#g

  • Le dessous des images. Derniers instants avant le naufrage

    Au large de la Grèce, une équipe de garde-côtes survole et capture cette scène depuis un hélicoptère. Des centaines de migrants appellent au secours depuis un chalutier. La plupart ne survivront pas au naufrage. Mais à quoi a servi cette image ? Présenté par Sonia Devillers, le magazine qui analyse les images de notre époque.

    Ce cliché du 13 juin 2023 est repris dans toute la presse internationale. Les autorités grecques ont photographié ce bateau de pêche qu’ils savent bondé et fragile, et dont les passagers sont affamés et déshydratés. Pourtant, ils ne seront pas capables de les secourir. La responsabilité des garde-côtes sera mise en cause par médias et ONG. Arthur Carpentier, journaliste au Monde et coauteur d’une enquête sur ce naufrage, nous explique en quoi les images ont permis de reconstituer le drame. Le chercheur suisse Charles Heller nous aide à comprendre l’impact médiatique, politique et symbolique des images de migrants et de naufrages en Méditerranée.

    https://www.arte.tv/fr/videos/110342-133-A/le-dessous-des-images

    Citation de #Charles_Heller :

    « Ces #images cristallisent toutes les #inégalités et les #conflits du monde dans lequel on vit. Elles nous disent aussi la #normalisation de la #violence des #frontières, sur la large acceptation de dizaines de milliers de #morts aux frontières européennes, et en #Méditerranée en particulier »

    #naufrage #migrations #réfugiés #mer #Méditerranée #mer_Méditerranée #Grèce #reconstruction #Pylos #géolocalisation #architecture_forensique #images #mourir_en_mer #morts_en_mer #garde-côtes #Frontex #reconstitution #SAR #mer_Egée #border_forensics #domination #imaginaire #invasion #3_octobre_2013 #émoi #émotions #normalisation_de_la_violence

    ping @reka

  • Des images de la destruction de six tours d’habitation à Khan Younis :
    https://twitter.com/NourNaim88/status/1730995046281810006

    This isn’t a scene from a Hollywood movie; it’s #Gaza.

    The Israeli war machine demolishes 6 towers in Khan Younis at once, one tower after another !

    My heart almost stops as I watch this horrific footage . How are the children enduring this horror?

    https://video.twimg.com/ext_tw_video/1730994955747729408/pu/vid/avc1/848x474/4ixgeg_6ECr8HMtj.mp4


    De la bien belle précision chirurgicale de la part de l’armée la plus morale du monde. (Contrairement aux russes et aux syriens, qui sont des barbares.)

  • Israël arme les autocrates du monde avec des armes testées sur les Palestiniens

    Ce fut un génocide que de nombreux dirigeants du monde entier ont tenté d’ignorer. Au printemps 1994, sous couvert d’une guerre, les extrémistes hutus du Rwanda ont commencé à exterminer la population tutsie avoisinante, tuant plus de 800 000 civils et forçant environ 2 millions de personnes à fuir le pays. Au début de cette campagne meurtrière de 100 jours, les Nations unies ont découragé tout engagement international, la qualifiant de « conflit interne ». Toutefois, lorsque l’opinion publique occidentale a compris ce qui se passait, de nombreux pays ont envoyé de l’aide. Cet été-là, le président Bill Clinton – qui avait traîné les pieds malgré l’avertissement de l’ambassade états-unienne locale quant à l’imminence des massacres – a finalement demandé au Congrès une aide de 320 millions de dollars. Yossi Sarid, ministre israélien de l’Environnement [de 1992 à 1996 – membre du Meretz], est arrivé au Rwanda avec une délégation médicale pour aider les survivants. Selon le journaliste Antony Loewenstein, la démarche de Yossi Sarid n’était toutefois qu’une façade, car « avant et pendant le génocide », même après l’embargo décrété par la plupart des pays, le gouvernement israélien avait envoyé des armes aux forces hutues – mitraillettes Uzu et fusils d’assaut Galil, grenades et munitions – en plusieurs cargaisons d’une valeur de plusieurs millions de dollars.

    https://entreleslignesentrelesmots.wordpress.com/2023/12/03/israel-arme-les-autocrates-du-monde-avec-des-a

    #international #israel

    • source Democracy now
      traduction http://alencontre.org/ameriques/americnord/usa/israel-arme-les-autocrates-du-monde-avec-des-armes-testees-sur-les-pales

      « En 2021, Eli Pinko, ancien et premier directeur de l’Agence israélienne de contrôle des exportations de défense, a déclaré : « C’est soit les droits civiques dans un pays, soit le droit d’Israël d’exister. J’aimerais que chacun d’entre vous s’affronte à ce dilemme et dise : “Non, nous défendrons les droits de l’homme dans l’autre pays”. » Avec cette éthique, l’économie israélienne a rapidement « abandonné les oranges pour les grenades », comme l’a fait remarquer un critique. Après la guerre des Six Jours en 1967, lorsque le pays âgé de 19 ans a lancé une attaque préventive contre ses voisins – s’emparant de la Cisjordanie, de Gaza, de Jérusalem-Est et du plateau du Golan – une nouvelle ère de la politique israélienne a commencé.

      Selon Antony Loewenstein, ces initiatives ont engagé le pays « sur une voie militaire qui ne s’est jamais arrêtée », même si, pour être juste, Israël n’était pas le seul sur ce terrain. Six ans auparavant, Dwight Eisenhower avait mis en garde contre les dangers d’un complexe militaro-industriel états-unien dans son discours d’adieu [17 janvier 1961]. Il serait erroné de considérer ce terme pompeux comme représentant simplement un problème national. Au contraire, ces deux complexes – états-unien et israélien – se sont développés de manière interdépendante au sein d’un système plus large.

      The Palestine Laboratory: How Israel Exports the Technology of Occupation Around the World, Verso, mai 2023, Antony Loewenstein

      #livre #armement #commerce_des_armes #guerre

  • "Wie ein zweiter Tod"

    Am griechisch-türkischen Grenzfluss Evros enden Versuche, in die EU zu gelangen, immer wieder mit dem Tod. Die Verstorbenen werden oft spät gefunden und bleiben namenlos - ein Trauma für die Angehörigen.

    Am 17. Oktober 2022 überquert die 22-jährige Suhur den Evros, den Grenzfluss zwischen der Türkei und Griechenland. Ein Schlepper verspricht der Frau aus Somalia, sie bis nach Thessaloniki zu bringen. Auf der griechischen Seite angekommen, geht es schnell weiter durch einen Wald.

    Doch Suhur hat starke Bauchschmerzen, nach einigen Kilometern kann sie nicht mehr weiterlaufen. Die anderen aus der Gruppe lassen sie alleine zurück, ihre Freundin verspricht Hilfe zu suchen. Doch dazu dazu kommt es nicht. Tage später findet die Polizei ihre Leiche.

    Es ist Suhurs Onkel Fahti, der ihre Geschichte erzählt, nachdem er ihre Leiche im Universitätskrankenhaus in Alexandroupoli identifiziert hat.
    Engmaschige Kontrollen entlang des Ufers

    Suhur ist eine von vielen Menschen, die versuchen, über den Evros zu gelangen, um Europa zu erreichen. Der Fluss markiert eine Außengrenze der Europäischen Union. Entlang der griechischen Uferseite allerdings wird engmaschig kontrolliert, regelmäßig sind unterschiedliche Polizeieinheiten in der Gegend unterwegs.

    In der Grenzzone selbst ist der Zutritt streng verboten, nur mit Sondererlaubnis darf man in die Nähe des Flusses gehen. Seit 2020 wird ein Grenzzaun errichtet, 38 Kilometer ist er bereits lang, er soll Migranten von einem illegalen Übertritt abhalten.

    Weiterhin traurige Rekorde

    Doch offenbar verfehlen die Maßnahmen ihre erwünschte Wirkung. So erreichten allein im Jahr 2022 laut UNHCR 6022 Flüchtlinge über den Landweg Griechenland, das sind ähnlich hohe Zahlen wie vor der Verschärfung der Kontrollen.

    Einen traurigen Rekord stellt die Zahl der Toten auf, die gefunden werden. Mindestens 63 Menschen sind nach offiziellen Angaben auf der Flucht gestorben, die tatsächlichen Zahlen dürften noch deutlich höher liegen.

    https://www.tagesschau.de/multimedia/sendung/tagesthemen/video-1153371.html

    Ein Rechtsmediziner zählt die Toten

    In Alexandroupoli, auf griechischer Seite, arbeitet Pavlos Pavlidis als Rechtsmediziner der Region. Jeder am Evros gefundene tote Flüchtling wird von ihm obduziert.

    Pavlidis führt Protokoll über die Anzahl der Toten am Evros. Auch der tote Körper der Somalierin Suhur wurde ihm aus einem Waldstück nahe des Flusses gebracht.

    Aus London angereist, um die Nichte zu identifizieren

    Nun sitzt ihr Onkel Fahti auf einem Sofa in seinem Büro. Sie sei eine wunderschöne Frau gewesen, sagt er. Fathi ist aus London angereist, um seine Nichte zu identifizieren.

    Die Freundin von Suhur, so erzählt es Fathi, habe sich der griechischen Polizei gestellt, um sie zu der schwer erkrankten Suhur zu führen. Doch die Polizei habe nicht nach ihr gesucht, und die Freundin sofort zurück in die Türkei abgeschoben.

    Verifizieren lässt sich diese Version der Geschehnisse nicht mehr. Die „Push-Back“-Praxis, das Abschieben von Migranten ohne Verfahren, wurde offiziell nie von der griechischen Regierung bestätigt.Trotzdem gibt es viele ähnliche Berichte von Betroffenen.

    Rechtsmediziner Pavlidis hat Suhurs toten Körper obduziert und kommt zu dem Ergebnis: Die junge Frau habe auf der Flucht einen Magendurchbruch erlitten, voraussichtlich hervorgerufen durch großen Stress. Am Ende sei sie an einer Sepsis gestorben. Durch Erschöpfung hervorgerufene Krankheiten seien eine häufige Todesursache am Evros, die häufigste aber Ertrinken im Fluss.

    Viel Flüchtlinge können kaum schwimmen

    Pavlidis sagt, die Verantwortung für die vielen Toten trügen zunächst die Schlepper, die die Schlauchboote völlig überladen, so, dass sie schnell kenterten. Viele Flüchtlinge könnten kaum schwimmen, so werde der Fluss zur Gefahr für ihr Leben.

    Die Flüchtlinge selbst unterschätzen offenbar die Gefährlichkeit der Überfahrt. Aber auch die strenge Abschirmung der Grenze bedeutet für sie eine Gefahr. Um den Grenzschützern auszuweichen, schlagen sie immer gefährlichere Routen ein.

    Wer aufgegriffen wird, muss Angst haben, abgeschoben zu werden. Verletzt sich einer aus der Gruppe, muss dieser damit rechnen, alleine zurückgelassen zu werden. Denn Hilfe zu holen, würde für alle bedeuten, dass ihre teuer bezahlte Flucht erst einmal gestoppt ist.

    Aktuell 52 ungeklärte Todesfälle

    Immer wieder findet die Polizei Tote also auch in den bewaldeten Bergen entlang des Flusses. Die Leichen sind schon nach wenigen Tagen kaum noch zu identifizieren. Pavlidis versucht es trotzdem, sucht nach Todesursache und Todeszeitpunkt und nach Antworten auf die Frage, wer ist dieser Mensch war.

    Aktuell erzählt Pavlidis von 52 ungeklärten Fällen. Hinter jedem einzelnen stünden Angehörige, die diese Menschen vermissten. Die Identität zu verlieren, sei wie ein zweiter Tod, sagt der Rechtsmediziner.

    Etwa 200 Grabsteine erinnern an die namenlosen Toten

    Um den namenlosen Toten eine letzte Ruhestätte zu geben, entstand in dem in den Bergen, nahe der Gemeinde Sidiro, ein Friedhof, der ihnen gewidmet ist. Etwa 200 Grabsteine stehen hier auf einer leichten Anhöhe. Auf den Platten stehen Nummern. Pavlidis führt eine Liste mit den entsprechenden Nummern in seinem Büro.

    Falls doch irgendwann ein Angehöriger zu ihm käme und mit Hilfe einer DNA-Probe einen Toten identifiziere, könne der auf dem Friedhof der Namenlosen ausgegraben und umgebettet werden.

    Im Fall der Somalierin Suhur ist Pavlidis eine Identifizierung gelungen. Ihr Onkel Fathi lebte wochenlang mit der Ungewissheit, was seiner Nichte geschehen sein könnte.

    Nachdem er bei der griechischen Polizei eine Suchanzeige abgegeben hat, lebt er nun mit der brutalen Gewissheit, dass Suhur gestorben ist. Wenigstens habe er nun Klarheit, sagt er, so dass seine Familie und er nun von Suhur Abschied nehmen könnten.

    https://www.tagesschau.de/multimedia/audio/audio-154699.html
    https://www.tagesschau.de/ausland/europa/eu-aussengrenze-migration-101.html

    #frontières #mourir_aux_frontières #morts_aux_frontières #Evros #fleuve #Turquie #Grèce #Pavlos_Pavlidis #cimetière #migrations #asile #réfugiés #identification #murs #barrières_frontalières

  • Berlin Gesundbrunnen
    https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Berlin-Gesundbrunnen

    Im Jahr 1861 wurden Gesundbrunnen und der benachbarte Wedding nach Berlin eingemeindet. Mit dem Groß-Berlin-Gesetz von 1920 gingen beide Orte im Bezirk Wedding auf. Der heutige Ortsteil Gesundbrunnen entstand mit anderer Abgrenzung im Rahmen der Verwaltungsreform 2001 durch Teilung des alten Bezirks Wedding.

    Die Reform fasste die ehemaligen Verwaltungsbezirke Wedding, Mitte und Tiergarten in einem neuen Bezirk Mitte zusammen, der aus den Ortsteilen Wedding, Gesundbrunnen, Mitte, Tiergarten, Moabit und Hansaviertel besteht.

    Karte von Gesundbrunnen
    https://www.openstreetmap.org/relation/28426
    Karte von Wedding
    https://www.openstreetmap.org/relation/28267


    Travemünder Straße Flohmarkt an der Panke, Juli 2019
    https://www.openstreetmap.org/way/1105274569


    Pankemühle, Juni 2016
    https://www.openstreetmap.org/way/36606093

    Berlin Britz
    https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Berlin-Britz

    Britz gehörte zum Kreis Teltow der preußischen Provinz Brandenburg. Bei der Bildung Groß-Berlins im Jahr 1920 kam der Ort mit 13.475 Einwohnern zum Berliner Bezirk Neukölln. Auf dem Gelände des ehemaligen Ritterguts entstand in der Zeit ab 1925 die Großsiedlung Britz (früher: Fritz-Reuter-Stadt), bestehend aus der Hufeisensiedlung und der Krugpfuhlsiedlung.
    ...
    In den 1960er Jahren entstand die Großwohnsiedlung Britz-Buckow-Rudow, die seit 2002 den eigenen Ortsteil Gropiusstadt bildet.

    https://www.openstreetmap.org/relation/162901

    https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Berlin-Britz


    Mehr Fifties-Idylle geht nicht. Oktober 2011
    https://www.openstreetmap.org/way/51095474

    Berlin Halensee
    https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Berlin-Halensee

    Benannt 1880 nach dem gleichnamigen See, zur damaligen Kolonie Grunewald gehörig, und angetrieben durch die Eröffnung des Ringbahnhofs Berlin-Grunewald (heute: Bahnhof Halensee) entstand der Ortsteil als Villen- und Mietshaussiedlung Ende des 19. Jahrhunderts. Der Bereich Halensee entwickelte sich rasch zu einem bevorzugten Wohnort von pensionierten Militärs, Beamten, Literaten und Rentiers. Bis zum Jahr 1914 war die Bebauung praktisch abgeschlossen.
    ...
    Halensee wurde zusammen mit der Stadt Wilmersdorf im Jahr 1920 nach Groß-Berlin eingemeindet.

    https://www.openstreetmap.org/relation/55741


    Eduard-Winter-Haus, Kurfürstendamm 106 Ecke Karlsruher Straße, April 2010
    https://www.openstreetmap.org/node/6273647384

    Berlin Charlottenburg
    https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Berlin-Charlottenburg

    Charlottenburg ist ein Ortsteil des Bezirks Charlottenburg-Wilmersdorf von Berlin.

    Im Jahr 1705 als Stadt gegründet, wurde Charlottenburg 1893 zur Großstadt. Bei der Eingemeindung 1920 nach Groß-Berlin wurde daraus der eigenständige Bezirk Charlottenburg. Zuvor war Charlottenburg zeitweise die Gemeinde mit dem höchsten Steueraufkommen pro Kopf in Deutschland gewesen.[1] Nach der Fusion mit dem damaligen Bezirk Wilmersdorf zum neuen Bezirk Charlottenburg-Wilmersdorf bei der Verwaltungsreform 2001 wurde der Bezirk Charlottenburg zum Ortsteil herabgestuft. Eine Neuordnung der Ortsteile des Bezirks Charlottenburg-Wilmersdorf erfolgte 2004, wodurch das Gebiet des ehemaligen Bezirks Charlottenburg in die heutigen Ortsteile Westend, Charlottenburg-Nord und Charlottenburg aufgeteilt wurde.

    https://www.openstreetmap.org/relation/110126


    Hotel Kempinski, Mai 2010 (2023 Hotel Bristol),
    https://www.openstreetmap.org/node/3037805654
    https://www.openstreetmap.org/node/254307082

    Berlin Nikolassee
    https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Berlin-Nikolassee

    Nikolassee liegt im Südwesten Berlins zwischen den Ortsteilen Wannsee, Grunewald, Zehlendorf und Schlachtensee. Im Westen grenzt Nikolassee an die Havel mit dem Großen Wannsee.

    Die Villenkolonie Nikolassee wurde 1901 gegründet und 1910 zu einer selbstständigen preußischen Landgemeinde im Landkreis Teltow.
    Bei der Bildung von Groß-Berlin 1920 wurde Nikolassee ein Ortsteil des neu gegründeten Bezirks Zehlendorf. Südliche Grenze war die Dreilindenstraße, über die damals der Fernverkehr geführt wurde, angrenzende Gebiete kamen erst 1928 mit der Auflösung des Gutsbezirks Düppel zu Nikolassee und damit zu Berlin. In den 1930er Jahren kam am Ostrand von Nikolassee die Siedlung Wonnegauviertel hinzu.

    Seit 2001 ist Nikolassee Ortsteil des Bezirks Steglitz-Zehlendorf. Im Dezember 2020 gab Nikolassee einen größeren Gebietsteil an den neugebildeten Ortsteil Schlachtensee ab.

    https://www.openstreetmap.org/relation/409219
    https://www.openstreetmap.org/way/24747969


    Berliner Yacht-Club, Ansegeln April 2017

    Alle Bilder von https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/User:Fridolin_freudenfett

    #Berlin #Mitte #Gesundbrunnen #Travemünder_Straße #Neukölln #Britz #Schlosserweg #Charlottenburg-Wilmersdorf #Halensee #Kurfürstendamm #Karlsruher_Straße ##Charlottenburg #Fasanenstraße #Nikolassee #Dreilindenstraße #Wannseebadweg #Fotografie
    #VW-Käfer

  • Le #village_sous_la_forêt, de #Heidi_GRUNEBAUM et #Mark_KAPLAN

    En #1948, #Lubya a été violemment détruit et vidé de ses habitants par les forces militaires israéliennes. 343 villages palestiniens ont subi le même sort. Aujourd’hui, de #Lubya, il ne reste plus que des vestiges, à peine visibles, recouverts d’une #forêt majestueuse nommée « Afrique du Sud ». Les vestiges ne restent pas silencieux pour autant.

    La chercheuse juive sud-africaine, #Heidi_Grunebaum se souvient qu’étant enfant elle versait de l’argent destiné officiellement à planter des arbres pour « reverdir le désert ».

    Elle interroge les acteurs et les victimes de cette tragédie, et révèle une politique d’effacement délibérée du #Fonds_national_Juif.

    « Le Fonds National Juif a planté 86 parcs et forêts de pins par-dessus les décombres des villages détruits. Beaucoup de ces forêts portent le nom des pays, ou des personnalités célèbres qui les ont financés. Ainsi il y a par exemple la Forêt Suisse, le Parc Canada, le Parc britannique, la Forêt d’Afrique du Sud et la Forêt Correta King ».

    https://www.villageunderforest.com

    Trailer :

    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ISmj31rJkGQ

    #israel #palestine #carte #Israël #afrique_du_sud #forêt #documentaire

    #film #documentaire #film_documentaire

    (copier-coller de ce post de 2014 : https://seenthis.net/messages/317236)

    • Documentary Space, Place, and Landscape

      In documentaries of the occupied West Bank, erasure is imaged in the wall that sunders families and communities, in the spaces filled with blackened tree stumps of former olive groves, now missing to ensure “security,” and in the cactus that still grows, demarcating cultivated land whose owners have been expelled.

      This materiality of the landscape becomes figural, such that Shehadeh writes, “[w]hen you are exiled from your land … you begin, like a pornographer, to think about it in symbols. You articulate your love for your land in its absence, and in the process transform it into something else.’’[x] The symbolization reifies and, in this process, something is lost, namely, a potential for thinking differently. But in these Palestinian films we encounter a documenting of the now of everyday living that unfixes such reification. This is a storytelling of vignettes, moments, digressions, stories within stories, and postponed endings. These are stories of interaction, of something happening, in a documenting of a being and doing now, while awaiting a future yet to be known, and at the same time asserting a past history to be remembered through these images and sounds. Through this there arises the accenting of these films, to draw on Hamid Naficy’s term, namely a specific tone of a past—the Nakba or catastrophe—as a continuing present, insofar as the conflict does not allow Palestinians to imagine themselves in a determinate future of place and landscape they can call their own, namely a state.[xi]

      In Hanna Musleh’s I’m a Little Angel (2000), we follow the children of families, both Muslim and Christian, in the area of Bethlehem affected by the 2000 Israeli armed forces attacks and occupation.[xii] One small boy, Nicola, suffered the loss of an arm when he was hit by a shell when walking to church with his mother. His kite, seen flying high in the sky, brings delighted shrieks from Nicola as he plays on the family terrace from which the town and its surrounding hills are visible in the distance. But the contrast between the freedom of the kite in this unlimited vista and his reduced capacity is palpable as he struggles to control it with his remaining hand. The containment of both Nicola and his community is figured in opposition to a possible freedom. What is also required of us is to think not of freedom from the constraints of disability, but of freedom with disability, in a future to be made after. The constraints introduced upon the landscape by the occupation, however, make the future of such living indeterminate and uncertain. Here is the “cinema of the lived,”[xiii] of multiple times of past and present, of possible and imagined future time, and the actualized present, each of which is encountered in the movement in a singular space of Nicola and his kite.


      http://mediafieldsjournal.squarespace.com/documentary-space-place-and-la/2011/7/18/documentary-space-place-and-landscape.html;jsessioni
      #cactus #paysage

    • Memory of the Cactus

      A 42 minute documentary film that combines the cactus and the memories it stands for. The film addresses the story of the destruction of the Palestinian villages of Latroun in the Occupied West Bank and the forcible transfer of their civilian population in 1967. Over 40 years later, the Israeli occupation continues, and villagers remain displaced. The film follows two separate but parallel journeys. Aisha Um Najeh takes us down the painful road that Palestinians have been forcefully pushed down, separating them in time and place from the land they nurtured; while Israelis walk freely through that land, enjoying its fruits. The stems of the cactus, however, take a few of them to discover the reality of the crime committed.

      https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=DQ_LjknRHVA

    • Aujourd’hui, j’ai re-regardé le film « Le village sous la forêt », car je vais le projeter à mes étudiant·es dans le cadre du cours de #géographie_culturelle la semaine prochaine.

      Voici donc quelques citations tirées du film :

      Sur une des boîtes de récolte d’argent pour planter des arbres en Palestine, c’est noté « make wilderness bloom » :

      Voici les panneaux de quelques parcs et forêts créés grâce aux fonds de la #diaspora_juive :

      Projet : « We will make it green, like a modern European country » (ce qui est en étroit lien avec un certaine idée de #développement, liée au #progrès).

      Témoignage d’une femme palestinienne :

      « Ils ont planté des arbres partout qui cachaient tout »

      Ilan Pappé, historien israëlien, Université d’Exter :

      « ça leur a pris entre 6 et 9 mois poru s’emparer de 80% de la Palestine, expulser la plupart des personnes qui y vivaient et reconstruire sur les villes et villages de ces personnes un nouvel Etat, une nouvelle #identité »

      https://socialsciences.exeter.ac.uk/iais/staff/pappe

      Témoignage d’un palestinien qui continue à retourner régulièrement à Lubya :

      « Si je n’aimais pas cet endroit, est-ce que je continuerais à revenir ici tout le temps sur mon tracteur ? Ils l’ont transformé en forêt afin d’affirmer qu’il n’y a pas eu de village ici. Mais on peut voir les #cactus qui prouvent que des arabes vivaient ici »

      Ilan Pappé :

      « Ces villages éaient arabes, tout comme le paysage alentour. C’était un message qui ne passait pas auprès du mouvement sioniste. Des personnes du mouvement ont écrit à ce propos, ils ont dit qu’ils n’aimaient vraiment pas, comme Ben Gurion l’a dit, que le pays ait toujours l’air arabe. (...) Même si les Arabes n’y vivent plus, ça a toujours l’air arabe. En ce qui concerne les zones rurales, il a été clair : les villages devaient être dévastés pour qu’il n’y ait pas de #souvenirs possibles. Ils ont commencé à les dévaster dès le mois d’août 1948. Ils ont rasé les maisons, la terre. Plus rien ne restait. Il y avait deux moyens pour eux d’en nier l’existence : le premier était de planter des forêts de pins européens sur les villages. Dans la plupart des cas, lorsque les villages étaient étendus et les terres assez vastes, on voit que les deux stratégies ont été mises en oeuvre : il y a un nouveau quartier juif et, juste à côté, une forêt. En effet, la deuxième méthode était de créer un quartier juif qui possédait presque le même nom que l’ancien village arabe, mais dans sa version en hébreu. L’objectif était double : il s’agissait d’abord de montrer que le lieu était originellement juif et revenait ainsi à son propriétaire. Ensuite, l’idée était de faire passer un message sinistre aux Palestiniens sur ce qui avait eu lieu ici. Le principal acteur de cette politique a été le FNJ. »

      #toponymie

      Heidi Grunebaum, la réalisatrice :

      « J’ai grandi au moment où le FNJ cultivait l’idée de créer une patrie juive grâce à la plantation d’arbres. Dans les 100 dernières années, 260 millions d’arbres ont été plantés. Je me rends compte à présent que la petite carte du grand Israël sur les boîtes bleues n’était pas juste un symbole. Etait ainsi affirmé que toutes ces terres étaient juives. Les #cartes ont été redessinées. Les noms arabes des lieux ont sombré dans l’oubli à cause du #Comité_de_Dénomination créé par le FNJ. 86 forêts du FNJ ont détruit des villages. Des villages comme Lubya ont cessé d’exister. Lubya est devenu Lavie. Une nouvelle histoire a été écrite, celle que j’ai apprise. »

      Le #Canada_park :

      Canada Park (Hebrew: פארק קנדה‎, Arabic: كندا حديقة‎, also Ayalon Park,) is an Israeli national park stretching over 7,000 dunams (700 hectares), and extending from No man’s land into the West Bank.
      The park is North of Highway 1 (Tel Aviv-Jerusalem), between the Latrun Interchange and Sha’ar HaGai, and contains a Hasmonean fort, Crusader fort, other archaeological remains and the ruins of 3 Palestinian villages razed by Israel in 1967 after their inhabitants were expelled. In addition it has picnic areas, springs and panoramic hilltop views, and is a popular Israeli tourist destination, drawing some 300,000 visitors annually.


      https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Canada_Park

      Heidi Grunebaum :

      « Chaque pièce de monnaie est devenue un arbre dans une forêt, chaque arbre, dont les racines étaient plantées dans la terre était pour nous, la diaspora. Les pièces changées en arbres devenaient des faits ancrés dans le sol. Le nouveau paysage arrangé par le FNJ à travers la plantation de forêts et les accords politiques est celui des #parcs_de_loisirs, des routes, des barrages et des infrastructures »

      Témoignage d’un Palestinien :

      « Celui qui ne possède de #pays_natal ne possède rien »

      Heidi Grunebaum :

      « Si personne ne demeure, la mémoire est oblitérée. Cependant, de génération en génération, le souvenir qu’ont les Palestiniens d’un endroit qui un jour fut le leur, persiste. »

      Témoignage d’un Palestinien :

      "Dès qu’on mange quelque chose chez nous, on dit qu’on mangeait ce plat à Lubya. Quelles que soient nos activités, on dit que nous avions les mêmes à Lubya. Lubya est constamment mentionnées, et avec un peu d’amertume.

      Témoignage d’un Palestinien :

      Lubya est ma fille précieuse que j’abriterai toujours dans les profondeurs de mon âme. Par les histoires racontées par mon père, mon grand-père, mes oncles et ma grande-mère, j’ai le sentiment de connaître très bien Lubya.

      Avi Shlaim, Université de Oxford :

      « Le mur dans la partie Ouest ne relève pas d’une mesure de sécurité, comme il a été dit. C’est un outil de #ségrégation des deux communautés et un moyen de s’approprier de larges portions de terres palestiniennes. C’est un moyen de poursuivre la politique d’#expansion_territoriale et d’avoir le plus grand Etat juif possible avec le moins de population d’arabes à l’intérieur. »

      https://www.sant.ox.ac.uk/people/avi-shlaim

      Heidi Grunebaum :

      « Les petites pièces de la diaspora n’ont pas seulement planté des arbres juifs et déraciné des arbres palestiniens, elles ont aussi créé une forêt d’un autre type. Une vaste forêt bureaucratique où la force de la loi est une arme. La règlementation règne, les procédures, permis, actions commandées par les lois, tout régulé le moindre espace de la vie quotidienne des Palestiniens qui sont petit à petit étouffés, repoussés aux marges de leurs terres. Entassés dans des ghettos, sans autorisation de construire, les Palestiniens n’ont plus qu’à regarder leurs maisons démolies »

      #Lubya #paysage #ruines #architecture_forensique #Afrique_du_Sud #profanation #cactus #South_african_forest #Galilée #Jewish_national_fund (#fonds_national_juif) #arbres #Palestine #Organisation_des_femmes_sionistes #Keren_Kayemeth #apartheid #résistance #occupation #Armée_de_libération_arabe #Hagana #nakba #exil #réfugiés_palestiniens #expulsion #identité #present_absentees #IDPs #déplacés_internes #Caesarea #oubli #déni #historicisation #diaspora #murs #barrières_frontalières #dépossession #privatisation_des_terres #terres #mémoire #commémoration #poésie #Canada_park

    • The Carmel wildfire is burning all illusions in Israel

      “When I look out my window today and see a tree standing there, that tree gives me a greater sense of beauty and personal delight than all the vast forests I have seen in Switzerland or Scandinavia. Because every tree here was planted by us.”

      – David Ben Gurion, Memoirs

      “Why are there so many Arabs here? Why didn’t you chase them away?”

      – David Ben Gurion during a visit to Nazareth, July 1948


      https://electronicintifada.net/content/carmel-wildfire-burning-all-illusions-israel/9130

      signalé par @sinehebdo que je remercie

    • Vu dans ce rapport, signalé par @palestine___________ , que je remercie (https://seenthis.net/messages/723321) :

      A method of enforcing the eradication of unrecognized Palestinian villages is to ensure their misrepresentation on maps. As part of this policy, these villages do not appear at all on Israeli maps, with the exception of army and hiking maps. Likewise, they do not appear on first sight on Google Maps or at all on Israeli maps, with the exception of army and hiking maps. They are labelled on NGO maps designed to increase their visibility. On Google Maps, the Bedouin villages are marked – in contrast to cities and other villages – under their Bedouin tribe and clan names (Bimkom) rather than with their village names and are only visible when zooming in very closely, but otherwise appear to be non-existent. This means that when looking at Google Maps, these villages appear to be not there, only when zooming on to a very high degree, do they appear with their tribe or clan names. At first (and second and third) sight, therefore, these villages are simply not there. Despite their small size, Israeli villages are displayed even when zoomed-out, while unrecognized Palestinian Bedouin villages, regardless of their size are only visible when zooming in very closely.


      http://7amleh.org/2018/09/18/google-maps-endangering-palestinian-human-rights
      Pour télécharger le rapport :
      http://www.7amleh.org/ms/Mapping%20Segregation%20Cover_WEB.pdf

    • signalé par @kassem :
      https://seenthis.net/messages/317236#message784258

      Israel lifted its military rule over the state’s Arab community in 1966 only after ascertaining that its members could not return to the villages they had fled or been expelled from, according to newly declassified archival documents.

      The documents both reveal the considerations behind the creation of the military government 18 years earlier, and the reasons for dismantling it and revoking the severe restrictions it imposed on Arab citizens in the north, the Negev and the so-called Triangle of Locales in central Israel.

      These records were made public as a result of a campaign launched against the state archives by the Akevot Institute, which researches the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.

      After the War of Independence in 1948, the state imposed military rule over Arabs living around the country, which applied to an estimated 85 percent of that community at the time, say researchers at the NGO. The Arabs in question were subject to the authority of a military commander who could limit their freedom of movement, declare areas to be closed zones, or demand that the inhabitants leave and enter certain locales only with his written permission.

      The newly revealed documents describe the ways Israel prevented Arabs from returning to villages they had left in 1948, even after the restrictions on them had been lifted. The main method: dense planting of trees within and surrounding these towns.

      At a meeting held in November 1965 at the office of Shmuel Toledano, the prime minister’s adviser on Arab affairs, there was a discussion about villages that had been left behind and that Israel did not want to be repopulated, according to one document. To ensure that, the state had the Jewish National Fund plant trees around and in them.

      Among other things, the document states that “the lands belonging to the above-mentioned villages were given to the custodian for absentee properties” and that “most were leased for work (cultivation of field crops and olive groves) by Jewish households.” Some of the properties, it adds, were subleased.

      In the meeting in Toledano’s office, it was explained that these lands had been declared closed military zones, and that once the structures on them had been razed, and the land had been parceled out, forested and subject to proper supervision – their definition as closed military zones could be lifted.

      On April 3, 1966, another discussion was held on the same subject, this time at the office of the defense minister, Levi Eshkol, who was also the serving prime minister; the minutes of this meeting were classified as top secret. Its participants included: Toledano; Isser Harel, in his capacity as special adviser to the prime minister; the military advocate general – Meir Shamgar, who would later become president of the Supreme Court; and representatives of the Shin Bet security service and Israel Police.

      The newly publicized record of that meeting shows that the Shin Bet was already prepared at that point to lift the military rule over the Arabs and that the police and army could do so within a short time.

      Regarding northern Israel, it was agreed that “all the areas declared at the time to be closed [military] zones... other than Sha’ab [east of Acre] would be opened after the usual conditions were fulfilled – razing of the buildings in the abandoned villages, forestation, establishment of nature reserves, fencing and guarding.” The dates of the reopening these areas would be determined by Israel Defense Forces Maj. Gen. Shamir, the minutes said. Regarding Sha’ab, Harel and Toledano were to discuss that subject with Shamir.

      However, as to Arab locales in central Israel and the Negev, it was agreed that the closed military zones would remain in effect for the time being, with a few exceptions.

      Even after military rule was lifted, some top IDF officers, including Chief of Staff Tzvi Tzur and Shamgar, opposed the move. In March 1963, Shamgar, then military advocate general, wrote a pamphlet about the legal basis of the military administration; only 30 copies were printed. (He signed it using his previous, un-Hebraized name, Sternberg.) Its purpose was to explain why Israel was imposing its military might over hundreds of thousands of citizens.

      Among other things, Shamgar wrote in the pamphlet that Regulation 125, allowing certain areas to be closed off, is intended “to prevent the entry and settlement of minorities in border areas,” and that “border areas populated by minorities serve as a natural, convenient point of departure for hostile elements beyond the border.” The fact that citizens must have permits in order to travel about helps to thwart infiltration into the rest of Israel, he wrote.

      Regulation 124, he noted, states that “it is essential to enable nighttime ambushes in populated areas when necessary, against infiltrators.” Blockage of roads to traffic is explained as being crucial for the purposes of “training, tests or maneuvers.” Moreover, censorship is a “crucial means for counter-intelligence.”

      Despite Shamgar’s opinion, later that year, Prime Minister Levi Eshkol canceled the requirement for personal travel permits as a general obligation. Two weeks after that decision, in November 1963, Chief of Staff Tzur wrote a top-secret letter about implementation of the new policy to the officers heading the various IDF commands and other top brass, including the head of Military Intelligence. Tzur ordered them to carry it out in nearly all Arab villages, with a few exceptions – among them Barta’a and Muqeible, in northern Israel.

      In December 1965, Haim Israeli, an adviser to Defense Minister Eshkol, reported to Eshkol’s other aides, Isser Harel and Aviad Yaffeh, and to the head of the Shin Bet, that then-Chief of Staff Yitzhak Rabin opposed legislation that would cancel military rule over the Arab villages. Rabin explained his position in a discussion with Eshkol, at which an effort to “soften” the bill was discussed. Rabin was advised that Harel would be making his own recommendations on this matter.

      At a meeting held on February 27, 1966, Harel issued orders to the IDF, the Shin Bet and the police concerning the prime minister’s decision to cancel military rule. The minutes of the discussion were top secret, and began with: “The mechanism of the military regime will be canceled. The IDF will ensure the necessary conditions for establishment of military rule during times of national emergency and war.” However, it was decided that the regulations governing Israel’s defense in general would remain in force, and at the behest of the prime minister and with his input, the justice minister would look into amending the relevant statutes in Israeli law, or replacing them.

      The historical documents cited here have only made public after a two-year campaign by the Akevot institute against the national archives, which preferred that they remain confidential, Akevot director Lior Yavne told Haaretz. The documents contain no information of a sensitive nature vis-a-vis Israel’s security, Yavne added, and even though they are now in the public domain, the archives has yet to upload them to its website to enable widespread access.

      “Hundreds of thousands of files which are crucial to understanding the recent history of the state and society in Israel remain closed in the government archive,” he said. “Akevot continues to fight to expand public access to archival documents – documents that are property of the public.”

    • Israel is turning an ancient Palestinian village into a national park for settlers

      The unbelievable story of a village outside Jerusalem: from its destruction in 1948 to the ticket issued last week by a parks ranger to a descendent of its refugees, who had the gall to harvest the fruits of his labor on his own land.

      Thus read the ticket issued last Wednesday, during the Sukkot holiday, by ranger Dayan Somekh of the Israel Nature and Parks Authority – Investigations Division, 3 Am Ve’olamo Street, Jerusalem, to farmer Nidal Abed Rabo, a resident of the Jerusalem-area village of Walaja, who had gone to harvest olives on his private land: “In accordance with Section 228 of the criminal code, to: Nidal Abed Rabo. Description of the facts constituting the offense: ‘picking, chopping and destroying an olive tree.’ Suspect’s response: ‘I just came to pick olives. I pick them and put them in a bucket.’ Fine prescribed by law: 730 shekels [$207].” And an accompanying document that reads: “I hereby confirm that I apprehended from Nidal Abed Rabo the following things: 1. A black bucket; 2. A burlap sack. Name of the apprehending officer: Dayan Somekh.”

      Ostensibly, an amusing parody about the occupation. An inspector fines a person for harvesting the fruits of his own labor on his own private land and then fills out a report about confiscating a bucket, because order must be preserved, after all. But no one actually found this report amusing – not the inspector who apparently wrote it in utter seriousness, nor the farmer who must now pay the fine.

      Indeed, the story of Walaja, where this absurdity took place, contains everything – except humor: the flight from and evacuation of the village in 1948; refugee-hood and the establishment of a new village adjacent to the original one; the bisection of the village between annexed Jerusalem and the occupied territories in 1967; the authorities’ refusal to issue blue Israeli IDs to residents, even though their homes are in Jerusalem; the demolition of many structures built without a permit in a locale that has no master construction plan; the appropriation of much of its land to build the Gilo neighborhood and the Har Gilo settlement; the construction of the separation barrier that turned the village into an enclave enclosed on all sides; the decision to turn villagers’ remaining lands into a national park for the benefit of Gilo’s residents and others in the area; and all the way to the ridiculous fine issued by Inspector Somekh.

      This week, a number of villagers again snuck onto their lands to try to pick their olives, in what looks like it could be their final harvest. As it was a holiday, they hoped the Border Police and the parks authority inspectors would leave them alone. By next year, they probably won’t be able to reach their groves at all, as the checkpoint will have been moved even closer to their property.

      Then there was also this incident, on Monday, the Jewish holiday of Simhat Torah. Three adults, a teenager and a horse arrived at the neglected groves on the mountainside below their village of Walaja. They had to take a long and circuitous route; they say the horse walked 25 kilometers to reach the olive trees that are right under their noses, beneath their homes. A dense barbed-wire fence and the separation barrier stand between these people and their lands. When the national park is built here and the checkpoint is moved further south – so that only Jews will be able to dip undisturbed in Ein Hanya, as Nir Hasson reported (“Jerusalem reopens natural spring, but not to Palestinians,” Oct. 15) – it will mean the end of Walaja’s olive orchards, which are planted on terraced land.

      The remaining 1,200 dunams (300 acres) belonging to the village, after most of its property was lost over the years, will also be disconnected from their owners, who probably won’t be able to access them again. An ancient Palestinian village, which numbered 100 registered households in 1596, in a spectacular part of the country, will continue its slow death, until it finally expires for good.

      Steep slopes and a deep green valley lie between Jerusalem and Bethlehem, filled with oak and pine trees, along with largely abandoned olive groves. “New” Walaja overlooks this expanse from the south, the Gilo neighborhood from the northeast, and the Cremisan Monastery from the east. To the west is where the original village was situated, between the moshavim of Aminadav and Ora, both constructed after the villagers fled – frightened off by the massacre in nearby Deir Yassin and in fear of bombardment.

      Aviv Tatarsky, a longtime political activist on behalf of Walaja and a researcher for the Ir Amim nonprofit organization, says the designated national park is supposed to ensure territorial contiguity between the Etzion Bloc and Jerusalem. “Since we are in the territory of Jerusalem, and building another settler neighborhood could cause a stir, they are building a national park, which will serve the same purpose,” he says. “The national park will Judaize the area once and for all. Gilo is five minutes away. If you live there, you will have a park right next door and feel like it’s yours.”

      As Tatarsky describes the blows suffered by the village over the years, brothers Walid and Mohammed al-‘Araj stand on a ladder below in the valley, in the shade of the olive trees, engrossed in the harvest.

      Walid, 52, and Mohammed, 58, both live in Walaja. Walid may be there legally, but his brother is there illegally, on land bequeathed to them by their uncle – thanks to yet another absurdity courtesy of the occupation. In 1995, Walid married a woman from Shoafat in East Jerusalem, and thus was able to obtain a blue Israeli ID card, so perhaps he is entitled to be on his land. His brother, who lives next door, however, is an illegal resident on his land: He has an orange ID, as a resident of the territories.

      A sewage line that comes out of Beit Jala and is under the responsibility of Jerusalem’s Gihon water company overflows every winter and floods the men’s olive grove with industrial waste that has seriously damaged their crop. And that’s in addition, of course, to the fact that most of the family is unable to go work the land. The whole area looks quite derelict, overgrown with weeds and brambles that could easily catch fire. In previous years, the farmers would receive an entry permit allowing them to harvest the olives for a period of just a few days; this year, even that permit has not yet been forthcoming.

      The olives are black and small; it’s been a bad year for them and for their owners.

      “We come here like thieves to our own land,” says Mohammed, the older brother, explaining that three days beforehand, a Border Police jeep had showed up and chased them away. “I told him: It’s my land. They said okay and left. Then a few minutes later, another Border Police jeep came and the officer said: Today there’s a general closure because of the holiday. I told him: Okay, just let me take my equipment. I’m on my land. He said: Don’t take anything. I left. And today I came back.”

      You’re not afraid? “No, I’m not afraid. I’m on my land. It’s registered in my name. I can’t be afraid on my land.”

      Walid says that a month ago the Border Police arrived and told him he wasn’t allowed to drive on the road that leads to the grove, because it’s a “security road.” He was forced to turn around and go home, despite the fact that he has a blue ID and it is not a security road. Right next to it, there is a residential building where a Palestinian family still lives.

      Some of Walaja’s residents gave up on their olive orchards long ago and no longer attempt to reach their lands. When the checkpoint is moved southward, in order to block access by Palestinians to the Ein Hanya spring, the situation will be even worse: The checkpoint will be closer to the orchards, meaning that the Palestinians won’t be permitted to visit them.

      “This place will be a park for people to visit,” says Walid, up on his ladder. “That’s it; that will be the end of our land. But we won’t give up our land, no matter what.” Earlier this month, one local farmer was detained for several hours and 10 olive trees were uprooted, on the grounds that he was prohibited from being here.

      Meanwhile, Walid and Mohammed are collecting their meager crop in a plastic bucket printed with a Hebrew ad for a paint company. The olives from this area, near Beit Jala, are highly prized; during a good year the oil made from them can fetch a price of 100 shekels per liter.

      A few hundred meters to the east are a father, a son and a horse. Khaled al-‘Araj, 51, and his son, Abed, 19, a business student. They too are taking advantage of the Jewish holiday to sneak onto their land. They have another horse, an original Arabian named Fatma, but this horse is nameless. It stands in the shade of the olive tree, resting from the long trek here. If a Border Police force shows up, it could confiscate the horse, as has happened to them before.

      Father and son are both Walaja residents, but do not have blue IDs. The father works in Jerusalem with a permit, but it does not allow him to access his land.

      “On Sunday,” says Khaled, “I picked olives here with my son. A Border Police officer arrived and asked: What are you doing here? He took pictures of our IDs. He asked: Whose land is this? I said: Mine. Where are the papers? At home. I have papers from my grandfather’s time; everything is in order. But he said: No, go to DCO [the Israeli District Coordination Office] and get a permit. At first I didn’t know what he meant. I have a son and a horse and they’ll make problems for me. So I left.”

      He continues: “We used to plow the land. Now look at the state it’s in. We have apricot and almond trees here, too. But I’m an illegal person on my own land. That is our situation. Today is the last day of your holiday, that’s why I came here. Maybe there won’t be any Border Police.”

      “Kumi Ori, ki ba orekh,” says a makeshift monument in memory of Ori Ansbacher, a young woman murdered here in February by a man from Hebron. Qasem Abed Rabo, a brother of Nidal, who received the fine from the park ranger for harvesting his olives, asks activist Tatarsky if he can find out whether the house he owns is considered to be located in Jerusalem or in the territories. He still doesn’t know.

      “Welcome to Nahal Refaim National Park,” says a sign next to the current Walaja checkpoint. Its successor is already being built but work on it was stopped for unknown reasons. If and when it is completed, Ein Hanya will become a spring for Jews only and the groves on the mountainside below the village of Walaja will be cut off from their owners for good. Making this year’s harvest Walaja’s last.

      https://www.haaretz.com/israel-news/.premium-israel-is-turning-an-ancient-palestinian-village-into-a-national-p
      https://seenthis.net/messages/807722

    • Sans mémoire des lieux ni lieux de mémoire. La Palestine invisible sous les forêts israéliennes

      Depuis la création de l’État d’Israël en 1948, près de 240 millions d’arbres ont été plantés sur l’ensemble du territoire israélien. Dans l’objectif de « faire fleurir le désert », les acteurs de l’afforestation en Israël se situent au cœur de nombreux enjeux du territoire, non seulement environnementaux mais également identitaires et culturels. La forêt en Israël représente en effet un espace de concurrence mémorielle, incarnant à la fois l’enracinement de l’identité israélienne mais également le rappel de l’exil et de l’impossible retour du peuple palestinien. Tandis que 86 villages palestiniens détruits en 1948 sont aujourd’hui recouverts par une forêt, les circuits touristiques et historiques officiels proposés dans les forêts israéliennes ne font jamais mention de cette présence palestinienne passée. Comment l’afforestation en Israël a-t-elle contribué à l’effacement du paysage et de la mémoire palestiniens ? Quelles initiatives existent en Israël et en Palestine pour lutter contre cet effacement spatial et mémoriel ?

      https://journals.openedition.org/bagf/6779

    • Septembre 2021, un feu de forêt ravage Jérusalem et dévoile les terrassements agricoles que les Palestinien·nes avaient construit...
      Voici une image :

      « La nature a parlé » : un feu de forêt attise les rêves de retour des Palestiniens

      Un gigantesque incendie près de Jérusalem a détruit les #pins_européens plantés par les sionistes, exposant ainsi les anciennes terrasses palestiniennes qu’ils avaient tenté de dissimuler.

      Au cours de la deuxième semaine d’août, quelque 20 000 dounams (m²) de terre ont été engloutis par les flammes dans les #montagnes de Jérusalem.

      C’est une véritable catastrophe naturelle. Cependant, personne n’aurait pu s’attendre à la vision qui est apparue après l’extinction de ces incendies. Ou plutôt, personne n’avait imaginé que les incendies dévoileraient ce qui allait suivre.

      Une fois les flammes éteintes, le #paysage était terrible pour l’œil humain en général, et pour l’œil palestinien en particulier. Car les incendies ont révélé les #vestiges d’anciens villages et terrasses agricoles palestiniens ; des terrasses construites par leurs ancêtres, décédés il y a longtemps, pour cultiver la terre et planter des oliviers et des vignes sur les #pentes des montagnes.

      À travers ces montagnes, qui constituent l’environnement naturel à l’ouest de Jérusalem, passait la route Jaffa-Jérusalem, qui reliait le port historique à la ville sainte. Cette route ondulant à travers les montagnes était utilisée par les pèlerins d’Europe et d’Afrique du Nord pour visiter les lieux saints chrétiens. Ils n’avaient d’autre choix que d’emprunter la route Jaffa-Jérusalem, à travers les vallées et les ravins, jusqu’au sommet des montagnes. Au fil des siècles, elle sera foulée par des centaines de milliers de pèlerins, de soldats, d’envahisseurs et de touristes.

      Les terrasses agricoles – ou #plates-formes – que les agriculteurs palestiniens ont construites ont un avantage : leur durabilité. Selon les estimations des archéologues, elles auraient jusqu’à 600 ans. Je crois pour ma part qu’elles sont encore plus vieilles que cela.

      Travailler en harmonie avec la nature

      Le travail acharné du fermier palestinien est clairement visible à la surface de la terre. De nombreuses études ont prouvé que les agriculteurs palestiniens avaient toujours investi dans la terre quelle que soit sa forme ; y compris les terres montagneuses, très difficiles à cultiver.

      Des photographies prises avant la Nakba (« catastrophe ») de 1948, lorsque les Palestiniens ont été expulsés par les milices juives, et même pendant la seconde moitié du XIXe siècle montrent que les oliviers et les vignes étaient les deux types de plantation les plus courants dans ces régions.

      Ces végétaux maintiennent l’humidité du sol et assurent la subsistance des populations locales. Les #oliviers, en particulier, aident à prévenir l’érosion des sols. Les oliviers et les #vignes peuvent également créer une barrière naturelle contre le feu car ils constituent une végétation feuillue qui retient l’humidité et est peu gourmande en eau. Dans le sud de la France, certaines routes forestières sont bordées de vignes pour faire office de #coupe-feu.

      Les agriculteurs palestiniens qui les ont plantés savaient travailler en harmonie avec la nature, la traiter avec sensibilité et respect. Cette relation s’était formée au cours des siècles.

      Or qu’a fait l’occupation sioniste ? Après la Nakba et l’expulsion forcée d’une grande partie de la population – notamment le nettoyage ethnique de chaque village et ville se trouvant sur l’itinéraire de la route Jaffa-Jérusalem –, les sionistes ont commencé à planter des #pins_européens particulièrement inflammables sur de vastes portions de ces montagnes pour couvrir et effacer ce que les mains des agriculteurs palestiniens avaient créé.

      Dans la région montagneuse de Jérusalem, en particulier, tout ce qui est palestinien – riche de 10 000 ans d’histoire – a été effacé au profit de tout ce qui évoque le #sionisme et la #judéité du lieu. Conformément à la mentalité coloniale européenne, le « milieu » européen a été transféré en Palestine, afin que les colons puissent se souvenir de ce qu’ils avaient laissé derrière eux.

      Le processus de dissimulation visait à nier l’existence des villages palestiniens. Et le processus d’effacement de leurs particularités visait à éliminer leur existence de l’histoire.

      Il convient de noter que les habitants des villages qui ont façonné la vie humaine dans les montagnes de Jérusalem, et qui ont été expulsés par l’armée israélienne, vivent désormais dans des camps et communautés proches de Jérusalem, comme les camps de réfugiés de Qalandiya et Shuafat.

      On trouve de telles forêts de pins ailleurs encore, dissimulant des villages et fermes palestiniens détruits par Israël en 1948. Des institutions internationales israéliennes et sionistes ont également planté des pins européens sur les terres des villages de #Maaloul, près de Nazareth, #Sohmata, près de la frontière palestino-libanaise, #Faridiya, #Kafr_Anan et #al-Samoui sur la route Akka-Safad, entre autres. Ils sont maintenant cachés et ne peuvent être vus à l’œil nu.

      Une importance considérable

      Même les #noms des villages n’ont pas été épargnés. Par exemple, le village de Suba est devenu « #Tsuba », tandis que #Beit_Mahsir est devenu « #Beit_Meir », #Kasla est devenu « #Ksalon », #Saris est devenu « #Shoresh », etc.

      Si les Palestiniens n’ont pas encore pu résoudre leur conflit avec l’occupant, la nature, elle, s’est désormais exprimée de la manière qu’elle jugeait opportune. Les incendies ont révélé un aspect flagrant des composantes bien planifiées et exécutées du projet sioniste.

      Pour les Palestiniens, la découverte de ces terrasses confirme leur version des faits : il y avait de la vie sur cette terre, le Palestinien était le plus actif dans cette vie, et l’Israélien l’a expulsé pour prendre sa place.

      Ne serait-ce que pour cette raison, ces terrasses revêtent une importance considérable. Elles affirment que la cause palestinienne n’est pas morte, que la terre attend le retour de ses enfants ; des personnes qui sauront la traiter correctement.

      https://www.middleeasteye.net/fr/opinion-fr/israel-jerusalem-incendies-villages-palestiniens-nakba-sionistes-reto

      –—

      An Israeli Forest to Erase the Ruins of Palestinian Agricultural Terraces

      “Our forest is growing over, well, over a ruined village,” A.B. Yehoshua wrote in his novella “Facing the Forests.” The massive wildfire in the Jerusalem Hills last week exposed the underpinning of the view through the trees. The agricultural terraces were revealed in their full glory, and also revealed a historic record that Israel has always sought to obscure and erase – traces of Palestinian life on this land.

      On my trips to the West Bank and the occupied territories, when I passed by the expansive areas of Palestinian farmland, I was always awed by the sight of the long chain of terraces, mustabat or mudrajat in Arabic. I thrilled at their grandeur and the precision of the work that attests to the connection between the Palestinian fellah and his land. I would wonder – Why doesn’t the same “phenomenon” exist in the hills of the Galilee?

      When I grew up, I learned a little in school about Israeli history. I didn’t learn that Israel erased Palestinian agriculture in the Galilee and that the Jewish National Fund buried it once and for all, but I did learn that “The Jews brought trees with them” and planted them in the Land of Israel. How sterile and green. Greta Thunberg would be proud of you.

      The Zionist movement knew that in the war for this land it was not enough to conquer the land and expel its inhabitants, you also had to build up a story and an ethos and a narrative, something that will fit with the myth of “a people without a land for a land without a people.” Therefore, after the conquest of the land and the expulsion, all trace of the people who once lived here had to be destroyed. This included trees that grew without human intervention and those that were planted by fellahin, who know this land as they do their children and as they do the terraces they built in the hills.

      This is how white foreigners who never in their lives were fellahin or worked the land for a living came up with the national forestation project on the ruins of Arab villages, which David Ben-Gurion decided to flatten, such as Ma’alul and Suhmata. The forestation project including the importation of cypress and pine trees that were alien to this land and belong to colder climes, so that the new inhabitants would feel more at home and less as if they were in somebody else’s home.

      The planting of combustible cypresses and pines, which are not suited to the weather in this land, is not just an act of national erasure of the Palestinian natives, but also an act of arrogance and patronage, characteristics typical of colonialist movements throughout the world. All because they did not understand the nature, in both senses of the word, of the countries they conquered.

      Forgive me, but a biblical-historical connection is not sufficient. Throughout the history of colonialism, the new settlers – whether they ultimately left or stayed – were unable to impose their imported identity on the new place and to completely erase the place’s native identity. It’s a little like the forests surrounding Jerusalem: When the fire comes and burns them, one small truth is revealed, after so much effort went into concealing it.

      https://www.haaretz.com/opinion/.premium-an-israeli-forest-to-erase-the-ruins-of-palestinian-agricultural-t

      et ici :
      https://seenthis.net/messages/928766

    • Planter un arbre en Israël : une forêt rédemptrice et mémorielle

      Tout au long du projet sioniste, le végétal a joué un rôle de médiateur entre la terre rêvée et la terre foulée, entre le texte biblique et la réalité. Le réinvestissement national s’est opéré à travers des plantes connues depuis la diaspora, réorganisées en scènes signifiantes pour la mémoire et l’histoire juive. Ce lien de filiation entre texte sacré et paysage débouche sur une pratique de plantation considérée comme un acte mystique de régénération du monde.

      https://journals.openedition.org/diasporas/258

  • Rami Jarrah sur X : “BREAKING: Professor Sufian Tayeh, who headed the largest university in #Gaza, killed in an Israeli airstrike on the Jabalia refugee camp. He was ranked among the top 2% of researchers globally & was appointed UNESCO chair for Physical & Astrophysical sciences in Palestine. https://t.co/lqEvhN3Wp5” / X
    https://twitter.com/RamiJarrah/status/1730928859837522209

    BREAKING:

    Professor Sufian Tayeh, who headed the largest university in #Gaza, killed in an Israeli airstrike on the Jabalia refugee camp.

    He was ranked among the top 2% of researchers globally & was appointed UNESCO chair for Physical & Astrophysical sciences in Palestine.
    Traduire le post

  • Tag der Entscheidung
    https://www.jungewelt.de/artikel/464411.tag-der-entscheidung.html

    Als einziger Abgeordneter des Reichstags stimmte Karl Liebknecht am 2. Dezember 1914 gegen Kriegskredite

    2.12.2023 von von Sevim Dagdelen - Der 2. Dezember ist der Tag der historischen Entscheidung zwischen Militarismus und Antimilitarismus in Deutschland. 1914 stimmte der SPD-Abgeordnete Karl Liebknecht an diesem Tag als einziger Abgeordneter im Reichstag gegen die Kriegskredite zur Finanzierung des Feldzugs gegen Frankreich, Großbritannien und Russland. Es gehe um einen Verteidigungskrieg, ja um einen Befreiungskrieg Europas vom Joch des russischen Zarismus, tönte es damals allseits, gerade auch beim linken Flügel der Sozialdemokratie. Liebknecht nahm in seiner Stimmerklärung auf dieses Element der Kriegspropaganda Bezug: »Die deutsche Parole ›Gegen den Zarismus‹ diente (…) dem Zweck, die edelsten Instinkte, die revolutionären Überlieferungen und Hoffnungen des Volkes für den Völkerhass zu mobilisieren.«

    Die Kriegskredite von damals sind die Waffen- und Finanzhilfen an die Ukraine heute, sind die Entbehrungen des Wirtschaftskriegs gegen Russland und die schier schrankenlose Aufrüstung im Rahmen eines Stellvertreterkrieges von NATO und USA. Liebknechts Widerstandsgeist ist Vorbild, heute »Nein« zu sagen zu Deutschlands Weg in eine Kriegsbeteiligung gegen Russland.

    Bedingungslose Kriegsunterstützung für die Ukraine mit nunmehr 50 Milliarden Euro Steuergeldern, Sanktionen gegen Russland, die den höchsten Reallohnverlust für Beschäftigte in der Geschichte der Bundesrepublik mit sich brachten, und eine Haushaltsplanung, die für 2024 mit 90 Milliarden Euro mehr als 20 Prozent für Militär und Waffen vorsieht. Es gibt nicht eine Fraktion im Deutschen Bundestag, die sich gegen diesen toxischen Politikmix der Ampel stellt. Entweder werden Aufrüstung, Wirtschaftskrieg und Überweisungen an Kiew befürwortet oder Waffenlieferungen in ein Kriegsgebiet als Verteidigung legitimiert und Sanktionen gegen russische Oligarchen in Stellung gebracht, die am Ende aber doch die gesamte Wirtschaft und damit die Bevölkerung treffen.

    Der Stellvertreterkrieg der NATO an der Seite der USA in der Ukraine ist ein Krieg für finstere geopolitische Zwecke, ein Krieg für eine Weltordnung, die auf Ausbeutung, Neokolonialismus und Unterdrückung des globalen Südens setzt. Verbunden ist dieser Krieg mit einem sozialen Angriff der Bundesregierung auf die eigene Bevölkerung, die die Zeche für einen neuen Militarismus zahlen soll. Über 5,5 Millionen Menschen können in Deutschland nicht mehr angemessen heizen, eine Verdoppelung seit Beginn der Energiesanktionen gegen Russland. Der Aktienwert von Rheinmetall dagegen ist seit Amtsübernahme der Ampel um über 250 Prozent gestiegen. Es ist Zeit für einen Tag der Entscheidung. Zeit, den Kriegstreibern im Land, die auf Durchhalteparolen, Mästung der Rüstungskonzerne und Steigerung des Elends der Beschäftigten setzen, in den Arm zu fallen.

    Sevim Dagdelen vom »Bündnis Sahra Wagenknecht« ist Mitglied des Deutschen Bundestages.

    #Allemagne #guerre #histoire #politique #Ukraine #1914-1918

  • « L’objectif de la loi plein-emploi est de mettre les chômeurs sous pression » | Claire Vivès, Sociologue, chercheure au Cnam
    https://www.alternatives-economiques.fr/lobjectif-de-loi-plein-emploi-de-mettre-chomeurs-pression/00108598

    Ramener le taux de chômage à 5 %, tel est l’objectif que s’est fixé le gouvernement pour le quinquennat. Pour l’atteindre, il compte sur les mesures de sa #loi_plein-emploi. Députés et sénateurs se sont entendus sur une version finale du texte qui doit être validée par les deux chambres du Parlement. Le Sénat l’a adoptée jeudi 9 novembre et l’Assemblée se prononcera le 14 novembre.

    Pour mémoire, cette loi prévoit notamment de renommer Pôle emploi en France Travail et de l’intégrer dans un « réseau pour l’emploi » aux côtés des missions locales et des Cap emploi. Surtout, elle contient l’article controversé qui impose des heures d’activités aux allocataires du #RSA.

    Cette loi s’inscrit dans les lignées des politiques de mise au travail, à l’image de celle du #contrôle des demandeurs d’emploi

    #Travail #mise_au_travail #Chômage #chômeurs #France_travail

    • Faire la guerre à France travail, résister à l’offensive anti-pauvres
      https://rebellyon.info/Faire-la-guerre-a-France-travail-resister-25429

      Il est grand temps de prendre au sérieux la lutte à mener contre la création par l’Etat du nouveau dispositif « France Travail ». Énième réforme du service public de l’emploi, la création de « France Travail » accélère la diminution constante des droits des chômeur.euses, attaque le droit au RSA, et baisse l’ensemble des allocations et minimas sociaux. C’est une pièce de plus dans l’énorme machinerie capitaliste construite par Macron à coups de réformes, de répression et de 49.3. A quand la contre-offensive ?

      Tout le monde est concerné par la création de « France Travail », parce que tout le monde (sauf les riches) va en supporter les coûts.

      La création de ce méga-dispositif s’inscrit dans la droite ligne des politiques néo-libérales qui visent à nous marteler la tronche au nom du « #plein_emploi », cette utopie des capitalistes pour nous obliger à charbonner coûte que coûte pour produire plus. On veut une fois de plus nous faire courber l’échine pour satisfaire les besoins des #entreprises.

      La création de « France Travail » se fait au nom de la même #idéologie que celle ayant présidé à toutes les #réformes qu’on se mange depuis 4 ans : allongement de l’âge de départ à la retraite à 64 ans, attaque de l’assurance chômage, réforme des lycées pros et chantage aux titres de séjour par l’emploi annoncé par la loi Darmanin. Avec, en ligne de mire, toujours le même objectif pour Macron : que n’importe qui devienne #employable tout le temps. Concrètement, ça veut dire pas de répit pour les pauvres, la création de nouvelles sanctions en cas de refus de ce nouveau « contrat d’engagement », une coercition accrue pour tout le monde.

      #guerre_aux_pauvres #société_punitive

  • ChatGPT Replicates Gender Bias in Recommendation Letters | Scientific American
    https://www.scientificamerican.com/article/chatgpt-replicates-gender-bias-in-recommendation-letters

    Generative artificial intelligence has been touted as a valuable tool in the workplace. Estimates suggest it could increase productivity growth by 1.5 percent in the coming decade and boost global gross domestic product by 7 percent during the same period. But a new study advises that it should only be used with careful scrutiny—because its output discriminates against women.

    The researchers asked two large language model (LLM) chatbots—ChatGPT and Alpaca, a model developed by Stanford University—to produce recommendation letters for hypothetical employees. In a paper shared on the preprint server arXiv.org, the authors analyzed how the LLMs used very different language to describe imaginary male and female workers.

    “We observed significant gender biases in the recommendation letters,” says paper co-author Yixin Wan, a computer scientist at the University of California, Los Angeles. While ChatGPT deployed nouns such as “expert” and “integrity” for men, it was more likely to call women a “beauty” or “delight.” Alpaca had similar problems: men were “listeners” and “thinkers,” while women had “grace” and “beauty.” Adjectives proved similarly polarized. Men were “respectful,” “reputable” and “authentic,” according to ChatGPT, while women were “stunning,” “warm” and “emotional.” Neither OpenAI nor Stanford immediately responded to requests for comment from Scientific American.

    The issues encountered when artificial intelligence is used in a professional context echo similar situations with previous generations of AI. In 2018 Reuters reported that Amazon had disbanded a team that had worked since 2014 to try and develop an AI-powered résumé review tool. The company scrapped this project after realizing that any mention of “women” in a document would cause the AI program to penalize that applicant. The discrimination arose because the system was trained on data from the company, which had, historically, employed mostly men.

    The new study results are “not super surprising to me,” says Alex Hanna, director of research at the Distributed AI Research Institute, an independent research group analyzing the harms of AI. The training data used to develop LLMs are often biased because they’re based on humanity’s past written records—many of which have historically depicted men as active workers and women as passive objects. The situation is compounded by LLMs being trained on data from the Internet, where more men than women spend time: globally, 69 percent of men use the Internet, compared with 63 percent of women, according to the United Nations’ International Telecommunication Union.

    Fixing the problem isn’t simple. “I don’t think it’s likely that you can really debias the data set,” Hanna says. “You need to acknowledge what these biases are and then have some kind of mechanism to capture that.” One option, Hanna suggests, is to train the model to de-emphasize biased outputs through an intervention called reinforcement learning. OpenAI has worked to rein in the biased tendencies of ChatGPT, Hanna says, but “one needs to know that these are going to be perennial problems.”

    This all matters because women have already long faced inherent biases in business and the workplace. For instance, women often have to tiptoe around workplace communication because their words are judged more harshly than those of their male colleagues, according to a 2022 study. And of course, women earn 83 cents for every dollar a man makes. Generative AI platforms are “propagating those biases,” Wan says. So as this technology becomes more ubiquitous throughout the working world, there’s a chance that the problem will become even more firmly entrenched.

    “I welcome research like this that is exploring how these systems operate and their risks and fallacies,” says Gem Dale, a lecturer in human resources at Liverpool John Moores University in England. “It is through this understanding we will learn the issues and then can start to tackle them.”

    Dale says anyone thinking of using generative AI chatbots in the workplace should be wary of such problems. “If people use these systems without rigor—as in letters of recommendation in this research—we are just sending the issue back out into the world and perpetuating it,” she says. “It is an issue I would like to see the tech firms address in the LLMs. Whether they will or not will be interesting to find out.”
    Rights & Permissions
    Chris Stokel-Walker is a freelance journalist in Newcastle, UK.

    #Intelligence_artificielle #discrimination #Lettres_de_recommandation #genre

  • Des Malawites en quête de travail en Israël, « une chance », en dépit de la guerre
    https://www.lemonde.fr/afrique/article/2023/12/01/des-malawites-en-quete-de-travail-en-israel-une-chance-en-depit-de-la-guerre

    Des Malawites en quête de travail en Israël, « une chance », en dépit de la guerre
    Lilongwe a signé un accord avec Tel-Aviv « d’exportation de main-d’œuvre » alors que de nombreuses fermes israéliennes sont désertées depuis les attaques du Hamas début novembre.
    Ils considèrent ça comme une chance, malgré la guerre : au Malawi, pays d’Afrique australe parmi les plus pauvres de la planète, des centaines de jeunes font la queue, prêts à rejoindre Israël pour y travailler, avec l’espoir d’une vie meilleure. « C’est risqué, mais c’est mieux que de rester chez nous à ne rien faire », lâche à l’AFP une jeune femme de 24 ans, qui ne souhaite pas donner son nom. Comme elle, ils sont plusieurs centaines ce jour de novembre à attendre pour déposer leur candidature au départ, dans cet hôtel de la capitale, Lilongwe, transformé temporairement en centre de recrutement. Serrant contre elle une enveloppe marron contenant son dossier, elle raconte être au chômage depuis la fin de ses études, il y a trois ans : « Je prie pour que nous rentrions tous chez nous sains et saufs, mais c’est un risque que je prends. »
    Le Malawi, où près des trois quarts des 20 millions d’habitants vivent sous le seuil de pauvreté, mène un programme d’émigration ciblant les jeunes, pour leur permettre notamment de gagner des devises étrangères, dont le pays a désespérément besoin.
    Lilongwe a tissé des liens étroits avec Tel-Aviv au fil des années, alors que d’autres pays africains défendent plus radicalement les droits des Palestiniens. Par le passé, le pays a déjà envoyé en Israël des diplômés en agriculture. Depuis les attaques du Hamas du 7 octobre, suivis de bombardements israéliens massifs sur Gaza en représailles, des milliers d’employés agricoles ont quitté les fermes en Israël, dépouillant ce secteur important de l’économie nationale d’une partie de sa main-d’œuvre. En plus de cet exode, quelque 350 000 Israéliens ont été appelés sous les drapeaux et les travailleurs palestiniens de Gaza ont vu leur permis de travail israélien révoqué après les attaques.
    « La vie est faite de hasard, on fait des paris. Parfois c’est bien de prendre des risques », philosophe Blessings Kanyimbo, un autre candidat. Mercredi soir, un avion a décollé pour Tel-Aviv. Un autre était déjà parti la semaine dernière, transportant plus de 200 jeunes hommes et femmes attirés par les promesses d’embauches dans les fermes désertées.Jusqu’à 5 000 Malawites pourraient ainsi être envoyés en Israël, selon les autorités. Les recrutements sont prévus jusqu’à fin janvier 2024. « La vie est dure au Malawi, de plus en plus. On ne voit pas le bout du tunnel », se lamente Graciam Banda, qui attend aussi patiemment dans la file. Ce commerçant de 30 ans dit gagner l’équivalent de 60 dollars (55 euros) par mois quand Israël lui promet un salaire mensuel de 1 500 dollars. « Je dois nourrir ma famille, payer mon loyer et m’occuper de tout le reste. Avec ce que je gagne ici, c’est impossible, calcule-t-il. Ce job, même à 6 800 km de là, c’est une chance pour moi. »
    L’opposition au Malawi a qualifié l’accord « d’exportation de main-d’œuvre » du gouvernement de « transaction diabolique » avec une région où la guerre a déjà fait des milliers de morts. Les organisations de défense des droits humains ont exigé que soient dévoilées les conditions exactes de l’accord avec Israël afin que les Malawites soient informés des risques qu’ils encourent. Mais le gouvernement rejette les critiques en bloc alors que des dizaines de travailleurs étrangers figuraient parmi les 239 personnes prises en otage par le Hamas, selon Israël.
    « Nos jeunes travaillent dans de nombreux pays comme le Qatar, les Emirats arabes unis, le Koweït, Israël et bien d’autres, a expliqué à l’AFP le ministre de l’information, Moses Kunkuyu. Tout peut arriver n’importe où, mais le même niveau de sécurité que celui accordé aux citoyens israéliens sera accordé aux citoyens malawites. » L’ambassadeur d’Israël au Malawi, Michael Lotem, a pour sa part assuré dans la presse locale qu’il s’agit d’un accord « gagnant-gagnant », arguant que les Malawites gagneront de l’argent et du savoir, tandis qu’Israël comblera en partie son déficit de main-d’œuvre. Les travailleurs malawites « ne vont pas à Gaza. Ils travailleront en Israël », a souligné M. Lotem, promettant : « Nous prendrons soin d’eux autant que nous prenons soin des Israéliens. »

    #Covid-19#migrant#migration#israel#malawi#gaza#travailleurmigrant#economie#recrutement#economie#agriculture

  • Trita Parsi sur X :

    “The siege itself is a #genocide.”

    Former Chief Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court
    @MorenoOcampo1 argues that the siege of #Gaza is itself a genocide because it creates the condition to destroy a people and because of the intent expressed by Israeli leaders.

    https://video.twimg.com/ext_tw_video/1730693365266558976/pu/vid/avc1/720x720/GE0zkO4cuyxzza9m.mp4?tag=12

    https://twitter.com/tparsi/status/1730693418492321945

  • Selon Israel Hayom, quotidien de droite pro-Netanyahou, le premier ministre a demandé à Ron Dermer (ministre des Affaires stratégiques) d’élaborer un plan de nettoyage ethnique de Gaza qui permettrait de contourner d’éventuelles objections américaines :
    https://www.israelhayom.co.il/magazine/hashavua/article/14889801

    לזה מצטרפת תוכנית נוספת. רוב שרי הקבינט לא יודעים עליה. גם לא שרי קבינט המלחמה. היא לא נידונה בפורומים אלה בשל נפיצותה הברורה: דילול אוכלוסיית עזה למינימום האפשרי. ביידן מתנגד בתוקף וכמוהו כל הקהילה הבינלאומית. גלנט, הרמטכ"ל וצמרת צה"ל טוענים שאין כל היתכנות כזאת. אבל נתניהו רואה בכך יעד אסטרטגי. הוא אף הטיל על נאמנו בקבינט המלחמה, השר רון דרמר, לגבש עבודת מטה בעניין.

    מדובר בתוכנית שתעקוף את ההתנגדות האמריקנית בלי עימות, את ההתנגדות הנחרצת של המצרים בלי שיתחילו לירות בפליטים שייכנסו לשטחם דרך ציר פילדלפי, ואת ההתנגדות הגלובלית הכללית שתקום כאשר ראשוני העזתים יעזבו את ביתם וינדדו למקום אחר.

    תופעת פליטות במוקדי מלחמה היא דבר מקובל. עשרות מיליוני פליטים עזבו אזורי קרבות על פני הגלובוס רק בעשור האחרון. מסוריה ועד אוקראינה. לכולם נמצאה כתובת במדינות שהסכימו לקבל אותם כמחווה הומניטרית. אז למה שעזה תהיה שונה?

    לא מדובר בטרנספר, אלא בשחרור טבעת החנק שבגבולות עזה. אמנם המעברים לישראל יישארו אטומים, אבל יש אפשרויות נוספות. רפיח זו אחת מהן, על אף ההתנגדות העזה של מצרים. המעבר הזה, בתקופות מסוימות, היה פרוץ ופתוח לחלוטין. גם היום מתנהל מעבר תת־קרקעי בין רפיח העזתית לזו המצרית בממדים של אוטוסטרדה. גם הים פתוח בפני העזתים. ברצונה, פותחת ישראל את המעבר הימי ומאפשרת בריחה המונית למדינות אירופה ולאפריקה.

    בהקשר עידוד ההגירה העזתית הפערים בין חברי הממשלה עצומים. בעוד סמוטריץ’, בן גביר ולא מעט משרי הליכוד רואים בכך הכרח, אחרים כמו גלנט, גנץ ואיזנקוט רואים בזה משהו בין פנטזיה לא מציאותית לתוכנית מתועבת ובלתי מוסרית.

    • Israël-Hamas : la fuite en avant dans la guerre de Benyamin Nétanyahou

      Le premier ministre israélien, obsédé par sa survie politique, refuse l’idée d’un Etat palestinien et n’offre que des solutions par défaut pour l’avenir de l’enclave côtière.

      En presque deux mois de guerre, le bilan est maigre. Moins de la moitié des otages sont rentrés et le Hamas, malgré des bombardements d’une ampleur inégalée – entre le 7 octobre et le 20 novembre, 27 000 munitions sont tombées sur l’enclave, selon les médias israéliens –, tient si bien Gaza que la trêve a tenu sept jours sans rupture significative. Avant que le mouvement palestinien, anticipant un échec des négociations visant à obtenir une reconduction de la « pause humanitaire » ne décide, vendredi 1er décembre au matin, d’envoyer ses roquettes sur le territoire israélien, montrant ainsi qu’il garde l’initiative. Avec 75 soldats morts côté israélien et plus de 15 000 côté palestinien, des civils dans l’immense majorité, cette confrontation est déjà la plus longue et la plus meurtrière de la série de guerres entre les deux camps, entamée en 2008. Si l’un des objectifs de cette guerre est de « détruire » le mouvement islamiste, le chemin sera encore difficile.

      Pendant ce temps, Benyamin Nétanyahou conforte son record de premier ministre le plus pérenne de l’histoire d’Israël. Malgré son impopularité, mise en évidence par les gigantesques manifestations contre la réforme de la Cour suprême, et malgré sa responsabilité dans le fiasco sécuritaire du 7 octobre, date de l’attaque initiale du Hamas, qui a causé 1 200 morts en Israël, rien ne garantit qu’il finisse par démissionner. « Il peut tout à fait résister à la pression publique. Il a tenu jusqu’à maintenant, malgré un procès, une mobilisation civile et des grèves générales sans précédent. La seule chose qui peut le faire plier, c’est de perdre sa majorité à la Knesset ou une rébellion au Likoud », estime l’analyste politique Dahlia Scheindlin. L’opinion israélienne, à la sortie de la guerre, « bougera vers la droite, mais pas à l’extrême droite », ajoute-t-elle.

      Le premier ministre se ménage un espace politique tout en grignotant des deux côtés. Ses alliés radicaux ne représentent pas une menace pour lui, selon Ksenia Svetlova, ancienne députée à la Knesset et membre du groupe de réflexion américain Atlantic Council : « Nétanyahou se bat pour sa survie. Il laisse l’extrême droite dire qu’il faut reconquérir Gaza, y reconstruire des colonies. Pour les contrer, il dit qu’il est le seul à pouvoir empêcher la création d’un Etat palestinien. Et de l’autre côté, il se vend comme le “M. Sécurité”. » Ceci, pour concurrencer l’ancien chef d’état-major Benny Gantz, figure aussi hiératique que muette, avec qui Benyamin Nétanyahou cohabite dans le cadre d’un gouvernement d’union nationale chargé de la conduite de la guerre.

      Riposte au projet américain

      C’est ainsi qu’on l’a vu, dimanche dernier, en pleine trêve, parader dans Gaza aux côtés des soldats, en casque et gilet pare-balles, et marteler inlassablement ses trois buts de guerre : « Eliminer le Hamas, ramener tous nos otages et garantir que Gaza ne redevienne pas une menace pour l’Etat d’Israël. »

      Depuis son entrée en politique, au début des années 1990, Benyamin Nétanyahou s’est toujours opposé à la création d’un Etat palestinien. Il y a bien eu le discours de l’université Bar-Ilan en 2009, où, sous la pression de Barack Obama, il fut le premier leader de la droite israélienne à accepter publiquement l’idée d’une solution à deux Etats – mais à des conditions tellement exorbitantes que cet engagement perdait toute signification. Et en 2017, dans la foulée de l’arrivée au pouvoir de Donald Trump, qui préparait alors son « deal du siècle », il a déclaré devant les cadres du Likoud ne vouloir proposer aux Palestiniens qu’un « Etat-croupion ».

      Alors, quand les Américains, par la voix du porte-parole de la Maison Blanche John Kirby, du secrétaire d’Etat Antony Blinken et du président Biden lui-même, demandent à leur allié de mener des opérations militaires plus prudentes, dans l’optique d’une prochaine relance de la solution à deux Etats, il y a peu de chances que les Israéliens, à commencer par Benyamin Nétanyahou, s’exécutent. « L’administration américaine a dit ce qu’elle avait à dire. Elle a été le plus ferme possible. Mais tant qu’elle ne démontre pas qu’il y aura des conséquences concrètes si elle n’est pas entendue, cela reste des suggestions. Et sur la guerre, les Etats-Unis continuent à soutenir Israël », analyse Dahlia Scheindlin.

      Benyamin Nétanyahou se contente de répéter son message : « Tant que je serai assis sur cette chaise, l’Autorité palestinienne, qui soutient, enseigne et finance le terrorisme, ne dirigera pas Gaza au lendemain du [départ du] Hamas », a-t-il dit lors de la réunion du cabinet de guerre pendant la visite d’Antony Blinken en Israël, selon les médias israéliens. Une riposte au projet américain de ramener l’Autorité palestinienne à Gaza à l’issue de la guerre.

      Le premier ministre dépèce Gaza

      Benyamin Nétanyahou n’a à n’offrir qu’une stratégie par défaut, et maintient son approche qui a pourtant mené au désastre du 7 octobre. Le Hamas, qualifié d’« entité hostile », a longtemps servi au chef du gouvernement à diviser et discréditer le mouvement national palestinien. Ce modèle de gestion du conflit, conçu et entretenu par M. Nétanyahou, s’est écroulé le jour de l’attaque du Hamas. L’entité hostile est désormais considérée comme un ennemi existentiel, à chasser de Gaza, quel qu’en soit le prix pour la population.
      Quitte à envisager les solutions les plus radicales : selon le journal Israel Hayom, Benyamin Nétanyahou a demandé à son conseiller Ron Dermer un plan pour « réduire la population de Gaza au niveau le plus bas possible », et considérer l’ouverture des frontières maritimes de l’enclave, pour permettre « une fuite massive vers les pays européens et africains ». L’extrême droite applaudit, la droite condamne et Benyamin Nétanyahou existe.

      En attendant, l’armée israélienne organise un nouveau #déplacement_forcé. Après avoir vidé le nord de la bande de Gaza d’une grande partie de sa population, elle demande aux Gazaouis présents dans la localité de Khan Younès, dans le Sud-Est, dont des centaines de milliers de déplacés, d’évacuer cette zone. Au risque d’entasser deux millions de personnes à Rafah, l’extrême sud de l’enclave. En parallèle, Israël a informé plusieurs Etats arabes qu’il compte aménager une zone tampon sur le territoire gazaoui, selon l’agence Reuters. Ce qui était déjà l’un des territoires les plus densément peuplés au monde risque de rétrécir. Après avoir découpé la Cisjordanie, le premier ministre dépèce Gaza.

      « Ce gouvernement préférera rester dans le nord de la bande, pour la contrôler du mieux possible, pour ne pas céder la place à l’Autorité palestinienne et maintenir la pression sur le Hamas. Une porte de sortie pourrait être de déporter la direction du Hamas avec l’aide du Qatar, des Egyptiens et des Américains. Ça offrirait un succès à Israël. Et dans l’avenir, avec un autre gouvernement, on pourrait accepter le retour de l’Autorité palestinienne à Gaza, la mise en place d’une force internationale, et revenir au but stratégique de la solution à deux Etats », estime Michael Harari, ancien diplomate israélien et membre de l’institut Mitvim.

      Il faudra pour cela provoquer le départ de l’inamovible Benyamin Nétanyahou, qui répète jusqu’à l’envi : « Nous continuerons jusqu’au bout, jusqu’à la victoire. Rien ne nous arrêtera », sans que l’on sache s’il parle d’Israël ou de lui-même, tant l’homme a lié depuis longtemps son destin à celui de son pays.

      https://www.lemonde.fr/international/article/2023/12/02/israel-hamas-la-fuite-en-avant-dans-la-guerre-de-benyamin-netanyahou_6203527

      #Israël #Gaza #palestiniens #exode

  • ‘A mass assassination factory’: Inside Israel’s calculated bombing of Gaza

    Permissive airstrikes on non-military targets and the use of an artificial intelligence system have enabled the Israeli army to carry out its deadliest war on Gaza, a +972 and Local Call investigation reveals.

    The Israeli army’s expanded authorization for bombing non-military targets, the loosening of constraints regarding expected civilian casualties, and the use of an artificial intelligence system to generate more potential targets than ever before, appear to have contributed to the destructive nature of the initial stages of Israel’s current war on the Gaza Strip, an investigation by +972 Magazine and Local Call reveals. These factors, as described by current and former Israeli intelligence members, have likely played a role in producing what has been one of the deadliest military campaigns against Palestinians since the Nakba of 1948.

    The investigation by +972 and Local Call is based on conversations with seven current and former members of Israel’s intelligence community — including military intelligence and air force personnel who were involved in Israeli operations in the besieged Strip — in addition to Palestinian testimonies, data, and documentation from the Gaza Strip, and official statements by the IDF Spokesperson and other Israeli state institutions.

    Compared to previous Israeli assaults on Gaza, the current war — which Israel has named “Operation Iron Swords,” and which began in the wake of the Hamas-led assault on southern Israel on October 7 — has seen the army significantly expand its bombing of targets that are not distinctly military in nature. These include private residences as well as public buildings, infrastructure, and high-rise blocks, which sources say the army defines as “power targets” (“matarot otzem”).

    The bombing of power targets, according to intelligence sources who had first-hand experience with its application in Gaza in the past, is mainly intended to harm Palestinian civil society: to “create a shock” that, among other things, will reverberate powerfully and “lead civilians to put pressure on Hamas,” as one source put it.

    Several of the sources, who spoke to +972 and Local Call on the condition of anonymity, confirmed that the Israeli army has files on the vast majority of potential targets in Gaza — including homes — which stipulate the number of civilians who are likely to be killed in an attack on a particular target. This number is calculated and known in advance to the army’s intelligence units, who also know shortly before carrying out an attack roughly how many civilians are certain to be killed.

    In one case discussed by the sources, the Israeli military command knowingly approved the killing of hundreds of Palestinian civilians in an attempt to assassinate a single top Hamas military commander. “The numbers increased from dozens of civilian deaths [permitted] as collateral damage as part of an attack on a senior official in previous operations, to hundreds of civilian deaths as collateral damage,” said one source.

    “Nothing happens by accident,” said another source. “When a 3-year-old girl is killed in a home in Gaza, it’s because someone in the army decided it wasn’t a big deal for her to be killed — that it was a price worth paying in order to hit [another] target. We are not Hamas. These are not random rockets. Everything is intentional. We know exactly how much collateral damage there is in every home.”

    According to the investigation, another reason for the large number of targets, and the extensive harm to civilian life in Gaza, is the widespread use of a system called “Habsora” (“The Gospel”), which is largely built on artificial intelligence and can “generate” targets almost automatically at a rate that far exceeds what was previously possible. This AI system, as described by a former intelligence officer, essentially facilitates a “mass assassination factory.”

    According to the sources, the increasing use of AI-based systems like Habsora allows the army to carry out strikes on residential homes where a single Hamas member lives on a massive scale, even those who are junior Hamas operatives. Yet testimonies of Palestinians in Gaza suggest that since October 7, the army has also attacked many private residences where there was no known or apparent member of Hamas or any other militant group residing. Such strikes, sources confirmed to +972 and Local Call, can knowingly kill entire families in the process.

    In the majority of cases, the sources added, military activity is not conducted from these targeted homes. “I remember thinking that it was like if [Palestinian militants] would bomb all the private residences of our families when [Israeli soldiers] go back to sleep at home on the weekend,” one source, who was critical of this practice, recalled.

    Another source said that a senior intelligence officer told his officers after October 7 that the goal was to “kill as many Hamas operatives as possible,” for which the criteria around harming Palestinian civilians were significantly relaxed. As such, there are “cases in which we shell based on a wide cellular pinpointing of where the target is, killing civilians. This is often done to save time, instead of doing a little more work to get a more accurate pinpointing,” said the source.

    The result of these policies is the staggering loss of human life in Gaza since October 7. Over 300 families have lost 10 or more family members in Israeli bombings in the past two months — a number that is 15 times higher than the figure from what was previously Israel’s deadliest war on Gaza, in 2014. At the time of writing, around 15,000 Palestinians have been reported killed in the war, and counting.

    “All of this is happening contrary to the protocol used by the IDF in the past,” a source explained. “There is a feeling that senior officials in the army are aware of their failure on October 7, and are busy with the question of how to provide the Israeli public with an image [of victory] that will salvage their reputation.”
    ‘An excuse to cause destruction’

    Israel launched its assault on Gaza in the aftermath of the October 7 Hamas-led offensive on southern Israel. During that attack, under a hail of rocket fire, Palestinian militants massacred more than 840 civilians and killed 350 soldiers and security personnel, kidnapped around 240 people — civilians and soldiers — to Gaza, and committed widespread sexual violence, including rape, according to a report by the NGO Physicians for Human Rights Israel.

    From the first moment after the October 7 attack, decisionmakers in Israel openly declared that the response would be of a completely different magnitude to previous military operations in Gaza, with the stated aim of totally eradicating Hamas. “The emphasis is on damage and not on accuracy,” said IDF Spokesperson Daniel Hagari on Oct. 9. The army swiftly translated those declarations into actions.

    According to the sources who spoke to +972 and Local Call, the targets in Gaza that have been struck by Israeli aircraft can be divided roughly into four categories. The first is “tactical targets,” which include standard military targets such as armed militant cells, weapon warehouses, rocket launchers, anti-tank missile launchers, launch pits, mortar bombs, military headquarters, observation posts, and so on.

    The second is “underground targets” — mainly tunnels that Hamas has dug under Gaza’s neighborhoods, including under civilian homes. Aerial strikes on these targets could lead to the collapse of the homes above or near the tunnels.

    The third is “power targets,” which includes high-rises and residential towers in the heart of cities, and public buildings such as universities, banks, and government offices. The idea behind hitting such targets, say three intelligence sources who were involved in planning or conducting strikes on power targets in the past, is that a deliberate attack on Palestinian society will exert “civil pressure” on Hamas.

    The final category consists of “family homes” or “operatives’ homes.” The stated purpose of these attacks is to destroy private residences in order to assassinate a single resident suspected of being a Hamas or Islamic Jihad operative. However, in the current war, Palestinian testimonies assert that some of the families that were killed did not include any operatives from these organizations.

    In the early stages of the current war, the Israeli army appears to have given particular attention to the third and fourth categories of targets. According to statements on Oct. 11 by the IDF Spokesperson, during the first five days of fighting, half of the targets bombed — 1,329 out of a total 2,687 — were deemed power targets.

    “We are asked to look for high-rise buildings with half a floor that can be attributed to Hamas,” said one source who took part in previous Israeli offensives in Gaza. “Sometimes it is a militant group’s spokesperson’s office, or a point where operatives meet. I understood that the floor is an excuse that allows the army to cause a lot of destruction in Gaza. That is what they told us.

    “If they would tell the whole world that the [Islamic Jihad] offices on the 10th floor are not important as a target, but that its existence is a justification to bring down the entire high-rise with the aim of pressuring civilian families who live in it in order to put pressure on terrorist organizations, this would itself be seen as terrorism. So they do not say it,” the source added.

    Various sources who served in IDF intelligence units said that at least until the current war, army protocols allowed for attacking power targets only when the buildings were empty of residents at the time of the strike. However, testimonies and videos from Gaza suggest that since October 7, some of these targets have been attacked without prior notice being given to their occupants, killing entire families as a result.

    The wide-scale targeting of residential homes can be derived from public and official data. According to the Government Media Office in Gaza — which has been providing death tolls since the Gaza Health Ministry stopped doing so on Nov. 11 due to the collapse of health services in the Strip — by the time the temporary ceasefire took hold on Nov. 23, Israel had killed 14,800 Palestinians in Gaza; approximately 6,000 of them were children and 4,000 were women, who together constitute more than 67 percent of the total. The figures provided by the Health Ministry and the Government Media Office — both of which fall under the auspices of the Hamas government — do not deviate significantly from Israeli estimates.

    The Gaza Health Ministry, furthermore, does not specify how many of the dead belonged to the military wings of Hamas or Islamic Jihad. The Israeli army estimates that it has killed between 1,000 and 3,000 armed Palestinian militants. According to media reports in Israel, some of the dead militants are buried under the rubble or inside Hamas’ underground tunnel system, and therefore were not tallied in official counts.

    UN data for the period up until Nov. 11, by which time Israel had killed 11,078 Palestinians in Gaza, states that at least 312 families have lost 10 or more people in the current Israeli attack; for the sake of comparison, during “Operation Protective Edge” in 2014, 20 families in Gaza lost 10 or more people. At least 189 families have lost between six and nine people according to the UN data, while 549 families have lost between two and five people. No updated breakdowns have yet been given for the casualty figures published since Nov. 11.

    The massive attacks on power targets and private residences came at the same time as the Israeli army, on Oct. 13, called on the 1.1 million residents of the northern Gaza Strip — most of them residing in Gaza City — to leave their homes and move to the south of the Strip. By that date, a record number of power targets had already been bombed, and more than 1,000 Palestinians had already been killed, including hundreds of children.

    In total, according to the UN, 1.7 million Palestinians, the vast majority of the Strip’s population, have been displaced within Gaza since October 7. The army claimed that the demand to evacuate the Strip’s north was intended to protect civilian lives. Palestinians, however, see this mass displacement as part of a “new Nakba” — an attempt to ethnically cleanse part or all of the territory.
    ‘They knocked down a high-rise for the sake of it’

    According to the Israeli army, during the first five days of fighting it dropped 6,000 bombs on the Strip, with a total weight of about 4,000 tons. Media outlets reported that the army had wiped out entire neighborhoods; according to the Gaza-based Al Mezan Center for Human Rights, these attacks led to “the complete destruction of residential neighborhoods, the destruction of infrastructure, and the mass killing of residents.”

    As documented by Al Mezan and numerous images coming out of Gaza, Israel bombed the Islamic University of Gaza, the Palestinian Bar Association, a UN building for an educational program for outstanding students, a building belonging to the Palestine Telecommunications Company, the Ministry of National Economy, the Ministry of Culture, roads, and dozens of high-rise buildings and homes — especially in Gaza’s northern neighborhoods.

    On the fifth day of fighting, the IDF Spokesperson distributed to military reporters in Israel “before and after” satellite images of neighborhoods in the northern Strip, such as Shuja’iyya and Al-Furqan (nicknamed after a mosque in the area) in Gaza City, which showed dozens of destroyed homes and buildings. The Israeli army said that it had struck 182 power targets in Shuja’iyya and 312 power targets in Al-Furqan.

    The Chief of Staff of the Israeli Air Force, Omer Tishler, told military reporters that all of these attacks had a legitimate military target, but also that entire neighborhoods were attacked “on a large scale and not in a surgical manner.” Noting that half of the military targets up until Oct. 11 were power targets, the IDF Spokesperson said that “neighborhoods that serve as terror nests for Hamas” were attacked and that damage was caused to “operational headquarters,” “operational assets,” and “assets used by terrorist organizations inside residential buildings.” On Oct. 12, the Israeli army announced it had killed three “senior Hamas members” — two of whom were part of the group’s political wing.

    Yet despite the unbridled Israeli bombardment, the damage to Hamas’ military infrastructure in northern Gaza during the first days of the war appears to have been very minimal. Indeed, intelligence sources told +972 and Local Call that military targets that were part of power targets have previously been used many times as a fig leaf for harming the civilian population. “Hamas is everywhere in Gaza; there is no building that does not have something of Hamas in it, so if you want to find a way to turn a high-rise into a target, you will be able to do so,” said one former intelligence official.

    “They will never just hit a high-rise that does not have something we can define as a military target,” said another intelligence source, who carried out previous strikes against power targets. “There will always be a floor in the high-rise [associated with Hamas]. But for the most part, when it comes to power targets, it is clear that the target doesn’t have military value that justifies an attack that would bring down the entire empty building in the middle of a city, with the help of six planes and bombs weighing several tons.”

    Indeed, according to sources who were involved in the compiling of power targets in previous wars, although the target file usually contains some kind of alleged association with Hamas or other militant groups, striking the target functions primarily as a “means that allows damage to civil society.” The sources understood, some explicitly and some implicitly, that damage to civilians is the real purpose of these attacks.

    In May 2021, for example, Israel was heavily criticized for bombing the Al-Jalaa Tower, which housed prominent international media outlets such as Al Jazeera, AP, and AFP. The army claimed that the building was a Hamas military target; sources have told +972 and Local Call that it was in fact a power target.

    “The perception is that it really hurts Hamas when high-rise buildings are taken down, because it creates a public reaction in the Gaza Strip and scares the population,” said one of the sources. “They wanted to give the citizens of Gaza the feeling that Hamas is not in control of the situation. Sometimes they toppled buildings and sometimes postal service and government buildings.”

    Although it is unprecedented for the Israeli army to attack more than 1,000 power targets in five days, the idea of causing mass devastation to civilian areas for strategic purposes was formulated in previous military operations in Gaza, honed by the so-called “Dahiya Doctrine” from the Second Lebanon War of 2006.

    According to the doctrine — developed by former IDF Chief of Staff Gadi Eizenkot, who is now a Knesset member and part of the current war cabinet — in a war against guerrilla groups such as Hamas or Hezbollah, Israel must use disproportionate and overwhelming force while targeting civilian and government infrastructure in order to establish deterrence and force the civilian population to pressure the groups to end their attacks. The concept of “power targets” seems to have emanated from this same logic.

    The first time the Israeli army publicly defined power targets in Gaza was at the end of Operation Protective Edge in 2014. The army bombed four buildings during the last four days of the war — three residential multi-story buildings in Gaza City, and a high-rise in Rafah. The security establishment explained at the time that the attacks were intended to convey to the Palestinians of Gaza that “nothing is immune anymore,” and to put pressure on Hamas to agree to a ceasefire. “The evidence we collected shows that the massive destruction [of the buildings] was carried out deliberately, and without any military justification,” stated an Amnesty report in late 2014.

    In another violent escalation that began in November 2018, the army once again attacked power targets. That time, Israel bombed high-rises, shopping centers, and the building of the Hamas-affiliated Al-Aqsa TV station. “Attacking power targets produces a very significant effect on the other side,” one Air Force officer stated at the time. “We did it without killing anyone and we made sure that the building and its surroundings were evacuated.”

    Previous operations have also shown how striking these targets is meant not only to harm Palestinian morale, but also to raise the morale inside Israel. Haaretz revealed that during Operation Guardian of the Walls in 2021, the IDF Spokesperson’s Unit conducted a psy-op against Israeli citizens in order to boost awareness of the IDF’s operations in Gaza and the damage they caused to Palestinians. Soldiers, who used fake social media accounts to conceal the campaign’s origin, uploaded images and clips of the army’s strikes in Gaza to Twitter, Facebook, Instagram, and TikTok in order to demonstrate the army’s prowess to the Israeli public.

    During the 2021 assault, Israel struck nine targets that were defined as power targets — all of them high-rise buildings. “The goal was to collapse the high-rises in order to put pressure on Hamas, and also so that the [Israeli] public would see a victory image,” one security source told +972 and Local Call.

    However, the source continued, “it didn’t work. As someone who has followed Hamas, I heard firsthand how much they did not care about the civilians and the buildings that were taken down. Sometimes the army found something in a high-rise building that was related to Hamas, but it was also possible to hit that specific target with more accurate weaponry. The bottom line is that they knocked down a high-rise for the sake of knocking down a high-rise.”
    ‘Everyone was looking for their children in these piles’

    Not only has the current war seen Israel attack an unprecedented number of power targets, it has also seen the army abandon prior policies that aimed at avoiding harm to civilians. Whereas previously the army’s official procedure was that it was possible to attack power targets only after all civilians had been evacuated from them, testimonies from Palestinian residents in Gaza indicate that, since October 7, Israel has attacked high-rises with their residents still inside, or without having taken significant steps to evacuate them, leading to many civilian deaths.

    Such attacks very often result in the killing of entire families, as experienced in previous offensives; according to an investigation by AP conducted after the 2014 war, about 89 percent of those killed in the aerial bombings of family homes were unarmed residents, and most of them were children and women.

    Tishler, the air force chief of staff, confirmed a shift in policy, telling reporters that the army’s “roof knocking” policy — whereby it would fire a small initial strike on the roof of a building to warn residents that it is about to be struck — is no longer in use “where there is an enemy.” Roof knocking, Tishler said, is “a term that is relevant to rounds [of fighting] and not to war.”

    The sources who have previously worked on power targets said that the brazen strategy of the current war could be a dangerous development, explaining that attacking power targets was originally intended to “shock” Gaza but not necessarily to kill large numbers of civilians. “The targets were designed with the assumption that high-rises would be evacuated of people, so when we were working on [compiling the targets], there was no concern whatsoever regarding how many civilians would be harmed; the assumption was that the number would always be zero,” said one source with deep knowledge of the tactic.

    “This would mean there would be a total evacuation [of the targeted buildings], which takes two to three hours, during which the residents are called [by phone to evacuate], warning missiles are fired, and we also crosscheck with drone footage that people are indeed leaving the high-rise,” the source added.

    However, evidence from Gaza suggests that some high-rises — which we assume to have been power targets — were toppled without prior warning. +972 and Local Call located at least two cases during the current war in which entire residential high-rises were bombed and collapsed without warning, and one case in which, according to the evidence, a high-rise building collapsed on civilians who were inside.

    On Oct. 10, Israel bombed the Babel Building in Gaza, according to the testimony of Bilal Abu Hatzira, who rescued bodies from the ruins that night. Ten people were killed in the attack on the building, including three journalists.

    On Oct. 25, the 12-story Al-Taj residential building in Gaza City was bombed to the ground, killing the families living inside it without warning. About 120 people were buried under the ruins of their apartments, according to the testimonies of residents. Yousef Amar Sharaf, a resident of Al-Taj, wrote on X that 37 of his family members who lived in the building were killed in the attack: “My dear father and mother, my beloved wife, my sons, and most of my brothers and their families.” Residents stated that a lot of bombs were dropped, damaging and destroying apartments in nearby buildings too.

    Six days later, on Oct. 31, the eight-story Al-Mohandseen residential building was bombed without warning. Between 30 and 45 bodies were reportedly recovered from the ruins on the first day. One baby was found alive, without his parents. Journalists estimated that over 150 people were killed in the attack, as many remained buried under the rubble.

    The building used to stand in Nuseirat Refugee Camp, south of Wadi Gaza — in the supposed “safe zone” to which Israel directed the Palestinians who fled their homes in northern and central Gaza — and therefore served as temporary shelter for the displaced, according to testimonies.

    According to an investigation by Amnesty International, on Oct. 9, Israel shelled at least three multi-story buildings, as well as an open flea market on a crowded street in the Jabaliya Refugee Camp, killing at least 69 people. “The bodies were burned … I didn’t want to look, I was scared of looking at Imad’s face,” said the father of a child who was killed. “The bodies were scattered on the floor. Everyone was looking for their children in these piles. I recognized my son only by his trousers. I wanted to bury him immediately, so I carried my son and got him out.”

    According to Amnesty’s investigation, the army said that the attack on the market area was aimed at a mosque “where there were Hamas operatives.” However, according to the same investigation, satellite images do not show a mosque in the vicinity.

    The IDF Spokesperson did not address +972’s and Local Call’s queries about specific attacks, but stated more generally that “the IDF provided warnings before attacks in various ways, and when the circumstances allowed it, also delivered individual warnings through phone calls to people who were at or near the targets (there were more from 25,000 live conversations during the war, alongside millions of recorded conversations, text messages and leaflets dropped from the air for the purpose of warning the population). In general, the IDF works to reduce harm to civilians as part of the attacks as much as possible, despite the challenge of fighting a terrorist organization that uses the citizens of Gaza as human shields.”
    ‘The machine produced 100 targets in one day’

    According to the IDF Spokesperson, by Nov. 10, during the first 35 days of fighting, Israel attacked a total of 15,000 targets in Gaza. Based on multiple sources, this is a very high figure compared to the four previous major operations in the Strip. During Guardian of the Walls in 2021, Israel attacked 1,500 targets in 11 days. In Protective Edge in 2014, which lasted 51 days, Israel struck between 5,266 and 6,231 targets. During Pillar of Defense in 2012, about 1,500 targets were attacked over eight days. In Cast Lead” in 2008, Israel struck 3,400 targets in 22 days.

    Intelligence sources who served in the previous operations also told +972 and Local Call that, for 10 days in 2021 and three weeks in 2014, an attack rate of 100 to 200 targets per day led to a situation in which the Israeli Air Force had no targets of military value left. Why, then, after nearly two months, has the Israeli army not yet run out of targets in the current war?

    The answer may lie in a statement from the IDF Spokesperson on Nov. 2, according to which it is using the AI system Habsora (“The Gospel”), which the spokesperson says “enables the use of automatic tools to produce targets at a fast pace, and works by improving accurate and high-quality intelligence material according to [operational] needs.”

    In the statement, a senior intelligence official is quoted as saying that thanks to Habsora, targets are created for precision strikes “while causing great damage to the enemy and minimal damage to non-combatants. Hamas operatives are not immune — no matter where they hide.”

    According to intelligence sources, Habsora generates, among other things, automatic recommendations for attacking private residences where people suspected of being Hamas or Islamic Jihad operatives live. Israel then carries out large-scale assassination operations through the heavy shelling of these residential homes.

    Habsora, explained one of the sources, processes enormous amounts of data that “tens of thousands of intelligence officers could not process,” and recommends bombing sites in real time. Because most senior Hamas officials head into underground tunnels with the start of any military operation, the sources say, the use of a system like Habsora makes it possible to locate and attack the homes of relatively junior operatives.

    One former intelligence officer explained that the Habsora system enables the army to run a “mass assassination factory,” in which the “emphasis is on quantity and not on quality.” A human eye “will go over the targets before each attack, but it need not spend a lot of time on them.” Since Israel estimates that there are approximately 30,000 Hamas members in Gaza, and they are all marked for death, the number of potential targets is enormous.

    In 2019, the Israeli army created a new center aimed at using AI to accelerate target generation. “The Targets Administrative Division is a unit that includes hundreds of officers and soldiers, and is based on AI capabilities,” said former IDF Chief of Staff Aviv Kochavi in an in-depth interview with Ynet earlier this year.

    “This is a machine that, with the help of AI, processes a lot of data better and faster than any human, and translates it into targets for attack,” Kochavi went on. “The result was that in Operation Guardian of the Walls [in 2021], from the moment this machine was activated, it generated 100 new targets every day. You see, in the past there were times in Gaza when we would create 50 targets per year. And here the machine produced 100 targets in one day.”

    “We prepare the targets automatically and work according to a checklist,” one of the sources who worked in the new Targets Administrative Division told +972 and Local Call. “It really is like a factory. We work quickly and there is no time to delve deep into the target. The view is that we are judged according to how many targets we manage to generate.”

    A senior military official in charge of the target bank told the Jerusalem Post earlier this year that, thanks to the army’s AI systems, for the first time the military can generate new targets at a faster rate than it attacks. Another source said the drive to automatically generate large numbers of targets is a realization of the Dahiya Doctrine.

    Automated systems like Habsora have thus greatly facilitated the work of Israeli intelligence officers in making decisions during military operations, including calculating potential casualties. Five different sources confirmed that the number of civilians who may be killed in attacks on private residences is known in advance to Israeli intelligence, and appears clearly in the target file under the category of “collateral damage.”

    According to these sources, there are degrees of collateral damage, according to which the army determines whether it is possible to attack a target inside a private residence. “When the general directive becomes ‘Collateral Damage 5,’ that means we are authorized to strike all targets that will kill five or less civilians — we can act on all target files that are five or less,” said one of the sources.

    “In the past, we did not regularly mark the homes of junior Hamas members for bombing,” said a security official who participated in attacking targets during previous operations. “In my time, if the house I was working on was marked Collateral Damage 5, it would not always be approved [for attack].” Such approval, he said, would only be received if a senior Hamas commander was known to be living in the home.

    “To my understanding, today they can mark all the houses of [any Hamas military operative regardless of rank],” the source continued. “That is a lot of houses. Hamas members who don’t really matter for anything live in homes across Gaza. So they mark the home and bomb the house and kill everyone there.”
    A concerted policy to bomb family homes

    On Oct. 22, the Israeli Air Force bombed the home of the Palestinian journalist Ahmed Alnaouq in the city of Deir al-Balah. Ahmed is a close friend and colleague of mine; four years ago, we founded a Hebrew Facebook page called “Across the Wall,” with the aim of bringing Palestinian voices from Gaza to the Israeli public.

    The strike on Oct. 22 collapsed blocks of concrete onto Ahmed’s entire family, killing his father, brothers, sisters, and all of their children, including babies. Only his 12-year-old niece, Malak, survived and remained in a critical condition, her body covered in burns. A few days later, Malak died.

    Twenty-one members of Ahmed’s family were killed in total, buried under their home. None of them were militants. The youngest was 2 years old; the oldest, his father, was 75. Ahmed, who is currently living in the UK, is now alone out of his entire family.

    Ahmed’s family WhatsApp group is titled “Better Together.” The last message that appears there was sent by him, a little after midnight on the night he lost his family. “Someone let me know that everything is fine,” he wrote. No one answered. He fell asleep, but woke up in a panic at 4 a.m. Drenched in sweat, he checked his phone again. Silence. Then he received a message from a friend with the terrible news.

    Ahmed’s case is common in Gaza these days. In interviews to the press, heads of Gaza hospitals have been echoing the same description: families enter hospitals as a succession of corpses, a child followed by his father followed by his grandfather. The bodies are all covered in dirt and blood.

    According to former Israeli intelligence officers, in many cases in which a private residence is bombed, the goal is the “assassination of Hamas or Jihad operatives,” and such targets are attacked when the operative enters the home. Intelligence researchers know if the operative’s family members or neighbors may also die in an attack, and they know how to calculate how many of them may die. Each of the sources said that these are private homes, where in the majority of cases, no military activity is carried out.

    +972 and Local Call do not have data regarding the number of military operatives who were indeed killed or wounded by aerial strikes on private residences in the current war, but there is ample evidence that, in many cases, none were military or political operatives belonging to Hamas or Islamic Jihad.

    On Oct. 10, the Israeli Air Force bombed an apartment building in Gaza’s Sheikh Radwan neighborhood, killing 40 people, most of them women and children. In one of the shocking videos taken following the attack, people are seen screaming, holding what appears to be a doll pulled from the ruins of the house, and passing it from hand to hand. When the camera zooms in, one can see that it is not a doll, but the body of a baby.

    One of the residents said that 19 members of his family were killed in the strike. Another survivor wrote on Facebook that he only found his son’s shoulder in the rubble. Amnesty investigated the attack and discovered that a Hamas member lived on one of the upper floors of the building, but was not present at the time of the attack.

    The bombing of family homes where Hamas or Islamic Jihad operatives supposedly live likely became a more concerted IDF policy during Operation Protective Edge in 2014. Back then, 606 Palestinians — about a quarter of the civilian deaths during the 51 days of fighting — were members of families whose homes were bombed. A UN report defined it in 2015 as both a potential war crime and “a new pattern” of action that “led to the death of entire families.”

    In 2014, 93 babies were killed as a result of Israeli bombings of family homes, of which 13 were under 1 year old. A month ago, 286 babies aged 1 or under were already identified as having been killed in Gaza, according to a detailed ID list with the ages of victims published by the Gaza Health Ministry on Oct. 26. The number has since likely doubled or tripled.

    However, in many cases, and especially during the current attacks on Gaza, the Israeli army has carried out attacks that struck private residences even when there is no known or clear military target. For example, according to the Committee to Protect Journalists, by Nov. 29, Israel had killed 50 Palestinian journalists in Gaza, some of them in their homes with their families.

    Roshdi Sarraj, 31, a journalist from Gaza who was born in Britain, founded a media outlet in Gaza called “Ain Media.” On Oct. 22, an Israeli bomb struck his parents’ home where he was sleeping, killing him. The journalist Salam Mema similarly died under the ruins of her home after it was bombed; of her three young children, Hadi, 7, died, while Sham, 3, has not yet been found under the rubble. Two other journalists, Duaa Sharaf and Salma Makhaimer, were killed together with their children in their homes.

    Israeli analysts have admitted that the military effectiveness of these kinds of disproportionate aerial attacks is limited. Two weeks after the start of the bombings in Gaza (and before the ground invasion) — after the bodies of 1,903 children, approximately 1,000 women, and 187 elderly men were counted in the Gaza Strip — Israeli commentator Avi Issacharoff tweeted: “As hard as it is to hear, on the 14th day of fighting, it does not appear that the military arm of Hamas has been significantly harmed. The most significant damage to the military leadership is the assassination of [Hamas commander] Ayman Nofal.”
    ‘Fighting human animals’

    Hamas militants regularly operate out of an intricate network of tunnels built under large stretches of the Gaza Strip. These tunnels, as confirmed by the former Israeli intelligence officers we spoke to, also pass under homes and roads. Therefore, Israeli attempts to destroy them with aerial strikes are in many cases likely to lead to the killing of civilians. This may be another reason for the high number of Palestinian families wiped out in the current offensive.

    The intelligence officers interviewed for this article said that the way Hamas designed the tunnel network in Gaza knowingly exploits the civilian population and infrastructure above ground. These claims were also the basis of the media campaign that Israel conducted vis-a-vis the attacks and raids on Al-Shifa Hospital and the tunnels that were discovered under it.

    Israel has also attacked a large number of military targets: armed Hamas operatives, rocket launcher sites, snipers, anti-tank squads, military headquarters, bases, observation posts, and more. From the beginning of the ground invasion, aerial bombardment and heavy artillery fire have been used to provide backup to Israeli troops on the ground. Experts in international law say these targets are legitimate, as long as the strikes comply with the principle of proportionality.

    In response to an enquiry from +972 and Local Call for this article, the IDF Spokesperson stated: “The IDF is committed to international law and acts according to it, and in doing so attacks military targets and does not attack civilians. The terrorist organization Hamas places its operatives and military assets in the heart of the civilian population. Hamas systematically uses the civilian population as a human shield, and conducts combat from civilian buildings, including sensitive sites such as hospitals, mosques, schools, and UN facilities.”

    Intelligence sources who spoke to +972 and Local Call similarly claimed that in many cases Hamas “deliberately endangers the civilian population in Gaza and tries to forcefully prevent civilians from evacuating.” Two sources said that Hamas leaders “understand that Israeli harm to civilians gives them legitimacy in fighting.”

    At the same time, while it’s hard to imagine now, the idea of dropping a one-ton bomb aimed at killing a Hamas operative yet ending up killing an entire family as “collateral damage” was not always so readily accepted by large swathes of Israeli society. In 2002, for example, the Israeli Air Force bombed the home of Salah Mustafa Muhammad Shehade, then the head of the Al-Qassam Brigades, Hamas’ military wing. The bomb killed him, his wife Eman, his 14-year-old daughter Laila, and 14 other civilians, including 11 children. The killing caused a public uproar in both Israel and the world, and Israel was accused of committing war crimes.

    That criticism led to a decision by the Israeli army in 2003 to drop a smaller, quarter-ton bomb on a meeting of top Hamas officials — including the elusive leader of Al-Qassam Brigades, Mohammed Deif — taking place in a residential building in Gaza, despite the fear that it would not be powerful enough to kill them. In his book “To Know Hamas,” veteran Israeli journalist Shlomi Eldar wrote that the decision to use a relatively small bomb was due to the Shehade precedent, and the fear that a one-ton bomb would kill the civilians in the building as well. The attack failed, and the senior military wing officers fled the scene.

    In December 2008, in the first major war that Israel waged against Hamas after it seized power in Gaza, Yoav Gallant, who at the time headed the IDF Southern Command, said that for the first time Israel was “hitting the family homes” of senior Hamas officials with the aim of destroying them, but not harming their families. Gallant emphasized that the homes were attacked after the families were warned by a “knock on the roof,” as well as by phone call, after it was clear that Hamas military activity was taking place inside the house.

    After 2014’s Protective Edge, during which Israel began to systematically strike family homes from the air, human rights groups like B’Tselem collected testimonies from Palestinians who survived these attacks. The survivors said the homes collapsed in on themselves, glass shards cut the bodies of those inside, the debris “smells of blood,” and people were buried alive.

    This deadly policy continues today — thanks in part to the use of destructive weaponry and sophisticated technology like Habsora, but also to a political and security establishment that has loosened the reins on Israel’s military machinery. Fifteen years after insisting that the army was taking pains to minimize civilian harm, Gallant, now Defense Minister, has clearly changed his tune. “We are fighting human animals and we act accordingly,” he said after October 7.

    https://www.972mag.com/mass-assassination-factory-israel-calculated-bombing-gaza

    #bombardement #assassinat_de_masse #Gaza #7_octobre_2023 #Israël #bombardements #AI #IA #intelligence_artificielle #armée_israélienne #doctrine_Dahiya

    via @freakonometrics

    ici aussi via @arno:
    https://seenthis.net/messages/1029469

    • #The_Gospel’: how Israel uses AI to select bombing targets in Gaza

      Concerns over data-driven ‘factory’ that significantly increases the number of targets for strikes in the Palestinian territory

      Israel’s military has made no secret of the intensity of its bombardment of the Gaza Strip. In the early days of the offensive, the head of its air force spoke of relentless, “around the clock” airstrikes. His forces, he said, were only striking military targets, but he added: “We are not being surgical.”

      There has, however, been relatively little attention paid to the methods used by the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) to select targets in Gaza, and to the role artificial intelligence has played in their bombing campaign.

      As Israel resumes its offensive after a seven-day ceasefire, there are mounting concerns about the IDF’s targeting approach in a war against Hamas that, according to the health ministry in Hamas-run Gaza, has so far killed more than 15,000 people in the territory.

      The IDF has long burnished its reputation for technical prowess and has previously made bold but unverifiable claims about harnessing new technology. After the 11-day war in Gaza in May 2021, officials said Israel had fought its “first AI war” using machine learning and advanced computing.

      The latest Israel-Hamas war has provided an unprecedented opportunity for the IDF to use such tools in a much wider theatre of operations and, in particular, to deploy an AI target-creation platform called “the Gospel”, which has significantly accelerated a lethal production line of targets that officials have compared to a “factory”.

      The Guardian can reveal new details about the Gospel and its central role in Israel’s war in Gaza, using interviews with intelligence sources and little-noticed statements made by the IDF and retired officials.

      This article also draws on testimonies published by the Israeli-Palestinian publication +972 Magazine and the Hebrew-language outlet Local Call, which have interviewed several current and former sources in Israel’s intelligence community who have knowledge of the Gospel platform.

      Their comments offer a glimpse inside a secretive, AI-facilitated military intelligence unit that is playing a significant role in Israel’s response to the Hamas massacre in southern Israel on 7 October.

      The slowly emerging picture of how Israel’s military is harnessing AI comes against a backdrop of growing concerns about the risks posed to civilians as advanced militaries around the world expand the use of complex and opaque automated systems on the battlefield.

      “Other states are going to be watching and learning,” said a former White House security official familiar with the US military’s use of autonomous systems.

      The Israel-Hamas war, they said, would be an “important moment if the IDF is using AI in a significant way to make targeting choices with life-and-death consequences”.

      From 50 targets a year to 100 a day

      In early November, the IDF said “more than 12,000” targets in Gaza had been identified by its target administration division.

      Describing the unit’s targeting process, an official said: “We work without compromise in defining who and what the enemy is. The operatives of Hamas are not immune – no matter where they hide.”

      The activities of the division, formed in 2019 in the IDF’s intelligence directorate, are classified.

      However a short statement on the IDF website claimed it was using an AI-based system called Habsora (the Gospel, in English) in the war against Hamas to “produce targets at a fast pace”.

      The IDF said that “through the rapid and automatic extraction of intelligence”, the Gospel produced targeting recommendations for its researchers “with the goal of a complete match between the recommendation of the machine and the identification carried out by a person”.

      Multiple sources familiar with the IDF’s targeting processes confirmed the existence of the Gospel to +972/Local Call, saying it had been used to produce automated recommendations for attacking targets, such as the private homes of individuals suspected of being Hamas or Islamic Jihad operatives.

      In recent years, the target division has helped the IDF build a database of what sources said was between 30,000 and 40,000 suspected militants. Systems such as the Gospel, they said, had played a critical role in building lists of individuals authorised to be assassinated.

      Aviv Kochavi, who served as the head of the IDF until January, has said the target division is “powered by AI capabilities” and includes hundreds of officers and soldiers.

      In an interview published before the war, he said it was “a machine that produces vast amounts of data more effectively than any human, and translates it into targets for attack”.

      According to Kochavi, “once this machine was activated” in Israel’s 11-day war with Hamas in May 2021 it generated 100 targets a day. “To put that into perspective, in the past we would produce 50 targets in Gaza per year. Now, this machine produces 100 targets a single day, with 50% of them being attacked.”

      Precisely what forms of data are ingested into the Gospel is not known. But experts said AI-based decision support systems for targeting would typically analyse large sets of information from a range of sources, such as drone footage, intercepted communications, surveillance data and information drawn from monitoring the movements and behaviour patterns of individuals and large groups.

      The target division was created to address a chronic problem for the IDF: in earlier operations in Gaza, the air force repeatedly ran out of targets to strike. Since senior Hamas officials disappeared into tunnels at the start of any new offensive, sources said, systems such as the Gospel allowed the IDF to locate and attack a much larger pool of more junior operatives.

      One official, who worked on targeting decisions in previous Gaza operations, said the IDF had not previously targeted the homes of junior Hamas members for bombings. They said they believed that had changed for the present conflict, with the houses of suspected Hamas operatives now targeted regardless of rank.

      “That is a lot of houses,” the official told +972/Local Call. “Hamas members who don’t really mean anything live in homes across Gaza. So they mark the home and bomb the house and kill everyone there.”
      Targets given ‘score’ for likely civilian death toll

      In the IDF’s brief statement about its target division, a senior official said the unit “produces precise attacks on infrastructure associated with Hamas while inflicting great damage to the enemy and minimal harm to non-combatants”.

      The precision of strikes recommended by the “AI target bank” has been emphasised in multiple reports in Israeli media. The Yedioth Ahronoth daily newspaper reported that the unit “makes sure as far as possible there will be no harm to non-involved civilians”.

      A former senior Israeli military source told the Guardian that operatives use a “very accurate” measurement of the rate of civilians evacuating a building shortly before a strike. “We use an algorithm to evaluate how many civilians are remaining. It gives us a green, yellow, red, like a traffic signal.”

      However, experts in AI and armed conflict who spoke to the Guardian said they were sceptical of assertions that AI-based systems reduced civilian harm by encouraging more accurate targeting.

      A lawyer who advises governments on AI and compliance with humanitarian law said there was “little empirical evidence” to support such claims. Others pointed to the visible impact of the bombardment.

      “Look at the physical landscape of Gaza,” said Richard Moyes, a researcher who heads Article 36, a group that campaigns to reduce harm from weapons.

      “We’re seeing the widespread flattening of an urban area with heavy explosive weapons, so to claim there’s precision and narrowness of force being exerted is not borne out by the facts.”

      According to figures released by the IDF in November, during the first 35 days of the war Israel attacked 15,000 targets in Gaza, a figure that is considerably higher than previous military operations in the densely populated coastal territory. By comparison, in the 2014 war, which lasted 51 days, the IDF struck between 5,000 and 6,000 targets.

      Multiple sources told the Guardian and +972/Local Call that when a strike was authorised on the private homes of individuals identified as Hamas or Islamic Jihad operatives, target researchers knew in advance the number of civilians expected to be killed.

      Each target, they said, had a file containing a collateral damage score that stipulated how many civilians were likely to be killed in a strike.

      One source who worked until 2021 on planning strikes for the IDF said “the decision to strike is taken by the on-duty unit commander”, some of whom were “more trigger happy than others”.

      The source said there had been occasions when “there was doubt about a target” and “we killed what I thought was a disproportionate amount of civilians”.

      An Israeli military spokesperson said: “In response to Hamas’ barbaric attacks, the IDF operates to dismantle Hamas military and administrative capabilities. In stark contrast to Hamas’ intentional attacks on Israeli men, women and children, the IDF follows international law and takes feasible precautions to mitigate civilian harm.”
      ‘Mass assassination factory’

      Sources familiar with how AI-based systems have been integrated into the IDF’s operations said such tools had significantly sped up the target creation process.

      “We prepare the targets automatically and work according to a checklist,” a source who previously worked in the target division told +972/Local Call. “It really is like a factory. We work quickly and there is no time to delve deep into the target. The view is that we are judged according to how many targets we manage to generate.”

      A separate source told the publication the Gospel had allowed the IDF to run a “mass assassination factory” in which the “emphasis is on quantity and not on quality”. A human eye, they said, “will go over the targets before each attack, but it need not spend a lot of time on them”.

      For some experts who research AI and international humanitarian law, an acceleration of this kind raises a number of concerns.

      Dr Marta Bo, a researcher at the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, said that even when “humans are in the loop” there is a risk they develop “automation bias” and “over-rely on systems which come to have too much influence over complex human decisions”.

      Moyes, of Article 36, said that when relying on tools such as the Gospel, a commander “is handed a list of targets a computer has generated” and they “don’t necessarily know how the list has been created or have the ability to adequately interrogate and question the targeting recommendations”.

      “There is a danger,” he added, “that as humans come to rely on these systems they become cogs in a mechanised process and lose the ability to consider the risk of civilian harm in a meaningful way.”

      https://www.theguardian.com/world/2023/dec/01/the-gospel-how-israel-uses-ai-to-select-bombing-targets

  • L’erosione di Schengen, sempre più area di libertà per pochi a danno di molti

    I Paesi che hanno aderito all’area di libera circolazione strumentalizzano il concetto di minaccia per la sicurezza interna per poter ripristinare i controlli alle frontiere e impedire così l’ingresso ai migranti indesiderati. Una forzatura, praticata anche dall’Italia, che scatena riammissioni informali e violazioni dei diritti. L’analisi dell’Asgi

    Lo spazio Schengen sta venendo progressivamente eroso e ridotto dagli Stati membri dell’Unione europea che, con il pretesto della sicurezza interna o di “minacce” esterne, ne sospendono l’applicazione. Ed è così che da spazio di libera circolazione, Schengen si starebbe trasformando sempre più in un labirinto creato per isolare e respingere le persone in transito e i cittadini stranieri.

    Per l’Associazione per gli studi giuridici sull’immigrazione (Asgi) la sospensione della libera circolazione, che dovrebbe essere una pratica emergenziale da attivarsi solo nel caso di minacce gravi per la sicurezza di un Paese, rischia infatti di diventare una prassi ricorrente nella gestione dei flussi migratori.

    A fine ottobre di quest’anno il governo italiano ha riattivato i controlli al confine con la Slovenia, giustificando l’iniziativa con l’aumento del rischio interno a seguito della guerra in atto a Gaza e da possibili infiltrazioni terroristiche. La decisione è stata anche proposta come reazione alla pressione migratoria a cui è soggetto il Paese. Lo stesso giorno in cui l’Italia ha annunciato la sospensione della libera circolazione -misura prorogata- la stessa scelta è stata presa anche da Slovenia, Austria, Repubblica Ceca, Slovacchia, Polonia e Germania. Una prassi che rischia di agevolare le violazioni dei diritti delle persone in transito. “Questa pratica, così come l’uso degli accordi bilaterali di riammissione, ha di fatto consentito alle autorità di frontiera dei vari Stati membri di impedire l’ingresso nel territorio e di applicare respingimenti ai danni di persone migranti e richiedenti asilo, in violazione di numerose norme nazionali e sovranazionali”, scrive l’Asgi.

    Il “Codice frontiere Schengen” prevede che i confini interni possano essere attraversati in un qualsiasi punto senza controlli sulle persone, in modo indipendente dalla loro nazionalità. Secondo i dati del Consiglio dell’Unione europea, circa 3,5 milioni di persone attraverserebbero questi confini ogni giorno mentre in 1,7 milioni lavorerebbero in un Paese diverso da quello di residenza, attraversando così una frontiera interna. In caso di minaccia grave per l’ordine pubblico o la sicurezza interna in uno Stato membro, però, quest’ultimo è autorizzato a ripristinare i controlli “in tutte o in alcune parti delle sue frontiere interne per un periodo limitato non superiore a 30 giorni o per la durata prevedibile della minaccia grave”. Tuttavia, lo stesso Codice afferma che “la migrazione e l’attraversamento delle frontiere esterne di un gran numero di cittadini di Paesi terzi non dovrebbero in sé essere considerate una minaccia per l’ordine pubblico o la sicurezza”.

    Inoltre, anche nel caso in cui vengano introdotte restrizioni alla libera circolazione, queste vanno applicate in accordo con il diritto delle persone in transito. “La reintroduzione temporanea dei controlli non può giustificare alcuna deroga al rispetto dei diritti fondamentali delle persone straniere che fanno ingresso nel territorio degli Stati membri e, nel caso specifico dell’Italia, attraverso il confine italo-sloveno -ribadisce l’Asgi-. In particolare, il controllo non può esentare le autorità di frontiera dalla verifica delle situazioni individuali delle persone straniere che intendano accedere nel territorio dello Stato e che intendano presentare domanda di asilo”. In particolare, la sicurezza dei confini non può impedire l’accesso alle procedure di protezione internazionale per chi ne fa richieste e di riceve informazioni sulla possibilità di farlo. Infine, i controlli non possono portare a una violazione del diritto di non respingimento, che impedisce l’espulsione di una persona verso Paese dove potrebbe subire trattamenti inumani o degradanti o dove possa essere soggetta a respingimenti “a catena” verso Stati che si macchiano di queste pratiche.

    Le operazioni di pattugliamento lungo il confine tra Italia e Slovenia presentano criticità proprio in tal senso. Secondo le notizie riportate dai media e le recenti dichiarazioni del ministro dell’Interno Matteo Piantedosi, l’Italia avrebbe applicato ulteriori misure che hanno l’evidente effetto di impedire alla persona straniera l’accesso al territorio nazionale e ai diritti che ne conseguono. Già a settembre del 2023 il ministro aveva dichiarato, in risposta a un’interrogazione parlamentare, la ripresa dell’attività congiunta tra le forze di polizia di Italia e Slovenia a partire dal 2022. Sottolineando come grazie all’accordo fosse stato possibile impedire, per tutto il 2023, l’ingresso sul territorio nazionale di circa 1.900 “migranti irregolari”. “Preoccupa, inoltre, l’opacità operativa che caratterizza questi interventi di polizia: le modalità, infatti, con le quali vengono condotti sono poco chiare e difficilmente osservabili ma celano evidenti profili di criticità e potenziali lesioni di diritti”.

    Le azioni di polizia, infatti, avrebbero avuto luogo già in territorio italiano oltre il confine: una simile procedura appare in linea con quanto previsto dalle procedure di riammissione bilaterale, ma in contrasto con il Codice frontiere Schengen, che presuppone che i controlli possano essere svolti solo presso i valichi di frontiera comunicati alle istituzioni competenti. Una prassi simile è stata riscontrata lungo il confine italo-francese, dove l’Asgi ha identificato la coesistenza di pratiche legate alla sospensione della libera circolazione con procedure di riammissione informale.

    “La libera circolazione nello spazio europeo è una delle conquiste più importanti dei nostri tempi -è la conclusione dell’Asgi-. Il suo progressivo smantellamento dovrebbe essere dettato da una effettiva emergenza e contingenza, entrambe condizioni che sembrano non rinvenibili nelle motivazioni addotte dall’Italia e dagli altri Stati membri alla Commissione europea. La libertà di circolazione, pilastro fondamentale dell’area Schengen, rivela forse a tutt’oggi la sua vera natura: un’area di libertà per pochi a danno di molti”.

    https://altreconomia.it/lerosione-di-schengen-sempre-piu-area-di-liberta-per-pochi-a-danno-di-m

    #Schengen #contrôles_frontaliers #contrôles_systématiques_aux_frontières #asile #migrations #réfugiés #frontières #Europe #frontières_intérieures #espace_Schengen #sécurité #libre_circulation #Italie #Slovénie #terrorisme #Gaza #Slovénie #Autriche #République_Tchèque #Slovaquie #Pologne #Allemagne #accords_bilatéraux #code_frontières #droits_humains #droits_fondamentaux #droit_d'asile #refoulements_en_chaîne #patrouilles_mixtes #réadmissions_informelles #France #frontière_sud-alpine

    –-

    ajouté au fil de discussion sur la réintroduction des contrôles systématiques à la frontière entre Italie et Slovénie :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/1021994

  • Dubaï : le temple fossile du capitalisme
    https://reporterre.net/COP28-La-grande-messe-pour-le-climat-dans-le-temple-du-capitalisme

    Dubaï, qui accueille la COP28 jusqu’au 12 décembre, est l’incarnation des effets délétères du capitalisme, qu’ils soient climatiques, environnementaux ou sociaux.

    L’information a de quoi choquer : Dubaï, ville des stations de ski créées ex nihilo, des travailleurs migrants surexploités et des influenceurs en quête de soleil et d’exil fiscal, accueille jusqu’au au 12 décembre la vingt-huitième conférence internationale pour le climat. L’occasion pour la première ville des Émirats arabes unis (EAU), sixième pays le plus riche au monde par habitant, d’être sur le devant de la scène internationale.

    De quoi mettre en exergue, aussi, la capacité jamais démentie du capitalisme à incorporer à sa sauce, de façon cynique, les valeurs au nom desquelles il est critiqué. Bien que symbolique du néolibéralisme dans tout ce qu’il a de plus délétère, c’est Dubaï et un président qui est aussi PDG d’une compagnie pétrolière qui accueillent des négociations cruciales pour l’avenir de la planète et de ceux qui y vivent.

    #Dubaï #énergies_fossiles #greenwashing #COP28

    (Source image : @redfrog@mamot.fr)

  • Jacobin mag à propos de Henry Kissinger - The Good Die Young
    https://jacobin.com/2023/11/henry-kissinger-cold-war-foreign-policy

    Lê Đức Thọ
    https://fr.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/L%C3%AA_%C4%90%E1%BB%A9c_Th%E1%BB%8D
    Son nom résonne dans mes souvenirs d’enfance comme celui du stratège germano-étatsunien.

    ... le comité Nobel a souhaité lui décerner le prix Nobel de la paix, conjointement avec Henry Kissinger, prix qu’il a refusé.

    Dans mes souvenirs Henry Kissinger est comme ce camarade de classe de mon père qu’on est venu chercher au milieu d’un cours qui n’est revenu qu’en 1945 en uniforme « américaine ». A Berlin-Ouest on considérait les juifs allemands devenus citoyens des États Unis comme garants de notre liberté malgré les persécutions qu’ils avaient subi par nos grand parents.

    Comment veux-tu que le commun des gens d’ici sois critique de l’OTAN ou d"Israël.

    puis ...
    Henry Kissinger : To Die at the Right Time
    https://jacobin.com/2023/11/henry-kissinger-to-die-at-the-right-time

    Kissinger and the South American Revolutions
    https://jacobin.com/2023/11/kissinger-and-the-south-american-revolutions

    Kissinger in Angola
    https://jacobin.com/2023/11/kissinger-in-angola

    Kissinger in Central America
    https://jacobin.com/2023/11/kissinger-in-central-america

    Kissinger in the Gulf
    https://jacobin.com/2023/11/kissinger-in-the-gulf

    Kissinger in Cambodia
    https://jacobin.com/2023/11/kissinger-in-cambodia

    Kissinger in Argentina
    https://jacobin.com/2023/11/kissinger-in-argentina

    Cette chanson parle de lui sans le mentionner.

    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=loFDn94oZJ0&pp=ygUOQm9iIE1hcmxleSBXYXI%3D


    Bob Marley - WAR

    C’est le mérite de Bob Marley d’avoir informé une génération entière d’Allemands de l’Ouest sur la lutte anticoloniale et antiimpérialiste. Sans lui ce sujet n’aurait intéressé que les intellectuels de gauche notoires. Malheureusement l’écoute de sa musique se passait généralement dans les nuages de canbabis, ce qui a sans doute inhibé la prise de conscience politique de son public.

    #guerre #racisme #impérialisme #colinialisme #USA

  • [Émissions spéciales] cycle de 3 trois films sur le Métro3
    https://www.radiopanik.org/emissions/emissions-speciales/cycle-de-3-trois-films-sur-le-metro3

    En trois ans, trois films où des citoyen.ne.s se posent des questions fortes et universelles sur ce que devient leur ville avec ces travaux cataclysmiques du Métro 3. On revient sur l’expérience de ce triptyque avec les trois équipes en plateau, et plein d’extraits, de témoignages et de musique.

    Ces films de la série documentaire les #ateliers_urbains peuvent être retrouvés sur le site du Centre Vidéo de #bruxelles ou en teasers sur la chaine des Ateliers Urbains.

    Avec Geoffrey Mauger, Samira Hammouchi, Benjamin Delori, Mokhtaria el Montassir, Halimasadia Ougas, Yeter Yildirim, Louise Labib, Liévin Chemin, Pierre Chemin, Félicien Dufoor, Chérine Layachi, Mohamed (...)

    #histoire #gentrification #schaerbeek #documentaires #éducation_permanente #metro3 #vie_immigrée #vie_commercante #histoire,bruxelles,gentrification,schaerbeek,documentaires,éducation_permanente,metro3,ateliers_urbains,vie_immigrée,vie_commercante
    https://www.radiopanik.org/media/sounds/emissions-speciales/cycle-de-3-trois-films-sur-le-metro3_16924__1.mp3

  • Switch Workspaces in Ubuntu 22.04 Using Buttons with This Extension
    https://www.omgubuntu.co.uk/2023/12/workspace-switch-buttons-gnome-extension

    Looking for a quick way to switch workspaces in Ubuntu 22.04 LTS using your mouse? You’ll already known you can click on the Activities button in the top bar. That opens the overview screen which shows all active workspaces. You click on a workspace to go straight to it. Not a hardship, granted, but a bit more effort than just switching instantly. So can hold the super key and scroll on your mouse scroll wheel to cycle between workspaces too. But that assumes you’re using a mouse with a scroll wheel (and still involves keyboard shortcuts; you can press super […] You’re reading Switch Workspaces in Ubuntu 22.04 Using Buttons with This Extension, a blog post from OMG! Ubuntu. Do not reproduce elsewhere without (...)

    #News #GNOME_Extensions

  • Investing in the #health_workforce is vital to tackle #climate change: A new report shares insights from over 1,200 on the frontline
    https://redasadki.me/2023/12/01/investing-in-the-health-workforce-is-vital-to-face-climate-change-a-new-re

    Geneva, Switzerland (1 December 2023) – #The_Geneva_Learning_Foundation has published a new report titled “On the frontline of climate change and health: A health worker eyewitness report.” The report shares first-hand experiences from over 1,200 health workers in 68 countries who are first responders already battling climate consequences on health. As climate change intensifies health threats, local health professionals may offer one of the most high-impact solutions. Charlotte Mbuh of The Geneva Learning Foundation, said: “Local health workers are trusted advisers to communities. They are first to observe health consequences of climate change, before the global community is able to respond. They can also be first to respond to limit damage to health.” “Health workers are already taking (...)

    #Global_health #COP28 #press_release