• Difficult Heritage

    The Royal Institute of Art in Stockholm and the University of Basel are collaborating in the organization of the international summer program Difficult Heritage. Coordinated by the Decolonizing Architecture Course from Sweden and the Critical Urbanism course from Switzerland, the program takes place at #Borgo_Rizza (Syracuse, Italy) from 30 August to 7 September 2021, in coordination with Carlentini Municipality, as well as the local university and associations.
    The program is constituted by a series of lectures, seminars, workshop, readings and site visits centered around the rural town of Borgo Rizza, build in 1940 by the ‘#Ente_della_colonizzazione’ established by the fascist regime to colonize the south of Italy perceived as backward and underdeveloped.
    The town seems a perfect place for participants to analyze, reflect and intervene in the debate regarding the architectural heritage associated to painful and violent memories and more broadly to problematize the colonial relation with the countryside, especially after the renew attention due the pandemic.
    The summer program takes place inside the former ‘entity of colonization’ and constitutes the first intensive study period for the Decolonizing Architecture Advanced Course 2020/21 participants.


    #mémoire #héritage #Italie #Sicile #colonialisme #Italie_du_Sud #fascisme #histoire #architecture #Libye #Borgo_Bonsignore #rénovation #monuments #esthétique #idéologie #tabula_rasa #modernisation #stazione_sperimentale_di_granicoltura #blé #agriculture #battaglia_del_grano #nationalisme #grains #productivité #propagande #auto-suffisance #alimentation #Borgo_Cascino #abandon #ghost-town #villaggio_fantasma #ghost_town #traces #conservation #spirale #décolonisation #défascistisation #Emilio_Distretti

    ajouté à la métaliste sur le colonialisme italien :

    via @cede qui l’a aussi signalé sur seenthis : https://seenthis.net/messages/953432

    • Architectural Demodernization as Critical Pedagogy: Pathways for Undoing Colonial Fascist Architectural Legacies in Sicily

      The Southern question

      In 1952, #Danilo_Dolci, a young architect living and working in industrial Milan, decided to leave the North – along with its dreams for Italy’s economic boom and rapid modernization – behind, and move to Sicily. When he arrived, as he describes in his book Banditi a Partinico (The Outlaws of Partinico, 1956), he found vast swathes of rural land brutally scarred by the war, trapped in a systematic spiral of poverty, malnutrition and anomie. After twenty years of authoritarian rule, Italy’s newly created democratic republic preserved the ‘civilising’ ethos established by the fascist regime, to develop and modernize Sicily. The effect of these plans was not to bridge the gap with the richer North, but rather, to usher in a slow and prolonged repression of the marginalised poor in the South. In his book, as well as in many other accounts, Dolci collected the testimonies of people in Partinico and Borgo di Trappeto near Trapani, western Sicily.1, Palermo: Sellerio Editore, 2009.] Living on the margins of society, they were rural labourers, unemployed fishermen, convicted criminals, prostitutes, widows and orphans – those who, in the aftermath of fascism, found themselves crushed by state violence and corruption, by the exploitation of local notables and landowners, and the growing power of the Mafia.

      Dolci’s activism, which consisted of campaigns and struggles with local communities and popular committees aimed at returning dignity to their villages, often resulted in confrontations with the state apparatus. Modernization, in this context, relied on a carceral approach of criminalisation, policing and imprisonment, as a form of domestication of the underprivileged. On the one hand, the South was urged to become like the North, yet on the other, the region was thrown further into social decay, which only accelerated its isolation from the rest of the country.

      The radical economic and social divide between Italy’s North and South has deep roots in national history and in the colonial/modern paradigm. From 1922, Antonio Gramsci branded this divide as evidence of how fascism exploited the subaltern classes via the Italian northern elites and their capital. Identifying a connection with Italy’s colonisation abroad, Gramsci read the exploitation of poverty and migrant labour in the colonial enterprise as one of ‘the wealthy North extracting maximum economic advantage out of the impoverished South’.2 Since the beginning of the colonisation of Libya in 1911, Italian nationalist movements had been selling the dream of a settler colonial/modern project that would benefit the underprivileged masses of southern rural laborers.

      The South of Italy was already considered an internal colony in need of modernization. This set the premise of what Gramsci called Italy’s ‘Southern question’, with the southern subalterns being excluded from the wider class struggle and pushed to migrate towards the colonies and elsewhere.3 By deprovincialising ‘the Southern question’ and connecting it to the colonial question, Gramsci showed that the struggle against racialised and class-based segregation meant thinking beyond colonially imposed geographies and the divide between North and South, cities and countryside, urban labourers and peasants.

      Gramsci’s gaze from the South can help us to visualise and spatialise the global question of colonial conquest and exploitation, and its legacy of an archipelago of colonies scattered across the North/South divide. Written in the early 1920s but left incomplete, Gramsci’s The Southern Question anticipated the colonizzazione interna (internal colonization) of fascism, motivated by a capital-driven campaign for reclaiming arable land that mainly effected Italy’s rural South. Through a synthesis of monumentalism, technological development and industrial planning, the fascist regime planned designs for urban and non-urban reclamation, in order to inaugurate a new style of living and to celebrate the fascist settler. This programme was launched in continuation of Italy’s settler colonial ventures in Africa.

      Two paths meet under the roof of the same project – that of modernization.

      Architectural colonial modernism

      Architecture has always played a crucial role in representing the rationality of modernity, with all its hierarchies and fascist ramifications. In the Italian context, this meant a polymorphous and dispersed architecture of occupation – new settlements, redrawn agricultural plots and coerced migration – which was arranged and constructed according to modern zoning principles and a belief in the existence of a tabula rasa. As was the case with architectural modernism on a wider scale, this was implemented through segregation and erasure, under the principle that those deemed as non-modern should be modernized or upgraded to reach higher stages of civilisation. The separation in the African colonies of white settler enclaves from Indigenous inhabitants was mirrored in the separation between urban and rural laborers in the Italian South. These were yet another manifestation of the European colonial/modern project, which for centuries has divided the world into different races, classes and nations, constructing its identity in opposition to ‘other’ ways of life, considered ‘traditional’, or worse, ‘backwards’. This relation, as unpacked by decolonial theories and practices, is at the core of the European modernity complex – a construct of differentiations from other cultures, which depends upon colonial hegemony.

      Taking the decolonial question to the shores of Europe today means recognising all those segregations that also continue to be perpetuated across the Northern Hemisphere, and that are the product of the unfinished modern and modernist project. Foregrounding the impact of the decolonial question in Europe calls for us to read it within the wider question of the ‘de-modern’, beyond colonially imposed geographical divides between North and South. We define ‘demodernization’ as a condition that wants to undo the rationality of zoning and compartmentalisation enforced by colonial modern architecture, territorialisation and urbanism. Bearing in mind what we have learned from Dolci and Gramsci, we will explain demodernization through architectural heritage; specifically, from the context of Sicily – the internal ‘civilisational’ front of the Italian fascist project.

      Sicily’s fascist colonial settlements

      In 1940, the Italian fascist regime founded the Ente di Colonizzazione del Latifondo Siciliano (ECLS, Entity for the Colonization of the Sicilian Latifondo),4 following the model of the Ente di Colonizzazione della Libia and of colonial urban planning in Eritrea and Ethiopia. The entity was created to reform the latifondo, the predominant agricultural system in southern Italy for centuries. This consisted of large estates and agricultural plots owned by noble, mostly absentee, landlords. Living far from their holdings, these landowners used local middlemen and hired thugs to sublet to local peasants and farmers who needed plots of land for self-sustenance.5 Fascism sought to transform this unproductive, outdated and exploitative system, forcing a wave of modernization. From 1940 to 1943, the Ente built more than 2,000 homesteads and completed eight settlements in Sicily. These replicated the structures and planimetries that were built throughout the 1930s in the earlier bonifica integrale (land reclamation) of the Pontine Marshes near Rome, in Libya and in the Horn of Africa; the same mix of piazzas, schools, churches, villas, leisure centres, monuments, and a Casa del Fascio (fascist party headquarters). In the name of imperial geographical unity, from the ‘centre’ to the ‘periphery’, many of the villages built in Sicily were named after fascist ‘martyrs’, soldiers and settlers who had died in the overseas colonies. For example, Borgo Bonsignore was named after a carabinieri (military officer) who died in the Battle of Gunu Gadu in 1936, and Borgo Fazio and Borgo Giuliano after Italian settlers killed by freedom fighters in occupied Ethiopia.

      The reform of the latifondo also sought to implement a larger strategy of oppression of political dissent in Italy. The construction of homesteads in the Sicilian countryside and the development of the land was accompanied by the state-driven migration of northern labourers, which also served the fascist regime as a form of social surveillance. The fascists wanted to displace and transform thousands of rural laborers from the North – who could otherwise potentially form a stronghold of dissent against the regime – into compliant settlers.6 Simultaneously, and to complete the colonizing circle, many southern agricultural workers were sent to coastal Libya and the Horn of Africa to themselves become new settlers, at the expense of Indigenous populations.

      All the Sicilian settlements were designed following rationalist principles to express the same political and social imperatives. Closed communities like the Pontine settlements were ‘geometrically closed in the urban layout and administratively closed to farmers, workmen, and outside visitors as well’.7 With the vision of turning waged agrarian laborers into small landowners, these borghi were typologically designed as similar to medieval city enclaves, which excluded those from the lower orders.

      These patterns of spatial separation and social exclusion were, unsurprisingly, followed by the racialisation of the Italian southerners. Referring to a bestiary, the propaganda journal Civiltà Fascista (Fascist Civilisation) described the Pontine Marshes as similar to ‘certain zones of Africa and America’, ‘a totally wild region’ whose inhabitants were ‘desperate creatures living as wild animals’.8 Mussolini’s regime explicitly presented this model of modernization, cultivation and drainage to the Italian public as a form of warfare. The promise of arable land and reclaimed marshes shaped an epic narrative which depicted swamps and the ‘unutilised’ countryside as the battlefield where bare nature – and its ‘backward inhabitants’ – was the enemy to be tamed and transformed.

      However, despite the fanfare of the regime, both the projects of settler colonialism in Africa and the plans for social engineering and modernization in the South of Italy were short-lived. As the war ended, Italy ‘lost’ its colonies and the many Ente were gradually reformed or shut down.9 While most of the New Towns in the Pontine region developed into urban centres, most of the fascist villages built in rural Sicily were meanwhile abandoned to a slow decay.

      Although that populationist model of modernization failed, the Sicilian countryside stayed at the centre of the Italian demographic question for decades to come. Since the 1960s, these territories have experienced a completely different kind of migration to that envisaged by the fascist regime. Local youth have fled unemployment in huge numbers, migrating to the North of Italy and abroad. With the end of the Second World War and the colonies’ return to independence, it was an era of reversed postcolonial migration: no longer white European settlers moving southwards/eastwards, but rather a circulatory movement of people flowing in other directions, with those now freed from colonial oppression taking up the possibility to move globally. Since then, a large part of Sicily’s agrarian sector has relied heavily on seasonal migrant labour from the Southern Hemisphere and, more recently, from Eastern Europe. Too often trapped in the exploitative and racist system of the Italian labour market, most migrants working in areas of intensive agriculture – in various Sicilian provinces near the towns of Cassibile, Vittoria, Campobello di Mazara, Caltanissetta and Paternò – have been forced out of cities and public life. They live isolated from the local population, socially segregated in tent cities or rural slums, and without basic services such as access to water and sanitation.

      As such, rural Sicily – as well as vast swathes of southern Italy – remain stigmatised as ‘insalubrious’ spaces, conceived of in the public imagination as ‘other’, ‘dangerous’ and ‘backward’. From the time of the fascist new settlements to the informal rural slums populated by migrants in the present, much of the Sicilian countryside epitomises a very modern trope: that the South is considered to be in dire need of modernization. The rural world is seen to constitute an empty space as the urban centres are unable to deal with the social, economic, political and racial conflicts and inequalities that have been (and continue to be) produced through the North/South divides. This was the case at the time of fascist state-driven internal migration and overseas settler colonial projects. And it still holds true for the treatment of migrants from the ex-colonies, and their attempted resettlement on Italian land today.

      Since 2007, Sicily’s right-wing regional and municipal governments have tried repeatedly to attain public funding for the restoration of the fascist settlements. While this program has been promoted as a nostalgic celebration of the fascist past, in the last decade, some municipalities have also secured EU funding for architectural restoration under the guise of creating ‘hubs’ for unhoused and stranded migrants and refugees. None of these projects have ever materialised, although EU money has financed the restoration of what now look like clean, empty buildings. These plans for renovation and rehousing echo Italy’s deepest populationist anxieties, which are concerned with managing and resettling ‘other’ people considered ‘in excess’. While the ECLS was originally designed to implement agrarian reforms and enable a flow of migration from the north of the country, this time, the Sicilian villages were seen as instrumental to govern unwanted migrants, via forced settlement and (an illusion of) hospitality. This reinforces a typical modern hierarchical relationship between North and South, and with that, exploitative metropolitan presumptions over the rural world.

      The Entity of Decolonization

      To imagine a counter-narrative about Sicily’s, and Italy’s, fascist heritage, we presented an installation for the 2020 Quadriennale d’arte – FUORI, as a Decolonizing Architecture Art Research (DAAR) project. This was held at the Palazzo delle Esposizioni in Rome, the venue of the Prima mostra internazionale d’arte coloniale (First International Exhibition of Colonial Art, 1931), as well as other propaganda exhibitions curated by the fascist regime. The installation aims to critically rethink the rural towns built by the ECLS. It marks the beginning of a longer-term collaborative project, the Ente di Decolonizzazione or Entity of Decolonization, which is conceived as a transformative process in history-telling. The installation builds on a photographic dossier of documentation produced by Luca Capuano, which reactivates a network of built heritage that is at risk of decay, abandonment and being forgotten. With the will to find new perspectives from which to consider and deconstruct the legacies of colonialism and fascism, the installation thinks beyond the perimeters of the fascist-built settlements to the different forms of segregations and division they represent. It moves from these contested spaces towards a process of reconstitution of the social, cultural and intimate fabrics that have been broken by modern splits and bifurcations. The project is about letting certain stories and subjectivities be reborn and reaffirmed, in line with Walter D. Mignolo’s statement that ‘re-existing means using the imaginary of modernity rather than being used by it. Being used by modernity means that coloniality operates upon you, controls you, forms your emotions, your subjectivity, your desires. Delinking entails a shift towards using instead of being used.’10 The Entity of Decolonization is a fluid and permanent process, that seeks perpetual manifestations in architectural heritage, art practice and critical pedagogy. The Entity exists to actively question and contest the modernist structures under which we continue to live.

      In Borgo Rizza, one of the eight villages built by the Ente, we launched the Difficult Heritage Summer School – a space for critical pedagogy and discussions around practices of reappropriation and re-narrativisation of the spaces and symbols of colonialism and fascism.11 Given that the villages were built to symbolise fascist ideology, how far is it possible to subvert their founding principles? How to reuse these villages, built to celebrate fascist martyrs and settlers in the colonial wars in Africa? How to transform them into antidotes to fascism?

      Borgo Rizza was built in 1940 by the architect Pietro Gramignani on a piece of land previously expropriated by the ECLS from the Caficis, a local family of landowners. It exhibits a mixed architectural style of rationalism and neoclassical monumentalism. The settlement is formed out of a perimeter of buildings around a central protected and secured piazza that was also the main access to the village. The main edifices representing temporal power (the fascist party, the ECLS, the military and the school) and spiritual power (the church) surround the centre of the piazza. To display the undisputed authority of the regime, the Casa del Fascio took centre stage. The village is surrounded on all sides by eucalyptus trees planted by the ECLS and the settlers. The planting of eucalyptus, often to the detriment of indigenous trees, was a hallmark of settler colonialism in Libya and the Horn of Africa, dubiously justified because their extensive roots dry out swamps and so were said to reduce risks of malaria.

      With the end of the Second World War, Borgo Rizza, along with all the other Sicilian settlements, went through rapid decay and decline. It first became a military outpost, before being temporarily abandoned in the war’s aftermath. In 1975, the ownership and management of the cluster of buildings comprising the village was officially transferred to the municipality of Carlentini, which has since made several attempts to revive it. In 2006, the edifices of the Ente di Colonizzazione and the post office were rehabilitated with the intent of creating a garden centre amid the lush vegetation. However, the garden centre was never realised, while the buildings and the rest of the settlement remain empty.

      Yet despite the village’s depopulation, over the years the wider community of Carlentini have found an informal way to reuse the settlement’s spaces. The void of the piazza, left empty since the fall of fascism, became a natural spot for socialising. The piazza was originally designed by the ECLS for party gatherings and to convey order and hierarchy to the local population. But many locals remember a time, in the early 1980s, before the advent of air-conditioned malls that offered new leisure spaces to those living in peri-urban and rural areas, when people would gather in the piazza for fresh air amid summer heatwaves. The summer school builds on these memories, to return the piazza to its full public function and reinvent it as a place for both hospitality and critical pedagogy.

      Let’s not forget that the village was first used as a pedagogical tool in the hands of the regime. The school building was built by the ECLS and was the key institution to reflect the principles of neo-idealism promoted by the fascist and neo-Hegelian philosophers Giovanni Gentile and Giuseppe Lombardo Radice. Radice was a pedagogue and theoretician who contributed significantly to the fascist reforms of the Italian school system in the 1930s. Under the influence of Gentile, his pedagogy celebrated the modern principle of a transcendental knowledge that is never individual but rather embodied by society, its culture, the party, the state and the nation. In the fascist ideal, the classroom was designed to be the space where students would strive to transcend themselves through acquired knowledge. A fascist education was meant to make pupils merge with the ‘universal’ embodied by the teacher, de facto the carrier of fascist national values. In relation to the countryside context, the role of pedagogy was to glorify the value of rurality as opposed to the decadence wrought by liberal bourgeois cultures and urban lifestyles. The social order of fascism revolved around this opposition, grounded in the alienation of the subaltern from social and political life, via the splitting of the urban and rural working class, the celebration of masculinity and patriarchy, and the traditionalist nuclear family of settlers.

      Against this historical background, our summer school wants to inspire a spatial, architectural and political divorce from this past. We want to engage with decolonial pedagogies and encourage others to do the same, towards an epistemic reorganisation of the building’s architecture. In this, we share the assertion of Danilo Dolci, given in relation to the example of elementary schools built in the fascist era, of the necessity for a liberation from the physical and mental cages erected by fascism:

      These seemed designed (and to a large extent their principles and legacies are still felt today) to let young individuals get lost from an early age. So that they would lose the sense of their own existence, by feeling the heavy weight of the institution that dominates them. These buildings were specifically made to prevent children from looking out, to make them feel like grains of sand, dispersed in these grey, empty, boundless spaces.12

      This is the mode of demodernization we seek in this project: to come to terms with, confront, and deactivate the tools and symbols of modern fascist colonization and authoritarian ideologies, pedagogy and urbanism. It is an attempt to fix the social fabric that fascism broke, to heal the histories of spatial, social and political isolation in which the village originates. Further, it is an attempt to heal pedagogy itself, from within a space first created as the pedagogical hammer in the hands of the regime’s propagandists.

      This means that when we look at the forms of this rationalist architecture, we do not feel any aesthetic pleasure in or satisfaction with the original version. This suggests the need to imagine forms of public preservation outside of the idea of saving the village via restoration, which would limit the intervention to returning the buildings to their ‘authentic’ rationalist design. Instead, the school wants to introduce the public to alternative modes of heritage-making.

      Architectural demodernization

      In the epoch in which we write and speak from the southern shores of Europe, the entanglement of demodernization with decolonization is not a given, and certainly does not imply an equation. While decolonization originates in – and is only genealogically possible as the outcome of – anti-colonialist struggles and liberation movements from imperial theft and yoke, demodernization does not relate to anti-modernism, which was an expression of reactionary, anti-technological and nationalist sentiment, stirred at the verge of Europe’s liberal collapse in the interwar period. As Dolci explained for the Italian and Sicilian context, there is no shelter to be found in any anachronistic escape to the (unreal and fictional) splendours of the past. Or, following Gramsci’s refusal to believe that the Italian South would find the solutions to its problems through meridionalism, a form of southern identitarian and essentialist regionalism, which further detaches ‘the Southern question’ from possible alliances with the North.

      Demodernization does not mean eschewing electricity and wiring, mortar and beams, or technology and infrastructure, nor the consequent welfare that they provide, channel and distribute. By opposing modernity’s aggressive universalism, demodernization is a means of opening up societal, collective and communal advancement, change and transformation. Precisely as Dolci explains, the question it is not about the negation of progress but about choosing which progress you want.13

      In the context in which we exist and work, imagining the possibility of an architectural demodernization is an attempt to redraw the contours of colonial architectural heritage, and specifically, to raise questions of access, ownership and critical reuse. We want to think of demodernization as a method of epistemic desegregation, which applies to both discourse and praxis: to reorient and liberate historical narratives on fascist architectural heritage from the inherited whiteness and ideas of civilisation instilled by colonial modernity, and to invent forms of architectural reappropriation and reuse. We hold one final aim in mind: that the remaking of (post)colonial geographies of knowledge and relations means turning such fascist designs against themselves.


      #Partinico #Borgo_di_Trappeto #Italie_du_Sud #Italie_meridionale #Southern_question #colonizzazione_interna #colonisation_interne #Ente_di_Colonizzazione_de_Latifondo_Siciliano (#ECLS) #Ente_di_Colonizzazione_della_Libia #modernisation #bonifica_integrale #Pontine_Marshes #Borgo_Bonsignore #Borgo_Fazio #Borgo_Giuliano #latifondo #Pietro_Gramignani #Caficis

  • Yuval Noah Harari: the world after coronavirus | Free to read | Financial Times

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    Humankind is now facing a global crisis. Perhaps the biggest crisis of our generation. The decisions people and governments take in the next few weeks will probably shape the world for years to come. They will shape not just our healthcare systems but also our economy, politics and culture. We must act quickly and decisively. We should also take into account the long-term consequences of our actions. When choosing between alternatives, we should ask ourselves not only how to overcome the immediate threat, but also what kind of world we will inhabit once the storm passes. Yes, the storm will pass, humankind will survive, most of us will still be alive — but we will inhabit a different world.

    Many short-term emergency measures will become a fixture of life. That is the nature of emergencies. They fast-forward historical processes. Decisions that in normal times could take years of deliberation are passed in a matter of hours. Immature and even dangerous technologies are pressed into service, because the risks of doing nothing are bigger. Entire countries serve as guinea-pigs in large-scale social experiments. What happens when everybody works from home and communicates only at a distance? What happens when entire schools and universities go online? In normal times, governments, businesses and educational boards would never agree to conduct such experiments. But these aren’t normal times.

    In this time of crisis, we face two particularly important choices. The first is between totalitarian surveillance and citizen empowerment. The second is between nationalist isolation and global solidarity.
    Under-the-skin surveillance

    In order to stop the epidemic, entire populations need to comply with certain guidelines. There are two main ways of achieving this. One method is for the government to monitor people, and punish those who break the rules. Today, for the first time in human history, technology makes it possible to monitor everyone all the time. Fifty years ago, the KGB couldn’t follow 240m Soviet citizens 24 hours a day, nor could the KGB hope to effectively process all the information gathered. The KGB relied on human agents and analysts, and it just couldn’t place a human agent to follow every citizen. But now governments can rely on ubiquitous sensors and powerful algorithms instead of flesh-and-blood spooks.

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    In their battle against the coronavirus epidemic several governments have already deployed the new surveillance tools. The most notable case is China. By closely monitoring people’s smartphones, making use of hundreds of millions of face-recognising cameras, and obliging people to check and report their body temperature and medical condition, the Chinese authorities can not only quickly identify suspected coronavirus carriers, but also track their movements and identify anyone they came into contact with. A range of mobile apps warn citizens about their proximity to infected patients. ....

    This storm will pass. But the choices we make now could change our lives for years to come

    #coronavirus #monde #politique @cdb_77

  • The Great Empty

    During the 1950s, New York’s Museum of Modern Art organized a famous photo exhibition called “The Family of Man.” In the wake of a world war, the show, chockablock with pictures of people, celebrated humanity’s cacophony, resilience and common bond.

    Today a different global calamity has made scarcity the necessary condition of humanity’s survival. Cafes along the Navigli in Milan hunker behind shutters along with the Milanese who used to sip aperos beside the canal. Times Square is a ghost town, as are the City of London and the Place de la Concorde in Paris during what used to be the morning rush.

    The photographs here all tell a similar story: a temple in Indonesia; Haneda Airport in Tokyo; the Americana Diner in New Jersey. Emptiness proliferates like the virus.

    The Times recently sent dozens of photographers out to capture images of once-bustling public plazas, beaches, fairgrounds, restaurants, movie theaters, tourist meccas and train stations. Public spaces, as we think of them today, trace their origins back at least to the agoras of ancient Greece. Hard to translate, the word “agora” in Homer suggested “gathering.” Eventually it came to imply the square or open space at the center of a town or city, the place without which Greeks did not really regard a town or city as a town or city at all, but only as an assortment of houses and shrines.

    Thousands of years later, public squares and other spaces remain bellwethers and magnets, places to which we gravitate for pleasure and solace, to take our collective temperature, celebrate, protest. Following the uprisings in Tiananmen Square, Tahrir Square, Taksim Square and elsewhere, Yellow Vest protesters in France demonstrated their discontent last year not by starting a GoFundMe page but by occupying public sites like the Place de la République and the Place de l’Opéra in Paris.

    Both of those squares were built during the 19th century as part of a master plan by a French official, Baron Georges-Eugène Haussmann, who remade vast swaths of Paris after the city passed new health regulations in 1850 to combat disease. Beset by viruses and other natural disasters, cities around the world have time and again devised new infrastructure and rewritten zoning regulations to ensure more light and air, and produced public spaces, buildings and other sites, including some of the ones in these photographs, that promised to improve civic welfare and that represented new frontiers of civic aspiration.

    Their present emptiness, a public health necessity, can conjure up dystopia, not progress, but, promisingly, it also suggests that, by heeding the experts and staying apart, we have not yet lost the capacity to come together for the common good. Covid-19 doesn’t vote along party lines, after all. These images are haunted and haunting, like stills from movies about plagues and the apocalypse, but in some ways they are hopeful.

    They also remind us that beauty requires human interaction.

    I don’t mean that buildings and fairgrounds and railway stations and temples can’t look eerily beautiful empty. Some of these sites, like many of these photographs, are works of art. I mean that empty buildings, squares and beaches are what art history textbooks, boutique hotel advertisements and glossy shelter and travel magazines tend to traffic in. Their emptiness trumpets an existence mostly divorced from human habitation and the messy thrum of daily life. They imagine an experience more akin to the wonder of bygone explorers coming upon the remains of a lost civilization.

    They evoke the romance of ruins.

    Beauty entails something else. It is something we bestow.

    It will be the moment we return.

    #photographie #vide #géographie_du_vide #coronavirus #villes-phantomes #ghost-town #urban_matter #villes #géographie_urbaine
    via @albertocampiphoto
    ping @reka @philippe_de_jonckheere

    • Deserted cities of the heart

      The past few weeks have seen images spreading around the internet of empty streets and deserted cities. But what do these images tell us about the present moment, and what does their cultural value suggest about our relationship to the current crisis?

      In Liu Cixin’s sci-fi novel The Three-Body Problem, an astrophysicist, radicalized by reading Silent Spring, and having been persecuted during the Cultural Revolution, decides the human race is irredeemable and sells it out to an alien invader. I started the book a few weeks ago; now it has become grimly timely. Demagogues would now have us believe that the novel coronavirus is an alien invasion force while also trying to sell millions of us out to it as quickly as possible. Some have made a comparison to the risk-reward calculus of driving, arguing that governments don’t force people to drive slow in order to save lives. So why should they prevent us from endangering ourselves and others? Lives must be sacrificed to road wrecks to maintain a certain rate of return. As the skies clear dramatically over cities that are accustomed to thick smog, one can imagine the demagogues making a similar argument about the air pollution that already ruins lungs and truncates lives: All coronavirus does is accelerate the process — fast capitalism in its apotheosis.

      But the eschatological fantasies of Liu’s anti-humanity cadres are also echoed, however faintly, in the celebration of abandoned urban spaces and brightened city skies as some sort of coronavirus consolation. These are not like the images of empty grocery shelves, caused by those merely participating in the panic. They evoke something more sedate, serene. Earlier in the crisis, when Italy was the focal point, the sudden clarity of Venice’s canals were widely discussed with wonder. Without boat traffic, the sediment in them settled, making it possible to see the marine life they host. CNN quoted a random person saying, “What a marvel this Venice was; this virus brought something ... beautiful." That sentiment was echoed on Twitter feeds that shared video of the canals, the fish newly visible. Implied in this sharing was a message about the resilience of nature and humanity’s fundamental tendency to interfere rather than participate in it: See how nice and pure the world is without tourists, without other people living their lives by their own priorities and privileges? This is the way I like to see the world, with no one else around to see it. The way things “really should be” is the way they are when human activity is subtracted. The canals are supposed to be clear and stagnant. To borrow a phrase from writer Mark O’Connell, describing the butterflies in the Chernobyl Exclusion Zone, “It is all quite lovely, in its uncanny way: The world, everywhere, protesting its innocence.”

      The clear canals may be taken as emblematic of a broader silencing to come. In an essay for the Point, philosopher Justin E.H. Smith wrote, “We have little idea what the world is going to look like when we get through to the other side of this, but it is already perfectly clear that the ‘discourses’ of our society, such as they had developed up to about March 8 or 9, 2020, in all their frivolity and distractiousness, have been decisively curtailed, like the CO2 emissions from the closed factories and the vacated highways.” He concludes that if an invading alien force came to Earth, there is no reason to believe that it would even have any interest in humanity (even to exterminate it), given that it’s only our own hubris that leads us to believe that we are “this planet’s true and legitimate representatives.”

      The broad fascination with the images of empty cities — as in this New York Times photo essay, for instance — is in part a fascination with that hubris, but more as a means of fetishizing it rather than overcoming it or rejecting it. Cities appear in these images not as practical commercial spaces but as monuments to humanity’s transformational power in the abstract, something that doesn’t require collaboration, competition, or conflict but just seems just to exist as a natural force. They are seen as especially beautiful when rendered useless, but that’s not because they remind us of our own uselessness or insignificance. Instead, the sense of personal impotence may be dispersed in majestic images of the vacated cathedrals of civilization.

      At the same time, cities are given the deserted quality that has often been reserved for conventional natural landscapes, where an absence of people serves as a signifier of “naturalness.” Landscape paintings typically tend to mask whatever alterations humans have made to the land so a particular perspective can appear as given, as inherent or inevitable. How the land is framed is both foregrounded and effaced: A vantage point is isolated and idealized as characteristic, as typical, as frameless.

      The photos of people-less cities extend that mood of givenness to urban landscapes, suggesting how they endure without us or despite us. We can regard cities not as purpose-built environments, but as natural ones to which humans have adapted, much like the species at the bottom of the ocean have adapted to life without light. From that point of view, humans are othered to themselves, becoming a species for remote observation. By looking at the images, we can see ourselves as exempt, as belonging to an evolution beyond that, the contours of which are emerging in the strange dislocations we are now experiencing in everyday life.

      Our ability to appreciate these images doesn’t underscore our ultimate harmony or interconnection with the natural world and the life that purportedly re-emerges when the highways are finally vacated. Rather it lets us use mediation (our ability to consume representations) to rearticulate our exceptionality. We can assume the subject position of the camera and pretend that makes us immune to being objects in the world.

      The deserted cities allow us to imagine that we’re in a comfortable position from which to enjoy them — that the erasure of humanity doesn’t actually include us. As this piece by Cherine Fahd and Sara Oscar notes, “The viewer is looking at a representation of the scene, not the scene itself, from a position of far-off comfort.” This becomes obvious when you actually walk around a deserted city, which is certainly uncanny but inspires more grief than delight. The images let us consume a distance from the emptiness as much as the emptiness itself. Wherever we are can then feel more full.

      In an essay that accompanied the New York Times’s collection of images, Michael Kimmelman suggests that the photos are hopeful because in their eerie, ruin-porn-like emptiness they “remind us that beauty requires human interaction.” But that reading strikes me as somewhat idealistic; he dismisses what seems to me their more fundamental allure, that they offer a vicarious experience of “the wonder of bygone explorers coming upon the remains of a lost civilization.” That is, they give viewers a kind of imperial transcendence, a sense of sublime survival as a kind of conquering. “Beauty” might be, as Kimmelman claims, a thing we “bestow” with social interaction, but the images remind us also that the consumption of beauty can be had unilaterally, placing us at a perspective that provides pleasure precisely by protecting us from complicity or vulnerability.

      What these images of empty cities remind me of are photos of dead malls that have served over the past decade or so as symbols of the oft-predicted “retail apocalypse.” I spent lots of time working and hanging out in a mall as a teenager, so these sorts of images have always had a bracing form of anti-nostalgia for me, like seeing your childhood home being bulldozed. But I also tend to read the dead-mall images as metonyms for the dead end of consumerism. They depict not the absence of commerce but its negation.

      Many have predicted that one of the lasting effects of the pandemic will be the end of conventional retail, because everyone will have gotten fully acclimated to home delivery and its conveniences. But this prediction seems premature; it’s impossible to tell just how drastically our everyday life and our perception of what is convenient will be reworked by the experience of extended isolation.

      It’s tempting to treat the images of deserted cities as symbols, as evocations, as metaphors, as prophecies, but the most compelling and troubling thing about them is that they can be taken as just direct representations of the world outside as it is. Our old lives are over; where we lived are ghost towns. The photos seem to document something historic and exceptional that we lived through, only we’re still living it. There is an apparent finality to total emptiness that might help us pretend that the crisis is already over, and the world is there, where we left it, and not in the social relations and the sorts of choices we’re now facing to try to remake it.


    • La Plaine (place Jean-Jaurès). « Ce qui fait la beauté de cette ville, ce sont les gens qui l’habitent. Ces calicots pendus aux fenêtres en sont la trace. Ici, à la Plaine, c’est la colère qui domine. Plus bas, dans le centre, les banderoles sont plus "douces". »
      Photo #Yohanne_Lamoulère. Tendance Floue pour Libération


      La Plaine. « J’ai une forme de fascination pour les graffitis, comme celui-ci, très hauts : "Le virus c’est l’Etat". Je suis retournée à la Plaine pour le photographier, dans ce quartier, qui organise des prêts de livres, mais aussi des tournées de nourriture pour les soignants. Symbole de cette énergie militante, très forte à Marseille, qui comble finalement énormément de vide. »
      Photo Yohanne Lamoulère. Tendance Floue pour #Libération


  • These Ghost Towns Once Thronged With Life

    Isn’t it a tad creepy to be obsessed with ruins? Aude de Tocqueville doesn’t think so. For her, they hold a mysterious, poetic fascination that no living city can match. In her new book, Atlas of Lost Cities: A Travel Guide to Abandoned and Forsaken Destinations, de Tocqueville sets off on a journey of exploration to 44 places that once thronged with life but now lie dead and often buried. On the way, she discovers that, like us, cities are mortal. (Experience Chernobyl’s haunting ruins in 360-degree photos.)

  • I dieci comandamenti - Pane nostro - 18/11/2018 - video - RaiPlay

    "L’articolo 4 della Costituzione riconosce a tutti i cittadini il diritto al lavoro. Fino a che punto però è lecito accettare ogni condizione pur di lavorare? Si può vivere se quello che ci viene offerto è avvelenato? «Pane nostro» è un viaggio nel lavoro che non lascia scelta. Augusta, Priolo, Melilli sono il simbolo del ricatto occupazionale. In questo tratto di costa a due passi da Siracusa patrimonio UNESCO, si trova il più grande insediamento petrolchimico d’Europa, promessa di benessere e progresso. La storia purtroppo è andata diversamente. Oggi questa lingua di terra è tra le più inquinate d’Europa. Mutazioni genetiche nei pesci, malformazioni neonatali e cancro sono lo scenario di morte di questo pezzo di Sicilia contaminato. Tra denunce inascoltate e assenza delle istituzioni, pochi sono quelli che riescono a far sentire la propria voce. Don Palmiro Prisutto è una di queste. In assenza di un registro tumori è lui che da anni aggiorna la triste lista dei morti di cancro."

    #italie #pollution #Méditerranée #Sicile #Mercure #Pétrochimie

  • #Blue_sky_from_pain

    Bizarre... je n’en trouve pas trace sur seenthis.
    Pourtant, c’est bien quelque chose que j’aurais dû mettre ici...
    Alors, je le fais maintenant...

    Synopsis :

    Une recherche amorcée en 2009 sur les politiques migratoires européennes à la frontière gréco-turque par #Laurence_Pillant a conduit à la découverte des lieux d’enfermement abandonnés.
    Une tentative de témoigner des traces et de la mémoire de ces lieux a donné lieu au film Blue Sky from Pain et l’exposition #Archéologie d’une Frontière.


    #ghost-town #Evros #géographie_du_vide #asile #migrations #réfugiés #frontières #Grèce #court-métrage #film #Stephanos_Mangriotis #traces #ruines

    Trailer :

  • Arrestato il sindaco di Riace #Domenico_Lucano per favoreggiamento dell’immigrazione

    Il primo cittadino Domenico Lucano è agli arresti domiciliari. L’accusa anche di fraudolento affidamento diretto del servizio di raccolta dei rifiuti.

    #Mimmo_Lucano, sindaco di Riace, simbolo dell’accoglienza e dell’integrazione,è stato arrestato e posto ai domiciliari, su provvedimento della procura di Locri. L’accusa per l’uomo che la rivista Fortune, nel 2016, aveva inserito tra le 50 personalità più influenti al mondo, è favoreggiamento dell’immigrazione clandestina e fraudolento affidamento diretto del servizio di raccolta dei rifiuti. I finanzieri del Gruppo di Locri hanno anche imposto il divieto di dimora a Riace per Tesfahun Lemlem compagna di Lucano. L’inchiesta denominata «Xenia» avrebbe accertato una serie di illeciti nella gestione dei finanziamenti erogati dal Ministero dell’Interno e dalla Prefettura di Reggio Calabria al Comune di Riace per l’accoglienza dei rifugiati e dei richiedenti asilo politico.


    Je n’y crois pas!

    #Riace #Italie #solidarité #asile #migrations #réfugiés #délit_de_solidarité #assignation_à_résidence

    • Pro-refugee Italian mayor arrested for ’aiding illegal migration’

      Domenico Lucano, mayor of Riace, is praised by locals and migrant rights campaigners.

      The mayor of an Italian town that has won praise and TV publicity for integrating thousands of refugees has been placed under house arrest on suspicion of abetting illegal migration.

      Riace mayor Domenico Lucano – hailed in 2016 by Fortune magazine as one of the world’s 50 greatest leaders – is also accused of fraudulently awarding contracts for waste disposal as well as organising “marriages of convenience” between local men and foreign women.

      His partner, Tesfahun Lemlem, faces the same charges and has had her residency blocked.

      The investigation against Lucano began more than a year ago, although more serious allegations of embezzlement and fraud were dropped.

      His arrest comes a week after Italy’s far-right interior minister, Matteo Salvini, announced a series of anti-immigration measures that included slashing funds for migrant reception and integration.

      It also follows the suspension by the public broadcaster, Rai, of a TV show about Riace, which had been lauded as an exemplary model for integration.

      Salvini shared news of Lucano’s arrest on Twitter, alongside a comment that also made a dig at the anti-mafia author, Roberto Saviano, a staunch critic of his policies. “Damn, who knows what Saviano and all the other do-gooders who want to fill Italy with immigrants will say now,” the far-right League leader wrote.

      The Guardian was unable to reach Lucano for comment. His migrant integration project began more than a decade ago as a way to repopulate and revive the economy of the Calabrian town whose population by 2004 had dwindled to 500 from about 3,000 before the second world war.

      Thousands of migrants are estimated to have passed through since then, with about 500 making up today’s population of 1,500.

      Gioacchino Criaco, a writer from Calabria who knows Lucano well, said he foresaw the mayor’s arrest even before the investigation began. “He showed how it was possible to do concrete things with limited means,” Criaco said.

      “Efficiency and humanity are not welcomed in a cynical system. This is a system that only takes consensus from politics of fear. In this respect, examples of virtuousness must be eradicated.”

      Criaco said Lucano was an honest man but that the “rules on the reception and management of migrants are too tangled, and often administrators can find themselves caught in a dilemma between a humanitarian choice and a legal one”.

      Salvini has cracked down on immigration since becoming interior minister in June, closing off the sea ports and pledging to “end the gravy train” for those working in the migrant reception business.

      Lucano received a show of support on his Facebook page, with Riace locals calling on each other to rally together in solidarity.

      Sergio Bontempelli, a migrant rights campaigner with the Association of Rights and Borders, said that Riace had become too well known as an example of good integration and had been under attack for years. He said other integration projects undertaken by hundreds of people in other Italian towns were now at risk.


      #IoStoConRiace #RiaceNonSiArresta

    • Un maire trop généreux envers les migrants arrêté

      L’arrestation du maire de Riace, dont le modèle d’intégration des migrants est salué de par le monde, provoque un coup de tonnerre en l’Italie.
      Le maire de Riace, présenté comme un modèle d’intégration des migrants dans le sud de l’Italie, a été arrêté mardi, au moment où le gouvernement populiste remet en question le système d’accueil dans des petites structures qui profite à nombre de communes.

      Domenico (dit Mimmo) Lucano, 60 ans, est soupçonné d’aide à l’immigration clandestine pour avoir favorisé des mariages de convenance afin d’aider des femmes déboutées du droit d’asile à rester en Italie.

      Maire depuis 2004, proche de la gauche, il est aussi accusé de s’être passé d’appel d’offres pour attribuer la gestion des ordures de son village de Calabre de 1800 habitants à des coopératives liées aux migrants.

      Le communiqué du parquet cite des conversations téléphoniques de M. Lucano où il promet de faire une carte d’identité à une personne dont le permis de séjour n’est plus valable, expliquant que la loi qui l’interdit est « stupide », et dans un autre cas de marier les yeux fermés une Nigériane sans papiers.

      Son arrestation a provoqué un coup de tonnerre en Italie, tant le « modèle » de Riace a été salué à travers le monde : depuis les années 2000, grâce à des fonds italiens et européens, ce village qui se dépeuplait a repris vie grâce à l’accueil de centaines de demandeurs d’asile.

      Ils ont réinvesti les maisons abandonnées, rouvert les ateliers d’artisanat local, permettant d’attirer des touristes et de maintenir l’école ouverte... M. Lucano a été cité parmi les 100 personnalités les plus influentes par le magazine « Fortune » en 2016 et a inspiré un docu-fiction de Wim Wenders. Même si son projet battait de l’aile depuis quelques mois faute de fonds publics bloqués par les autorités. Toute la journée, le hashtag #Riace a été en tête des thèmes les plus commentés sur les réseaux sociaux. Et militants et syndicats ont appelé à une manifestation samedi dans le village sous le slogan « On n’arrête pas Riace ».

      L’écrivain antimafia Roberto Saviano, qui avait lancé cet été un appel pour défendre le « modèle Riace », a dénoncé « un premier acte vers la transformation définitive de l’Italie en Etat autoritaire ». « Vous paraît-il possible que le problème de la Calabre, terre de trafic de drogue et de corruption criminelle, soit l’immigration ? », a ajouté l’auteur de Gomorra, en soulignant que la justice n’avait relevé aucun enrichissement personnel du maire.

      – « Un système qui fonctionne » -

      « Les villes européennes doivent réagir ! Barcelone avec Riace ! », a lancé Ada Colau, maire de la cité catalane, qui était cet été à Riace. Mais le ministre de l’Intérieur, Matteo Salvini (extrême droite), a dénoncé « les fausses bonnes consciences qui voudraient remplir l’Italie d’immigrés ». Et le blog du Mouvement 5 étoiles (M5S, antisystème) a enfoncé le clou : « Pas un centime pour Riace (...). Le gouvernement du changement a déclaré la guerre au business de l’immigration ».

      Cette arrestation arrive aussi une semaine après la présentation du « décret-loi Salvini », qui prévoit de regrouper les demandeurs d’asile dans des grands centres d’accueil et de limiter les petites structures inspirées de Riace et prônées par l’ancien gouvernement de centre gauche.

      Ces petites unités reçoivent actuellement 35 euros par personne accueillie et par jour, qui reviennent essentiellement à l’économie de la commune via les loyers, les emplois créés, l’argent de poche dépensé sur place... M. Salvini veut limiter la somme à 20 euros par jour et interdire les titres de séjour humanitaires, ce qui devrait faire chuter de 60% le nombre de personnes éligibles à ces programmes d’intégration, au grand dam des maires concernés.

      « Etrangers considérés comme une valeur »

      Ainsi à Montesilvano, station balnéaire de 55 000 habitants sur la côte Adriatique, le maire Francesco Maragno (centre droit) a obtenu l’an dernier la fermeture de deux grands centres d’accueil hébergeant 500 personnes — « deux ghettos où les gens étaient traités comme des numéros » — contre la création de ces petites structures directement gérées par la commune.

      Les demandeurs d’asile ont été engagés dans l’animation d’une plage pour personnes handicapées ou la rénovation des cimetières. « Les citoyens ont commencé à considérer les étrangers non comme un problème mais comme une valeur », salue-t-il. A Prato, près de Florence, le maire Matteo Biffoni (gauche) s’insurge : « On a un système qui fonctionne et on essaie de le faire s’écrouler. »


    • Roberto Saviano:

      Mimmo Lucano è agli arresti domiciliari.
      La motivazione è favoreggiamento dell’immigrazione clandestina. La verità è che nelle azioni di Mimmo Lucano non c’è mai finalità di lucro, ma disobbedienza civile.
      Disobbedienza civile: questa è l’unica arma che abbiamo per difendere non solo i diritti degli immigrati, ma i diritti di tutti. Perché tutti abbiamo il diritto di vivere una condizione di pace sociale, tutti abbiamo il diritto di vivere senza cercare colpevoli, e se il Ministro della Mala Vita, Matteo Salvini, ha subito individuato in Mimmo Lucano un nemico da abbattere, il Pd non ha mai compreso che se davvero voleva ripartire da qualche parte per ritrovare un barlume di credibilità (ora è troppo tardi), avrebbe dovuto farlo da Riace, da Mimmo Lucano. E invece Mimmo è solo, e la Bossi-Fini è ancora lì a inchiodare, a bloccare chiunque decida di accogliere e di salvare vite. Legge-obbrobrio, frutto del peggiore berlusconismo, ma che nessun governo ha osato cambiare.
      Mimmo Lucano lotta contro una legge iniqua, e lotta da solo. Una legge che vede dalla stessa parte - e silenziosamente coesi - tutti: quelli che io oggi considero i nemici politici della democrazia, ma anche i governi che hanno preceduto questo: tutti a vario titolo responsabili diretti di questi infausti tempi.

      Vi sembra possibile che il problema della Calabria, terra di narcotraffico e corruzione criminale, sia l’immigrazione? Mimmo Lucano è stato arrestato anche per “fraudolento affidamento diretto della raccolta rifiuti” eppure mai si legge negli atti della Procura di Locri che abbia agito per guadagno personale, anzi, si sottolinea il contrario. Mi domando di quanti amministratori si possa dire lo stesso.
      E proprio oggi che il dramma principale dovrebbe essere l’analisi di un Def catastrofico, il problema del Paese deve necessariamente essere l’immigrazione, deve essere Mimmo Lucano, che invece ci stava mostrando la soluzione, ovvero come rendere virtuose accoglienza e integrazione. Il razzismo usato come arma di distrazione di massa.

      Questo governo, attraverso questa inchiesta giudiziaria, da cui Mimmo saprà difendersi in ogni sua parte, compie il primo atto verso la trasformazione definitiva dell’Italia da democrazia a stato autoritario. Con il placet di tutte le forze politiche.


      –-> «Il razzismo usato come arma di distrazione di massa.»
      #racisme #xénophobie

    • La guerra contro Riace

      C’è un comune noto in tutto il mondo per l’accoglienza diffusa dei migranti tra le case del borgo, un paese destinato a morire rinato con le sue botteghe di nuovo abitate, i consigli comunali in piazza, ma anche con i sentieri attrezzati e le fattorie didattiche al posto delle discariche. Nello stesso territorio, la provincia di Reggio Calabria, terra di passaggio e di mescolanze culturali da sempre e da sempre terra di migrazioni, c’è un altro comune conosciuto invece per la tendopoli allestita dal Ministero dell’Interno con recinzione e pass, una distesa sterminata di vecchie tende e baracche senza servizi igienici, acqua potabile ed elettricità ma con tanto di numero civico: un non-luogo destinato ad “accogliere” migliaia di migranti sfruttati nelle campagne della ‘Ndrangheta, dove lo scorso inverno duecento baracche hanno preso fuoco e una donna, Beckie Moses è morta arsa viva. Il primo comune è Riace, l’altro San Ferdinando. Nella piazzetta di Riace, in cui il sindaco Mimmo Lucano negli ultimi mesi ha incontrato migliaia di persone provenienti da tutta Italia per sostenere la straordinaria storia di accoglienza del borgo, ha spesso ripetuto che “non esiste legalità senza giustizia”. Abbiamo ricevuto questo reportage dalla Calabria qualche giorno fa, lo pubblichiamo nel giorno in cui Mimmo Lucano, definito dal ministro dell’Interno “uno zero”, è stato arrestato per un’inchiesta della procura di Locri.


    • Hier matin à l’aube, ils ont arrêté Mimmo Lucano, maire de Riace

      Hier matin à l’aube, la police italienne a arrêté Mimmo Lucano, maire de Riace, sur ordre du procureur de #Locri (Calabre).

      Domenico Lucano dit Mimmo a été arrêté hier matin sur ordre du procureur de Locri. Il est accusé d’ « aide à l’immigration clandestine ». Depuis deux ans Riace est dans l’œil du cyclone xénophobe qui s’abat sur l’Europe. Son maire et ses habitants n’arrangent pas les affaires de ceux qui entendent accéder ou se maintenir au pouvoir en répandant la peur et le mensonge raciste. D’ailleurs, Matteo Salvini, ministre de l’intérieur d’extrême droite du gouvernement ligue/5 étoiles, multiplie les déclarations belliqueuses à leur encontre. Une obsession qui a vraisemblablement conduit à l’arrestation de Mimmo Lucano, maire de Riace, petit village de Calabre au bord de la mer Ionienne.

      L’histoire contemporaine de Riace commence en 1998 quand un navire de 300 migrants kurdes s’échoue sur ses côtes. Mimmo, qui n’est pas encore maire à l’époque, convainc son prédécesseur d’accueillir les réfugiés. Les habitants du village ont vu partir tant d’enfants sur les routes de l’exile. Ils savent ce qu’émigrer veut dire faute d’un avenir possible sur leur terre natale. Beaucoup regardent la mer avec défiance. Quand rendra-t-elle ce qu’elle a pris ? Le village se meurt même si l’été certains reviennent d’Allemagne, d’Angleterre, des Etats-Unis sur cette terre vaincue d’abord par les prétentions hégémoniques du Nord, ensuite par la mondialisation capitaliste. Alors ce jour de 1998, la mer rendait au village une partie des vies qu’elle lui avait volées.

      Je suis allée à Riace pour la première fois en novembre 2017. Alors que nous approchions du village, j’étais frappée par la lumière vive et chaude à cette époque de l’année qui rendait le bleu de la mer si intense. Le paysage alentours déroulait toutes les nuances de jaune possibles. Le village est divisé en deux. La partie basse, Riace marina, et la partie haute juchée sur un monticule de terre blondie par le soleil. Le centre est là. Nous arrivons à l’heure du déjeuner accompagnés par le secrétaire de Rifondazione comunista pour la Calabre et d’une chercheuse en sociologie qui a fait de Riace un de ses terrains d’études. Sur la route, nous croisons plusieurs panneaux qui annoncent "Riace, village de l’accueil". Nous débarquons sur la place principale devant une grande porte symbolique en fer forgé ; une grande porte, grande ouverte. La place est animée et nous ne pouvons pas ne pas remarquer la présence nombreuse d’hommes et de femmes visiblement d’ailleurs. Des enfants jouent en contre bas. Ils ont toutes les couleurs, toutes les formes de nez, d’yeux, toutes les textures de cheveux possibles. Ils jouent comme tous les enfants. Ils courent comme tous les enfants. Ils crient, en italien, comme tous les enfants qui grandissent ici, en Italie. Sur la place, nous rencontrons un journaliste allemand. Depuis que Wim Wenders a fait un film sur Riace qu’il a qualifié de seule utopie en acte en Europe, le village reçoit un certain intérêt. Le lendemain, j’y ferai la connaissance d’une française de Calais venue voir ce que le discours dominant dissimule en prétendant que c’est impossible : une communauté politique fondée sur le droit à la vie, le droit à l’avenir, pour tous. Mimmo nous attend. Nous le retrouvons dans sa mairie affairé à régler les affaires courantes, chemise bleu à manches courtes, jean et chaussures bateau. C’est son troisième mandat. La première fois les gens l’ont élu en connaissance de cause. C’est lui qui avait convaincu l’ancien maire d’accueillir les 300 naufragés Kurdes. Les deux autres fois aussi. Car l’histoire de son engagement est aussi celui de toute une communauté. Sauf, bien sûr, les collaborateurs de toujours. Une minorité qui se rétracte ou reflue en fonction des intérêts du pouvoir dominant.

      À notre arrivée un vendeur de légumes nous lance en découvrant ses dents cariées d’un large sourire : « notre maire est un homme bien, il veut le bien du village mais certains voudraient le voir cuir dans un chaudron ». Mimmo est inquiet. Le procureur de Calabre l’a mis en examen pour abus de biens sociaux. En Italie, n’importe quelle commune peut donner sa disponibilité à accueillir des migrants auprès du SPRAR, le système national d’accueil des réfugiés. La plupart ne le font qu’à travers des structures d’accueil déléguées à des associations ou gérées plus ou moins honnêtement par des privés. Ces structures reçoivent 35€ par jour et par migrant pendant six mois pour subvenir à leurs besoins élémentaires ; logement et nourriture, en attendant que leur sort soit réglé (quand il l’est) par l’administration. Riace reçoit cet argent. Mais les délais sont longs et ces structures ou collectivités doivent emprunter aux banques en attendant les versements de l’Etat. Une solution que Domenico Lucano a toujours refusée. Pourquoi les banques devraient gagner de l’argent sur l’accueil des réfugiés ? Alors Riace bat sa propre monnaie, garantie par l’argent que l’Etat s’est engagé à donner. Sur ces 35€, la mairie prélève ce que lui coûte l’hébergement des hommes, des femmes et des enfants accueillis. À Riace, les volets des maisons laissées vacantes par les émigrants ont été rouverts par les immigrants. Le reste de l’argent leur est donné directement. Pourquoi devrions-nous décider pour eux ce qu’ils veulent en faire ? Acheter des pâtes plutôt que du riz, leur fournir de quoi manger et empocher le reste en sur-facturant comme ces structures trop nombreuses qui sont devenues de véritables instruments de spéculation sur le dos des migrants et de l’Etat. Aussi Mimmo ne demande pas à ses hôtes de fournir les justificatifs de tout ce qu’ils achètent. Et le procureur lui demande des comptes. Pourtant, il sait que les billets qui circulent, à l’effigie de Gandhi, Nelson Mandela, Che Guevara, Antonio Gramsci, Martin Luther King ou Peppino Impastato, journaliste sicilien assassiné par la mafia, ne peuvent s’échanger qu’ici. Il sait que les rideaux décatis des échoppes aux couleurs brulées par le soleil à force de rester baissés ont été repeints, que les terrasses des cafés ont ajouté des tables, que les rues du villages résonnent d’une effervescence nouvelle et que même les corps des vieux, assis sur la place, se sont redressés, gagnés par elle. Et qu’importe d’où viennent ces enfants qui courent, rient, crient autour d’eux pourvu qu’ils soient là. Qu’importe, puisqu’ils sont là et que la vie a repris.

      Mais le procureur s’en moque comme il se moque qu’alentours les mafias prospèrent en louant les bras au plus bas coût possible de milliers de migrants humiliés. Le premier rapport, commandé par lui, soupçonnait Mimmo de s’être enrichi avec l’argent du SPRAR. Un deuxième, demandé par la défense l’a contredit et proposé Riace comme modèle de l’accueil mais aussi de ce qu’il faudrait faire pour sauver ces terres que la modernité éreinte. N’empêche, Mimmo est inquiet. Il sait que Riace est menacé.

      Riace Riace
      Nous sommes retournés à Riace cet été avec un ami sicilien, immigré en France il y a plus de 20 ans et une vingtaine de ses étudiants. Enthousiasmé par la politique d’accueil intelligente et humaine menée par Mimmo Lucano, il les a convaincus de l’accompagner. D’autant qu’ils participent tous d’une manière ou d’une autre d’une histoire de migration. Ce fut un moment d’une grande intensité. Les récits des migrants de Riace, arrivés d’Afghanistan, du Soudan, d’Irak, du Congo, d’Erythrée, du Kurdistan, de Syrie, du Cameroun, du Sénégal, … ont fait ressurgir les histoires de ces grands parents arrivés de Pologne avant la première guerre mondiale, ou d’Italie dans les années 20 dont ils fuyaient le régime fasciste à pied à travers les Alpes, du Maroc ou d’Algérie pour venir travailler dans les usines en France après la deuxième guerre. Il y eut des larmes et beaucoup de sourires, beaucoup de compassion et de chaleur humaine. De la colère aussi et de l’incompréhension devant les attaques répétées des autorités italiennes ces deux dernières années qui semblent s’être données pour objectif de faire disparaitre le modèle Riace et dont le dernier coup vient d’être porté. Car, depuis 20 ans, les habitants de Riace et son maire Domenico Lucano opposent au venin xénophobe un démenti cinglant en nous rappelant l’extraordinaire plasticité des sociétés humaines et en faisant la démonstration que l’accueil est un mouvement réciproque qui profitent aussi bien à ceux qui sont accueillis qu’à ceux qui accueillent.


    • Manifestazione Riace, «Bella ciao» per il sindaco arrestato: Lucano saluta dalla finestra

      Migliaia di manifestanti si sono recati sotto la casa del sindaco di Riace Mimmo Lucano per manifestare la vicinanza dopo la decisione del suo arresto. Hanno cantato Bella ciao e lui, commosso, ha risposto salutando dalla finestra della sua abitazione, con un pugno chiuso


    • In Italy’s ‘hospitality town’, migrants fight to save mayor who gave them a new home

      Domenico Lucano revitalised his community by welcoming foreigners. He has been detained by the state … and supporters fear a political motive

      In 2009, shortly after his re-election as mayor and several years after he embarked on a policy of welcoming migrants as a means of reversing depopulation in his town, Domenico Lucano was shot at through the window of a restaurant where he was eating with friends. As if to ram home their opposition to his plans, the local mafia also poisoned two of his dogs.

      Unperturbed, Lucano responded by installing a billboard at the entrance of the town, saying: “Riace – a town of hospitality.” The sign remains today, as does one on the main square that lists the 20 countries people have come from – Eritrea, Somalia, Nigeria, Pakistan, to name a few.

      Riace, a tiny hilltop town in Italy’s southern Calabria region, has become famous for its much-lauded model of integration, which began in the late 1990s and continues to this day. But last week, Lucano, the man credited with changing the lives of Italians and foreigners through an initiative that breathed new life into a dying economy, was put under house arrest for allegedly abetting illegal immigration. On Saturday, lending their support to a man dismissed by far-right politician Matteo Salvini as worth “zero”, hundreds of people turned out in support of the mayor and his leadership. Invariably described as altruistic and honest, they struggle to comprehend how Lucano, 60, can have his liberty stripped from him while people belonging to the mafia, a scourge of Italy’s south, roam free.

      “Mafiosi kill, yet a mayor who does good is arrested? It doesn’t make any sense,” said Elisabetta, who asked for her surname not to be used.

      The main accusation against Lucano, known locally as “Mimmo”, is that he organised “marriages of convenience” after it emerged that he helped arrange a wedding between a Nigerian woman and Italian man so that the woman, who had been forced into prostitution in Naples, could live and work in Italy legally.

      “They arrested him for humanitarian acts,” his brother, Giuseppe, told the Observer. “For hours he was interviewed by the prosecutor – he has absolutely nothing to hide. He’s feeling confident and combative, but is a little angry.

      “There was only one [marriage], not several,” added Giuseppe. “He did it to save the woman’s life.”

      Lucano is also alleged to have flouted the public tender process by awarding waste collection contracts to two cooperatives that were set up to assist migrants in their search for work. The investigation against him began over a year ago, although the more serious allegations of embezzlement and fraud were dropped.

      Lucano said in a statement last week: “I never earned anything, nor did I take money from anyone. Public money in Riace was only used for projects relating to migrants and to ease suffering, for job opportunities, integration and to give a better life to asylum seekers.”

      People who know him well attest to his generosity, saying that any money won through prizes was given away.

      “Mimmo helped refugees and Italians,” said Yasmine, who arrived from Pakistan with her family two years ago. “But maybe others took advantage of his goodness.”

      Lucano’s integration strategy helped to reignite the economy in an impoverished region long neglected by the government: Riace’s one bar reopened, as did a handful of shops, while the system helped generate jobs for locals – as teachers, translators or cultural mediators.

      “It brought me prospects,” says Angela Cristodolu, who teaches migrants needlework. “There was nothing before.”

      Houses in the town’s “Global Village” were turned into artisanal shops, with migrants working alongside locals to make and sell products including ceramics, hats and chocolate.

      The model is meant to be sustained by a government funding system, but little money has filtered down since 2016, prompting several protests by Lucano, the most recent being a hunger strike in August. “We are reaching the point of no return,” he said at the time. “If the funds do not come, 165 refugees will end up on the street, 80 workers will lose their jobs and everything will collapse under a pile of rubble.”

      However, his defiance, which included a call against “every form of racism, fascism and discrimination”, irked Matteo Salvini, the leader of the far-right League, who became interior minister in early June as part of a coalition government with the anti-establishment Five Star Movement. The minister has insulted Lucano and his integration method.

      Lucano’s arrest came a week after Salvini unveiled a series of anti-immigration measures that included slashing funds for migrant reception and integration, leading many to suspect a political motive. The arrest also followed the suspension by the public broadcaster, Rai, of a TV show about Riace’s exemplary integration model.

      Salvini welcomed news of Lucano’s arrest, writing on Twitter, “who knows what all the other do-gooders who want to fill Italy with immigrants will say now”.

      As humanitarian deeds jar with the minister, there are now fears that the government will clamp down on dozens of other towns that have adopted similar initiatives. Nearby Camini faced a similar fate to Riace before it started to integrate migrants – a plan that boosted its current population to around 800, including 150 foreigners, enabled derelict homes to be restored and for the school and post office to reopen. As in Riace, friendships have been forged between locals and foreigners.

      “Projects such as these for towns like ours have created opportunities for all,” said Camini’s mayor, Giuseppe Alfarano.

      “I suggest the politicians come and see this small reality to understand what can work. And if Salvini wants to close everything down, then fine, but he must come up with an alternative plan for these towns to move forward.”


    • Migranti, il Viminale cancella il modello Riace: saranno tutti trasferiti

      Il ministero dell’Interno muove accuse e contestazioni sul sistema di accoglienza in un documento di 20 pagine e comunica al comune calabrese e al prefetto la decisione di allontanare dal paese tutti gli stranieri ospitati. Il sindaco sospeso Lucano: «Vogliono soltanto distruggerci».

      Riace deve chiudere. Il ministero dell’Interno lo ha messo nero su bianco con una deliberazione del 9 ottobre scorso del suo dipartimento Immigrazione che ordina la chiusura di tutti i progetti e il trasferimento di tutti i migranti. Una doccia fredda per Riace, arrivata pochi giorni prima dell’udienza di fronte al tribunale del Riesame che dovrà decidere l’eventuale liberazione di Mimmo Lucano, sindaco del borgo sospeso da martedì 2 ottobre, quando è finito ai domiciliari per favoreggiamento dell’immigrazione clandestina e abuso d’ufficio, e a poco meno di una settimana dalla manifestazione in suo sostegno che ha portato nel paese calabrese alcune migliaia di persone. «Chi sbaglia, paga. Non si possono tollerare irregolarità nell’uso di fondi pubblici, nemmeno se c’è la scusa di spenderli per gli immigrati», ha commentato il vicepremier Salvini.

      Lucano, il primo cittadino di Riace ai domiciliari, ha reagito così alla circolare ministeriale: «Vogliono soltanto distruggerci. Nei nostri confronti è in atto ormai un vero e proprio tiro incrociato. I nostri legali, comunque, stanno già predisponendo un ricorso al Tar contro la decisione del Viminale». Prende posizione anche il presidente della Regione Calabria, Mario Oliverio: «È una decisione assurda ed ingiustificata. Mi auguro che dietro tale decisione non si celi l’obiettivo di cancellare una esperienza di accoglienza, estremamente positiva, il cui riconoscimento ed apprezzamento è largamente riconosciuto anche a livello internazionale. Chiedo al ministro dell’Interno di rivedere questa decisione».

      Al centro delle contestazioni del ministero ci sono da una parte, quegli strumenti che hanno fatto di Riace un modello di riferimento nel mondo, i bonus e le borse lavoro, dall’altra l’accoglienza dei lungopermanenti, cioè quei richiedenti asilo in condizioni di vulnerabilità che vengono ospitati anche oltre il termine previsto dal progetto Sprar. Sono troppi, secondo il ministero che per questo ha assegnato a Riace punti di penalità che da soli varrebbero la chiusura del progetto. Quella gente - donne con figli a carico, anziani, malati - per il Viminale avrebbe dovuto essere messa alla porta.

      Nelle 21 pagine di relazione, che poco o nulla entra nel merito delle controdeduzioni fornite dall’amministrazione del piccolo borgo calabrese, si fa un lungo elenco di «mancanze» che vanno dalle case in cui sono ospitati i migranti - che a Riace sono quelle che gli antichi residenti hanno abbandonato quando hanno lasciato il paese - al mancato aggiornamento della «banca dati». Ma di fatto quello che viene bocciato sembra essere il modello di accoglienza diffusa che a Riace è stato forgiato. Adesso la palla passa al Tar, di fronte al quale l’amministrazione sembra intenzionata a fare ricorso.

      «È quello che noi abbiamo consigliato perché questa relazione rende evidente la mancanza di volontà di interlocuzione da parte del ministero - dice Gianfranco Schiavone, vicepresidente dell’Asgi, l’associazione studi giuridici sull’immigrazione che sta supportando Lucano e la sua amministrazione - Quello che colpisce è la totale sproporzione fra il provvedimento e la realtà del progetto. Nel paese divenuto simbolo mondiale dell’accoglienza sembra quasi che i migranti siano stati abbandonati a se stessi, in un contesto come quello italiano dove in più di una realtà i servizi di accoglienza non vengono erogati. Non si è compreso né lo spirito, né la specificità territoriale del progetto. In questo provvedimento Riace sparisce».


    • Salvini ordina la deportazione di massa: via tutti i migranti da Riace

      Il ministro della Paura ha ordinato la chiusura di tutti i progetti aperti nella cittadina calabrese. Entro 60 giorni saranno tutti trasferiti,

      Una vergogna. Una deportazione con metodi che ricordano altre epoche non per combattere l’illegalità ma per mettersi di traverso a qualsiasi politica di integrazione.
      Adesso con una delibera datata 9 ottobre, il ministero dell’Interno ha ordinato la chiusura di tutti i progetti legati all’immigrazione portati avanti a Riace. Tutti i migranti entro 60 giorni saranno trasferiti. Non si sa dove. Magari in mezzo alla strade.
      Quella che era considerata una città modello per l’integrazione viene quindi smantellata anche dopo l’arresto del sindaco (sospeso) Mimmo Lucano, in carcere con l’accusa di favoreggiamento dell’immigrazione clandestina.
      Evidentissimo l’intento del ministro razzista di rendere tutti clandestini, creare un esercito di disperati per poter cavalcare l’odio che tanto gli sta fruttando in termini elettorali.
      Ma la società civile si ribellerà. Gli ordini ingiusti non vanno eseguiti.

      Quanto ai maggiordomi grillini, dicevano che la loro presenza doveva salvare il paese dal fascismo. Loro sono diventati complici della peggiore politica xenofoba di estrema destra. Con buona pace di San Francesco.

      Già nei mesi scorsi proprio il ministero aveva messo in dubbio, registrando anomalie, la gestione dei migranti posta in essere da Lucano. Nel nuovo provvedimento sono contestate altre 34 irregolarità che vanno dai bonus alle borse di lavoro fino all’eccessivo uso dei permessi dei lungopermanenti, quei migranti che richiedono asilo e sono in condizioni di vulnerabilità.

      In generale i progetti Sprar vengono rinnovati ogni tre anni: nel caso di Riace si parla del triennio 2017-2019, ma già dall’estate scorsa il Viminale aveva bloccato alcuni pagamenti per anomalie nella documentazione presentata dall’amministrazione locale. Nel 2018 il comune di Riace non ha ricevuto fondi e il 30 luglio scorso il sindaco era stato avvisato della revoca dei finanziamenti, diventata ufficiale all’inizio di questa settimana. Lo rendono noto fonti del Viminale.

      Il comune prepara il ricorso - A essere messa in discussione è tutto il «modello Riace», quell’accoglienza diffusa che aveva rianimato un paese morente. L’uso delle case vuote per ospitare gli stranieri e il mancato aggiornamento delle banche dati sono stati tra gli elementi più contestati dal Viminale. Ma il comune non ha intenzione di piegarsi e già prepara il ricorso al Tar che potrebbe sospendere la delibera.


    • Dopo Saviano arriva pure l’#Onu in soccorso del sindaco di Riace: “una guida per tanti”

      La notizia dell’arresto del sindaco di Riace, Mimmo Lucano, scavalca i confini nazionali e preoccupa l’Onu. Proprio così. Dopo il sermone difensivo di Saviano che ha parlato di “peccato di umanità” e la provocazione di Beppe Fiorello («allora arrestateci tutti»), adesso per il primo cittadino calabrese finito ai domiciliari con l’accusa di favoreggiamento dell’immigrazione clandestina arriva l’interessamento dell‘Alto commissariato delle Nazioni Unite per i rifugiati.


    • Matteo Salvini orders removal of refugees from Riace

      Italy’s far-right interior minister, Matteo Salvini, has ordered hundreds of refugees to be moved out of Riace, a small town in Calabria celebrated around the world as a model of integration.

      The decision, which follows the house arrest earlier this month of the town’s mayor, Domenico Lucano, effectively shuts down a project that also provided work for Italians.

      Salvini wrote on Twitter: “Who makes mistakes, pays. We cannot tolerate irregularities in the use of public funds, even if there’s an excuse to spend them on immigrants.”

      A circular sent to the town on Saturday listed “funding irregularities”, including discrepancies between the amount of money provided by the government’s “Sprar” system for refugee reception and the amount spent on the services cited when applications for assistance were made, as reasons for the minister’s decision. The circular also said that migrants overstayed the time limit permitted by the Sprar system and that conditions were unhygienic. It is unclear where they will be transferred.

      Lucano, who won prizes for an integration project that began in the late 1990s, said in a statement that the ministry is “out to destroy us” and that he would appeal against the decision. Mario Oliverio, the president of Calabria, said the move was “absurd and unjustified”. “I hope the objective behind the decision isn’t to stop a reception project that has been extremely positive, appreciated and recognised internationally,” Oliverio added.

      Lucano was placed under house arrest for allegedly encouraging illegal immigration. The main accusation against him is that he organised “marriages of convenience” after it emerged that he helped arrange a wedding between a Nigerian woman and Italian man so that the woman, who had been forced into prostitution in Naples, could live and work in Italy legally. His partner, Tesfahun Lemlem, faces the same charges and has had her residency blocked.

      He is also alleged to have flouted the public tender process by awarding waste collection contracts to two co-operatives that were set up to assist migrants in their search for work. The investigation against him began over a year ago, although the more serious allegations of embezzlement and fraud were dropped.

      Salvini, who has pledged to slash funds for all migrant reception and integration services, welcomed the news of his arrest, writing on Twitter: “Let’s see what all the other do-gooders who want to fill Italy with immigrants will say now.”

      Lucano’s arrest also followed the suspension by the public broadcaster, Rai, of a TV show about Riace.

      Salvini immediately took aim at Lucano after becoming interior minister in early June, describing the mayor as a man worth “zero”.

      Lucano’s integration strategy helped to reignite the economy of the town: Riace’s one bar reopened, as did a handful of shops, while the system helped generate jobs for locals – as teachers, translators or cultural mediators.

      Houses in the town’s “Global Village” were turned into artisanal shops, with migrants working alongside locals to make and sell products including ceramics, hats and chocolate.

      Lucano had been protesting since 2016 after funds to sustain the project stopped coming from the government.

      Thousands of migrants have passed through Riace since the project began, with about 500 migrants in the current population of roughly 2,300.


    • Migranti, il Viminale cancella Riace, l’esperto: «Irregolarità modeste, decisione spropositata»

      «Le irregolarità sono solo modeste e solo formali e non riguardano la qualità del progetto. Chiuderlo è una decisione spropositata». Gianfranco Schiavone, vicepresidente Asgi (Associazione per gli Studi Giuridici sull’Immigrazione), commenta ai microfoni di Radio Capital la decisione del Viminale di chiudere il progetto Riace. «Si contesta al comune di aver tenuto le persone troppo a lungo, ma lo ha fatto perché erano soggetti vulnerabili. Aiutare le persone per il ministero è un’irregolarità»


    • Deportati da Riace. Il Viminale trasferisce i migranti e revoca i fondi. Salvini: «Chi sbaglia paga». Lucano: «Vogliono solo distruggerci»

      Una pietra tombale sul modello Riace. Diverse le violazioni contestate dal Ministero al progetto Sprar del Comune, «gravi anomalie» dai bonus agli alloggi


    • Riace, Mimmo Lucano: «Il nostro modello sopravviverà»

      Il sindaco Mimmo Lucano, sospeso dall’incarico da quando è finito ai domiciliari per favoreggiamento dell’immigrazione, parla all’indomani della circolare con cui il Viminale ha cancellato i progetti che hanno fatto del borgo «il paese dell’accoglienza» e ordinato il trasferimento di tutti i rifugiati. «E’ necessario ritrovare l’entusiasmo ma il modello Riace sopravviverà, nessuno sarà obbligato ad andarsene. Metteremo a sistema tutte le strutture che abbiamo costruito – il frantoio, la fattoria didattica, l’albergo solidale - a prescindere dai finanziamenti Sprar». Traduzione, Riace potrebbe sopravvivere a prescindere dal ministero che vuole cancellarla.


    • Italie : le gouvernement met fin à un exemple emblématique d’intégration des migrants

      Le ministère italien de l’Intérieur a ordonné samedi le transfert vers des centres d’hébergement de migrants accueilli à Riace, un village présenté comme un modèle d’intégration, après l’arrestation de son maire soupçonné d’aide aux clandestins via des mariages blancs.

      Proche de la gauche, Domenico Lucano, qui accueillait depuis les années 2000 des migrants dans son village de Calabre (sud) qui se dépeuplait, dans le but de relancer le développement et les emplois, a été arrêté début octobre.

      Assigné à résidence, il est soupçonné d’aide à l’immigration clandestine pour avoir favorisé des « mariages de convenance » afin d’aider des femmes déboutées du droit d’asile à rester en Italie.

      Il est aussi accusé de s’être passé d’appel d’offres pour attribuer la gestion des ordures de son village de 1.800 habitants à des coopératives liées aux migrants.

      Le ministre de l’Intérieur Matteo Salvini (extrême droite) s’était réjoui de son arrestation, dénonçant « les fausses bonnes consciences qui voudraient remplir l’Italie d’immigrés ».

      Et le blog du Mouvement 5 étoiles (M5S), parti antisystème membre de la coalition au pouvoir, y voyait le signe que « le gouvernement du changement a déclaré la guerre au business de l’immigration ».

      Les partisans de Domenico Lucano voyaient dans l’exemple de Riace, financé depuis les années 2000 par des fonds européens et italiens, un moyen de faire revivre des villages dépeuplés tout en donnant un logement à des centaines de demandeurs d’asile.

      Matteo Salvini veut limiter les projets inspirés par l’exemple de Riace et regrouper les demandeurs d’asile dans des centres d’accueil plus grands.

      Le transfert des migrants de Riace vers d’autres centres va commencer la semaine prochaine, selon le ministère, qui enquête sur des « irrégularités évidentes » dans le système d’accueil des migrants depuis 2016.

      L’Etat italien octroie 35 euros par jour pour chaque migrant accueilli, pour couvrir ses frais de logement, nourriture, des cours de langue et de l’argent de poche.

      Le gouvernement italien a demandé le détail de la ventilation des dépenses au maire, qui affirme que ses avocats se préparent à faire appel contre le ministère.

      « Comment est-il possible de détruire le +modèle de Riace+ qui a été décrit par d’innombrables hommes politiques, intellectuels et artistes comme une expérience extraordinaire ? Il veulent nous détruire », a déclaré le maire.

      M. Lucano a été cité parmi les 100 personnalités les plus influentes par le magazine Fortune en 2016 et a inspiré un docu-fiction de Wim Wenders.

      Intransigeant sur l’immigration, M. Salvini a gagné en popularité ces derniers mois : donné par les sondages à moins de 10% avant les législatives de mars, il a remporté environ 17% des suffrages et se trouve maintenant en tête des intentions de votes avec plus de 30%.


    • Salvini veut vider la ville de Riace de ses migrants et mettre fin à son modèle d’accueil

      Le ministère de l’Intérieur dirigé par le chef de la ligue d’extrême droite, Matteo Salvini, a pris la décision samedi 13 octobre de vider la ville de Riace des quelque 200 migrants encore insérés dans le Programme national de protection des demandeurs d’asile et réfugiés. Le maire de cette commune calabraise, Domenico Lucano, a été arrêté et suspendu de ses fonctions depuis le 2 octobre pour soupçons d’aide à l’immigration illégale, notamment par le biais de mariages blancs.

      En décidant de vider Riace de tous les candidats à l’asile, le ministère de l’Intérieur met fin à ce que l’on appelle le « modèle Riace » : un exemple d’accueil et d’intégration des migrants qui a fait le tour du monde et inspiré d’autres maires de villages, lesquels ont aussi pu renaître grâce à leur repeuplement.

      Grâce à ce modèle, des écoles et ateliers artisanaux ont rouvert et de nouveaux emplois ont été créés, parmi d’autres politiques d’inclusion concrètes pour briser le mur de la peur de l’étranger, qu’il soit Afghan, Erythréen ou Nigérian.

      Matteo Salvini, vice-président du Conseil et ministre de l’Intérieur, n’a jamais supporté l’ancien communiste Domenico Lucano, élu maire de Riace pour la première fois en 2004. ll justifie la décision-choc en évoquant « de nombreuses irrégularités » dans la gestion des fonds publics destinés à la prise en charge des migrants à Riace. « Ceux qui commettent des erreurs doivent en payer les conséquences », a-t-il déclaré d’un ton lapidaire.

      Les avocats du maire de 60 ans ont déposé un recours pour sa remise en liberté devant le « tribunal du Réexamen », équivalent italien du juge des libertés, qui rendra sa décision le 16 octobre.



    • 2 - Le maire de Riace (Calabre - Italie) arrêté pour délit de Solidarité

      Avec Shu Aiello
      Shu Aiello est la corélisatrice du film « Un paese di Clabria », dont on avait parlé en février 2017 (réécouter ici consacré à Riace, un village accueillant de Calabre.
      Aujourd’hui, Mimmo Lucano, maire de Riace village, qui résiste et innove, est accusé d’avoir « favorisé l’immigration clandestine » et est aux arrêts domiciliaires depuis le 2 octobre.


    • Riace : le village des migrants démantélé. Le maire de Naples : « Une déportation »

      Moins de deux semaines après l’arrestation du maire Domenico Lucano, la décision du ministère de l’Intérieur pour « irrégularités manifestes » dans la gestion des fonds publics.

      Le gouvernement italien a décidé de transférer tous les migrants inclus dans le système d’accueil de la ville calabraise de Riace, la cité considéré comme un exemple positif d’intégration entre migrants et citoyens italiens, mais qui a récemment fait la une de l’actualité nationale pour l’arrestation du maire, Domenico Lucano.

      La disposition est contenue dans une circulaire du 9 Octobre diffusé par le Département des libertés civiles et de l’immigration du ministère de l’Intérieur (PDF). Cette disposition établit le transfert des demandeurs de protection internationale de Riace à d’autres installations dans les 60 jours et le retour de tous les fonds en raison de « irrégularités évidentes » dans la gestion des fonds publics affectés à la réception. La décision, qui n’a été rendue publique qu’hier soir, a déjà fait l’objet de nombreuses critiques, d’autant plus que le modèle d’accueil de Riace a souvent été décrit comme efficace et positif. Toutefois, les fonds réservés à Riace avaient déjà été suspendus il y a plusieurs mois, précisément en raison de certaines irrégularités constatées par les inspecteurs du ministère de l’intérieur.

      L’ordre de transfert des migrants est arrivé une semaine après l’arrestation du maire de Riace, Domenico Lucano, le « maire insoumis » qui avait inventé ce modèle d’accueil des migrants. Lucano a été accusé d’aide et de complicité à l’immigration clandestine et d’illicite dans l’attribution directe du service de collecte des déchets. Lucano a été également accusé d’organiser des « mariages de complaisance » entre citoyens italiens et femmes étrangères afin de permettre à celles-ci de rester sur le sol italien.

      Le maire de Naples, Luigi de Magistris, qui a toujours soutenu l’action du marie calabrais et a fait de Naples une « ville d’accueil pour les migrants » en invitant tous les maires du Sud de l’Italie à désobéir à la fermeture des ports décidée par le ministre de l’intérieur Salvini a dit à la presse : « La déportation des migrants de Riace est un acte violent et inhumain. Au lieu de chasser les mafieux ou de déporter les victimes des trafiquants de la mort. C’est une honte ! ». Oui, c’est une honte pour l’Italie et pour toute l’Europe.


    • Riace, Lucano a de Magistris: “Accetto il tuo invito e non faccio un passo indietro”. “Non mollare, vinceremo insieme”

      “Accetto con il cuore l’invito del sindaco de Magistris a venire a Napoli. Mi trovo in una condizione che non avrei mai immaginato. Ma non faccio un passo indietro“. Sono le parole del sindaco di Riace, Mimmo Lucano, nel corso della trasmissione Barba e Capelli, su Radio Crc, dove è ospite anche il primo cittadino di Napoli, Luigi de Magistris. Lucano aggiunge: “Oltre a dimostrare la mia innocenza personale, credo che questa vicenda, in un momento storico particolare, possa dare un contributo ad un’idea di politica che va in direzione opposta rispetto a ciò che sta accadendo in questo Paese”.

      Totale il sostegno di de Magistris al sindaco di Riace: “Lo sto dicendo da mesi: innanzitutto, a Mimmo bisogna volere bene. E’ una persona con un grande cuore, oltre a essere un grande sindaco di un Comune che lui ha reso gioioso di fronte alla desertificazione dell’emigrazione. Il problema di Riace non è l’immigrazione, anzi l’immigrazione è stata la risorsa di Riace insieme ai calabresi perbene. Il problema era stato rappresentato dall’emigrazione, dallo spopolamento. Lui viene colpito, e mi riferisco in generale, per l’umanità che ha dimostrato in questi anni. Solo chi non conosce Riace non sa che cosa è accaduto nel paese in questi anni”.

      E sottolinea: “Mimmo Lucano ha messo in campo una rivoluzione in una terra in cui si contano a decine le persone delle istituzioni compromesse gravemente con la ‘ndrangheta. E socialmente pericoloso diventa questa persona perbene. Non possiamo fare altro che stare vicino a Mimmo Lucano, lottare, far diventare Riace una delle roccaforti della resistenza del nostro Paese per l’attuazione dei valori costituzionali. Lo dico con rispetto nei confronti della magistratura” – continua – “immagino quanto questo provvedimento di divieto di dimora a uno che ama la sua terra, di cui è sindaco, è un dolore davvero profondo, che è stato inflitto a una persona onesta. E l’onestà non sempre coincide coi vincoli normativi che questo Paese ha dato in questi anni per impedire alla giustizia di trionfare. Io starò sempre dalla parte di Mimmo. Io penso che questa lotta la vinceremo, ne sono assolutamente convinto”.
      Poi aggiunge: “Penso alle parole sprezzanti di Salvini, quando ha detto che Lucano non è un eroe. Salvini, come altri governanti del passato, si dovrebbero interrogare del fatto che in questo Paese le persone normali le fanno passare per sovversive e socialmente pericolose. E quindi normano, fanno legalità formale, reprimono, opprimono. Stanno creando un Paese in cui prevalgono i sentimenti del rancore, della paura, dell’indifferenza, della violenza, dell’odio. Ma un Paese così dove va? Va a sbattere“.

      De Magistris racconta di essere stato a Riace per un dibattito pubblico il 4 agosto scorso: “Ho visto un paese gioioso, con un frastuono tutto giovanile di bambini calabresi e di bambini africani che giocavano insieme a pallone. Questo è il Sud che noi vogliamo. Lasciamo a Salvini la comunità dell’odio e del rancore, che non ci porterà da nessuna parte. Noi possiamo dire che ci siamo schierati subito dalla parte di Mimmo e sottolineo “subito”, perché gli indifferenti sono i complici del male. Quindi, Mimmo, non mollare, perché questa lotta insieme la vinceremo“


    • Francia, nasce #Radio_Riace_International

      È nata in Francia Radio Riace International, una piattaforma europea aperta, di podcast e streaming per diffondere nel mondo il modello di accoglienza, integrazione e reciprocità di Riace.

      L’iniziativa, tutta francese, è frutto di un gruppo di giornalisti e artisti riunitosi intorno a Marc Jacquin, direttore dell’Associazione, senza scopo di lucro, Phonurgia Nova, con sede ad Arles (Francia) dove il 20 ottobre 2018 alle h. 12.00 è stata lanciata la web radio RRI – Radio Riace International.

      Due ore di trasmissione in francese, inglese e italiano che attraverso la traduzione di testi italiani, rapporti, interviste descrivono il modello Riace, ovvero sia il progetto Città Futura di Domenico Lucano: dalla storia delle vecchie abitazioni abbandonate dagli italiani, costretti a lasciare il proprio Paese esattamente come i migranti che sono giunti in Italia negli ultimi decenni che a quelle case hanno ridato la vita, con l’aiuto di tutti. “Le persone si sono salvate a vicenda: gli abitanti di Riace hanno salvato i migranti e i migranti stanno salvando il paese calabrese” disse il premio Nobel per la pace, Dr. Günter Blobel, quando nel 2017 consegnò a Domenico Lucano il premio Dresden Peace Prize.

      In una nota diramata da TeleRama France, Marc Jacquin (nella foto in alto) ha informato che la web radio trasmetterà “fino a quando Riace non sarà confermata nei suoi diritti democratici”. Il Modello “va sostenuto collettivamente” sostiene Jacquin “perché lontano dalle teorie astratte sull’integrazione, ci offre una realtà esemplare di solidarietà che dura da trent’anni … perché non applicare questo modello nelle nostre campagne?”

      Radio Riace International ha ricevuto una sponsorizzazione dall’ex ministro della Cultura francese, Jack Lang ( nella foto sopra), che ha partecipato all’inaugurazione dell’emittente web rilasciandole un’intervista. Altre importanti istituzioni e personalità d’oltralpe si mostrano molto interessate all’iniziativa.


      Archive :

    • Milano, Mimmo Lucano si commuove: «Un’altra umanità è possibile». E il pubblico intona #Bella_Ciao

      «Perché c’è così tanto interesse a non parlare della vicenda? La risposta è semplice, questo messaggio non deve essere divulgato perché dimostra che un’altra umanità è possibile». Così Mimmo Lucano, ex sindaco di Riace, ha parlato nel corso dell’incontro «Da Riace a Lodi, solidarietà e diritti», tenutosi a Palazzo Marino, a Milano. Al termine del discorso l’ex primo cittadino calabrese si è commosso e il pubblico ha intonato spontaneamente il canto di «Bella Ciao»


    • Lucano, le maire italien qui accueillait les réfugiés, condamné à l’exil

      Le maire Domenico Lucano n’est plus assigné à domicile, mais il lui est désormais interdit de résider à Riace. Le sort de Lucano – et de son village, connu comme un modèle de l’accueil des réfugiés – suscite de vives réactions en Italie, dans une société très divisée autour de la question de l’immigration.

      “Il est resté à Riace aussi longtemps qu’il a pu, puis il a refermé la porte de sa maison derrière lui et il est parti, raconte La Repubblica. Vers 6 heures du matin ce 17 octobre, Mimmo Lucano, le maire ‘exilé’ sur décision d’une cour d’appel, a quitté Riace.”


    • En Italie, le maire de Riace s’est transformé en une figure de l’opposition à Salvini

      Alors que la gauche partisane italienne est à bout de souffle, Domenico Lucano, le maire de Riace, arrêté à l’automne pour aide à l’immigration clandestine, est en train de devenir une figure de ralliement pour les opposants à la politique de Matteo Salvini. Récit d’une ascension, de maire banni à homme politique courtisé.

      Palerme (Italie), correspondance – La salle Alessi du palais Marino bruisse d’impatience. Plusieurs centaines de personnes se serrent sous les plafonds du salon de la mairie de Milan pour assister à l’événement « De Riace à Lodi, solidarité et droits » organisé par le groupe « Milano in commune ». Dehors, près de deux cents personnes ont fait la queue pendant des heures sans réussir à rentrer.

      « Mimmo, Milan est avec toi », crie la foule. « Mimmo », ce surnom est désormais celui de l’homme que tous attendent ce soir de fin octobre : Domenico Lucano, ancien maire de Riace, suspendu de ses fonctions. Arrêté le 2 octobre pour aide à l’immigration clandestine et attribution frauduleuse du marché de ramassage des ordures, le maire calabrais est devenu en un mois un symbole qui dépasse largement les frontières de sa Calabre natale, dans le sud du pays.

      Costume bleu marine et chemise blanche, Domenico tient le micro d’une main, l’autre lui servant à ponctuer chacune de ses phrases de grands gestes : « Je n’aurais jamais imaginé qu’un jour une grande ville comme Milan m’accueillerait, je n’ai jamais eu comme objectif de devenir aussi célèbre, comme ça, à l’improviste, mais il y a une faim d’humanité. » Tonnerre d’applaudissements. « Riace nous montre qu’une autre humanité est possible », conclut Domenico Lucano. La salle se lève, applaudit, encore. Un homme brandit un journal sur lequel s’étale ce titre en grosses lettres : « Unis et solidaires contre le gouvernement ». Une voix entonne « Bella Ciao » avant que tout le monde ne reprenne en chœur.

      La scène a de quoi surprendre, mais elle est symbolique de l’aura qu’a soudainement acquise celui qui est devenu l’un des maires les plus célèbres du pays. En Italie, pas une semaine sans qu’une conférence, un sit-in ou un rassemblement ne soit organisé en soutien au maire. La société civile se mobilise, tous azimuts, quitte à brouiller parfois le message. L’association Recosol, le Réseau des communes solidaires, appelle les communes italiennes à faire du maire déchu leur citoyen d’honneur dans le cadre d’une campagne intitulée « 10, 100, 1000 Riace ».

      À Marsala en Sicile, à Santa Maria del Cedro en Calabre, à Milan en Lombardie, à Piombino en Toscane, des pétitions sont lancées pour répondre favorablement à l’initiative de Recosol. À Sutri, dans le Latium, le très controversé maire Vittorio Sgarbi – élu au Parlement italien sur la liste de Forza Nuova en mars 2018 et sans groupe politique depuis le 4 octobre – est l’un des premiers à proclamer Domenico Lucano citoyen d’honneur de sa ville. La cérémonie officielle aura lieu en décembre.

      La ville de Ferrara qui avait suspendu tous ses jumelages vient de faire une exception en en créant un avec Riace, après une proposition du « groupe anti-discrimination » de la ville pour « accueillir Mimmo et Riace chez nous ». Fin octobre, encore, les Giovani Democratici, le mouvement de jeunesse du Parti démocrate (PD, sociaux-démocrates) organisent un sit-in sur l’une des places centrales de Rome en l’honneur du maire calabrais. Des artistes de BD, des illustrateurs organisent un recueil de dessins.

      « N’en faisons pas un martyr », commente sobrement le ministre de l’intérieur Matteo Salvini face à l’engouement croissant suscité par le maire de Riace. Un ton bien moins tranché que celui avec lequel il n’hésitait pas à qualifier Domenico Lucano de « zéro » au début de son mandat. Car les hashtags lancés dans la foulée de son arrestation – « Riace ne s’arrête pas » ou « Je suis Riace » – ne s’évanouissent pas au bout de quelques jours, comme c’est souvent le cas. C’est même plutôt le contraire : le mouvement de solidarité avec Riace et son maire déchu semble avoir réveillé une partie des Italiens.

      « Cette histoire a eu le mérite de libérer toutes ces énergies qui étaient là, mais n’avaient pas forcément été déployées par le passé », reconnaît Giulia Galera. La jeune femme fait partie des organisateurs de « Solidarity Poetry Riace », un événement organisé dimanche 4 novembre en soutien au modèle Riace. Aux quatre coins de l’Italie, mais aussi à Paris et dans plusieurs villes d’Espagne, une poésie d’Erri de Luca est lue, le moment est filmé puis posté sur les réseaux sociaux.

      « C’est une toute petite contribution, symbolique pour montrer notre solidarité », commente Giulia Galera. Chercheuse au sein d’Euricse, un institut de recherche européen sur les coopératives et les entreprises sociales, la jeune femme décrit un « moment historique préoccupant sur les questions migratoires » qui l’a poussée à l’action.

      Si le phénomène s’ancre dans le temps et du nord au sud du pays, c’est aussi parce qu’il n’est pas qu’une réaction épidermique au nouveau gouvernement. Le modèle Riace représente tout une partie de l’opinion publique déçue par les politiques du PD sur une question aussi cruciale que l’immigration. « D’un côté, on a plusieurs gouvernements successifs qui nous ont martelé que ce n’était pas un phénomène structurel, qu’il fallait y répondre au coup par coup, qui pratiquaient une politique de l’autruche », rappelle Francesco Pallante, professeur de droit constitutionnel à l’université de Turin.

      À cette politique de l’urgence, le modèle Riace oppose un modèle durable destiné à la fois à accueillir les migrants, mais aussi à faire revivre un territoire en déclin. « C’est l’exemple qu’on peut transformer en mieux notre société », commente Giulia Galera. La figure même de Domenico Lucano n’est probablement pas étrangère à l’adhésion qu’il suscite. Simple, au verbe franc, il stupéfait les téléspectateurs lorsque, interrogé sur un plateau de télévision, il explique avoir dormi dans sa voiture, sous le panneau de sa commune, lorsqu’il a été contrait à quitter sa ville, le 17 octobre.

      « Et puis de l’autre côté, poursuit le professeur d’université, il faut admettre que le gouvernement de Paolo Gentiloni [PD, au pouvoir de 2016 à 2018 – ndlr] a mené une politique dure sur l’immigration, avec le ministre de l’intérieur Marco Minniti et que Matteo Salvini porte à l’extrême les conséquences de politiques déjà amorcées – moins brutalement – ou héritées du vide laissé par ceux qui n’ont jamais nettement pris position. »

      En février dernier – avant l’arrivée au pouvoir de la Ligue de Salvini –, l’Italie a par exemple signé un mémorandum d’entente avec le premier ministre du gouvernement d’unité nationale libyen Fayez al-Sarraj afin de contenir les départs de migrants. Huit mois plus tôt, en juin 2017, le Sénat se penchait sur la nouvelle loi de citoyenneté votée en 2015 au Parlement avec l’introduction du jus soli pour les enfants de parents immigrés, sous certaines conditions.

      Ce cheval de bataille pour le PD, qui a enflammé le débat politique, s’est soldé par un échec : le texte a été rejeté au Sénat en décembre 2017 sans même avoir été examiné, car le nombre de sénateurs présents n’était pas suffisant. Parmi les absents, 29 des 89 sénateurs du PD. « Domenico Lucano est aussi devenu un symbole parce qu’au sein des grands partis, personne n’a assumé un discours politique différent des autres », résume Francesco Pallante, également membre de l’association Justice et Liberté.

      Dans les rangs des partis de gauche, pas grand monde n’a échappé au phénomène Lucano. Parmi les premiers poids lourds de la politique italienne à manifester leur soutien au modèle Riace, Enrico Rossi, président de la région Toscane et membre du parti Article 1er Mouvement démocrate et progressiste, né d’une scission avec le PD l’année dernière. Dans la presse, les rumeurs les plus incongrues circulent : le PD aurait proposé à Domenico Lucano de devenir le porte-parole du parti dans le sud du pays pour la campagne des européennes du mois de mai.

      L’hypothèse semble peu probable si l’on se rappelle que le PD avait été le premier à attaquer violemment le modèle Riace et à bloquer les fonds dévolus au système d’accueil de la ville en août 2017. Une chose est sûre : plus personne ne semble douter de la carrure politique du maire calabrais en cette période préélectorale. Le maire de Palerme Leoluca Orlando, ouvertement pro-migrants, l’a invité dans sa ville dès qu’il s’est retrouvé contraint à l’exil à la mi-octobre.

      Mais l’ouverture pourrait bien venir de Naples. Le maire de la ville, Luigi de Magistris, a fait une invitation similaire sur Twitter à Domenico Lucano, lançant surtout sur son site personnel un appel à soutenir le modèle d’accueil promu par Riace. Après avoir été député européen de 2009 à 2011, Luigi de Magistris a créé l’année dernière son propre parti Démocratie et Autonomie (demA), grâce auquel il souhaite construire un « front populaire démocratique » face au gouvernement, allié avec l’ex-ministre des finances grec Yanis Varoufakis.

      Domenico Lucano, lui, reste stoïque face à cet emballement médiatique et politique. « Moi qui dis tout le temps des bêtises, ils ont réussi à me rendre important, s’amuse le maire dans un entretien au quotidien La Repubblica. Ils auraient aimé effacer l’histoire de Riace et la faire disparaître à l’intérieur de sa géographie, au fin fond des montagnes calabraises. Mais c’est l’inverse. Tout le monde comprend que Riace n’a jamais été aussi vivante. »


    • Riace, chiusa inchiesta su sindaco Lucano. Contestata anche associazione per delinquere

      Mimmo ​Lucano era stato posto agli arresti domiciliari il 2 ottobre scorso, poi revocati e sostituiti dal divieto di dimora a Riace, con l’accusa di favoreggiamento dell’immigrazione clandestina ed illeciti nell’affidamento diretto del servizio di raccolta dei rifiuti. ​Nell’avviso di conclusione indagini, tuttavia, gli vengono contestati reati più gravi.
      La Procura di Locri ha chiuso le indagini nei confronti del sindaco sospeso di Riace Mimmo Lucano ed altre 30 persone nell’inchiesta su presunte irregolarità nella gestione dell’accoglienza dei migranti nel comune di Locri. Lo scrive la Gazzetta del Sud. La Procura avrebbe contestato a Lucano anche associazione per delinquere, truffa, falso, concorso in corruzione, abuso d’ufficio e malversazione. Lucano era stato posto agli arresti domiciliari il 2 ottobre scorso, poi revocati e sostituiti dal divieto di dimora a Riace, con l’accusa di favoreggiamento dell’immigrazione clandestina ed illeciti nell’affidamento diretto del servizio di raccolta dei rifiuti. Nell’avviso di conclusione indagini, tuttavia, gli vengono contestati reati più gravi per i quali il gip non aveva accolto la richiesta d’arresto: associazione per delinquere, truffa, falso, concorso in corruzione, abuso d’ufficio e malversazione.


    • Riace addio, il Natale triste del borgo simbolo dell’accoglienza: senza migranti e con il sindaco ’esiliato’

      Per vent’anni è stato il borgo simbolo dell’accoglienza, il luogo in cui culture e nazionalità diverse riuscivano a vivere fianco a fianco, l’esempio pratico di una via inclusiva all’immigrazione: il cosiddetto «modello Riace». Oggi, pochi mesi dopo l’arresto del sindaco Domenico Lucano, la chiusura del progetto Sprar e il trasferimento dei migranti in altre strutture sparse in tutta Italia, il panorama è completamente cambiato. Riace è tornato ad essere un semplice paesino spopolato del Sud, come tanti altri. Con case, botteghe e scuole chiuse, poca gente in giro e tanto silenzio a fare da cornice a un Natale triste

      #ghost-town #géographie_du_vide #silence #vide

    • Riace rinasce senza fondi pubblici grazie a una fondazione

      Riace non muore. È solo momentaneamente sospesa. Chiusa a seguito di una bufera giudiziaria che ha travolto il sindaco Mimmo Lucano - accusato di favoreggiamento dell’immigrazione clandestina e di corruzione - e ha azzerato 20 anni di accoglienza nel centro della Locride. Ma non ha cancellato il senso di quell’esperienza: Riace lancia uno sprar oltre lo sprar, senza fondi di ministero e prefettura. “È stato il vento” è il nome della fondazione che farà ripartire i progetti di inclusione nel borgo dell’accoglienza, a cominciare da febbraio.

      “È stato il vento”
      Presentata oggi a Caulonia, per consentire la partecipazione di Lucano, che ha divieto di dimora a Riace, l’iniziativa rimette in moto un processo di integrazione e di buone pratiche che negli anni passati ha fatto scuola in Europa. E che ha attirato su di sé l’attenzione di mezzo mondo. Intorno a Lucano e al suo modello si è stretta una vasta comunità internazionale. Il sindaco, sospeso dall’incarico, ha ottenuto cittadinanze onorarie dal Nord al Sud d’Italia. Ora il modello Riace è oggetto di una ricerca condotta da un gruppo di studenti del Dams di Bologna che in questi giorni ha visitato il borgo e il villaggio globale, gli orti e il frantoio. L’idea dei docenti è di insediare a Riace un laboratorio di antropologia culturale.

      Riaprono le botteghe

      «Con la fondazione ripartiremo dalle botteghe, quella del cioccolato, del vetro, della ceramica, dei tessuti. I prodotti saranno distribuiti nel circuito di Atromercato, centrale di importazione del commercio equo e solidale», spiega Chiara Sasso, coordinatrice di Recosol, la rete dei comuni solidali. «E punteremo sul turismo responsabile, con la comunità internazionale Longo Mai, da sempre impegnata in forme alternative di ospitalità». Hannes Reiser, uno dei fondatori della comunità, è molto vicino a Lucano. Per essere operativi da subito, è stato già costituito un comitato al quale hanno aderito, a titolo personale, insieme a Chiara Sasso, Emilio Sirianni (Magistratura democratica), Livio Pepino (Gruppo Abele), Alex Zanotelli (missionario comboniano), Felicetta Parisi (pediatra impegnata in iniziative di solidarietà al rione Sanità di Napoli), Barbara Vecchio (Longo Mai), Peppino Lavorato (ex sindaco di Rosarno) e Gianfranco Schiavone (Associazione studi giuridici sull’immigrazione).

      Un milione di euro per l’accoglienza

      Proprio Schiavone, che è stato uno degli ideatori dello Sprar, guarda con ottimismo ai nuovi progetti per Riace. Anche grazie all’iniziativa della Regione Calabria che ha finanziato con 1 milione di euro la legge del 2009 sull’ “accoglienza dei richiedenti asilo, dei rifugiati e lo sviluppo sociale, economico e culturale delle comunità locali”. Ispirata proprio al modello Riace, voluta dall’allora governatore Agazio Loiero, è stata finanziata per la prima volta dal presidente della Regione Calabria Mario Oliverio. «È un passaggio importante – precisa Schiavone – perché consentirà a tutti i comuni con caratteristiche sociodemografiche adeguate di sostenere progetti di accoglienza».

      Il nuovo “volo” di Wenders a Riace
      In una regione, la Calabria, che già conta ben 136 comuni inseriti nella rete del sistema nazionale di protezione: 3.726 i beneficiari, che rappresentano il 10% di quelli nazionali. E che dell’accoglienza ne ha fatto una vocazione: a Crotone, due giorni fa, un gruppo di cittadini si è buttato in mare per soccorrere 51 curdi. L’Unhcr, agenzia delle Nazioni Unite per i rifugiati, ha elogiato la comunità calabrese. È stato come 20 anni fa a Riace, quando un veliero carico di curdi riversò sulla riva 800 naufraghi. Subito accorse Wim Wenders, con le sue telecamere, per girare il cortometraggio “Il volo”. E ora torna, per un sequel con Lucano e Papa Francesco.


    • #Cassazione su Mimmo Lucano: “Nessuna frode negli appalti. Non favorì matrimoni”. Annullato divieto di dimora a Riace

      Riace: Cassazione, non risultano “frodi” negli appalti concessi da Mimmo Lucano. Non favorì matrimoni di comodo, cercò solo di aiutare. Annullato con rinvio al Tribunale il divieto di dimora a Riace. Saranno i giudici a decidere.

      Mancano gli indizi di comportamento fraudolento da parte del sindaco di Riace Mimmo Lucano per l’assegnazione di alcuni servizi, come la raccolta dei rifiuti, a due cooperative di Riace.

      Le delibere e gli atti di affidamento infatti, sono stati adottati con “collegialità e con i prescritti pareri di regolarità tecnica e contabile da parte dei rispettivi responsabili del servizio interessato”.

      È la Cassazione a metterlo nero su bianco nelle motivazioni depositate oggi 2 Aprile 2019 in relazione all’udienza che lo scorso 26 febbraio si è conclusa con l’annullamento con rinvio del divieto di dimora a Riace, la cittadina calabrese divenuta nel mondo simbolo di accoglienza dei migranti.

      La Cassazione sottolinea inoltre che non sono provate le “opacità” che avrebbero compromesso l’azione di Mimmo Lucano per l’affidamento di questi servizi. È infatti la legge che consente “l’affidamento diretto di appalti” in favore di cooperative sociali “finalizzate all’inserimento lavorativo delle persone svantaggiate” a condizione però che gli importi del servizio siano “inferiori alla soglia comunitaria”.
      Secondo i giudici mancano indizi di comportamenti fraudolenti nell’affidamento degli appalti a Riace. E anche sui matrimoni di comodo non ci sono prove concrete. Caduto così l’impianto accusatorio.
      Lucano “ha solo cercato di aiutare la compagna”.

      La Cassazione evidenzia inoltre elementi di “gravità indiziaria” per il fatto che Lucano si sia adoperato per la permanenza in Italia della sua compagna Lemlem Tesfahun, ma invita altresì a tenere conto della “relazione affettiva” che lega Domenico Lucano e Lemlem Tesfahun. Oltre al fatto che lo stesso Lucano è incensurato.

      Per la Cassazione dunque Mimmo Lucano ha cercato di aiutare solo Lemlem Tesfahun “tenuto conto del fatto” che il richiamo a “presunti matrimoni di comodo” che sarebbero stati “favoriti” dal sindaco Lucano, tra immigrati e concittadini, “poggia sulle incerte basi di un quadro di riferimento fattuale non solo sfornito di significativi e precisi elementi di riscontro ma, addirittura, escluso da qualsiasi contestazione formalmente elevata in sede cautelare”.


  • I pay for your story

    A voir !

    À Utica, ville sinistrée du nord-est des États-Unis, le documentariste Lech Kowalski propose aux habitants de payer pour écouter leur histoire. Avant Trump, un portrait poignant de l’Amérique des marges, entre tragédie et survie.

    Lech Kowalski - Wikipedia

    Lech Kowalski is an American film director of Polish descent. He was born in 1951 in London to Polish parents.

    His most notable film is the documentary, D.O.A., subtitled A Rite of Passage, which chronicled the burgeoning UK punk scene at the tail-end of the 1970s, and included footage of the Sex Pistols’ abortive 1978 American tour.

    #film #documentaire

  • The town that disappeared - BBC News

    Across Russia, hundreds of small towns have been abandoned in the past 20 years.

    Hundreds of thousands of people have lost jobs and homes after their town’s main industry collapsed.

    The future of more than 300 single-industry towns hangs in the balance. The race is on to try to save them.

    #Russie #desolation_zone #ghost_site

  • Que reste-t-il des palais de Mobutu vingt ans après sa mort ?

    Le 7 septembre 1997, le maréchal Mobutu Sese Seko, ancien président du Congo rebaptisé Zaïre, décédait à Rabat au Maroc. Renversé quelques mois plus tôt par l’avancée de la rébellion de AFDL de Laurent-Désiré Kabila, Mobutu était emporté par un cancer à l’âge de 66 ans. Il vivait en exil au Maroc depuis son départ de son fief de Gbadolite le 18 mai 1997, deux jours après avoir fui Kinshasa en compagnie de sa proche famille et de quelques fidèles.

    #rdc #mobutu #fin_d_empire #ghost_things #fantôme_du_passé #fantômes #trucs_fantôme ...

    • L’histoire de Mobutu écrite par un auteur canadien-congolais a lire :" l était une fois le Maréchal Mobutu (14 octobre 1930- 7 septembre 1997)

      << Peu de temps après son ascension au pouvoir, Mobutu ne tarda pas à affronter le fameux litige connu sous le nom du « contentieux belgo-congolais », qui véhiculait toutes les tares de l’indépendance nominale que la Belgique avait concédée, malgré elle, au Congo sous la pression des États-Unis et des institutions internationales. Deux ans seulement après sa prise de pouvoir, soit en décembre 1966, le Président Mobutu décida la nationalisation des actifs congolais de l’Union Minière ─ ce qui contraria profondément la société mère, la Générale de Belgique, qui contrôlait environ 70 % de l’économie du Congo-belge ─ et procéda à la création d’une société d’État appelée la Gécomin (Générale congolaise des mines) qui allait être rebaptisée peu de temps après Gécamines (Générale des carrières et des mines), pour l’exploitation des minerais du cuivre. La guerre du Vietnam avait provoqué une flambée spectaculaire des cours mondiaux du cuivre, ce qui avait permis à l’État congolais de remplir ses caisses. [...] Pour consolider son nouveau régime économique, Mobutu remplaça aussi la monnaie. Il lança une nouvelle unité monétaire qu’il baptisa le Zaïre, en référence à la nouvelle dénomination du pays depuis le 27 octobre 1971. Un Zaïre-monnaie équivalait à 100 Francs belges et à deux dollars américains. Ce furent pour beaucoup des années fastes, la période des vaches grasses.

      Dès 1973, le président Mobutu porte une estocade aux intérêts étrangers en « zaïrianisant » les entreprises diverses et les sociétés commerciales détenues par des étrangers, pour ensuite les confier à ses proches, les membres de sa famille ou des fidèles soutiens politiques, dont essentiellement les barons du MPR Parti/État. Mais, l’ignorance et l’incurie de nouveaux propriétaires appelés « acquéreurs » entraînèrent la faillite voire la déliquescence rapide de la plupart de ces entreprises [...]

      Toutes ces mesures économiques « nationalistes » du président Mobutu, qui avaient beaucoup plus visé les intérêts belges, avaient fini par inquiéter plusieurs autres grandes compagnies occidentales présentes au Zaïre, et celles qui prévoyaient de s’y installer. Même si les intérêts américains au Zaïre étaient au beau fixe, les entreprises américaines pouvaient émettre quelques doutes sur la bonne foi zaïroise en matière de protection des intérêts étrangers. L’extrait d’une note de la Gulf Oil Company illustre bien cette inquiétude des compagnies américaines : « Le département d’État a stimulé les investissements (américains) au Zaïre en tablant sur l’hypothèse que ce pays n’expropriera pas ces investissements et ne causera pas de tensions entre les deux pays » peut-on lire.

      S’il est vrai que les États-Unis et la Belgique avaient hissé le lieutenant-général Mobutu à la tête du Congo pour servir leurs intérêts, il est aussi vrai que avec l’évolution du temps, la conjoncture géopolitique et surtout l’expérience acquise au sommet de l’État, Mobutu était parvenu à maîtriser le mécanisme de fonctionnement interne du système politique et financier de ses alliés occidentaux, au point d’en déceler les faiblesses et les contradictions internes qu’il était parvenu à les manier avec maestro pour échapper à leur pression. Il était ainsi parvenu à renverser de temps en temps les rôles ; le léopardeau devenu grand avait dompté ses dompteurs. Comme l’a souligné le cinéaste Thierry Michel, réalisateur de plusieurs films-documentaire sur la vie du président zaïrois, « Mobutu a été l’otage des Américains et des Belges, c’est évident. Mais il s’est affranchi de cette tutelle. Il a joué les Américains contre les Belges, les Français contre les Américains, etc. Il a même joué les différents clans du pouvoir américains les uns contre les autres. » Le président-maréchal ira jusqu’à expulser, plus d’une fois, l’ambassadeur américain Deane Hinton, du pays sans perturber sérieusement les relations entre le Zaïre et les États-Unis. C’est dire...

      Mobutu savait comment et quand provoquer des crises politiques au sein du gouvernement belge. Il a aidé des chefs d’États et des ministres européens à se faire élire « démocratiquement » chez eux. Et ces derniers savaient comment lui renvoyer l’ascenseur quand il en avait besoin. Plus proches des républicains américains, Mobutu savait jouer avec les puissants lobbies juifs américains et israéliens pour tirer son épingle du jeu. Mais son erreur est qu’il n’a pas su anticiper les conséquences de l’effondrement du mur de Berlin. Il n’a pas su, ou n’a pas voulu situer dans le temps et dans l’espace le degré exact de cette « amitié » avec l’Occident. En avait-il identifié l’objet et le mobile profond ? En avait-il évalué la durée dans le temps, et la résistance face aux changements des circonstances et des intérêts à travers les péripéties de l’Histoire ? Avait-il compris que, après ce bouleversement à l’échelle mondiale, les intérêts et les alliances de ses « amis occidentaux » allaient être complètement révisés de fond en comble ? Et que, dans ce domaine de la jungle moderne des rapports entre États, seuls les intérêts comptent et que les sentiments n’ont aucune place ?
      Le moins que l’on puisse dire, c’est que le Maréchal Mobutu a eu tort de mêler sentiment aux raisons d’État et de croire jusqu’au bout que ses « amis occidentaux » avaient une dette de reconnaissance envers lui pour des « services rendus ». Lui qui était un animal politique a oublié, ou n’a pas voulu comprendre que les « raisons d’État » sont aveugles, sans cœur ni mémoire. Mobutu n’a pas compris qu’il n’avait pas le profil des « nouveaux leaders africains » de l’après-guerre froide. Ces dirigeants qui n’opposeraient plus de résistance aux pillages sauvages des richesses de l’Afrique en général et du Zaïre en particulier. Il n’avait pas vraiment réalisé que ces dirigeants-là, qui devaient provenir de petits pays voisins, lorgnaient eux aussi les immenses richesses du sol et du sous-sol zaïrois et rêvaient, comme toutes ces grandes firmes occidentales qui se sont mis en retrait durant la période de la guerre froide, de bâtir leur prospérité sur les ressources puisées chez leur grand voisin. En gros, Mobutu n’a pas su anticiper les bouleversements géopolitiques majeurs à venir qui se précisaient dès la seconde moitié des années 1980...>> (Extrait Stratégie du livre "chaos et du mensonge", pp. 581-584) Patrick Mbeko est l’auteur de plusieurs livres dont sur le Rwanda et du drame du Congo et le quasi génocide de 9 millions de congolais par des armées proxies venus des pays voisins et dont Paul Kagamé est le maitre des basses oeuvres.

  • Let Syrians Settle Detroit

    Syrian refugees would be an ideal community to realize this goal, as Arab-Americans are already a vibrant and successful presence in the Detroit metropolitan area. A 2003 survey by the University of Michigan of 1,016 members of this community (58 percent of whom were Christian, and 42 percent Muslim) found that 19 percent were entrepreneurs and that the median household income was $50,000 to $75,000 per year.


    #réfugiés #économie #asile #migrations #Detroit #ouverture_des_frontières #frontières #bénéfice #ghost-town #renaissance #travail

  • Centres-villes morts, moches périphéries, merci qui ?

    Les centres se meurent dans beaucoup de villes moyennes. La faute à 20 ans de construction frénétique de zones commerciales périphériques et un conflit, toujours présent, entre #aménagement_du_territoire et développement (soi-disant) économique. Bientôt des « Death Malls », comme aux Etats-Unis ?


    #villes-fantômes #ghost-town #France #périphéries
    signalé par @franz42

  • #Documentaire. “#Homo_sapiens” : filmer ce que l’homme a abandonné

    Le réalisateur autrichien #Nikolaus_Geyrhalter a posé sa caméra dans des lieux désertés par l’humanité. Son documentaire, proche d’une installation artistique, sort dans les salles françaises ce 19 octobre.

    #ghost-towns #ghost_towns #film #abandon
    cc @albertocampiphoto

  • What abandoned Olympic venues from around the world look like today

    Most cities simply do not have the infrastructure required to withstand the two-week influx of athletes, coaches, fans, and media members. The money required to build state-of-the-art athletic facilities is skyrocketing, and academic research suggests spending billions on a two-week event is not a wise investment.

    #JO #jeux-olympiques #ghost-town #abandon #ghost_town
    via @isskein

  • Ancien #aéroport international d’#Athènes à l’abandon.Transformé en camp de #réfugiés. Un dessin de #Elisa_Perriguer

    Ancien aéroport international d’Athènes, Grèce. Sous une chaleur écrasante, des tentes bordent les bâtiments, le linge sèche vite. Des migrants, essentiellement Afghans, s’abritent dans les locaux de l’ancienne infrastructure, sous les panneaux d’affichage noir, les Escalators à l’arrêt, les comptoirs vides... L’aéroport a été laissé à l’abandon en 2004, après les #JO.

    #dessin #croquis #camps_de_réfugiés #ghost-town #ghost_town #Grèce #campement #camp_de_réfugiés #asile #migrations #réfugiés #jeux_olympiques #JO

  • Unfinished Modernity - Books & ideas


    signalé par mail par @isskein et ça m’a l’air fort bien.

    Scattered all over the world are abandoned places, promises of modernity that history, economics or politics have shattered. The Suspended Spaces collective has undertaken to project the gaze of contemporary artists onto these ghostly spaces.

    Created in 2007 and based in Paris, Suspended Spaces is a collective that brings together academics, artists and theoreticians around fragile and vulnerable spaces that have been abandoned by modernity. This collective is an organic structure, which calls on international academics and artists from different fields in accordance with the places it is travelling to.

    The initial project started on the island of Cyprus, with the discovery of the town of Famagusta, whose Greek-Cypriot inhabitants were forcibly evacuated in 1974, as Turkey was taking control of the North of the island. Varosha, a huge modern district of Famagusta that used to be a touristic sea resort, has been guarded for 40 years by the Turkish army, and now appears in an empty and ghostly form to the gazes of those who manage to get close to it.

  • Thibaut Derien a croisé pendant plusieurs années les devantures de vieilles boutiques fermées partout en France. Il les a photographiées frontalement. Mises bout à bout, elles dessinent une ville désaffectée imaginaire. Son livre « J’habite une ville fantôme » vient de paraître aux Editions du Petit Oiseau.


    photo Thibaut Derien
    #photographie #ghost

  • There’s A Lesson In Spain’s Surreal, Unfinished Cities

    In a memorable scene in “The Big Short,” the Oscar-nominated 2015 movie about the financial crisis, a real estate agent shows the main characters around a desolate Florida subdivision. She insists that the market is just in a lull as they drive past rows and rows of vacant homes.

    #spéculation #immobilier #Espagne #villes_non_terminées #ghost-town #photographie #urbanisme
    cc @albertocampiphoto

  • The abandoned buildings of the Eastern bloc

    Christian Richter spent his teens exploring abandoned buildings in what was then Communist East Germany. As an adult he’s still doing it, but now he takes a camera to capture the advancing decay of their interiors.


    Because so many people had left, everything began to fall into disrepair. That’s when I started visiting abandoned buildings, sometimes with friends and sometimes on my own. Then much later, when a friend gave me a digital camera, I was able to capture the beauty of these old places.