successo a Dogali».

    (p.68)

    «Quello che successe in quei vent’anni scerellati non era solo il frutto di Benito Mussolini e dei suoi sgherri, ma di una partecipazione allargata del popolo italiano.
    Ed è forse questo il punto su cui non si è mai lavorato in Italia. In Germania per esempio non solo ci fu il processo di Norimberga contro i criminali di guerra nazisti, ma anche un lavoro incessante e certosino sulla memoria. Nel nostro paese si preferì invece voltare pagina senza capire, interiorizzare, percorrere la memoria delle atrocità vissute e/o perpetrate. In Italia la memoria è divisa o dimenticata. Mai studiata, mai analizzata, mai rivissuta, mai ripensata. Soprattutto la storia in Italia non è mai stata decolonizzata. Il colonialismo fu inghiottito da questo oblio e quelli che furono dei punti di riferimento simbolici del fascismo furono lasciati andare alla deriva come fossero delle zattere fantasma in un fiume di non detto.»

    (p.87)

    –—
    Obelisco di Axum, sur la Piazza Capena :

    «#Piazza_di_Porta_Capena fu teatro di alcune manifestazioni, e alcune riguardarono proprio le proteste per la restituzione dell’obelisco all’Etiopia. Ma in generale si può dire che il monumento era di fatto dimenticato. Stava lì, i romani lo sapevano, ma non ci facevano più tanto caso.
    Era lì, sola, immobile, eretta, dimenticata...
    Era lì lontana da casa...
    Era lì spogliata di ogni significato.
    Era giusto uno spartitraffico. Più imponente e raffinato di altri... certo, ma non tanto dissimile dai tanti alberi spennacchiati che svolgevano la stessa funzione in giro per la città.
    Nessuno per anni si occupò della stele. Qualcuno di tanto in tanto vagheggiava una ipotetica restituzione. Ma tutto era lento, tutto sembrava quasi impossibile.»

    (p.90)
    –-> 2005 :

    «Poi i soldi si trovarono e la stele ritornò a casa tra canti e balli popolari»

    (p.95)
    Et une fois restitué...

    «Ma il vuoto, mi chiedo, non si poteva colmare?
    Improvvisamente Piazza di Porta Capena divenne invisibile. Lo era già prima con la stele. Ma almeno con lei presente capitava che qualche romano la guardasse distrattamente e si interrogasse altrettanto distrattamente. Ma senza la stele il luogo è rimasto un non detto. Tutta la storia, tutto il dolore, tutte le nefandezze sparite con un colpo di spugna.»

    (p.96)

    «Quello che mi colpisce di questa polemica, di chi era contrario a una nuova stele e chi era a favore di un monumento nel sito del fu obelisco di Axum, è la totale assenza del dibattito del colonialismo italiano.
    Nessuno, da Fuksas a La Rocca, nominò mai i crimini di guerra che l’Italia fascista aveva compiuto contro l’Africa. Nessuno sottolineò il fatto che quella stele era un bottino di guerra. Nessuno percepì quel vuoto nella piazza come un vuoto di memoria. Anche un urbanista serio e sensibile come Italo Insolera disse non a caso che di obelischi era piena la città.
    Ora un monumento è stato messo. Ne ho parlato all’inizio del nostro viaggio. Un monumento per ricordare le vittime dell’11 settembre. Due colonne anonime di cui i romani ignorano il significato.»

    (pp.97-98)

    «La memoria non è negare quello che è stato, ma rielaborare quella vita passata, contestualizzarla e soprattutto non dimenticarla.»

    (p.101)

    «E poi la democrazia non si insegna, non si esporta, non si crea dal nulla. La democrazia è un moto spontaneo dell’anima. Ognuno ha il suo modo, i suoi tempi, le sue sfumature.»

    (p.103)

    Sur l’inscription sur le #Ponte_Principe_Amedeo_di_Savoia :

    «Comandante superiore delle forze armate dell’Africa Orientale Italiana durante unidici mesi di asperrima lotta isolato alla Madre Patria circondato dal nemico soverchiante per mezzo per forze confermava la già sperimentata capacità di condottiero sagace ed eroico. Aviatore arditissimo instancabile animatore delle proprie truppe le guidava ovunque per terra sul mare nel cielo in vittoriose offensive in tenaci difese impegnando rilevanti forze avversarie. Assediato nel ristretto ridotto dell’#Amba_Alagi alla testa di una schiera di prodi resisteva oltre il limite delle umane possibilità in un titanico sforzo che si imponeva all’ammirazione dello stesso nemico. Fedele continuatore delle tradizioni guerriere della stirpe sabauda puro simbolo delle romane virtù dell’Italia Imperiale Fascista. Africa Orientale Italiana 10 Giugno 1940, XVIII 18 maggio 1941. Motivazione della Medaglia d’Oro al valor militare conferita per la difesa dell’Impero.»

    «Ad Asmara gli abitanti del villaggio di Beit Mekae, che occupavano la collina più alta della città, furono cacciati via per creare il campo cintato, ovvero il primo nucleo della città coloniale, una zona interdetta agli eritrei. Una zona solo per bianchi. Quanti conoscono l’apartheid italiano? Quanti se ne vergognano?»

    (p.107)

    «Girando per Roma questo si percepisce molto bene purtroppo. I luoghi del colonialismo in città vengono lasciati nel vouto (Axum), nell’incuria (Dogali), nell’incomprensione (quartiere africano). Si cancella quello che è troppo scomodo. E’ scomodo per l’Italia ammettere di essere stata razzista. E’ scomodo ammettere che il razzismo di oggi ha forti radici in quello di ieri. E’ scomodo ammettere che si è ultimi anche nel prendersi le proprie responsabilità.»

    (p.107)

    «Etiopia e Eritrea avevano imbracciato le armi per una contesa sorta sul confine di Badme. Il confine era stato tracciato in modo incerto nel 1902 tra l’Italia (allora paese colonizzatore dell’Eritrea) e il regno d’Etiopia. E dopo più di un secolo Etiopia ed Eritrea si combattevano per quel mal nato confine coloniale»

    (p.112)

    «L’Europa è colpevole tutta per lo sfacelo di morte e dolore che sta riversando in uno dei mari più belli del mondo.»

    (p.124)

    «Per la maggior parte degli italiani, e dei media, erano semplicemente disperati, i soliti miserabili morti di fame (quasi un’icona, come il bambino del Biafra macilento e schelettrico), in fuga da guerra, dittatura e carestia. Una sorta di stereotipo universale, quello del disperato senza passato, senza presente e con un futuro impossibile da rivendicare.»

    (p.124)

    «Occupare uno spazio è un grido di esistenza.»

    (p.125)

    «La crisi è quando non sai che strada percorrere e soprattutto che strada hai percorso.»

    (p.125)

    «E come si fa a smettere di essere complici?
    In Somalia tutti i nomadi sanno che il miglior antidoto all’ignoranza, a quella jahilia che ci vuole muti e sordi, è il racconto. Io, che per metà vengo da questa antica stirpe di nomadi e cantastorie, so quanto valore può avere una parola messa al posto giusto. La storia va raccontata. Mille e mile volte. Va raccontata dal punto di vista di chi ha subito, di chi è stato calpestato, di chi ha sofferto la fame e la sete. La visione dei vinti, dei sopravvissuti, di chi ha combattuto per la sua libertà. Solo raccontando, solo mettendo in fila fatti, sensazioni, emozioni possiamo davvero farcela. Solo così le narrazioni tossiche che ci avvelenano la vita ci possono abbandonare. Il concetto di narrazione tossica viene dal collettivo Wu Ming:
    ’Per diventare ’narrazione tossica’, una storia deve essere raccontata sempre dallo stesso punto di vista, nello stesso modo e con le stesse parole, omettendo sempre gli stessi dettagli, rimuovendo gli stessi elementi di contesto e complessità.
    E’ sempre narrazione tossica la storia che gli oppressori raccontano agli oppressi per giustificare l’oppressione, che gli sfruttatori raccontano agli sfruttati per giustificare lo sfruttamento, che i ricchi raccontano ai poveri per giustificare la ricchezza.’»

    (p.128)

    –-> sur la #narration_toxique (#narrazione_tossica) :
    https://www.wumingfoundation.com/giap/2013/07/storie-notav-un-anno-e-mezzo-nella-vita-di-marco-bruno

    «La madre patria era nulla senza le sue colonie, per questo amava mostrarle succubi. Si era inventata il fardello dell’uomo bianco, la civilizzazione, la missione di Dio, solo per poter sfruttare il prossimo senza sensi di colpa.»

    (p.130)

    –-

    Sur la gestion des #funérailles et de l’#enterrement des victimes du #naufrage du #3_octobre_2013 :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/971940

    #mémoire #livre #colonialisme_italien #colonisation #Italie #Rome #traces #paysage #géographie_urbaine #post-colonialisme #toponymie #monuments #mémoire #Igiaba_Scego #passé_colonial #photographie #oubli_colonial #histoire #Asmara #Erythrée #architecture #urbanisme #stele_di_dogali #Dogali #Tedali #Adua #massacre #ras_Alula #Saati #maggiore_Boretti #Ras_Alula #Tommaso_De_Cristoforis #Vito_Longo #Luigi_Gattoni #Luigi_Tofanelli #basci-buzuk #Ulisse_Barbieri #Taitù #regina_Taitù #Pietro_Badoglio #Rodolfo_Graziani #italiani_brava_gente #oubli #ponte_Amedeo_d'Aosta #Principe_Amedeo #mémoire #démocratie #troupes_coloniales #dubat #meharisti #Badme #frontières #frontières_coloniales #zaptiè #retour_de_mémoire #Affile #Ercole_Viri

    –—

    ajouté à la métaliste sur la #colonialisme_italien :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/871953

    ping @cede @albertocampiphoto @olivier_aubert

    • Citation tirée du livre «#La_frontiera» de #Alessandro_Leogrande:

      «Si è acceso qualcoa dentro di me quando ho scoperto che alcuni dei campi di concentramento eretti negli ultimi anni da Isaias Afewerki per reprimere gli oppositori sorgono negli stessi luoghi dove erano disposti i vecchi campi di concentramento del colonialismo italiano.
      In particolare nelle isole di #Dahlak, cinquanta chilometri al largo di Massaua, dove le galere italiane sono state prima riutilizzate dagli occupanti etiopici e in seguito dallo stesso regime militare del Fronte.
      Il penitenziario di #Nocra, una delle isole dell’arcipelago, fu attivo dal 1887 (proprio l’anno dell’eccidio di Dogali) al 1941, come ricorda Angelo Del Boca in Italiani, brava gente? Vi furono rinchiusi prigionieri comuni, ascari da punire, detenuti politici, oppositori e, dopo l’inizio della campagna d’Etiopia nel 1935, ufficiali e funzionari dell’impero di Hailé Selassié, perfino preti e monaci. (...) L’idea di fare di Nocra e delle isole limitrofe una gabbia infernale si è tramandata nel tempo, da regime a regime»

      (p.85-86)

      –---

      Sul Campo di concentramento di Nocra

      Il campo di Nocra o carcere di Nocra fu il più grande campo di prigionia italiano nella Colonia eritrea e dal 1936 il più grande dell’Africa Orientale Italiana. Venne aperto nel 1887 e chiuso nel 1941 dagli inglesi. Era situato nell’isola di Nocra, parte dell’Arcipelago di Dahlak, a 55 chilometri al largo di Massaua. Dal 1890 al 1941 fece parte del Commissariato della Dancalia. Arrivò a detenere tra un minimo di 500 prigionieri e un massimo di 1.800[1].


      https://it.wikipedia.org/wiki/Campo_di_concentramento_di_Nocra

      #camp_de_concentration #Tancredi_Saletta #Oreste_Baratieri

    • #Igiaba_Scego: “Scopriamo i simboli della storia coloniale a Roma per riempire un vuoto di memoria”

      Igiaba Scego, scrittrice italo somala autrice di libri come ‘Roma negata’ e ‘La linea del colore’, racconta e spiega i simboli del colonialismo presenti nella capitale. Spesso sconosciuti, ignorati, o lasciati nel degrado, narrano una storia che l’Italia ha rimosso: quella delle guerre coloniali che ebbero luogo anche prima del fascismo, e che oggi rappresentano il ‘vuoto di memoria’ del nostro paese. Un dibattito che si è accesso a Roma dopo la decisione di intitolare la stazione della metro C al partigiano italo-somalo #Giorgio_Marincola e non chiamarla più #Amba_Aradam.

      A Roma da qualche settimana si parla dei simboli e dei nomi del rimosso coloniale italiano, grazie alla proposta di intitolare la stazione della metro C su via dell’Amba Aradam a Giorgio Marincola, partigiano italo-somalo morto durante la Resistenza. Una proposta diventata realtà con il voto del consiglio comunale che ha deciso che Roma non appellerà una stazione della metropolitana ‘Amba Aradam’, l’altipiano montuoso dove l’esercito italiano massacrò 20.000 uomini e donne con bombardamenti a tappeto e l’utilizzo di armi chimiche. Di questo e altro abbiamo parlato con la scrittrice Igiaba Scego.

      Quali sono i simboli coloniali a Roma che andrebbero spiegati e sui quali bisognerebbe accendere l’attenzione?

      Non sono molti ma sono collocati in punti simbolici. A Roma, tra piazza della Repubblica e la stazione Termini c’è la Stele di Dogali, a riprova che il colonialismo non è stato solo fascista ma anche ottocentesco. L’obelisco è egiziano ma ha un basamento ottocentesco dedicato alla battaglia avvenuta nel 1887 a Dogali, in Eritrea, dove una colonna italiana venne intercettata e massacrata. Da lì anche il nome di piazza dei 500 davanti la stazione Termini. Di questa battaglia ne ho parlato in due libri, ‘Roma negata’ e ‘La linea del colore’. E nella piazza dove c’è la Stele, s’incontra il colonialismo con le migrazioni di oggi. Questo monumento, che nessuno conosce, è tra l’altro lasciato nel degrado. C’è poi il ponte Duca d’Aosta nei pressi del Vaticano, o il Cinema Impero a Tor Pignattara, che oggi si chiama Spazio Impero. Oltre al fatto di inserire il termine ‘impero’ nel nome, la struttura è quasi uguale a un cinema che è stato realizzato ad Asmara in Eritrea. Ma la cosa che colpisce di più sono i vuoti. Negli anni ’30, venne portata da Mussolini come bottino di guerra dall’Etiopia la Stele di Axum. Questa fu posizionata a piazza di Porta Capena, dove inizia anche il libro ‘Roma negata’. Dopo la guerra, non è stata restituita subito. Nel 1960, Abebe Bikila (campione olimpionico etiope) ha vinto i Giochi di Roma correndo a piedi nudi. Ho sempre pensato che il motivo della sua vittoria non fu solo la sua capacità fisica e la sua caparbietà, ma anche il dover essere costretto a passare per ben due volte davanti la Stele sottratta al suo popolo. Sono convinta che gli abbia dato lo sprint per vincere. La Stele fu poi restituita all’Etiopia negli anni Duemila, tra mille polemiche. Il problema è che ora in quella piazza non c’è nulla, solo due colonnine che rappresentano le Torri Gemelli e di cui nessuno sa nulla. Sarebbe stato giusto ergere sì un monumento per ricordare l’11 settembre, ma soprattutto uno per ricordare le vittime del colonialismo italiano e chi ha resistito ai colonizzatori. Un monumento riparatore per avvicinare i popoli vista la storia scomoda. Quella piazza rappresenta il vuoto di memoria, è come se qualcuno avesse fotografato il rimosso coloniale".

      Quali potrebbero essere i passi da compiere per far emergere il rimosso coloniale?

      Inserirlo nei programmi scolastici e nei libri di testo. Negli ultimi anni è emersa una certa sensibilità e tanti libri sono entrati a scuola grazie agli insegnanti. Sarebbe bello però avere anche nei programmi non solo la storia del colonialismo, ma anche il punto di vista del sud globale. Mi piacerebbe che la storia italiana fosse studiata globalmente, e far emergere le connessioni dell’Italia con l’Europa, l’Africa, l’America Latina e l’Asia. Non penso solo al colonialismo, ma anche alla storia delle migrazioni italiane. Alle superiori andrebbe studiata soprattutto la storia del ‘900. L’altro giorno è scoppiata quella bomba terribile a Beirut: quanti studenti e studentesse sanno della guerra civile in Libano? Sempre nella direzione di far emergere il rimosso coloniale, sarà istituito un museo che si chiamerà ‘Museo italo – africano Ilaria Alpi’. Ma la cosa che servirebbe tantissimo è un film o una serie tv. Presto sarà tratto un film da ‘The Shadow King’, libro di Maaza Mengiste, una scrittrice etiope – americana, che parla delle donne etiopi che resistono all’invasione fascista degli anni ’30. Un libro bellissimo e importante, come è importante che la storia del colonialismo italiano sia raccontata da un prodotto culturale potenzialmente globale. Ma perché un film sul colonialismo italiano lo deve fare Hollywood e non Cinecittà? Perché c’è ancora questa cappa? Non penso a un film nostalgico, ma a una storia che racconti la verità, la violenza. Serve sia lo studio alto sia il livello popolare. Altrimenti il rischio è che diventi solo un argomento per studiosi. È bello che escano libri all’estero, ma dobbiamo fare un lavoro anche qui.

      Quali sono le figure, magari anche femminili, che dovrebbero essere valorizzate e raccontate?

      Metterei in scena la collettività. Un’idea è fare un murales. Nel Medioevo le cattedrali erano piene di affreschi, e attraverso le immagini è stata insegnata la storia della chiesa. Userei la stessa tecnica, mostrando le immagini della resistenza anche delle donne etiope e somali. Servirebbe poi creare qualcosa che racconti anche le violenze subite nel quotidiano, perché non ci sono solo le bombe e i gas, ma anche i rapporti di potere. Mio padre ha vissuto il colonialismo e mi raccontava che prima dell’apartheid in Sudafrica c’era l’apartheid nelle città colonizzate, dove c’erano posti che non potevano essere frequentati dagli autoctoni. Racconterei queste storie sui muri delle nostre città e nelle periferie. È importante ricordare ciò che è stato fatto anche lì.

      https://www.fanpage.it/roma/igiaba-scego-scopriamo-i-simboli-della-storia-coloniale-a-roma-per-riempire-
      #histoire_coloniale #mémoire #symboles

      –---

      –-> sur la nouvelle toponymie de la station de métro:
      https://seenthis.net/messages/871345

    • Citations tirées du livre « #La_frontiera » de #Alessandro_Leogrande :

      «Dopo aver letto Roma negata, il libro di Igiaba Scego sui monumenti, le targhe, le lapidi e i palazzi della capitale che ricordano il colonialismo, sono andato a vedere l’#oblisco_di_Dogali. (...) Il libro è un viaggio nelle pieghe di Roma alla ricerca delle tracce del passato coloniale.
      (...)
      Il paradosso è che la rimozione del passato coloniale riguarda esattamente quelle aree che a un certo punto hanno cominciato a rovesciare i propri figli verso l’Occidente. Sono le nostre ex colonie uno dei principali ventri aperti dell’Africa contemporanea. I luoghi di partenza di molti viaggi della speranza sono stati un tempo cantati ed esaltati come suolo italiano, sulle cui zolle far sorgere l’alba di un nuovo impero»

      (pp.80-81)

      «In realtà il mausoleo [l’obelisco di Dogali], realizzato già nel giugno 1887 dall’architetto #Francesco_Azzurri, fu inizialmente collocato nella vicina piazza dei Cinquecento, l’enorme capolinea degli autobus che sorge davanti alla stazione Termini e si chiama così in onore dei caduti di #Dogali. Ma poi, nei primi anni del regime fascista, fu spostato qualche centinaio di metri in direzione nord-ovest, verso piazza della Repubblica. Ed è lì che è rimasto»

      (pp.82-82)

      https://www.feltrinellieditore.it/opera/opera/la-frontiera

  • Liste der Sektoren in der Auftragsvermittlung - Taxi Berlin
    https://www.taxi-berlin.de/news/wp-content/uploads/Sektorliste.pdf

    Die große Berliner Taxivermittlung Taxi Berlin kennt 393 Taxihalteplätze. Sie sind dort zu GPS-Sektoren geworden, so dass Taxis nicht mehr direkt am Halteplatz stehen müssen, um in der Wartschlange eines Halteplatzes eingereiht zu sein. Zwei sogenannte Testsektoren werden von den Funkwerkstätten genutzt.

    Nr. Terminaltext Bedeutung Gebiet

    4 Zeltinger Pl Zeltinger Platz Rein
    5 Hermsdorf Hermsdorf Rein
    6 Zabel Zabel-Krüger-Damm Rein
    7 Elchdamm Heiligensee Elchdamm Rein
    9 Tegel Bf Alt-Tegel Rein
    10 Borsigturm Borsigturm Rein
    11 Bernau/Seidl Bernauer/Seidel Rein
    12 Khs Humboldt Humboldt-Klinikum Rein
    13 Rath Reinick Rathaus Reinickendorf Rein
    14 Bf Wittenau Bf Wittenau Rein
    15 Senftenbrg R Senftenberger Ring Rein
    16 Ka-Bo-N ehem. K.-Bonhoeffer-Nervenkl. Rein
    17 Roedernallee Roedernallee Rein
    18 Schäfersee Schäfersee Rein
    19 K-Schumacher Kurt-Schumacher-Platz Rein
    21 TXL Flughafen Tegel Rein
    24 Siemensstadt Siemensstadt Ch-Wi + Rein
    25 Rohrdamm Rohrdamm Holiday Inn Span
    26 Haselhorst Haselhorst Span
    27 Cautius Cautiusstr. Span
    28 Klin Spandau Klinikum Spandau Span
    29 Hafenplatz Neuendorfer/ehem. Hafenpl. Span
    30 Falk/Zepp Falkenseer Ch./Zeppelin Span
    31 Kiesteich Kiesteich Span
    32 Seegef/Nauen Seegefelder/Nauener Span
    33 Bf Spandau Bf Spandau Span
    34 Rath Spandau Rathaus Spandau Span
    35 Freiheit Freiheit Span
    36 Adam Betcke Adamstr. Betckestr. Span
    37 Alt-Pichelsd Alt-Pichelsdorf Span
    38 Heer/Magi Heer/Magistratsweg Span
    39 Brunsbütt Brunsbütteler Damm West Span
    40 Kladow Kladow Span
    42 Bf Wannsee Bf Wannsee St-Ze
    43 Mexikoplatz Mexikoplatz St-Ze
    44 Bf Krumme La Bf Krumme Lanke St-Ze
    46 Saargemünder Saargemünder Str. St-Ze
    47 Zehldf Mitte Zehlendorf Mitte St-Ze
    48 Ladiusstr Ladiusstr. St-Ze
    49 Goerzallee Goerzallee St-Ze
    51 Lichterf W Lichterfelde West St-Ze
    52 Händelplatz Händelplatz St-Ze
    53 Ben Franklin Klinikum Benjamin Franklin St-Ze
    54 Wiesenbaude Wiesenb. Hindenburgd./Drake St-Ze
    55 Lichterfld S Lichterfelde Süd St-Ze
    56 Osdorfer Str Osdorfer Str. St-Ze
    57 Lichterfld O Lichterfelde Ost St-Ze
    58 Lankwitz Lankwitz St-Ze
    59 Stephan Stephan/Albrecht St-Ze

    60 Steglitz/Bis Steglitzer Damm/Bismarck St-Ze
    61 Rh Steglitz Rathaus Steglitz St-Ze
    62 Schl/Schildh Schloß/Schildhorn St-Ze
    64 Bf Marienfld Bf Marienfelde St-Ze + Te-Sc
    65 Waldsassener Waldsassener Str. Te-Sc
    66 Bf Lichtenra Bf Lichtenrade Te-Sc
    67 Alt-Lichtenr Alt-Lichtenrade Nord Te-Sc
    68 Mariend/Sänt Mariendorfer Damm/Säntisstr. Te-Sc
    69 Alt-Mariendf Alt-Mariendorf Te-Sc
    70 Ordensmeiste Ordensmeisterstr. Te-Sc
    71 TeDamm Te-Damm/Kaiserin-Augusta Te-Sc
    72 Alt-Tempelhf Alt-Tempelhof Te-Sc
    73 Berlinickepl Berlinickeplatz Te-Sc
    74 Bf Tempelhof Bf Tempelhof Te-Sc
    75 Khs Joseph Khs St. Joseph Te-Sc
    76 Luftbrücke Platz der Luftbrücke Fr-Kr + Te-Sc
    77 THF ehem. Flughafen Tempelhof Te-Sc
    80 Hermannplatz Hermannplatz Fr-Kr + Neuk
    81 Schönstedt Schönstedtstr. Neuk
    82 Rollberg Rollbergviertel Neuk
    83 Hertzbergpl Hertzbergplatz Neuk
    84 Hotel Estrel Hotel Estrel Neuk
    85 Dammweg Dammweg Neuk
    86 K-Marx/Ringb Karl-Marx/Ringbahn Neuk
    87 Bf Neukölln Bf Neukölln Neuk
    88 Siegfr/Herm Siegfried/Hermann Neuk
    89 Britz/Blasch Britzer Damm/Blaschkoallee Neuk
    90 Buschkrug Buschkrug/Bf Blaschkoallee Neuk
    91 Khs Neukölln Khs Neukölln Neuk
    92 Britz Süd Britz Süd Neuk
    93 Alt-Buckow Alt-Buckow Neuk
    94 Gropiusstadt Gropiusstadt Neuk
    95 Wutzkyallee Wutzkyallee Neuk
    96 Rudow Spinne Rudow Spinne Neuk
    99 Bf Südkreuz Bf Südkreuz Te-Sc
    100 AVK Auguste-Viktoria-Klinikum Te-Sc
    101 Walther Walther-Schreiber-Platz St-Ze + Te-Sc
    102 FriedrWilhlm Friedrich-Wilhelm-Platz Te-Sc
    103 Wilhelmshöhe Wilhelmshöher Str. Ch-Wi + Te-Sc
    104 Kaisereiche Kaisereiche Te-Sc
    105 Innsbrucker Innsbrucker Platz Te-Sc
    106 J-F-Kennedy John-F.-Kennedy-Platz Te-Sc
    107 Bayerischer Bayerischer Platz Te-Sc
    108 MLuther/Grun Martin-Luther/Grunewald Te-Sc
    109 Kais-Wilhelm Kaiser-Wilhelm-Platz Te-Sc

    110 Goltz Goltz/Grunewald Te-Sc
    111 Potsd/Goeben Potsdamer/Goeben Te-Sc
    113 Nollendorfpl Nollendorfplatz Te-Sc
    114 Motz/Luther Motz/Martin-Luther Te-Sc
    115 Ambassador Hotel Ambassador Te-Sc
    116 Ka De We Ka De We Te-Sc
    117 Hotel Crowne Hotel Crowne Plaza Te-Sc
    125 Trautenau Trautenaustr. Ch-Wi
    126 Uhland/Paris Uhland/Pariser Ch-Wi
    127 Olivaer Pl Olivaer Platz Ch-Wi
    128 Fehrbelliner Fehrbelliner Platz Ch-Wi
    129 Uhland/Güntz Uhland/Güntzel Ch-Wi
    130 Blisse Berliner/Blisse Ch-Wi
    131 BundesBerlin Bundesallee/Berliner Ch-Wi
    132 Durlacher Durlacher Str. Ch-Wi
    133 Bundesplatz Bundesplatz Ch-Wi + Te-Sc
    134 Breitenbachp Breitenbachplatz Ch-Wi + St-Ze
    135 Heidelberger Heidelberger Platz Ch-Wi
    136 Elsterplatz Elsterplatz Ch-Wi
    137 Roseneck Roseneck Ch-Wi
    138 Dahlem Dorf Bf Dahlem-Dorf St-Ze
    139 Hagenplatz Hagenplatz Ch-Wi
    140 Bismarckpl Bismarckplatz Ch-Wi
    141 Johann-Georg Johann-Georg-Str. Ch-Wi
    142 Taxizentrum Taxizentrum Persiusstr. (interner Testsektor) Fr-Kr
    143 M-Luther-Khs Martin-Luther-Khs Ch-Wi
    149 Hotel Savoy Hotel Savoy Ch-Wi
    150 Adenauerpl Adenauerplatz Ch-Wi
    151 Leibniz/KuD Leibniz/Ku’damm Ch-Wi
    152 Sperlingsg Sperlingsgasse Lietzenburger Ch-Wi
    153 Schlüter Schlüter/ Ku’damm Ch-Wi
    154 Grolman Grolman/ Ku’damm Ch-Wi
    155 Meineke Meineke/ Ku’damm Ch-Wi
    156 Kranzler Kranzler Ch-Wi
    157 Fasanen Fasanen/ Ku’damm Ch-Wi
    158 Kempinski Kempinski Hotel Bristol Ch-Wi
    159 Savignyplatz Savignyplatz Ch-Wi
    160 Kant/Wilmers Kant/Wilmersdorfer Ch-Wi
    161 Stuttgarter Stuttgarter Platz Ch-Wi
    162 Amtsgericht Amtsgerichtsplatz Ch-Wi
    163 Wundt/Neue K Wundt/Neue Kant Ch-Wi
    164 ZOB ZOB (Busbahnhof) Ch-Wi
    165 Messe Palais Messe / Palais am Funkturm Ch-Wi
    166 Messe H 15 Messe-Halle 15 Ch-Wi
    167 Messe H 9 Messe-Halle 9 Ch-Wi
    168 Messe H 26 Messe-Halle 26 Ch-Wi
    169 Bf Heerstr Bf Heerstr. Ch-Wi
    170 Scholzplatz Scholzplatz Ch-Wi
    171 Ruhleben Ruhleben Ch-Wi + Span
    172 Steubenplatz Steubenplatz Ch-Wi
    173 Heuss/Linden Th.-Heuss-Pl./Lindenallee Ch-Wi

    174 Heuss Säule Th.-Heuss-Pl. Säule Ch-Wi
    175 Sophie/Spand Sophie-Charlotten-Str./ Spandauer Damm Ch-Wi
    176 Khs Westend Khs Westend Ch-Wi
    178 Jakob Jakob-Kaiser-Platz Ch-Wi
    179 Landgericht Landgericht Charlottenburg Ch-Wi
    180 Luisenplatz Luisenplatz Ch-Wi
    181 Sch Charlott Schloss Charlottenburg Ch-Wi
    182 Sophie-Charl Sophie-Charlotte-Platz Ch-Wi
    183 Bisma/Wilmer Bismarck/Wilmersdorfer Ch-Wi
    184 Bisma/Leibn Bismarck/Leibniz Ch-Wi
    185 Richard-Wagn Richard-Wagner-Platz Ch-Wi
    186 Mierendorff Mierendorffplatz Ch-Wi
    187 Schiller Schiller/Hardenberg Ch-Wi
    189 Salzufer Salzufer Ch-Wi
    190 Bf Zoo Bf Zoologischer Garten Ch-Wi
    191 Hotel Palace Hotel Palace Ch-Wi
    192 Schweizerhof Hotel Pullman Schweizerhof Mitte
    193 Europacenter Europacenter (Südseite) Ch-Wi
    194 Steigenberg Hotel Steigenberger Ch-Wi
    195 Swissotel Swissôtel Ch-Wi
    198 Marriott Hotel Marriott Mitte
    199 Sigismundstr Sigismundstr. Mitte
    200 Interconti Hotel Intercontinental Mitte
    201 Landgrafen Landgrafenstr. Mitte
    202 Hotel Berlin Hotel Berlin Berlin Mitte
    203 Esplanade Sheraton Grand-Hotel Esplanade Mitte
    204 Kulturforum Kulturforum Mitte
    205 Potsd/Lützow Potsdamer/Lützow Mitte
    206 Schellingstr Schellingstr. Mitte
    207 Potsdamer Pl Potsdamer Platz Süd Mitte
    208 Marlene-Diet Marlene-Dietrich-Platz Mitte
    209 Hansaviertel Hansaviertel Mitte
    210 Kriminalg Kriminalgericht Mitte
    211 Alt-Moabit Stromstr./Alt-Moabit Mitte
    212 Wald/Turm Wald/Turm Mitte
    213 CoraBerliner Cora-Berliner-Str. Mitte
    214 17.Juni/Bach Str. des 17. Juni/Bachstr. Ch-Wi + Mitte
    221 Virchow Charité Campus Virchow-Klin. Mitte
    222 Augustenb Pl Augustenburger Platz Mitte
    223 Leopoldplatz Leopoldplatz Mitte
    224 Rath Wedding Rathaus Wedding Mitte
    225 See/Müller See/Müller Mitte
    226 Schweden Schweden/Osloer Mitte
    227 Bf Wollank Bf Wollank Mitte + Pank
    228 Prinzen/Oslo Prinzenallee/Osloer Mitte
    229 Nauener Pl Nauener Platz Mitte
    230 Bad/Pank Bad/Pank Mitte
    231 Bf Gesundbr Bf Gesundbrunnen Mitte
    232 Weddingplatz Weddingplatz Mitte
    233 Hauptbahnhof Hauptbahnhof Mitte
    234 Radisson Blu Hotel Radisson Blu Mitte

    235 Nordbahnhof Nordbahnhof Mitte
    236 Rosenthaler Rosenthaler Platz Mitte
    237 Alex Kaufhof Alex / Kaufhof Mitte
    238 Alex ParkInn Alex Park Inn by Radisson Mitte
    239 Internationa Kino International Mitte
    240 Märkischer P Märkischer Platz Mitte
    241 Mitte Rathau Mitte Rathausstr. Mitte
    242 Hackescher M Hackescher Markt Mitte
    243 Museumsinsel Museumsinsel Mitte
    244 Charité Charité Campus Mitte Mitte
    245 Friedr/Reinh Friedrich/Reinhardt Mitte
    246 Bf Friedrich Bf Friedrichstr. Mitte
    247 Maritim ProA Maritim Pro Arte Hotel Mitte
    248 Reichstag Reichstag Mitte
    249 Hotel Adlon Hotel Adlon Kempinski Mitte
    250 Alexanderstr Alexanderstr. Mitte
    251 Staatsoper Staatsoper Unter den Linden Mitte
    252 GendarmenM Gendarmenmarkt Nordwest Mitte
    253 Westin Grand Hotel Westin Grand Mitte
    254 Jäger/Friedr Jäger/Friedrich Mitte
    255 Hotel Hilton Hotel Hilton Mitte
    256 NH Leipziger Hotel nH Leipziger Str. Mitte
    257 Hotel deRome Hotel de Rome Mitte
    258 Krausen/Frie Krausen/Friedrich Mitte
    259 Spittelmarkt Spittelmarkt Mitte
    260 Hotel Regent Hotel Regent Mitte
    261 Ritz Carlton Hotel Ritz Carlton Mitte
    263 AxelSpringer Axel-Springer/Zimmer Fr-Kr + Mitte
    264 Koch/Friedr Koch/Friedrich Fr-Kr
    265 Anhalter Bf Anhalter Bahnhof Fr-Kr
    266 Yorck/Mehrin Yorck/Mehringdamm Fr-Kr
    267 Zossen/Gneis Zossener/Gneisenau Fr-Kr
    268 Grimm/Urban Grimm/Urban Fr-Kr
    269 Khs Urban Khs Urban Fr-Kr
    271 Moritzplatz Moritzplatz Fr-Kr
    272 Kottbusser T Kottbusser Tor Fr-Kr
    273 Schlesisch T Schlesisches Tor Fr-Kr
    274 OberbaumCity Oberbaum-City Fr-Kr
    275 Ostbahnhof Ostbahnhof Fr-Kr
    276 Helsingfors Helsingforser Platz Fr-Kr
    277 Bf Ostkreuz Bf Ostkreuz Hauptstr. Fr-Kr + Libg
    278 Wismarplatz Wismarplatz Fr-Kr
    279 FrankfurterT Frankfurter Tor Fr-Kr
    280 Pariser Kom Str. der Pariser Kommune Nord Fr-Kr
    281 Pl d Vereint Pl. der Vereinten Nationen Fr-Kr
    282 Klinik Fhain Klinikum im Friedrichshain Fr-Kr
    283 Petersb/Land Petersburger/Landsberger Fr-Kr
    286 Kniprodestr Kniprodestr. Pank
    287 Naugarder St Naugarder Str. Pank
    288 Krügerstr Krügerstr. Pank
    289 Bf Prenzlau Bf Prenzlauer Allee Pank
    290 Danz/Greifsw Danziger/Greifswalder Pank

    291 Danz/Prenzl Danziger/Prenzlauer Pank
    292 Königstor Königstor Pank
    293 Knaackstr Knaackstr. Pank
    294 Eberswalder Eberswalder Str. Pank
    295 Dänenstr Dänenstr. Pank
    296 Bornh/Schönh Bornholmer/Schönhauser Pank
    297 Bösebrücke Bösebrücke Mitte + Pank
    298 Senefelderpl Senefelderplatz Pank
    300 Bf Vinetastr Bf Vinetastr. Pank
    301 Bf Pankow Bf Pankow Pank
    302 Pankow Kirch Pankow Kirche Pank
    304 Pastor Pastor-Niemöller-Platz Pank
    306 Wilhelmsruh Wilhelmsruh Pank
    308 Bf Buch Bf Buch Pank
    309 Klinik Buch Klinikum Buch Pank
    313 Achillesstr Achillesstr. Pank
    314 Alt-Blankenb Alt-Blankenburg Pank
    315 Hamburger Pl Hamburger Platz Pank
    316 Khs Weißens Parkklinik Weißensee Pank
    317 Antonplatz Antonplatz Pank
    318 Liebermann Liebermannstr. Pank
    323 Prendener St Prendener Str. Libg
    329 Rhin/Landsb Rhin/Landsberger Libg + Ma-He
    334 Möllendorff Möllendorffstr. Libg
    335 Freiaplatz Freiaplatz Libg
    336 Khs OZK Oskar-Ziethen-Khs Libg
    337 Bf Lichtenbg Bf Lichtenberg Libg
    338 Nöldnerplatz Nöldnerplatz Libg
    347 Biesdorf Süd Biesdorf Süd Ma-He
    348 AD Kosmonaut Allee der Kosmonauten Süd Ma-He
    349 Alt-Marzahn Alt-Marzahn Ma-He
    350 Bf Marzahn Bf Marzahn Ma-He
    351 Mehrower All Mehrower Allee Ma-He
    352 Bf Ahrensfld Bf Ahrensfelde Ma-He
    353 Stbf Marzahn Straßenbahnhof Marzahn Ma-He
    357 Kaufpk Eiche Kaufpark Eiche Ma-He + BAR
    358 Bf Louis-Lew Bf Louis-Lewin-Str. Ma-He
    359 Helle Mitte Helle Mitte Ma-He
    360 Gothaer Str Gothaer Str. Ma-He
    361 Khs UKB Unfallkrankenhaus Berlin Ma-He
    362 Garzauer Str Garzauer Str. Ma-He
    363 Hellersd Süd Hellersdorf Süd Ma-He
    364 Bf Wuhletal Bf Wuhletal Ma-He
    365 Heinrich-Grü Heinrich-Grüber / Bf Kaulsdorf Ma-He
    366 Khs Kaulsdrf Khs Kaulsdorf Ma-He
    367 Bf Mahlsdorf Bf Mahlsdorf Ma-He
    368 Mahlsdrf Süd Mahlsdorf Süd Ma-He
    369 Chemnitzer Chemnitzer Str. Ma-He
    371 Alt-Köpenick Alt-Köpenick und Lindenstr. Tr-Kö
    372 Bf Köpenick Bf Köpenick Tr-Kö
    373 Friedrchshgn Friedrichshagen Tr-Kö

    374 Rahnsdorf Rahnsdorf Tr-Kö
    375 Bf Wilhelmsh Bf Wilhelmshagen Tr-Kö
    376 Alt-Müggelhm Alt-Müggelheim Tr-Kö
    377 Alt-Schmöckw Alt-Schmöckwitz Tr-Kö
    378 Bf Grünau Bf Grünau Tr-Kö
    380 Khs Köpenick Khs Köpenick Tr-Kö
    381 Pablo-Neruda Pablo-Neruda Tr-Kö
    382 Ottomar Ottomar-Geschke-Str. Tr-Kö
    383 Rathenaustr Rathenaustr. Tr-Kö
    384 Edisonstr Edisonstr. Tr-Kö
    388 Niederschönw Niederschöneweide Tr-Kö
    389 Baumschulenw Baumschulenweg Tr-Kö
    390 Bf Plänterwa Bf Plänterwald Tr-Kö
    391 Alt-Treptow Alt-Treptow Tr-Kö
    392 Johannisthal Johannisthal Tr-Kö
    393 Bf Adlershof Bf Adlershof Tr-Kö
    394 AltglienNord Altglienicke Nord Tr-Kö
    395 Altglien Süd Altglienicke Süd Tr-Kö
    396 Bohnsdorf Bohnsdorf Tr-Kö
    397 Flg SXF Flughafen SXF LDS
    398 WISTA Adlers WISTA Adlershof Tr-Kö
    399 Promobil Promobil (interner Testsektor) Fr-Kr

    #Taxi #Berlin #Funkvermittlung #Datenfunk #Internet

  • “Sign Of The Times Super Deluxe” de Prince en septembre
    Funk-U Magazine, le 25 juin 2020
    http://www.funku.fr/2020/sign-of-the-times-super-deluxe-de-prince-en-septembre

    Paru en avril 1987, Sign Of The Times sera augmenté le 25 septembre prochain de plusieurs disques additionnels, dont un composé de faces-B et versions extended, trois volumes renfermant 45 titres inédits issus du fameux Vault de Paisley Park, le concert audio intégral d’Utrecht (Hollande) et le DVD complet d’un show donné à Paisley Park le 31 décembre 1987 avec Miles Davis en invité spécial.

    Deux premiers extraits :

    Witness 4 The Prosecution
    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=hjgKgirygjA

    I Could Never Take The Place Of Your Man (1979 Version)
    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=NAegR_IKlyc

    #Prince #Musique #Funk #Sign_Of_The_Times @tintin

  • #Burkina_Faso: Residents’ Accounts Point to Mass #Executions | #Human_Rights_Watch

    Identify Remains of 180 Men Found in #Djibo; Prosecute Those Responsible

    (Bamako) – Common graves containing at least 180 bodies have been found in a northern town in Burkina Faso in recent months, and available evidence suggests government security force involvement in mass extrajudicial executions, Human Rights Watch said today. The government should seek assistance from the United Nations and other partners to conduct proper exhumations, return remains to families, and hold those responsible to account.

    Residents of the town of Djibo who saw the bodies told Human Rights Watch that the dead, all men, had between November 2019 and June 2020 been left in groups of from 3 to 20 along major roadways, under bridges, and in fields and vacant lots. With few exceptions, the bodies were found within a 5-kilometer radius of central Djibo.

    Residents buried most in common burials in March and April, while other remains are still unburied. They said they believed the majority of the victims were ethnic #Fulani or #Peuhl men, identified by their clothing and physical features, and that many were found blindfolded and with bound hands, and had been shot. Several residents said that they knew numerous victims, including relatives.

    "The Burkina Faso authorities need to urgently uncover who turned Djibo into a ’killing field’ said #Corinne_Dufka, Sahel director at Human Rights Watch. “Existing information points toward government security forces, so it’s critical to have impartial investigations, evidence properly gathered, and families informed about what happened to their loved ones.”

    Since November, Human Rights Watch has interviewed 23 people by telephone and in person who described seeing the bodies. Several interviewees provided hand-drawn maps of where they found and buried the dead. All believed that government security forces, who control Djibo, had executed the vast majority of the men. However, none had witnessed the killings and Human Rights Watch could not independently verify those claims. Human Rights Watch is analyzing satellite imagery of the locations of common graves in the vicinity.

    On June 28, Human Rights Watch wrote the Burkinabè government detailing the major findings of the research, and on July 3, the Minister of Defense responded on behalf of the government, committing to investigate the allegations and to ensure the respect of human rights in security operations. He said the killings occurred during an uptick in attacks by armed Islamists and suggested they could have been committed by these groups, using stolen army uniforms and logistics, noting it is at times “difficult for the population to distinguish between armed terrorist groups and the Defense and Security Forces.” The minister also confirmed the government’s approval for the establishment of an office in Ouagadogou by the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights.

    Beginning in 2016, armed Islamist groups allied with Al-Qaeda or the Islamic State have attacked security force posts and civilians throughout Burkina Faso, but mostly in the Sahel region bordering Mali and Niger. Human Rights Watch has since 2017 documented the killing of several hundred civilians by armed Islamist groups along with their widespread attacks on schools. Human Rights Watch has also documented the unlawful killing of several hundred men, apparently by government security forces, for their alleged support of these groups, including 31 men found executed after the security forces detained them in Djibo on April 9.

    The 23 people interviewed, including farmers, traders, herders, civil servants, community leaders, and aid workers, believed the security forces had detained the men as suspected members or supporters of Islamist armed groups.

    “So many of the dead were blindfolded, had their hands tied up … and were shot in the head,” said a community leader. “The bodies I saw appeared in the morning … dumped at night on the outskirts of Djibo, a town under the control of the army and in the middle of a curfew imposed and patrolled by the army.”

    Some residents said that they found the bodies after hearing the sound of vehicles passing and bursts of gunfire at night. “We’ve grown accustomed to hearing the sound of shots ringing out at night, and later seeing bodies in the bush or along the road,” an elder from Djibo said.

    “At night, so many times I’d hear the sound of vehicles and then, bam! bam! bam!” said a farmer. “And the next morning we’d see or hear of bodies found in this place or that.”At least 114 men were buried in 14 common graves during a mass burial on March 8 and 9 organized by residents with the approval of the military and local authorities. Local residents also buried 18 men, found around March 18 about a kilometer east of Djibo, in a common grave in early April. The bodies of another approximately 40 men, including 20 allegedly discovered in mid-March south of Djibo and another 18 found in May near the airport, had yet to be buried.

    An ethnic dynamic underscores the violence in Burkina Faso. The Islamist armed groups largely recruit from the nomadic Peuhl or Fulani community, and their attacks have primarily targeted agrarian communities including the Mosssi, Foulse, and Gourmantche. The vast majority of men killed by alleged security forces are Peuhl because of their perceived support of the armed Islamists.

    “Djibo reidents should feel protected by, not terrified of, their own army. The government’s failure to make good on promises of accountability for past allegations of security force abuse, including in Djibo, appears to have emboldened the perpetrators,” Dufka said. “The authorities need to put an end to unlawful killings through credible and independent investigations.”

    Bodies Appear in Djibo

    Residents of Djibo said they first started seeing bodies in the more rural, less inhabited parts of the town in November 2019. “Human remains are strewn all over the outer limits of Djibo town … along sides of road, near a pond, by the Djibo dam, near abandoned houses, under a bridge, and in the bush,” one man said.

    “From November 2019, so many bodies started showing up,” another man said. “Five or six here, 10 or 16 there, along the three highways out of town ... to the north, east, and south.”

    Residents said the vast majority of the dead were ethnic Peuhl, identified as such by their clothing, features, and, in about 10 cases, by those who knew individual victims by name.

    The people interviewed were extremely anxious as they spoke with Human Rights Watch and said they feared reprisals from the security forces, who had been implicated in the extrajudicial killing of 31 men in Djibo in April, and other killings there, since 2017.

    The residents did not believe the men were killed in a gun battle. “Yes, Djibo has been attacked and there are jihadists [armed Islamists] not so very far from Djibo,” said a resident who had observed several groups of bodies. “But on the days before seeing bodies, we weren’t aware of any clashes or battles between the jihadists and army in the middle or outskirts of Djibo. Word travels fast and we’d know if this were the case.”

    Another resident, who said he frequently travels from Djibo, said: “Had there been clashes with the terrorists, the public transport would have stopped.… We never would have been able to travel.”

    Nine people identified some of the dead by name, including family members, whom they had either witnessed being detained by the security forces or had been informed by someone else who had seen the men being detained. In each of these incidents, the body they identified had been found with numerous other victims. One man, for instance, recognized “a man named Tamboura from a village further south, who I’d seen arrested in the Djibo cattle market by soldiers some days earlier.” Another recognized a man who worked as a security guard and who had been arrested by soldiers days before his body was found. Others described seeing the bodies of men they had seen being arrested by the authorities at the market, the hospital, during a food distribution, or at the bus station.

    Several residents said they believed many of the unidentified victims had been detained during army operations or were internally displaced villagers who in recent months had settled in and around Djibo after fleeing their home villages. “Djibo isn’t such a but town that we wouldn’t recognize people, which is why we think so many of the dead were displaced,” one resident said.

    Many residents speculated that the army had arrested the displaced people for questioning, fearing infiltration by armed Islamist groups, which had attacked Djibo on several occasions. “The army has really hit the IDPs [internally displaced persons],” a resident said. “They’ve gone for them in the animal market, as they come in to Djibo to buy and sell. After so many major jihadist attacks in Mali and Burkina, they’re really afraid of infiltration.”

    Apparent Extrajudicial Executions

    Residents described seeing groups of bodies near their homes as they grazed their animals or as they walked or drove along the major roads leading out of Djibo.

    Apparent Execution of Five Men on June 13, 2020

    On June 14, several residents described seeing the bodies of five men scattered over a half a kilometer in two of Djibo’s southern neighborhoods, sectors 3 and 8. One of those found, 54-year-old Sadou Hamadoume Dicko, the local chief and municipal councilor of Gomdè Peulh village, had been seen arrested by soldiers the previous day. Residents could not identify the other four bodies.

    A trader described the arrest of Dicko on June 13:

    Being the chief, he’d just finished picking up sacks of rice and millet for his people, now in Djibo after fleeing their village, about 125 kilometers away. Mr. Dicko had in April 2018 been abducted and held for several days by the Jihadists but this time it was the army who took him. At around 11:30 a.m. four men in uniform on motorcycles surrounded him and about six others and took them into an unfinished building for interrogation. Eventually, the soldiers let the others go but left with Mr. Dicko.

    Three residents said they heard gunshots on June 13 and found the bodies of the five men the next day. “The gunshots rang out around 8 p.m. and the next day, June 14, I was called to be told the chief was dead,” one resident said. “It was what we feared. His hands were bound tightly behind his back and he had been shot in the head and chest.”Said another: "The shots rand out a few hours after the 7 p.m. curfew...[L]ater we saw one body to the north, near La Maison de la Femme [Women’s Center], another south near a large well, and three others next to an elevation of sand.” All of the men were buried later the same day.

    Apparent Execution of 18 Men, May 13 and 19, 2020

    Residents described seeing the security forces arrest 17 men near a Djibo market on May 13. The bodies of the 17 were found the next day along a path going through sector 5, also known as Mbodowol. The men had been shot in the head, according to the residents. Another man, with a mental disability, was found around the same place after having been arrested on May 19. At writing, the bodies had not yet been buried.

    Said one resident:

    I was in the market, when at around 10 a.m. I saw two vehicles with about 10 soldiers drive up. I don’t know if they were gendarmes or army. I was too afraid to stare at them, but I saw they were in uniform, with helmets and vests and all held semi-automatic weapons. The 17 men had come from other villages to buy and sell that day. I recognized many of them, who worked as blacksmiths.

    A sector 5 resident who heard gunshots on May 13 and saw the bodies a day later near the Djibo airfield said:

    They were killed as darkness fell. I saw a vehicle from afar, coming from the direction of town. Sometime later we heard shots. Around 15 minutes later the same vehicle returned, this time with the headlamps on. On Thursday, May 14, around 9 a.m. we discovered the bodies – eight on one side close together … their faces covered with their shirts – and around 20 meters away, nine more bodies. They’d been shot in the head. You could see this clearly…and there were bullet casings on the ground. The men looked to be from 25 to 45 [years old.] The body of another man was found in the same place a few days later. That one, I’d seen arrested…he lives near me. He is not normal [has a mental disability] … He was picked up outside his house listening to his radio. There is a curfew and only the army can drive around at night like this.

    Apparent Execution of 18 Men, March 17, 2020

    Residents said that on March 18, they saw 18 bodies about 500 to 700 meters east of Djibo. The bodies were found near several large publicity signs that line the Djibo-Tongomayel road.

    A man who feared his brother was among the dead explained why he believed government security forces were responsible for killing the 18 men:

    On March 17, around 7 a.m., I got a frantic call from the bus station saying my brother and another man had just been arrested by gendarmes as they boarded a bus to Ouagadougou [the capital]. Later that night, around 9 p.m. I heard many gunshots, and thought, oh God, my brother is dead.

    Just after dawn, I went in the direction of the shots and found 18 bodies. Their hands were tied, and they were blindfolded, each shot in the forehead. The blood flowed like a pond. The bodies were all together in a pile. I looked for my brother among the corpses … moving them enough to see if he was there. But he wasn’t. Among the dead, I recognized six men … they’d all been arrested by the FDS [Defense and Security Forces]. One was [name withheld] who had recently had a foot operation and had been arrested in front of many people near the hospital. I recognized his boubou [wide-sleeved robe]; his foot was still bandaged. Five others were traders I myself had seen arrested by the FDS on market day a week prior. As for my brother, he is still missing, even today.

    Apparent Execution of 9 Men, January 15, 2020

    A man who saw nine bodies on the road going east to Tongomayal, including a close relative, on January 16, said:

    I discovered the bodies of nine people some meters off the road, one of whom was my 23-year-old nephew. They’d been arrested the day before. A friend called around 11 a.m. saying there was trouble in the market, that my boy had been arrested. I went to the market immediately and saw all nine, tied up and face down on the ground. Four gendarmes led them into their vehicle and took them away. That night around 8 p.m. I heard shots near the Djibo dam, and in the morning saw them in the bush, hands tied, riddled with bullets … Eight were Peuhl and one was a Bellah. We were too afraid to even bury them … we had to watch my nephew turn into a skeleton. He was not laid to rest until the mass burial in March, with dozens of others, but it was hardly a funeral and my boy was not a jihadist.

    Bodies Found Near Djibo’s Sector 4, November 2019 and January 2020

    Five residents of Djibo’s Sector 4 (also known as Wourossaba and Boguelsawa), south of the town, described seeing three groups of bodies within what they said was a one kilometer radius: a group of 8 bodies and a group of at least 16 bodies in November 2019, and a group of between 16 and 19 bodies around January 8, 2020. The total number of bodies seen largely corresponds to the 43 bodies buried in this sector during the mass burial on March 8 and 9.

    A resident of Sector 4 described the three groups of bodies:

    Many didn’t have shirts, and most were tied — some their eyes, others by the wrist, and they’d been shot. I knew none of them but believe all 43 were prisoners because all three times, I’d heard vehicles coming from the direction of town and saw the headlights … and heard gunshots. It was too far and too dark to see their uniforms but there wasn’t a battle and the jihadists can’t be driving around in a heavy truck that close to Djibo.

    Another resident of Sector 4 described seeing 19 bodies around January 8:

    I saw them around 7 a.m., 19 bodies in a line – all men, save one around 15 years old. The night before, I’d seen lights of a vehicle – it was around 8 p.m. and we were under curfew. Then I heard the shots. The bodies were about one kilometer south of Djibo, and 150 meters west from the highway – many bound at the arms, and with their eyes blindfolded. They’d been shot in the head, others in the chest, others the stomach. We didn’t know any of them, so they just stayed there until the March burial, by that time they were almost skeletons.

    A health worker said that in February on the way to Ouagadougou she saw five bodies from her bus window, about 15 kilometers south of Djibo, near the village of Mentao: “They were 20 meters from the road – the bodies smelled – it seemed they’d been there for a week or so. By their dress, all the men appeared to be Peuhl. When I returned a week later, they were still there.” These bodies were not buried during the March mass burial.

    Burials in March and April 2020

    Djibo residents described an organized mass burial on March 8 and 9 during which at least 114 bodies were collected and buried in 14 common graves.

    Residents who attended the burials said the bodies were in various stages of decomposition. “Some had just been killed, others had started to decompose, and many others were skeletons,” one said.

    “Given how long the bodies had been outside, notably under the hot sun, many were only identifiable by their clothing,” said another.

    Several residents said the dead were left unburied both because the families were either not from Djibo or because they were too frightened to claim the body. “Fear stopped people from burying the dead,” a village elder said. “You need permission from the security forces to bury a body and given the level of tension in Djibo these days, people are just too terrified that if they claim the body of a man accused of being a terrorist, they too will be taken and end up dead.” Many residents described the burials as “a delicate subject” which was not covered by local media. “Fear has kept us from talking much about the mass burials,” a village leader said.

    “The bodies were scattered along and not far from the major roads leading to and from Djibo,” a resident said. “The first day, we worked from 9 a.m. to noon and buried 42 bodies to the south, along the Djibo-Ouagagdougou road. On the second day it was worse … working from 8 a.m. to 12:30 p.m. we buried 72 people, 20 to the north and 52 to the east, along the Djibo-Dori road. Some people gathered the bodies while others dug the graves. The dead were buried in 14 common graves with from 3, 6, 7, up to 23 bodies.”

    They said Djibo residents had obtained permission from both the civilian and military authorities based in Djibo to bury the dead largely because of the potential health and sanitation risk. “We were fearful of epidemics, especially as we approach the rainy season,” a community leader said. “We were overwhelmed seeing the bodies of lifeless people and so we organized ourselves and asked the authorities for permission to bury the dead,” said another.

    Other residents spoke of the mental health impact on the town. “We organized the burial on health grounds but also because of the psychological impact on people, especially children, having to walk by the bodies every day on their way to market or school,” one resident said.

    A herder said: “Imagine what it’s like to see these bodies every day, some eaten by dogs and vultures. It’s not easy living with that terrible reality day after day.”

    Those who observed the mass burials said they were attended by the civilian authorities, who they said helped organize the funeral; the health authorities, who provided masks and sanitizer; and the security forces, which provided security. They said they were “strictly forbidden” from taking photographs of the burials. “No one would dare do that because the FDS was watching,” a resident said.

    A resident who was at the burial said:

    After getting authorization – from the army – and after involving health officers – we spent two days burying the dead who were in groups of 5, 7, 9, 20 – scattered all over. I didn’t recognize any of them, but several of those watching the burial later told me they’d recognized their father, brother, or son … that he’d been missing since being arrested by the soldiers in Djibo or in their village – weeks or months earlier. They didn’t say anything during the burial though … out of fear that they too would be arrested.

    A man who buried 13 of the bodies found in north Djibo, including a family member whom he had last seen in the custody of the security forces in January, said “The road to Tongomayel was full of corpses and remains. Honestly, many were only skeletons … and their bodies had been scattered by animals. We were divided in groups, and went about looking for ribs, body parts.”

    Two people described the burial in early April of the 18 men whose bodies were found on the road to Tongomayel around March 18. The bodies appeared after the security services had allegedly arrested the men. “We dug a large hole, big enough for all of them, and put sand and branches on top of it,” one man said. “The road to Tongomayel is full of bodies … the 52 buried during the mass burial, the 18 from mid-March, and it hasn’t stopped.”

    Bodies Found, Left Unburied

    Three residents described seeing 20 bodies that they said had been left in mid-March about 100 meters from the cemetery in Boguelsawa neighborhood, several kilometers south of Djibo.“Just days after we buried over 100 bodies, we woke up to find another 20 bodies,” a resident said. “It’s like, whoever is doing the killing is mocking us.” They told Human Rights Watch on June 14 that the bodies, now scattered and decomposed, have yet to be buried. “With death all around, we feel like tomorrow could be my turn to die,” a resident wrote.

    Another man said that on June 1, “My nephew came across three dead while gathering wood north of Djibo, including two [ethnic] Bellahs we know well. He was so frightened he ran straight home without the wood.” As of June 30, the 18 dead found near the airport in mid-May had similarly yet to be buried.

    Recommendations

    Residents who spoke with Human Rights Watch were unaware of any judicial investigations into the apparent killings. Some killings allegedly implicating the security forces had occurred after the government’s pledge to fully investigate the apparent execution of 31 men detained by the security forces on April 9, 2020.

    Human Rights Watch urges the Burkina Faso authorities to:

    Promptly and impartially investigate the killings in Djibo since November 2019, and fairly and appropriately prosecute all those responsible for extrajudicial killings and other crimes, including as a matter of command responsibility. Ensure the findings are made public.
    Send the commanders of the two security force bases in Djibo– the gendarmerie and army – on administrative leave, pending outcome of the investigation.
    Invite United Nations or other neutral international forensic experts, including those with experience working before criminal tribunals, to help preserve and analyze evidence in common graves. Exhumations without forensic experts can destroy critical evidence and greatly compromise the identification of bodies.
    Return remains of individuals found to be buried in graves or left unburied to their family members.

    https://www.hrw.org/news/2020/07/08/burkina-faso-residents-accounts-point-mass-executions

  • FRA and Frontex to work together on developing fundamental rights monitors

    Today, the EU Agency for Fundamental Rights (FRA) and the European Border and Coast Guard Agency (Frontex) signed an agreement on developing Frontex’s fundamental rights monitors. Under this agreement, FRA will provide advice and expertise to help set up effective fundamental rights monitoring during Frontex’s operations at EU borders.

    “It is essential that the EU, its Member States and agencies do their utmost to protect people’s fundamental rights. Fundamental rights monitoring of operations at the land and sea borders can help ensure that rights violations do not occur. The fundamental rights monitors are an important preventive tool and FRA will provide its fundamental rights expertise to help establish them. The vacancy notices should be published as soon as possible so the monitors can be deployed”, said FRA’s director Michael O’Flaherty.

    Under this agreement, the Fundamental Rights Agency will help develop a comprehensive manual for the future Fundamental Rights Monitors.

    To guarantee independence, the monitors should work under the overall supervision of the Frontex #Fundamental_Rights_Officer (#FRO) and be able to monitor all Frontex activities.

    FRA and Frontex have already developed the terms of reference of the future monitors, after thoroughly assessing the qualifications needed for their profile. Frontex should publish the vacancy notices as soon as possible.

    https://fra.europa.eu/en/news/2020/fra-and-frontex-work-together-developing-fundamental-rights-monitors
    #Frontex #FRA #droits_humains #collaboration #frontières #asile #migrations #Agency_for_Fundamental_Rights #accord

    ping @isskein @karine4 @reka

    • Frontex and FRA agree to establish fundamental rights monitors

      Today, Frontex, the European Border and Coast Guard Agency and the European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights (FRA) have agreed to work together to establish fundamental rights monitors, design their training programme and integrate them into Frontex activities.

      “The establishment of the new monitors is another step to make our activities even more transparent and promote fundamental rights throughout all our activities. We are committed to ensuring the highest standards in all that we do. And Fundamental rights are an essential component of effective border management.” said Frontex Executive Director Fabrice Leggeri. “The Fundamental Rights Agency is a key partner for us in this task,” he added.

      “It is essential that the EU, its Member States and agencies do their utmost to protect people’s fundamental rights. Fundamental rights monitoring of operations at the land and sea borders can help ensure that rights violations do not occur. The fundamental rights monitors are an important preventive tool and FRA will provide its fundamental rights expertise to help establish them. The vacancy notices should be published as soon as possible so the monitors can be deployed,” said FRA’s director Michael O’Flaherty.

      In a ceremony that took place online, the two directors signed a Service Level Agreement in the virtual presence of Didier Reynders, Commissioner for Justice, Juan Fernando López Aguilar, the Chair of LIBE Committee in the European Parliament and Georgios Koumoutsakos, Alternate Minister, Greek Ministry for Migration. Other participants included high-level representatives from Germany and the European Parliament, as well as the Chair of Frontex Consultative Forum on fundamental rights.

      The main tasks of the Frontex fundamental rights monitors will be to make sure all operational activities are in line with fundamental rights framework, monitor all types of operations and contribute to Frontex training activities.

      The monitors will be integrated with the agency’s Fundamental Rights Office. The Frontex Fundamental Rights Officer will oversee their work and assign them to particular operations.

      By the end of the year, Frontex and FRA plan to establish a team of as many as 40 fundamental rights monitors. They will undergo enhanced fundamental rights training before they take up their duties next year, when Frontex will deploy the first members of the European Border and Coast Guard standing corps.

      https://frontex.europa.eu/media-centre/news-release/frontex-and-fra-agree-to-establish-fundamental-rights-monitors-OBabL6
      #monitoring

  • Bosnie-Herzégovine : un migrant tué près de la frontière croate

    3 juillet 2020 - 12h : Un migrant a été tué le 2 juillet alors qu’il essayait de traverser la frontière croate près de #Kulen_Vakuf, en Bosnie-Herzégovine, a confirmé la police du canton d’#Una-Sana. « Des habitants de Kulen Vakuf ont informé la police locale qu’un groupe de migrants portaient un homme blessé. Les policiers et l’équipe médicale ont déclaré que l’homme est malheureusement mort de ses blessures, causées par une #arme_à_feu. La blessure fatale était localisée dans le dos de la victime, provenant probablement d’un #fusil », explique Ale Šiljdedić, porte-parole de la police du canton d’Una-Sana.

    Selon les médias locaux, l’identité de la victime et des personnes qui le transportaient est pour le moment inconnue. Selon eux, ces personnes utilisaient les services du camp de réfugiés de Lipa et auraient essayé de passer en Croatie près de Kulen Vakuf.

    https://www.courrierdesbalkans.fr/Les-dernieres-infos-Refugies-Balkans-Bosnie-Herzegovine-un-nouvea

    #asile #migrations #réfugiés #décès #morts #Bosnie #Bosnie-Herzégovine #Croatie #Balkans #route_des_Balkans

    Ajouté à la métaliste sur les morts à la frontière sud-alpine :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/758646#message806449

  • #DJAO - After the Road

    A young refugee tries to live his life in France, fleeing the shadows of his past. Between the weight of his memories and the precarity of being undocumented, he has no other choice than moving forward.

    DJAO has been made to show the psychological marks that most migrants keep from their migration, and how they manage to carry them through their life.

    https://vimeo.com/413128181


    #passé #migrations #réfugiés #asile #film #court-métrage #film_documentaire #témoignage #France #fuite #dignité #survivre #choix #parcours_migratoire #naufrage #Méditerranée #danger #oubli #mémoire #celles_qui_restent #ceux_qui_restent #sans-papiers #peur #renvois #expulsions #danse #Côte_d'Ivoire #réfugiés_ivoiriens #débouté #celleux_qui_restent

    Cette personne, visiblement, est logée dans un #hôtel :

    ping @karine4 @isskein

  • Anonymous Stole and Leaked a Megatrove of Police Documents
    https://www.wired.com/story/blueleaks-anonymous-law-enforcement-hack

    It’s been the better part of a decade since the hacktivist group Anonymous rampaged across the internet, stealing and leaking millions of secret files from dozens of US organizations. Now, amid the global protests following the killing of George Floyd, Anonymous is back—and it’s returned with a dump of hundreds of gigabytes of law enforcement files and internal communications. On Friday of last week, the Juneteenth holiday, a leak-focused activist group known as Distributed Denial of Secrets (...)

    #FBI #activisme #police #données #Anonymous #BigData #BlueLeaks #hacking

    • On Friday of last week, the Juneteenth holiday, a leak-focused activist group known as Distributed Denial of Secrets published a 269-gigabyte collection of police data that includes emails, audio, video, and intelligence documents, with more than a million files in total. DDOSecrets founder Emma Best tells WIRED that the hacked files came from Anonymous—or at least a source self-representing as part of that group, given that under Anonymous’ loose, leaderless structure anyone can declare themselves a member. Over the weekend, supporters of DDOSecrets, Anonymous, and protesters worldwide began digging through the files to pull out frank internal memos about police efforts to track the activities of protesters. The documents also reveal how law enforcement has described groups like the antifascist movement Antifa.

      “It’s the largest published hack of American law enforcement agencies,” Emma Best, cofounder of DDOSecrets, wrote in a series of text messages. “It provides the closest inside look at the state, local, and federal agencies tasked with protecting the public, including [the] government response to COVID and the BLM protests.”
      The Hack

      The massive internal data trove that DDOSecrets published was originally taken from a web development firm called Netsential, according to a law enforcement memo obtained by Kreb On Security. That memo, issued by the National Fusion Center Association, says that much of the data belonged to law enforcement “fusion centers” across the US that act as information-sharing hubs for federal, state, and local agencies. Netsential did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

      Best declined to comment on whether the information was taken from Netsential, but noted that “some Twitter users accurately pointed out that a lot of the data corresponded to Netsential systems.” As for their source, Best would say only that the person self-represented as “capital A Anonymous,” but added cryptically that “people may wind up seeing a familiar name down the line.”

      #fuite #transparence

  • EU: Damning draft report on the implementation of the Return Directive

    Tineke Strik, the Green MEP responsible for overseeing the passage through the European Parliament of the ’recast Return Directive’, which governs certain common procedures regarding the detention and expulsion of non-EU nationals, has prepared a report on the implementation of the original 2008 Return Directive. It criticises the Commission’s emphasis, since 2017, on punitive enforcement measures, at the expense of alternatives that have not been fully explored or implemented by the Commission or the member states, despite the 2008 legislation providing for them.

    See: DRAFT REPORT on the implementation of the Return Directive (2019/2208(INI)): https://www.statewatch.org/media/documents/news/2020/jun/ep-libe-returns-directive-implementation-draft-rep-9-6-20.pdf

    From the explanatory statement:

    “This Report, highlighting several gaps in the implementation of the Return Directive, is not intended to substitute the still overdue fully-fledged implementation assessment of the Commission. It calls on Member States to ensure compliance with the Return Directive and on the Commission to ensure timely and proper monitoring and support for its implementation, and to enforce compliance if necessary.

    (...)

    With a view to the dual objective of the Return Directive, notably promoting effective returns and ensuring that returns comply with fundamental rights and procedural safeguards, this Report shows that the Directive allows for and supports effective returns, but that most factors impeding effective return are absent in the current discourse, as the effectiveness is mainly stressed and understood as return rate.”

    Parliamentary procedure page: Implementation report on the Return Directive (European Parliament, link: https://oeil.secure.europarl.europa.eu/oeil/popups/ficheprocedure.do?reference=2019/2208(INI)&l=en)

    https://www.statewatch.org/news/2020/june/eu-damning-draft-report-on-the-implementation-of-the-return-directive
    #Directive_Retour #EU #Europe #Union_européenne #asile #migrations #réfugiés #renvois #expulsions #rétention #détention_administrative #évaluation #identification #efficacité #2008_Return_Directive #régimes_parallèles #retour_volontaire #déboutés #sans-papiers #permis_de_résidence #régularisation #proportionnalité #principe_de_proportionnalité #AVR_programmes #AVR #interdiction_d'entrée_sur_le_territoire #externalisation #Gambie #Bangladesh #Turquie #Ethiopie #Afghanistan #Guinée #Côte_d'Ivoire #droits_humains #Tineke_Strik #risque_de_fuite #fuite #accord #réadmission

    –—

    Quelques passages intéressants tirés du rapport:

    The study shows that Member States make use of the possibility offered in Article 2(2)(a) not to apply the Directive in “border cases”, by creating parallel regimes, where procedures falling outside the scope of the Directive offer less safeguards compared to the regular return procedure, for instance no voluntary return term, no suspensive effect of an appeal and less restrictions on the length of detention. This lower level of protection gives serious reasons for concern, as the fact that border situations may remain outside the scope of the Directive also enhances the risks of push backs and refoulement. (...) Your Rapporteur considers that it is key to ensure a proper assessment of the risk of refoulement prior to the issuance of a return decision. This already takes place in Sweden and France. Although unaccompanied minors are rarely returned, most Member States do not officially ban their return. Their being subject to a return procedure adds vulnerability to their situation, due to the lack of safeguards and legal certainty.

    (p.4)
    #frontières #zones_frontalières #push-backs #refoulement

    Sur les #statistiques et #chiffres de #Eurostat:

    According to Eurostat, Member States issued over 490.000 return decisions in 2019, of which 85% were issued by the ten Member States under the current study. These figures are less reliable then they seem, due to the divergent practices. In some Member States, migrants are issued with a return decision more than once, children are not issued a decision separately, and refusals at the border are excluded.

    Statistics on the percentage of departure being voluntary show significant varieties between the Member States: from 96% in Poland to 7% in Spain and Italy. Germany and the Netherlands have reported not being able to collect data of non-assisted voluntary returns, which is remarkable in the light of the information provided by other Member States. According to Frontex, almost half of the departures are voluntary.

    (p.5)

    As Article 7(4) is often applied in an automatic way, and as the voluntary departure period is often insufficient to organise the departure, many returnees are automatically subject to an entry ban. Due to the different interpretations of a risk of absconding, the scope of the mandatory imposition of an entry ban may vary considerably between the countries. The legislation and practice in Belgium, Bulgaria, France, the Netherlands and Sweden provides for an automatic entry ban if the term for voluntary departure was not granted or respected by the returnee and in other cases, the imposition is optional. In Germany, Spain, Italy, Poland and Bulgaria however, legislation or practice provides for an automatic imposition of entry bans in all cases, including cases in which the returnee has left during the voluntary departure period. Also in the Netherlands, migrants with a voluntary departure term can be issued with an entry ban before the term is expired. This raises questions on the purpose and effectiveness of imposing an entry ban, as it can have a discouraging effect if imposed at an early stage. Why leave the territory in time on a voluntary basis if that is not rewarded with the possibility to re-enter? This approach is also at odds with the administrative and non-punitive approach taken in the Directive.

    (p.6)

    National legislation transposing the definition of “risk of absconding” significantly differs, and while several Member States have long lists of criteria which justify finding a risk of absconding (Belgium has 11, France 8, Germany 7, The Netherlands 19), other Member States (Bulgaria, Greece, Poland) do not enumerate the criteria in an exhaustive manner. A broad legal basis for detention allows detention to be imposed in a systematic manner, while individual circumstances are marginally assessed. National practices highlighted in this context also confirm previous studies that most returns take place in the first few weeks and that longer detention hardly has an added value.

    (p.6)

    In its 2016 Communication on establishing a new Partnership Framework with third countries under the European Agenda on Migration, the Commission recognised that cooperation with third countries is essential in ensuring effective and sustainable returns. Since the adoption of this Communication, several informal arrangements have been concluded with third countries, including Gambia, Bangladesh, Turkey, Ethiopia, Afghanistan, Guinea and Ivory Coast. The Rapporteur regrets that such informal deals are concluded in the complete absence of duly parliamentary scrutiny and democratic and judicial oversight that according to the Treaties the conclusion of formal readmission agreements would warrant.

    (p.7)

    With the informalisation of cooperation with third countries in the field of migration, including with transit countries, also came an increased emphasis on conditionality in terms of return and readmission. The Rapporteur is concerned that funding earmarked for development cooperation is increasingly being redirected away from development and poverty eradication goals.

    (p.7)
    #développement #aide_au_développement #conditionnalité_de_l'aide

    ping @_kg_ @isskein @i_s_ @karine4 @rhoumour

  • À Fukushima, l’entêtement du gouvernement à rouvrir la zone d’exclusion
    https://theconversation.com/a-fukushima-lentetement-du-gouvernement-a-rouvrir-la-zone-dexclusio

    La position de l’AIEA concernant le retour des populations à résider dans la zone n’est pas plus rationnelle. Elle fait preuve ici de contradictions manifestes : elle autorise le gouvernement à la réouverture de sites, dont le taux de contamination est égal ou en deçà de 20 msv/an, ce qui représente 20 fois la norme internationale fixée par… l’AIEA et les organismes associés.

    Le 8 juin, le préfet de Fukushima M. Uchibori a soutenu publiquement cette décision en spécifiant que la réouverture n’engendrait aucun problème tant que les habitants ne revenaient pas habiter dans ces zones – alors même que les réfugiés verront leurs subventions coupées, cette mesure les contraignant, pour une partie au retour.

    Dans la plus grande incohérence, les habitants sont donc contraints sous la pression des institutions nationales et internationales de gestion du nucléaire, à retourner vivre dans des territoires encore inhabitables selon les normes de sécurité fixées par ces mêmes institutions.

    Cette position est en outre singulièrement problématique, en ce qu’elle annihile tout filet protecteur public, tout en imposant la responsabilité de la gestion de l’accident aux citoyens. Les organisations dirigeantes nationales et internationales imposent à leurs administrés d’assumer les conséquences des diverses catastrophes, détournant ainsi la définition du contrat social, pourtant au fondement de nos systèmes démocratiques.

    Tant dans la gestion des désastres naturels qu’industriels, il apparaît que la protection des habitants par les pouvoirs publics n’apparaît plus ni comme une obligation, ni comme une priorité .

  • NYT : à la suite des débats sur la publication de la tribune libre appelant à l’intervention de l’armée, démission du responsable de la rubrique Opinion et changement d’affectation du rédacteur en chef adjoint de l’éditorial

    Renunció jefe Opinión del NYT por artículo a favor de movilizar el Ejército
    https://www.elnacional.com/mundo/renuncio-jefe-opinion-del-nyt-por-articulo-a-favor-de-movilizar-el-ejerc

    Los cambios se produjeron después de días de controversia sobre el artículo del senador republicano Tom Cooton

    El diario The New York Times anunció este domingo que su jefe de Opinión, James Bennet, renunció a su cargo después de una controversia por la publicación a principios de semana de un artículo del senador republicano Tom Cooton a favor de movilizar el Ejército para controlar las protestas contra el racismo en Estados Unidos.

    Así lo comunicó el editor del Times Arthur Ochs Sulzberger, quien aseguró: «James y yo acordamos que se necesitaría un nuevo equipo para dirigir el departamento con una serie de cambios considerables».

    Katie Kingsbury, quien se unió al Times en 2017, fue nombrada editora interina de la página de opinión, dijo Sulzberger. También anunció que Jim Dao, el jefe adjunto de la página editorial, renunciaba a su puesto y tomaba un nuevo trabajo en la redacción.

    Los cambios se produjeron después de días de controversia sobre el artículo del senador republicano Tom Cooton, publicado el pasado miércoles con el título «Enviar las tropas», que fue criticado por lectores e incluso periodistas del NYT.

    • à sa décharge (?), il ne l’avait pas lu…

      La columna, que Bennet dijo más tarde que no leyó antes de la publicación, provocó una revuelta por parte de empleados del Times, con docenas de mensajes críticos en Twitter.

      Disculpas
      Bennet inicialmente defendió la publicación del artículo, y afirmó en Twitter: «La sección de Opinión del Times le debe a nuestros lectores mostrarles contra-argumentos, particularmente aquellos que aportan por personas en condiciones de establecer políticas».

      Pero en una reunión interna del Times el viernes pasado Bennet se disculpó, diciendo que el artículo de opinión no debería haber sido publicado y que fue el resultado de un error en el proceso destinado a examinar esas piezas, según medios locales.

      En su nota al personal, Sulzberger dijo que «ninguno de estos cambios marca un retroceso de la responsabilidad del Times de ayudar a las personas a comprender una variedad de voces en toda la amplitud del debate público».

      «Ese papel es tan importante como siempre lo ha sido. Somos una nación polarizada cuya comprensión compartida del mundo se ha fracturado. El Times, y el periodismo en general, desempeña un papel esencial para dar sentido a este momento. Luchando con la historia que nos ha traído aquí y ayudando al público a trazar un camino a seguir», agregó.

      En un comunicado anunciando la renuncia de Bennet, dijo que el ex-editor era «un periodista de enorme talento e integridad que cree profundamente en la misión del Times».

    • Un séisme en cours aux effets multiples, y compris dans le ciel de la représentation

      CHOISIR SON CAMP - Colin Powell a dénoncé dans une interview accordée à CNN les « mensonges » du président Donald Trump. L’ancien secrétaire d’État de George W. Bush a annoncé son intention de voter pour son rival, le démocrate Joe Biden.

      https://www.lci.fr/international/election-presidentielle-americaine-3-novembre-2020-colin-powell-accuse-donald-tr

      #funny #USA

  • Pollution en Arctique : Poutine déclare l’Etat d’urgence | Connaissances des énergies
    https://www.connaissancedesenergies.org/afp/pollution-en-arctique-poutine-declare-letat-durgence-200603

    Le président russe Vladimir Poutine a déclaré mercredi l’état d’urgence et sermonné le patron d’une filiale du géant minier Norilsk Nickel après une grave fuite de carburant dans une rivière de l’Arctique.

    L’un des réservoirs de diesel d’une centrale thermique s’est effondré vendredi, entrainant une fuite de plus de 20.000 tonnes d’hydrocarbures près de la ville arctique de Norilsk.

    Les responsables de la centrale qui appartient à NTEK, une filiale de Norilsk Nickel, ont tardé à réagir et à prendre des mesures pour limiter la pollution, ont affirmé lors d’une visioconférence des hauts responsables à M. Poutine, qui a alors sermonné le patron de NTEK, Sergueï Lipine.

    « Pourquoi les agences gouvernementales n’ont-elles été mises au courant que deux jours après les faits ? Allons-nous apprendre les situations d’urgences sur les réseaux sociaux ? », s’est demandé Vladimir Poutine.

  • « Si l’Afrique veut être plus efficace face aux épidémies futures, elle doit tirer les leçons de ses insuffisances »
    https://www.lemonde.fr/afrique/article/2020/05/31/si-l-afrique-veut-etre-plus-efficace-face-aux-epidemies-futures-elle-doit-ti

    Ces mesures gouvernementales ont été prises sans concertation, mal expliquées, incohérentes, dépourvues de suivi et d’appui de proximité, et peu adaptées aux contextes locaux. Elles ont oscillé entre violence et laxisme, avec des fermetures d’églises et de mosquées, rouvertes ultérieurement alors même que le nombre de cas augmentait, des tentatives velléitaires (souvent non suivies d’effets) de restreindre la fréquentation des marchés ou de mettre fin à l’activité des motos-taxis, des couvre-feux arbitraires, des interdictions et exhortations contradictoires. Pour l’essentiel, les marchés, les églises, les mosquées continuent d’être fréquentés, les motos-taxis à rouler avec leurs passagers, les baptêmes et les funérailles à rassembler les proches, les jeunes à prendre le thé sur les trottoirs, les gens à voyager et même à traverser des frontières poreuses, tout cela malgré les bastonnades sans ménagement des forces de police.

    #Covid-19#migrant#migration#Afrique#mesures-sanitaires#pandémie#funérailles#frontières#santé#OlivierDeSardan

  • Hérault : va-t-on enfin pouvoir poser sa serviette sur la plage à partir du 2 juin ?
    https://www.midilibre.fr/2020/05/29/herault-va-t-on-enfin-pouvoir-poser-sa-serviette-sur-le-plage-a-partir-du-

    La préfecture de l’Hérault nous l’a confirmé ce vendredi 29 mai. À partir de ce mardi 2 juin, c’est la fin de la plage dynamique sur le littoral héraultais comme sur l’ensemble du territoire français. Terminé l’obligation de rester en mouvement.

    #fuck_yeah_plagiste

  • [Fade to Pleasure ] #77.2 Feat #snooba
    http://www.radiopanik.org/emissions/ftp/-77-2-feat-snooba

    An audio to help to get in line with enhance positive feelings through better awareness of one’s surroundings.Hope for improve your physical, mental and spiritual well being.

    #panik #mix #radio_panik #future #rap #mixtape #creolisation #deep #r'nb #panik,mix,radio_panik,snooba,future,rap,mixtape,creolisation,deep,r’nb
    http://www.radiopanik.org/media/sounds/ftp/-77-2-feat-snooba_09095__1.mp3

    • What does the COVID-19 crisis mean for #aspiring_migrants who are planning to leave home?

      In late April 2020, I decided to document the experiences of aspiring nurse migrants from the Philippines, where the government had imposed a one-month quarantine in many parts of the country. With two colleagues based in Manila, we recruited interviewees through Facebook, and then spoke to Filipino nurses “stranded” in different provinces within the Philippines – all with pending contracts in the UK, Singapore, Germany, and Saudi Arabia.

      Initially, we thought that our project would help paint a broader picture of how #COVID-19 creates an “unprecedented” form of immobility for health workers (to borrow the language of so many news reports and pundits in the media). True enough, our interviewees’ stories were marked with the loss of time, money, and opportunity.

      Lost time, money, opportunity

      Most striking was the case of Mabel in Cebu City. Mabel began to worry about her impending deployment to the UK when the Philippine government cancelled all domestic trips to Manila, where her international flight was scheduled to depart. Her Manila-based agency tried to rebook her flight to leave from Cebu to the UK. Unfortunately, the agency had taken Mabel’s passport when processing her papers, which is a common practice among migration agencies, and there was no courier service that could deliver it to her in time. Eventually, Mabel’s British employers put her contract on hold because the UK had gone on lockdown as well.

      As nurses grapple with disrupted plans, recruitment agencies offer limited support. Joshua, a nurse from IloIlo, flew to Manila with all his belongings, only to find out that his next flight to Singapore was postponed indefinitely. His agent refunded his placement fee but provided no advice on what to do next. “All they said was, ‘Umuwi ka nalang’ (Just go home),” Joshua recalled. “I told them that I’m already here. I resigned from my job…Don’t tell me to go home.” With 10 other nurses, Joshua asked the agency to appeal for financial assistance from their employer in Singapore. “We signed a contract. Aren’t we their employees already?” They received no response from either party.

      Mabel and Joshua’s futile efforts to get through the closing of both internal and international borders reflects the unique circumstances of the pandemic. However, as we spoke to more interviewees about their interrupted migration journeys, I couldn’t help but wonder: how different is pandemic-related immobility from the other forms of immobility that aspiring nurse migrants have faced in the past?

      Pandemic as just another form of immobility?

      Again, Mabel’s story is illuminating. Even before she applied to the UK, Mabel was no stranger to cancelled opportunities. In 2015, she applied to work as a nurse in Manitoba, Canada. Yet, after passing the necessary exams, Mabel was told that Manitoba’s policies had changed and her work experiences were no longer regarded to be good enough for immigration. Still hoping for a chance to leave, Mabel applied to an employer in Quebec instead, devoting two years to learn French and prepare for the language exam. However, once again, her application was withdrawn because recruiters decided to prioritize nurses with “more experience.”

      One might argue that the barriers to mobility caused by the pandemic is incomparable to the setbacks created by shifting immigration policies. However, in thinking through Mabel’s story and that of our other interviewees, it seems that the emotional distress experienced in both cases are not all that different.

      As migration scholars now reflect more deeply on questions of immobility, it might be useful to consider how the experiences of immobility are differentiated. Immobility is not a single thing. How does a virus alter aspiring migrants’ perception about their inability to leave the country? As noted in a previous blog post from Xiao Ma, the COVID-19 pandemic may bring about new regimes of immobility, different from the immigration regimes that have blocked nurses’ plans in the past. It might also lead to more intense moral judgments on those who do eventually leave.

      April, a nurse bound for Saudi Arabia, recounted a conversation with a neighbor who found out that she was a “stranded” nurse. Instead of commiserating, the neighbor told April, “Dito ka nalang muna. Kailangan ka ng Pilipinas” (Well you should stay here first. Your country needs you). April said she felt a mixture of annoyance and pity. “I feel sorry for Filipino patients. I do want to serve…But I also need to provide for my family.”

      Now, my collaborators and I realized that our ongoing research must also work to differentiate pandemic-related immobility from the barriers that nurse migrants have faced in the past. For our interviewees, the pandemic seems more unpredictable and limits the options they can take. For now, all of our interviewees have been resigned to waiting at home, in the hope of borders opening up once again.

      Immobility among migration scholars

      More broadly, perhaps this is also a time to reflect on our own immobility as scholars whose travels for field work and conferences have been put on hold. Having the university shut down and international activity frozen is truly unprecedented. However, in some ways, many scholars have long experienced other forms of immobility as well.

      While the COVID-19 crisis had forced me to cancel two conferences in the last two months, one of my Manila-based collaborators has never attended an academic event beyond Asia because his applications for tourist visas have always been rejected (twice by the Canadian embassy, once by the US embassy). Another friend, a Filipino PhD student, had to wait two months for approval to conduct research in Lebanon, prompting her to write a “back-up proposal” for her dissertation in case her visa application was declined.

      Browsing through social media, it is interesting for me to observe an increasing number of American and British scholars ruminating on their current “immobility.” Living in this moment of pandemic, I can understand that it is tempting to think of our current constraints as exceptional. However, we also need to pause and consider how immobility is not a new experience for many others.

      #immobilité #Philippines #infirmières #migrations #fermeture_des_frontières #travailleurs_étrangers #futurs_migrants

      @sinehebdo —> nouveau mot

      #aspiring_migrants (qui peut ressembler un peu à #candidats_à_l'émigration qu’on a déjà, mais c’est pas tout à fait cela quand même... #futurs_migrants ?)
      #vocabulaire #mots #terminologie #agences #contrat #travail #coronavirus #stranded #blocage

    • Les chercheurs distinguent les personnes qui asiprent à migrer, c’est-à-dire qui déclare la volonté de partir, des personnes qui ont entamé des démarches effectives pour partir au cours des dernières semaines (demande de visa, envoi de CV, demande d’un crédit bancaire, etc.). Les enquêtes montrent que la différence entre les deux groupes est quantitativement très importante.

  • Les Hommes lents : résister à la modernité de Laurent Vidal et Éloge du retard d’Hélène L’Heuillet
    https://www.franceculture.fr/emissions/avis-critique/les-hommes-lents-resister-a-la-modernite-de-laurent-vidal-et-eloge-du-


    Deux livres qui s’attaquent au mal contemporain, j’ai nommé : l’accélération. Dans Les Hommes Lents : résister à la Modernité, XVe-XXe siècle, publié chez Flammarion, Laurent Vidal propose une histoire peu connue : celle de la lenteur. L’historien montre comment la Modernité s’est construite sur une discrimination, fondée sur la vitesse érigée en vertu sociale. Mais si la lenteur est un vice, attribué plus volontiers aux pauvres, aux indigènes colonisés ou aux migrants… elle peut aussi devenir une arme de subversion dans les mains des dominés. Même objet, autre regard, Hélène L’Heuillet propose dans son dernier essai un Éloge du retard, publié chez Albin Michel. La philosophe se penche sur cette angoisse du retard qui nous hante et nous pousse à chercher toujours plus de précocité dans notre quotidien, notre travail, l’éducation de nos enfants… nous n’avons plus le temps car nous l’avons perdu, ou peut-être tué… au risque de nous perdre nous-mêmes.

    #lenteur #accélération #rapidité #fulgurence

  • Grands projets inutiles en temps de confinement | Zoom Ecologie
    http://www.zoom-ecologie.net/?Grands-projets-inutiles-en-temps-de-Confinement

    Dans l’état d’urgence sanitaire décrété il y a maintenant deux mois, le confinement semble à géométrie variable, interdisant d’un côté aux militant-e-s de se réunir pour s’organiser contre les projets d’aménagement, autorisant de l’autre les aménageurs à poursuivre leur entreprise de bétonisation du monde. Pour nous en parler nous recevons les collectifs de la ZAD de la Dune, de la ZAD du Brochet et de Terres Communes, chacun nous faisant pas de la situation vécue sur place et des perspectives pour s’organiser dans ce nouveau contexte politique. Durée : 1h15. Source : Fréquence Paris Plurielle

    http://www.zoom-ecologie.net/IMG/mp3/ze_2020-05-07_confinement-zad.mp3