Dans les #Alpes, des #obsèques pour les #glaciers disparus
L’#hécatombe se poursuit parmi les glaciers. Leur fonte s’accélère à une vitesse « hallucinante », alertent les experts. Celui de #Sarenne, en #Isère, vient de disparaître.
Il a officiellement disparu. Le glacier de Sarenne, près de l’Alpe d’Huez (Isère), mesure désormais moins de 1 000 m2 pour 2 à 3 mètres d’épaisseur de glace. D’après les mesures des chercheurs de l’Institut des géosciences de l’environnement (IGE) de Grenoble, il a perdu plus d’1 mètre d’épaisseur entre le 19 septembre et le 16 octobre. Sa surface est devenue si dérisoire que l’IGE, qui l’étudie depuis soixante-quinze ans via l’observatoire Glacioclim, a décidé d’arrêter de le suivre.
Cette disparition est une mauvaise nouvelle de plus dans une interminable liste noire. La Mer de glace, le plus grand glacier français accessible depuis Chamonix (Haute-Savoie), a perdu 16 mètres de hauteur en 2022. La même année, le glacier de Saint-Sorlin (Savoie), dans les Grandes Rousses, s’est coupé en deux sous l’effet de la canicule. Sa partie aval, réduite à des blocs de glace morte, est vouée à disparaître. Les glaciers Blanc et de la Girose dans les Écrins (Hautes-Alpes), celui de Taconnaz dans le massif du mont Blanc (Haute-Savoie) ou de la Grande Motte dans le massif de la Vanoise (Savoie)… tous fondent à vue d’œil.
Les glaciers des Alpes françaises perdent de la masse depuis presque deux siècles, mais la fonte s’accélère de plus en plus sous l’effet du changement climatique. Ils reculaient d’1,50 mètre par an en moyenne la dernière décennie, contre 40 centimètres par an au siècle dernier. L’année 2022, marquée par une intense canicule, a marqué un tournant, avec 3,50 mètres perdus en moyenne. Le recul devrait être à peine moins marqué cette année : 2,50 mètres pour les gros glaciers.
À ce rythme, les trois quarts des glaciers alpins auront disparu en 2050, d’après les estimations de l’IGE. Aucun glacier situé à moins de 3 400 mètres d’altitude ne devrait résister. D’ici la fin du siècle, 90 % de ces monuments de glace seront réduits à néant.
Des hommages aux quatre coins de l’Europe
Face à ce cataclysme, des montagnards crient leur tristesse et leur colère lors de rassemblements d’hommage. Plusieurs personnes se sont rassemblées le 2 septembre sous le glacier de Sarenne pour lui dire adieu. Parmi eux, le glaciologue à la retraite François Valla, 81 ans dont 30 passées à mesurer le glacier : « Quand j’ai commencé, jamais je n’aurais imaginé qu’il pourrait disparaître de mon vivant. »
L’initiative n’est pas isolée. Trois jours après, en Autriche, des associatifs et des religieux enfouissaient un cercueil de glace près du sommet du Grossglockner, en hommage au glacier Pasterze voué à disparaître dans les prochaines années. En 2019 déjà, des Islandais se réunissaient pour célébrer les funérailles du glacier disparu Okjökull.
« C’est une émotion extrêmement forte, confie le vice-président de l’association Mountain Wilderness Frédi Meignan, présent aux obsèques du glacier de Sarenne. Au-delà de l’émotion, il y a clairement de l’inquiétude. Les glaciers comme Sarenne n’étaient pas de petits glaciers. Deux photos circulent, l’une de 1906, où l’on voit un immense glacier millénaire, et l’autre de 2016, où il est microscopique et n’existe déjà quasiment plus. C’est hallucinant, cette rapidité. Les conséquences sur l’eau, les écosystèmes, vont être colossales. »
Avec le glacier, c’est aussi tout l’âge d’or du ski de piste qui s’éteint. « Il y a le glacier de Sarenne, et il y a la mythique piste de la Sarenne de l’Alpe d’Huez, la plus longue piste noire d’Europe, rappelle à Benoît Chanas, vice-président de la Société internationale de glaciologie (IGS). De ce fait, sur le plan médiatique comme sur le plan psychologique, la station a beaucoup de mal à accepter la disparition du glacier. »
▻https://reporterre.net/Dans-les-Alpes-des-obseques-pour-les-glaciers-disparus
#disparition #glacier #montagne
Sure 33 Verse 26-27 - Die Auslöschung eines jüdischen Stammes
▻https://www.deutschlandfunk.de/sure-33-verse-26-27-die-ausloeschung-eines-juedischen-100.html
Est-ce que le coran autorise ou appelle à l’extermination des juifs ? En principe non mais ...
Voici la signification du verset coranique en question : les muselmans sont aurorisés par le prophète à tuer tous les hommes appartenant aux tribus qui les ont trahi. Leurs femmes et enfants par contre seront épargnés et vendus comme esclaves. Sympa, non ? Ça me donne une envie irrésistible d’établir des relations d’affaires avec les croyants fondamentalistes.
17.2.2017 von Dr. Shady Hekmat Nasser, Harvard University, Cambridge, USA - Wenige überlieferte Episoden aus dem Leben Mohammeds werden von Islamkritikern so sehr als Sinnbild für Brutalität und Antisemitismus im frühen Islam angesehen, wie der Fall der Banu Quraiza. Mit Billigung Mohammed wurden alle Männer dieses jüdischen Stammes in Medina getötet und alle Frauen und Kinder versklavt.
„Gott ließ die von den Buchbesitzern, die jenen geholfen hatten, von ihren Festungsbauten herunterkommen und warf in ihre Herzen Furcht und Schrecken, so dass ihr einen Teil von ihnen getötet, den anderen jedoch gefangengenommen habt. Er gab euch ihr Land zum Erbe, ihre Häuser und ihr Gut […] Gott ist aller Dinge mächtig.“
Im Jahr 627 bildeten die arabischen Stämme, die sich gegen den Propheten Mohammed gestellt hatten, ein Bündnis und belagerten die Stadt Medina, um Mohammed und seiner prophetischen Mission ein Ende zu setzen. Zu den Verbündeten gehörten die Quraisch, Mohammeds eigener Stamm, und die Al-Ahzâb. Während sie sich in Stellung brachten, schloss der jüdische Stamm der Banû Quraiza zunächst einen Vertrag mit Mohammed. Dann brachen sie ihn und schlossen sich dem gegnerischen Bündnis an.
Mohammed blieb am Ende siegreich. Bald nach dem Erfolg wandte er sich den Banû Quraiza zu, um sie für ihren Verrat zu bestrafen. Er belagerte sie 25 Tage, bevor die Verhandlungen mit der Kapitulation des jüdischen Stammes endeten.
Einer der Genossen des Propheten bestimmte, dass die Männer hingerichtet werden sollten. Die männlichen Jugendlichen, die das Erwachsenenalter noch nicht erreicht hatten, sollten derweil verschont und zusammen mit den Frauen und Mädchen in die Sklaverei verkauft werden. Mohammed segnete die Entscheidung ab. Darauf hin wurden, wie es heißt, zwischen 600 und 900 Männer getötet.
Das islamische Recht nutzt den Fall der Banû Quraiza als Beispiel für Vertragsabschlüsse zwischen Muslimen und anderen Parteien. Werden die Bedingungen eines Pakts respektiert und eingehalten, darf seitens der Muslime weder vom Besitz der Vertragspartei etwas weggenommen noch irgendjemandem, der zu ihnen gehört, Schaden zugefügt werden. Sollte aber auf Seiten der Vertragspartner jemand die Übereinkunft brechen, sind die Muslime zum Überfall berechtigt. Der Fall der Banû Quraiza diente als Mahnung an alle Gruppen, die Verträge mit den Muslimen zu respektieren.
Die Geschichte dieses jüdischen Stammes war und ist zugleich Gegenstand hitziger Diskussionen – vor allem im Westen, wo einige Mohammed für die Grausamkeit seiner Entscheidung kritisieren.
Muslimische Gelehrte und Historiker bestreiten den Vorfall nicht. Seit kurzem bemühen sie sich jedoch darum, die Härte der Geschehnisse abzuschwächen. Sie argumentieren, nur die Stammesführer seien hingerichtet worden und die Zahlen der getöteten Männer, die die islamischen Quellen nennen, könnten nicht als historisch korrekte Angaben bewertet werden.
Manche moderne Akademiker wie zum Beispiel Meir Kister beschreiben die Geschehnisse indes als Massaker oder Genozid, den Mohammed und die ersten Muslime an den Juden verübt hätten. Darüber hinaus ziehen manche Leute den Vorfall heran, um bereits im frühen Islam einen Antisemitismus zu verankern.
Es ist jedoch wichtig zu verstehen, dass der Fall der Banû Quraiza nicht gegen Juden als eine ethnisch-religiöse Gruppe gerichtet war. Mohammed rief schließlich nicht zur Tötung der anderen jüdischen Stämme auf, obwohl diese seine neue religiöse Ordnung permanent herausgefordert hatten.
Die Banû Quraiza waren allerdings der mächtigste jüdische Stamm in Medina neben den Banû Qanuqâ und den Banû al-Nadîr. Ihre Streitkraft und ihre Ressourcen zu verringern, war somit auch ein strategischer Zug des Propheten, um die Koalition gegen die Muslime im Allgemeinen und den Widerstand der Juden im Speziellen zu schwächen.
Die beiden hier erläuterten Koranverse wurden schließlich offenbart, um Mohammeds Entscheidung zu rechtfertigen, die Banû Quraiza hinrichten zu lassen und Anspruch auf deren Eigentum und Besitz zu erheben.
Shady Hekmat Nasser
Dr. Shady Hekmat Nasser, in Kuwait geboren, im Libanon aufgewachsen, lehrt heute an der renommierten Cambridge University in England
P.S. Pour être complètement clair, les textes qui ont inspiré nos ancêtres croisés sont toujours en vigueur, les mythes fondateurs de l’hindouisme batten en brutalité tout ce que vous trouvez sur vos chaînes netflix, le système politique basé sur le bouddhisme tibétain et mongole est l’enfer sur terre et dans les cieux à la fois, et les idéologues prétendument athées du juche coréen et stalinisme russe nous pondu de jolies idée à l’hauteur de leur prédécesseurs religieux. Pour terminer la liste il faut encore mentionner le libéralisme de nos pays soi disant démocratiques de l’Ouest a tué des millions pendant la deuxième moitié du vingtième siècle seulement, alors ... non, l’islam n’est pas l’idéologie meurtrière antisemite comme le veut nous faire croire la droite européenne. Ses fondamentalistes sont simplement aussi abjects que leurs confrères des autres bords. Merci pour votre attention.
]]>Face à l’hécatombe de dauphins, la réponse de la France ne convainc ni les scientifiques ni les ONG
▻https://www.lemonde.fr/planete/article/2021/03/24/hecatombe-de-dauphins-la-reponse-de-la-france-ne-convainc-ni-les-scientifiqu
Plus de 90 dauphins et marsouins échoués en l’espace d’un week-end sur le littoral atlantique les 13 et 14 mars ; 450 cétacés poussés sur les côtes françaises – dont 200 en Vendée – par deux tempêtes modérées durant les quinze premiers jours de janvier… Voilà six années consécutives que les records d’échouage sont régulièrement battus et dépassent le millier de mammifères marins morts en France par an, victimes pour la plupart d’#engins_de_pêche, sans compter ceux, bien plus nombreux, qui coulent directement au fond de l’océan.
La Commission européenne a récemment mis la France en demeure de fournir des réponses à la hauteur de l’hécatombe de cet animal emblématique, le public s’émeut, les associations de défense de la nature multiplient les pétitions et les recours devant la justice.
Mais, en ce début 2021, aucune inversion de tendance ne se dessine. Les échouages s’étendent désormais au-delà de la « haute saison » d’hiver, non seulement dans le golfe de Gascogne, mais aussi au sud du Finistère.
]]>Autour de Lannion. Le pétrole du Tanio tue toujours des oiseaux | Le Trégor
▻https://actu.fr/bretagne/pleumeur-bodou_22198/autour-de-lannion-le-petrole-du-tanio-tue-toujours-des-oiseaux_38872543.html
Basée à l’île-Grande, la Ligue de protection des #oiseaux pointe une véritable #hécatombe d’oiseaux mazoutés. En cause, le #pétrole qui s’échappe des cuves du #Tanio, au large de #Batz.
]]>Arundhati Roy: ‘The pandemic is a portal’ | Financial Times
►https://www.ft.com/content/10d8f5e8-74eb-11ea-95fe-fcd274e920ca
Arundhati Roy April 3 2020 - Who can use the term “gone viral” now without shuddering a little? Who can look at anything any more — a door handle, a cardboard carton, a bag of vegetables — without imagining it swarming with those unseeable, undead, unliving blobs dotted with suction pads waiting to fasten themselves on to our lungs?
Who can think of kissing a stranger, jumping on to a bus or sending their child to school without feeling real fear? Who can think of ordinary pleasure and not assess its risk? Who among us is not a quack epidemiologist, virologist, statistician and prophet? Which scientist or doctor is not secretly praying for a miracle? Which priest is not — secretly, at least — submitting to science?
And even while the virus proliferates, who could not be thrilled by the swell of birdsong in cities, peacocks dancing at traffic crossings and the silence in the skies?
The number of cases worldwide this week crept over a million. More than 50,000 people have died already. Projections suggest that number will swell to hundreds of thousands, perhaps more. The virus has moved freely along the pathways of trade and international capital, and the terrible illness it has brought in its wake has locked humans down in their countries, their cities and their homes.
But unlike the flow of capital, this virus seeks proliferation, not profit, and has, therefore, inadvertently, to some extent, reversed the direction of the flow. It has mocked immigration controls, biometrics, digital surveillance and every other kind of data analytics, and struck hardest — thus far — in the richest, most powerful nations of the world, bringing the engine of capitalism to a juddering halt. Temporarily perhaps, but at least long enough for us to examine its parts, make an assessment and decide whether we want to help fix it, or look for a better engine.
The mandarins who are managing this pandemic are fond of speaking of war. They don’t even use war as a metaphor, they use it literally. But if it really were a war, then who would be better prepared than the US? If it were not masks and gloves that its frontline soldiers needed, but guns, smart bombs, bunker busters, submarines, fighter jets and nuclear bombs, would there be a shortage?
Night after night, from halfway across the world, some of us watch the New York governor’s press briefings with a fascination that is hard to explain. We follow the statistics, and hear the stories of overwhelmed hospitals in the US, of underpaid, overworked nurses having to make masks out of garbage bin liners and old raincoats, risking everything to bring succour to the sick. About states being forced to bid against each other for ventilators, about doctors’ dilemmas over which patient should get one and which left to die. And we think to ourselves, “My God! This is America!”
The tragedy is immediate, real, epic and unfolding before our eyes. But it isn’t new. It is the wreckage of a train that has been careening down the track for years. Who doesn’t remember the videos of “patient dumping” — sick people, still in their hospital gowns, butt naked, being surreptitiously dumped on street corners? Hospital doors have too often been closed to the less fortunate citizens of the US. It hasn’t mattered how sick they’ve been, or how much they’ve suffered.
At least not until now — because now, in the era of the virus, a poor person’s sickness can affect a wealthy society’s health. And yet, even now, Bernie Sanders, the senator who has relentlessly campaigned for healthcare for all, is considered an outlier in his bid for the White House, even by his own party.
And what of my country, my poor-rich country, India, suspended somewhere between feudalism and religious fundamentalism, caste and capitalism, ruled by far-right Hindu nationalists?
In December, while China was fighting the outbreak of the virus in Wuhan, the government of India was dealing with a mass uprising by hundreds of thousands of its citizens protesting against the brazenly discriminatory anti-Muslim citizenship law it had just passed in parliament.
The first case of Covid-19 was reported in India on January 30, only days after the honourable chief guest of our Republic Day Parade, Amazon forest-eater and Covid-denier Jair Bolsonaro, had left Delhi. But there was too much to do in February for the virus to be accommodated in the ruling party’s timetable. There was the official visit of President Donald Trump scheduled for the last week of the month. He had been lured by the promise of an audience of 1m people in a sports stadium in the state of Gujarat. All that took money, and a great deal of time.
Then there were the Delhi Assembly elections that the Bharatiya Janata Party was slated to lose unless it upped its game, which it did, unleashing a vicious, no-holds-barred Hindu nationalist campaign, replete with threats of physical violence and the shooting of “traitors”.
It lost anyway. So then there was punishment to be meted out to Delhi’s Muslims, who were blamed for the humiliation. Armed mobs of Hindu vigilantes, backed by the police, attacked Muslims in the working-class neighbourhoods of north-east Delhi. Houses, shops, mosques and schools were burnt. Muslims who had been expecting the attack fought back. More than 50 people, Muslims and some Hindus, were killed.
Thousands moved into refugee camps in local graveyards. Mutilated bodies were still being pulled out of the network of filthy, stinking drains when government officials had their first meeting about Covid-19 and most Indians first began to hear about the existence of something called hand sanitiser.
March was busy too. The first two weeks were devoted to toppling the Congress government in the central Indian state of Madhya Pradesh and installing a BJP government in its place. On March 11 the World Health Organization declared that Covid-19 was a pandemic. Two days later, on March 13, the health ministry said that corona “is not a health emergency”.
Finally, on March 19, the Indian prime minister addressed the nation. He hadn’t done much homework. He borrowed the playbook from France and Italy. He told us of the need for “social distancing” (easy to understand for a society so steeped in the practice of caste) and called for a day of “people’s curfew” on March 22. He said nothing about what his government was going to do in the crisis, but he asked people to come out on their balconies, and ring bells and bang their pots and pans to salute health workers.
He didn’t mention that, until that very moment, India had been exporting protective gear and respiratory equipment, instead of keeping it for Indian health workers and hospitals.
Not surprisingly, Narendra Modi’s request was met with great enthusiasm. There were pot-banging marches, community dances and processions. Not much social distancing. In the days that followed, men jumped into barrels of sacred cow dung, and BJP supporters threw cow-urine drinking parties. Not to be outdone, many Muslim organisations declared that the Almighty was the answer to the virus and called for the faithful to gather in mosques in numbers.
On March 24, at 8pm, Modi appeared on TV again to announce that, from midnight onwards, all of India would be under lockdown. Markets would be closed. All transport, public as well as private, would be disallowed.
He said he was taking this decision not just as a prime minister, but as our family elder. Who else can decide, without consulting the state governments that would have to deal with the fallout of this decision, that a nation of 1.38bn people should be locked down with zero preparation and with four hours’ notice? His methods definitely give the impression that India’s prime minister thinks of citizens as a hostile force that needs to be ambushed, taken by surprise, but never trusted.
Locked down we were. Many health professionals and epidemiologists have applauded this move. Perhaps they are right in theory. But surely none of them can support the calamitous lack of planning or preparedness that turned the world’s biggest, most punitive lockdown into the exact opposite of what it was meant to achieve.
The man who loves spectacles created the mother of all spectacles.
As an appalled world watched, India revealed herself in all her shame — her brutal, structural, social and economic inequality, her callous indifference to suffering.
The lockdown worked like a chemical experiment that suddenly illuminated hidden things. As shops, restaurants, factories and the construction industry shut down, as the wealthy and the middle classes enclosed themselves in gated colonies, our towns and megacities began to extrude their working-class citizens — their migrant workers — like so much unwanted accrual.
Many driven out by their employers and landlords, millions of impoverished, hungry, thirsty people, young and old, men, women, children, sick people, blind people, disabled people, with nowhere else to go, with no public transport in sight, began a long march home to their villages. They walked for days, towards Badaun, Agra, Azamgarh, Aligarh, Lucknow, Gorakhpur — hundreds of kilometres away. Some died on the way.
They knew they were going home potentially to slow starvation. Perhaps they even knew they could be carrying the virus with them, and would infect their families, their parents and grandparents back home, but they desperately needed a shred of familiarity, shelter and dignity, as well as food, if not love.
As they walked, some were beaten brutally and humiliated by the police, who were charged with strictly enforcing the curfew. Young men were made to crouch and frog jump down the highway. Outside the town of Bareilly, one group was herded together and hosed down with chemical spray.
A few days later, worried that the fleeing population would spread the virus to villages, the government sealed state borders even for walkers. People who had been walking for days were stopped and forced to return to camps in the cities they had just been forced to leave.
Among older people it evoked memories of the population transfer of 1947, when India was divided and Pakistan was born. Except that this current exodus was driven by class divisions, not religion. Even still, these were not India’s poorest people. These were people who had (at least until now) work in the city and homes to return to. The jobless, the homeless and the despairing remained where they were, in the cities as well as the countryside, where deep distress was growing long before this tragedy occurred. All through these horrible days, the home affairs minister Amit Shah remained absent from public view.
When the walking began in Delhi, I used a press pass from a magazine I frequently write for to drive to Ghazipur, on the border between Delhi and Uttar Pradesh.
The scene was biblical. Or perhaps not. The Bible could not have known numbers such as these. The lockdown to enforce physical distancing had resulted in the opposite — physical compression on an unthinkable scale. This is true even within India’s towns and cities. The main roads might be empty, but the poor are sealed into cramped quarters in slums and shanties.
Every one of the walking people I spoke to was worried about the virus. But it was less real, less present in their lives than looming unemployment, starvation and the violence of the police. Of all the people I spoke to that day, including a group of Muslim tailors who had only weeks ago survived the anti-Muslim attacks, one man’s words especially troubled me. He was a carpenter called Ramjeet, who planned to walk all the way to Gorakhpur near the Nepal border.
“Maybe when Modiji decided to do this, nobody told him about us. Maybe he doesn’t know about us”, he said.
“Us” means approximately 460m people.
State governments in India (as in the US) have showed more heart and understanding in the crisis. Trade unions, private citizens and other collectives are distributing food and emergency rations. The central government has been slow to respond to their desperate appeals for funds. It turns out that the prime minister’s National Relief Fund has no ready cash available. Instead, money from well-wishers is pouring into the somewhat mysterious new PM-CARES fund. Pre-packaged meals with Modi’s face on them have begun to appear.
In addition to this, the prime minister has shared his yoga nidra videos, in which a morphed, animated Modi with a dream body demonstrates yoga asanas to help people deal with the stress of self-isolation.
The narcissism is deeply troubling. Perhaps one of the asanas could be a request-asana in which Modi requests the French prime minister to allow us to renege on the very troublesome Rafale fighter jet deal and use that €7.8bn for desperately needed emergency measures to support a few million hungry people. Surely the French will understand.
As the lockdown enters its second week, supply chains have broken, medicines and essential supplies are running low. Thousands of truck drivers are still marooned on the highways, with little food and water. Standing crops, ready to be harvested, are slowly rotting.
The economic crisis is here. The political crisis is ongoing. The mainstream media has incorporated the Covid story into its 24/7 toxic anti-Muslim campaign. An organisation called the Tablighi Jamaat, which held a meeting in Delhi before the lockdown was announced, has turned out to be a “super spreader”. That is being used to stigmatise and demonise Muslims. The overall tone suggests that Muslims invented the virus and have deliberately spread it as a form of jihad.
The Covid crisis is still to come. Or not. We don’t know. If and when it does, we can be sure it will be dealt with, with all the prevailing prejudices of religion, caste and class completely in place.
Today (April 2) in India, there are almost 2,000 confirmed cases and 58 deaths. These are surely unreliable numbers, based on woefully few tests. Expert opinion varies wildly. Some predict millions of cases. Others think the toll will be far less. We may never know the real contours of the crisis, even when it hits us. All we know is that the run on hospitals has not yet begun.
India’s public hospitals and clinics — which are unable to cope with the almost 1m children who die of diarrhoea, malnutrition and other health issues every year, with the hundreds of thousands of tuberculosis patients (a quarter of the world’s cases), with a vast anaemic and malnourished population vulnerable to any number of minor illnesses that prove fatal for them — will not be able to cope with a crisis that is like what Europe and the US are dealing with now.
All healthcare is more or less on hold as hospitals have been turned over to the service of the virus. The trauma centre of the legendary All India Institute of Medical Sciences in Delhi is closed, the hundreds of cancer patients known as cancer refugees who live on the roads outside that huge hospital driven away like cattle.
People will fall sick and die at home. We may never know their stories. They may not even become statistics. We can only hope that the studies that say the virus likes cold weather are correct (though other researchers have cast doubt on this). Never have a people longed so irrationally and so much for a burning, punishing Indian summer.
What is this thing that has happened to us? It’s a virus, yes. In and of itself it holds no moral brief. But it is definitely more than a virus. Some believe it’s God’s way of bringing us to our senses. Others that it’s a Chinese conspiracy to take over the world.
Whatever it is, coronavirus has made the mighty kneel and brought the world to a halt like nothing else could. Our minds are still racing back and forth, longing for a return to “normality”, trying to stitch our future to our past and refusing to acknowledge the rupture. But the rupture exists. And in the midst of this terrible despair, it offers us a chance to rethink the doomsday machine we have built for ourselves. Nothing could be worse than a return to normality.
Historically, pandemics have forced humans to break with the past and imagine their world anew. This one is no different. It is a portal, a gateway between one world and the next.
We can choose to walk through it, dragging the carcasses of our prejudice and hatred, our avarice, our data banks and dead ideas, our dead rivers and smoky skies behind us. Or we can walk through lightly, with little luggage, ready to imagine another world. And ready to fight for it.
▻https://www.ft.com/__origami/service/image/v2/images/raw/http%3A%2F%2Fcom.ft.imagepublish.upp-prod-eu.s3.amazonaws.com%2F14bf90c2-74ff-11
Donald Trump speaks about the coronavirus at a White House briefing on April 1, as the number of US cases topped 200,000
▻https://www.ft.com/__origami/service/image/v2/images/raw/http%3A%2F%2Fcom.ft.imagepublish.upp-prod-eu.s3.amazonaws.com%2F3903dd30-74ff-11
Narendra Modi with the US president and his wife Melania at a packed rally in Ahmedabad on February 24 — part of a lavish official visit
▻https://www.ft.com/__origami/service/image/v2/images/raw/http%3A%2F%2Fcom.ft.imagepublish.upp-prod-eu.s3.amazonaws.com%2F76bb88f0-74fd-11
Women ang pots and pans to show their support for the emergency services dealing with the coronavirus outbreak
▻https://www.ft.com/__origami/service/image/v2/images/raw/http%3A%2F%2Fcom.ft.imagepublish.upp-prod-eu.s3.amazonaws.com%2F4c4e4a16-74fe-11
A resident wears a face mask in Mumbai, where the usually bustling streets are almost deserted. . .
▻https://www.ft.com/__origami/service/image/v2/images/raw/http%3A%2F%2Fcom.ft.imagepublish.upp-prod-eu.s3.amazonaws.com%2F5880f84c-74fe-11
. . . while in Bangalore people queue to buy supplies at a supermarket
▻https://www.ft.com/__origami/service/image/v2/images/raw/http%3A%2F%2Fcom.ft.imagepublish.upp-prod-eu.s3.amazonaws.com%2F737c2424-74fd-11
Migrant workers head towards a highway leading out of New Delhi, hoping to return to their home villages
▻https://www.ft.com/__origami/service/image/v2/images/raw/http%3A%2F%2Fcom.ft.imagepublish.upp-prod-eu.s3.amazonaws.com%2F2540e862-74fd-11
On the outskirts of New Delhi on March 29, a woman pushes her daughter on to an overcrowded bus as they attempt the journey back to their home village
▻https://www.ft.com/__origami/service/image/v2/images/raw/http%3A%2F%2Fcom.ft.imagepublish.upp-prod-eu.s3.amazonaws.com%2F071edd62-74fd-11
Migrant workers in New Delhi wait to board buses
▻https://www.ft.com/__origami/service/image/v2/images/raw/http%3A%2F%2Fcom.ft.imagepublish.upp-prod-eu.s3.amazonaws.com%2F77000d22-74fd-11
A boy wearing a protective mask ventures on to a balcony in Srinagar, which recorded Kashmir’s first coronavirus death in late March
]]>Des Ehpad livrés en housses mortuaires avant de l’être en masques de protection
▻http://www.or-gris.org/2020/03/des-ehpad-livres-en-housses-mortuaires-avant-de-l-etre-en-masques-de-protec
Que va-t-il advenir des personnes sans-abri durant l’épidémie ? - Libération
▻https://www.liberation.fr/checknews/2020/03/18/que-va-t-il-advenir-des-personnes-sans-abri-durant-l-epidemie_1782022
Pour le directeur de la fédération des acteurs de la solidarité Florent Gueguen, outre les personnels et les places, ce sont aussi les matériels qui font défaut. Et notamment les masques de protection, pour les malades comme pour les personnels – « difficile d’inciter les gens à aider quand on ne peut pas les protéger », remarque-t-il. Même commentaire chez Emmaüs Solidarités.
Marché 2h tôt ce matin, vu plusieurs tentes de sans abris, deviné des gens dormant sur les bancs dans des sacs de couchage, certains dans des immondices et des squats crasseux. Toutes les personnes que je croise sur la grande digue de la Garonne qui mène à Blagnac et qui font du sport tiennent leurs distances, évitent mon regard, l’angoisse est là. Alors tu peux imaginer qu’aucun·e ne peut s’arrêter pour aider, pensera à offrir un café, une soupe si on ne leur donne pas les moyens de se protéger. C’est déjà super dur en temps normal, là, ça fait pleurer de savoir que les maraudes se sont arrêtées faute de masques.
]]>SDF : on se confine comment
▻https://www.franceculture.fr/emissions/les-pieds-sur-terre/la-clinique-de-lamour-55-le-debut-de-la-fin
Face à l’épidémie du #Covid-19, sans lieu de confinement, les sans-domiciles fixes sont plus que jamais vulnérables. Sarah Frikh, maraudeure, et Bachir, intervenant social, se battent pour aider le plus possible les personnes à la rue et les confiner comme le reste de la population.
▻http://rf.proxycast.org/e8db1f3a-e85f-47ff-97a9-827f7217f5f3/10078-18.03.2020-ITEMA_22310539-1.mp3
Un ami qui travaille pour une organisation venant en aide aux #sdf et #femmes_battues, est tenu de rester confiné chez lui.
]]>Salubrité publique en période d’épidémie : une urgence humaine et sanitaire !
▻https://www.gisti.org/spip.php?article6341
#cojonesvirus : compilation d’articles et de « seen » à propos de tous les biais suscités par cette Pan ! Pan ! Démie, des sottises que l’on pourra lire dans quelques recoins mal famés de la #médiasphère, mais aussi de quelques autres phénomènes tels que l’instauration d’une surveillance de masse généralisée, du lobbying des laboratoires pharmaceutiques, de la mise en évidence des gros bugs à tous les étages de nos sociétés marchandisées, etc.
Il semble se dessiner un début de solution du côté de Vittel ou Contrexéville (ch’ais plus trop ...) :
L’alarmante disparition des oiseaux
▻https://www.franceinter.fr/emissions/secrets-d-info/secrets-d-info-28-septembre-2019
▻https://twitter.com/InvestigationRF/status/1177445762172518402
#hécatombe #ornithologie
Gaulands ganzer Stolz ? | Telepolis
▻https://www.heise.de/tp/features/Gaulands-ganzer-Stolz-4447162.html
▻https://seenthis.net/messages/757360
Dimanche le 22 juin 1941 les généraux de Hitler lancent l’opération Barbarossa , l’invasion militaire de l’Union soviétique. Le jour suivant mon grand-père rentre du travail au ministère de l’Aviation à #Wilhelmstraße et déclare : La guerre est perdue. Désormais l’enjeu est de survivre.
Depuis l’Allemagne consacre d’importants efforts de propagande pour donner au peuple l’impression de faire partie des nations civilisées. C’est une entreprise aux résultats surprenants qui ne s’expliquent que par la volonté générale de se libérer d’une mauvaise conscience et des blessures causées par la guerre perdue.
Il se trouve que les profiteurs des crimes nazies et leurs hériteirs réussissent le mieux à éliminer le poids du passé de leur conscience
▻https://seenthis.net/messages/780839
▻https://seenthis.net/messages/780836
Le deuxième rang dans le palmarès des l’amnésiaques est occupé par les familles sans culture et sans histoire qui profitent du lavage de cerveau quotidien offert par les médias majoritaires.
Nous ne disposons que des traditions du mouvement ouvrier et de quelques intellectuels de gauches pour nous défendre contre les nouveaux exterminateurs de populations feignantes et peu productives.
Das Oberkommando der Wehrmacht (OKW) setzte von Anfang an den Hunger als Waffe ein, um einen großen Teil der Bevölkerung der Sowjetunion buchstäblich in den Hungertod zu treiben. Die Lebensmittelvorräte der Wehrmacht reichten beim Kriegsbeginn nur für wenige Wochen, die Armee sollte komplett aus den besetzten Gebieten ernährt werden.
Bei einem Planungstreffen kurz vor dem Überfall hieß es: „Der Kriege ist nur weiter zu führen, wenn die gesamte Wehrmacht im 3. Kriegsjahr aus Russland ernährt wird.“ Dabei war man sich der Konsequenzen dieser Strategie voll bewusst: „Hierbei werden zweifellos zig Millionen Menschen verhungern, wenn von uns das für uns Notwendige aus dem Land herausgeholt wird.“
...
Ganz gewöhnliche Nazisoldaten
Angesichts all dieser unüberschaubaren blutigen Gemetzel, des planmäßigen deutschen Verwüstungsfeldzuges im Osten, an dem sich die Wehrmacht beteiligte, will AfD-Chef Gauland „Millionen deutscher Soldaten“ ausgemacht haben, die einfach nur „tapfer waren“. Wie sah es nun in den Hirnen all der „tapferen“ Nazisoldaten aus - bevor sie sich ihre Lebenslügen von der „sauberen Wehrmacht“ zurechtlegen konnten, die vor allem die verlogene Nachkriegszeit in der Bundesrepublik bis weit in die 60er Jahre prägten?
Eine Ahnung davon verschaffen die Abhörprotokolle des britischen und amerikanischen Geheimdienstes, die Tausende von gefangenen Wehrmachtssoldaten systematisch abgehört haben. Historiker haben das reichhaltige Material umfassend ausgewertet, wie n-tv schon 2011 berichtete. Die Ergebnisse seinen „schauerlich und erhellend“ zugleich:
Denn es zeigt in aller Offenheit ein Bild des Krieges aus der Sicht deutscher Soldaten, das wir in einer solchen unverblümten Deutlichkeit bislang nicht kennen. Schönten die Männer dohécatombe ch gewöhnlich in Frontbriefen und späteren Erzählungen oder Memoiren ihre Kriegseindrücke, wenn sie nicht gleich in partielle Amnesie verfielen. Doch in der Gefangenschaft, oft noch frisch unter dem Eindruck des Krieges und inmitten der Kameraden, redeten sie offen: über Treibjagden, Plünderungen, Vergewaltigungen - und die Riesengaudi, die sie dabei hatten.
n-tv
...
Vereinzelt habe es auch Kritik an dem Vorgehen der Wehrmacht gegeben, hieß es in dem Bericht:
Allerdings nicht immer stoßen die Massenexekutionen auf ungeteilte Zustimmung. Teilweise missbilligen die Soldaten die Art und Weise der Massenmorde. Wenn stundenlang das Blut spritzt, die Gruben voll sind, Kinder vor den Gewehrläufen zappeln, macht das auch den abgebrühtesten Landsern nicht mehr viel Spaß - trotz Zulagen und doppelter Essensration.
]]>Suicides d’agriculteurs, l’hécatombe silencieuse
▻https://www.lemonde.fr/societe/article/2019/01/31/suicides-d-agriculteurs-l-hecatombe-silencieuse_5416940_3224.html
Hommes ou femmes, ils sont de plus en plus nombreux à mettre fin à leurs jours en France. Même si des structures ont été mises en place pour leur venir en aide, le malaise est profond.
]]>Jagal - The Act of Killing
▻https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=3tILiqotj7Y
v.o. sans sous-titres
avec sous-titres
▻https://amara.org/en/videos/lCHCQE8uqUJb/en/749348
à 00:16:00 un gangster parle de sa passion pour le cinémà et comment c’était pratique d’avoir les locaux pour tuer et torturer en face de la salle de projection.
C’est le film le moins apprécié par l’office de tourisme indonésien car il montre que le pays est gouverné aujourd’hui par les assassins de 1965/66 qui se font un plaisir de se vanter de leurs crimes devant la caméra.
BACKGROUND | The Act of Killing
▻http://theactofkilling.com/background
CONTEXT, BACKGROUND AND METHOD
First Encounter with the 1965-66 Massacres – The Globalization Tapes
In 2001-2002, Christine Cynn and I went to Indonesia for the first time to produce The Globalization Tapes (2003), a participatory documentary project made in collaboration with the Independent Plantation Workers Union of Sumatra. Using their own forbidden history as a case study, these Indonesian filmmakers worked with us to trace the development of contemporary globalization from its roots in colonialism to the present.
The Globalization Tapes exposes the devastating role of militarism and repression in building the global economy, and explores the relationships between trade, third-world debt, and international institutions like the IMF and the World Trade Organization. Made by some of the poorest workers in the world, the film is a lyrical and incisive account of how our global financial institutions shape and enforce the corporate world order. The film uses chilling first-hand accounts, hilarious improvised interventions, collective debate and archival collage.
Several scenes in The Globalization Tapes reveal the earliest traces of the methods we refined in the shooting of The Act of Killing: plantation workers stage a satirical commercial for the pesticide that poisons them; worker-filmmakers pose as World Bank agents who offer microfinance to ‘develop’ local businesses – offers that are both brutal and absurd, yet tempting nonetheless.
While shooting and editing The Globalization Tapes, we discovered that the 1965-66 Indonesian massacres were the dark secret haunting Indonesia’s much-celebrated entrance into the global economy. One of the military’s main objectives in the killings was to destroy the anti-colonial labour movement that had existed until 1965, and to lure foreign investors with the promise of cheap, docile workers and abundant natural resources. The military succeeded (The Globalization Tapes is a testament to the extraordinary courage of the plantation worker-filmmakers as they challenge this decades-long legacy of terror and try to build a new union).
The killings would come up in discussions, planning sessions, and film shoots nearly every day, but always in whispers. Indeed, many of the plantation workers were themselves survivors of the killings. They would discretely point out the houses of neighbors who had killed their parents, grandparents, aunts, or uncles. The perpetrators were still living in the same village and made up, along with their children and protégés, the local power structure. As outsiders, we could interview these perpetrators – something the plantation workers could not do without fear of violence.
In conducting these first interviews, we encountered the pride with which perpetrators would boast about the most grisly details of the killings. The Act of Killing was born out of our curiosity about the nature of this pride – its clichéd grammar, its threatening performativity, its frightening banality.
The Globalization Tapes was a film made collectively by the plantation workers themselves, with us as facilitators and collaborating directors. The Act of Killing was also made by working very closely with its subjects, while in solidarity and collaboration with the survivors’ families. However, unlike The Globalization Tapes, The Act of Killing is an authored work, an expression of my own vision and concerns regarding these issues.
THE BEGINNING OF THE ACT OF KILLING
By the time I first met the characters in The Act of Killing (in 2005), I had been making films in Indonesia for three years, and I spoke Indonesian with some degree of fluency. Since making The Globalization Tapes (2003), Christine Cynn, fellow film-maker and longtime collaborator Andrea Zimmerman and I had continued filming with perpetrators and survivors of the massacres in the plantation areas around the city of Medan. In 2003 and 2004, we filmed more interviews and simple re-enactments with Sharman Sinaga, the death squad leader who had appeared in The Globalization Tapes. We also filmed as he introduced us to other killers in the area. And we secretly interviewed survivors of the massacres they committed.
Moving from perpetrator to perpetrator, and, unbeknownst to them, from one community of survivors to another, we began to map the relationships between different death squads throughout the region, and began to understand the process by which the massacres were perpetrated. In 2004, we began filming Amir Hasan, the death squad leader who had commanded the massacres at the plantation where we made The Globalization Tapes.
In late 2004, Amir Hasan began to introduce me to killers up the chain of command in Medan. Independently in 2004, we began contacting ‘veterans’ organizations of death squad members and anti-leftist activists in Medan. These two approaches allowed us to piece together a chain of command, and to locate the surviving commanders of the North Sumatran death squads. In early interviews with the veterans of the killings (2004), I learned that the most notorious death squad in North Sumatra was Anwar Congo and Adi Zulkadry’s Frog Squad (Pasukan Kodok).
During these first meetings with Medan perpetrators (2004 and 2005), I encountered the same disturbing boastfulness about the killings that we had been documenting on the plantations. The difference was that these men were the celebrated and powerful leaders not of a small rural village, but of the third largest city in Indonesia (Greater Medan has a population of over four million people).
Our starting point for The Act of Killing was thus the question: how had this society developed to the point that its leaders could – and would – speak of their own crimes against humanity with a cheer that was at once celebratory but also intended as a threat?
OVERVIEW AND CHRONOLOGY OF THE METHODS USED IN THE ACT OF KILLING
Building on The Globalization Tapes and our film work outside Indonesia, we had developed a method in which we open a space for people to play with their image of themselves, re-creating and re-imagining it on camera, while we document this transformation as it unfolds. In particular, we had refined this method to explore the intersection between imagination and extreme violence.
In the early days of research (2005), I discovered that the army recruited its killers in Medan from the ranks of movie theatre gangsters (or preman bioskop) who already hated the leftists for their boycott of American movies – the most profitable in the cinema. I was intrigued by this relationship between cinema and killings, although I had no idea it would be so deep. Not only did Anwar and his friends know and love the cinema, but they dreamed of being on the screen themselves, and styled themselves after their favorite characters. They even borrowed their methods of murder from the screen.
Of course, I began by trying to understand in as much detail as possible Anwar and his friends’ roles in the killings and, afterwards, in the regime they helped to build. Among the first things I did was to bring them to the former newspaper office directly across the road from Anwar’s old cinema, the place where Anwar and his friends killed most of their victims. There, they demonstrated in detail what they had done. Although they were filming documentary re-enactment and interviews, during breaks I noticed that they would muse about how they looked like various movie stars – for instance, Anwar compared his protégé and sidekick, Herman to Fernando Sancho.
To understand how they felt about the killings, and their unrepentant way of representing them on film, I screened back the unedited footage of these early re-enactments, and filmed their responses. At first, I thought that they would feel the re-enactments made them look bad, and that they might possibly come to a more complex place morally and emotionally.
I was startled by what actually happened. On the surface at least, Anwar was mostly anxious that he should look young and fashionable. Instead of any explicit moral reflection, the screening led him and Herman spontaneously to suggest a better, and more elaborate, dramatization.
To explore their love of movies, I screened for them scenes from their favorite films at the time of the killings – Cecil B. DeMille’s Samson and Delilah and, ironically, The Ten Commandments topped the list – recording their commentary and the memories these films elicited. Through this process, I came to realize why Anwar was continually bringing up these old Hollywood films whenever I filmed re-enactments with them: he and his fellow movie theatre thugs were inspired by them at the time of the killings, and had even borrowed their methods of murder from the movies. This was such an outlandish and disturbing idea that I in fact had to hear it several times before I realized quite what Anwar and his friends were saying.
He described how he got the idea of strangling people with wire from watching gangster movies. In a late-night interview in front of his former cinema, Anwar explained how different film genres would lead him to approach killing in different ways. The most disturbing example was how, after watching a “happy film like an Elvis Presley musical”, Anwar would “kill in a happy way”.
In 2005, I also discovered that the other paramilitary leaders (not just the former movie theater gangsters) had other personal and deep-seated relationship to movies. Ibrahim Sinik, the newspaper boss who was secretary general of all the anti-communist organizations that participated in the killings, and who directly gave the orders to Anwar’s death squad, turned out to be a feature film producer, screenwriter, and former head of the Indonesian Film Festival.
In addition to all this, Anwar and his friends’ impulse towards being in a film about the killings was essentially to act in dramatizations of their pasts – both as they remember them, and as they would like to be remembered (the most powerful insights in The Act of Killing probably come in those places where these two agendas radically diverge). As described, the idea of dramatizations came up quite spontaneously, in response to viewing the rushes from Anwar’s first re-enactments of the killings.
But it would be disingenuous to claim that we facilitated the dramatizations only because that’s what Anwar and his friends wanted to do. Ever since we produced The Globalization Tapes, the thing that most fascinated us about the killings was the way the perpetrators we filmed would recount their stories of those atrocities. One had the feeling that we weren’t simply hearing memories, but something else besides – something intended for a spectator. More precisely, we felt we were receiving performances. And we instinctively understood, I think, that the purpose of these performances was somehow to assert a kind of impunity, to maintain a threatening image, to perpetuate the autocratic regime that had begun with the massacres themselves.
We sensed that the methods we had developed for incorporating performance into documentary might, in this context, yield powerful insights into the mystery of the killers’ boastfulness, the nature of the regime of which they are a part, and, most importantly, the nature of human ‘evil’ itself.
So, having learned that even their methods of murder were directly influenced by cinema, we challenged Anwar and his friends to make the sort of scenes they had in mind. We created a space in which they could devise and star in dramatisations based on the killings, using their favorite genres from the medium.
We hoped to catalyze a process of collective remembrance and imagination. Fiction provided one or two degrees of separation from reality, a canvas on which they could paint their own portrait and stand back and look at it.
We started to suspect that performance played a similar role during the killings themselves, making it possible for Anwar and his friends to absent themselves from the scene of their crimes, while they were committing them. Thus, performing dramatizations of the killings for our cameras was also a re-living of a mode of performance they had experienced in 1965, when they were killing. This obviously gave the experience of performing for our cameras a deeper resonance for Anwar and his friends than we had anticipated.
And so, in The Act of Killing, we worked with Anwar and his friends to create such scenes for the insights they would offer, but also for the tensions and debates that arose during the process – including Anwar’s own devastating emotional unravelling.
This created a safe space, in which all sorts of things could happen that would probably elude a more conventional documentary method. The protagonists could safely explore their deepest memories and feelings (as well as their blackest humor). I could safely challenge them about what they did, without fear of being arrested or beaten up. And they could challenge each other in ways that were otherwise unthinkable, given Sumatra’s political landscape.
Anwar and his friends could direct their fellow gangsters to play victims, and even play the victims themselves, because the wounds are only make-up, the blood only red paint, applied only for a movie. Feelings far deeper than those that would come up in an interview would surface unexpectedly. One reason the emotional impact was so profound came from the fact that this production method required a lot of time – the filmmaking process came to define a significant period in the participants’ lives. This meant that they went on a deeper journey into their memories and feelings than they would in a film consisting largely of testimony and simple demonstration.
Different scenes used different methods, but in all of them it was crucial that Anwar and his friends felt a sense of fundamental ownership over the fiction material. The crux of the method is to give performers the maximum amount of freedom to determine as many variables as possible in the production (storyline, casting, costumes, mise-en-scene, improvisation on set). Whenever possible, I let them direct each other, and used my cameras to document their process of creation. My role was primarily that of provocateur, challenging them to remember the events they were performing more deeply, encouraging them to intervene and direct each other when they felt a performance was superficial, and asking questions between takes – both about what actually happened, but also about how they felt at the time, and how they felt as they re-enacted it.
We shot in long takes, so that situations could evolve organically, and with minimal intervention from ourselves. I felt the most significant event unfolding in front of the cameras was the act of transformation itself, particularly because this transformation was usually plagued by conflict, misgivings, and other imperfections that seemed to reveal more about the nature of power, violence, and fantasy than more conventional documentary or investigative methods. For this same reason, we also filmed the pre-production of fiction scenes, including castings, script meetings, and costume fittings. Make-up sessions too were important spaces of reflection and transformation, moments where the characters slip down the rabbit hole of self-invention.
In addition, because we never knew when the characters would refuse to take the process further, or when we might get in trouble with the military, we filmed each scene as though it might be the last, and also everything leading up to them (not only for the reasons above), because often we didn’t know if the dramatization itself would actually happen. We also felt that the stories we were hearing – stories of crimes against humanity never before recorded – were of world historical importance. More than anything else, these are two reasons why this method generated so many hours of footage (indeed, we have created a vast audio-visual archive about the Indonesian massacres. This archive has been the basis of a four-year United Kingdom Arts and Humanities Research Council project called Genocide and Genre).
After almost every dramatization, we would screen the rushes back to them, and record their responses. We wanted to make sure they knew how they appeared on film, and to use the screening to trigger further reflection. Sometimes, screenings provoked feelings of remorse (as when Anwar watches himself play the victim during a film noir scene) but, at other times, as when we screened the re-enactment of the Kampung Kolam massacre to the entire cast, the images were met with terrifying peals of laughter.
Most interestingly, Anwar and his friends discussed, often insightfully, how other people will view the film, both in Indonesia and internationally. For example, Anwar sometimes commented on how survivors might curse him, but that “luckily” the victims haven’t the power to do anything in today’s Indonesia.
The gangster scenes were wholly improvised. The scenarios came from the stories Anwar and his friends had told each other during earlier interviews, and during visits to the office where they killed people. The set was modeled on this interior. For maximum flexibility, our cinematographer lit the space so that Anwar and his friends could move about freely, and we filmed them with two cameras so that they could fluidly move from directing each other to improvised re-enactments to quiet, often riveting reflection after the improvisation was finished.
For instance, Anwar re-enacted how he killed people by placing them on a table and then pulling tight a wire, from underneath the table, to garrote them. The scene exhausted him, physically and emotionally, leaving him full of doubt about the morality of what he did. Immediately after this re-enactment, he launched into a cynical and resigned rant against the growing consensus around human rights violations. Here, reality and its refraction through fiction, Anwar’s memories and his anticipation of their impact internationally, are all overlaid.
The noir scenes were shot over a week, and culminated in an extraordinary improvisation where Anwar played the victim. Anwar’s performance was effective and, transported by the performance, the viewer empathizes with the victim, only to do a double take as they remember that Anwar is not a victim, but the killer.
The large-scale re-enactment of the Kampung Kolam massacre was made using a similar improvisational process, with Anwar and his friends undertaking the direction. What we didn’t expect was a scene of such violence and realism; so much so that it proved genuinely frightening to the participants, all of whom were Anwar’s friends from Pancasila Youth, or their wives and children. After the scene, we filmed participants talking amongst themselves about how the location of our re-enactment was just a few hundred meters from one of North Sumatra’s countless mass graves. The woman we see fainting after the scene felt she had been possessed by a victim’s ghost. The paramilitary members (including Anwar) thought so, too. The violence of the re-enactment conjured the spectres of a deeper violence, the terrifying history of which everybody in Indonesia is somehow aware, and upon which the perpetrators have built their rarefied bubble of air conditioned shopping malls, gated communities, and “very, very limited” crystal figurines.
The process by which we made the musical scenes (the waterfall, the giant concrete goldfish) was slightly different again. But here too Anwar was very much in the driver’s seat: he chose the songs and, along with his friends, devised both scenes. Anwar and his cast were also free to make changes as we went.
In the end, we worked very carefully with the giant goldfish, presenting motifs from a half-forgotten dream. Anwar’s beautiful nightmare? An allegory for his storytelling confection? For his blindness? For the willful blindness by which almost all history is written, and by which, consequently, we inevitably come to know (and fail to know) ourselves? The fish changes throughout the film, but it is always a world of “eye candy”, emptiness and ghosts. If it could be explained adequately in words, we would not need it in the film.
For the scenes written by the newspaper boss Ibrahim Sinik and his staff, Sinik enlisted the help of his friends at state television, TVRI. He borrows the TVRI regional drama studios, and recruits a soap opera crew. In these scenes, our role was largely to document Anwar and his friends as they work with the TV crew, and to catalyze and document debates between fiction set-ups. In our edited scenes, we cut from the documentary cameras to TVRI’s fiction cameras, highlighting the gap between fiction and reality – often to comic effect. But above all, we focused our cameras on moments between takes where they debated the meaning of the scene.
The Televisi Republik Indonesia “Special Dialogue” came into being when the show’s producers realised that feared and respected paramilitary leaders making a film about the genocide was a big story (they came to know about our work because we were using the TVRI studios.) After their grotesque chat show was broadcast, there was no critical response in North Sumatra whatsoever. This is not to say that the show will not be shocking to Indonesians. For reasons discussed in my director’s statement, North Sumatrans are more accustomed than Jakartans, for example, to the boasting of perpetrators (who in Sumatra were recruited from the ranks of gangsters – and the basis of gangsters’ power, after all, lies in being feared).
Moreover, virtually nobody in Medan dares to criticise Pancasila Youth and men like Anwar Congo and Ibrahim Sinik. Ironically, the only significant reaction to the talk show’s broadcast came from the Indonesian Actors’ Union. According to Anwar, a representative of the union visiting family in Medan came to Anwar’s house to ask him if he would consider being president of the North Sumatra branch of the union. According to Anwar, the union was angry that such a large-scale production had occurred in North Sumatra without their knowing about it. Luckily, Anwar had the humility to tell them that he is not an actor, that he was playing himself in scenes made for a documentary, and therefore would decline the offer.
Anwar and his friends knew that their fiction scenes were only being made for our documentary, and this will be clear to the audience, too. But at the same time, if these scenes were to offer genuine insights, it was vital that the filmmaking project was one in which they were deeply invested, and one over which they felt ownership.
The Act of Killing : don’t give an Oscar to this snuff movie | Nick Fraser | Film | The Guardian
►https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2014/feb/23/act-of-killing-dont-give-oscar-snuff-movie-indonesia
It has won over critics but this tasteless film teaches us nothing and merely indulges the unrepentant butchers of Indonesia
The Act of Killing won the documentary prize at the Baftas last week and is the favourite to win the much-coveted Oscar. I watch many documentaries on behalf of the BBC each year and I go to festivals. I’m a doc obsessive. By my own, not quite reliable reckoning, I’ve been asked by fans to show The Act of Killing on the BBC at least five times. I’ve never encountered a film greeted by such extreme responses – both those who say it is among the best films and those who tell me how much they hate it. Much about the film puzzles me. I am still surprised by the fact that so many critics listed it among their favourite films of last year.
For those who haven’t seen the film, it investigates the circumstances in which half-a-million Indonesian leftists were murdered in the 1960s, at the instigation of a government that is still in power. You might think this is a recondite subject, worthy of a late-night screening for insomniacs or atrocity buffs on BBC4, but, no, the film-maker Joshua Oppenheimer has made the subject viewable by enlisting the participation of some of the murderers. He spent some years hanging out with them, to his credit luring them into confessions. But he also, more dubiously, enlisted their help in restaging their killings. Although one of them, the grandfatherly Anwar, shows mild symptoms of distress towards the end of the film, they live in a state of impunity and it is thus, coddled and celebrated in their old age, that we revisit them.
So let me be as upfront as I can. I dislike the aesthetic or moral premise of The Act of Killing. I find myself deeply opposed to the film. Getting killers to script and restage their murders for the benefit of a cinema or television audience seems a bad idea for a number of reasons. I find the scenes where the killers are encouraged to retell their exploits, often with lip-smacking expressions of satisfaction, upsetting not because they reveal so much, as many allege, but because they tell us so little of importance. Of course murderers, flattered in their impunity, will behave vilely. Of course they will reliably supply enlightened folk with a degraded vision of humanity. But, sorry, I don’t feel we want to be doing this. It feels wrong and it certainly looks wrong to me. Something has gone missing here. How badly do we want to hear from these people, after all? Wouldn’t it be better if we were told something about the individuals whose lives they took?
I’d feel the same if film-makers had gone to rural Argentina in the 1950s, rounding up a bunch of ageing Nazis and getting them to make a film entitled “We Love Killing Jews”. Think of other half-covered-up atrocities – in Bosnia, Rwanda, South Africa, Israel, any place you like with secrets – and imagine similar films had been made. Consider your response – and now consider whether such goings-on in Indonesia are not acceptable merely because the place is so far away, and so little known or talked about that the cruelty of such an act can pass uncriticised.
The film does not in any recognisable sense enhance our knowledge of the 1960s Indonesian killings, and its real merits – the curiosity when it comes to uncovering the Indonesian cult of anticommunism capable of masking atrocity, and the good and shocking scenes with characters from the Indonesian elite, still whitewashing the past – are obscured by tasteless devices. At the risk of being labelled a contemporary prude or dismissed as a stuffy upholder of middle-class taste, I feel that no one should be asked to sit through repeated demonstrations of the art of garrotting. Instead of an investigation, or indeed a genuine recreation, we’ve ended somewhere else – in a high-minded snuff movie.
What I like most about documentary film is that anything can be made to work, given a chance. You can mix up fact and fiction, past and present. You can add to cold objectivity a degree of empathy. You will, of course, lie to reluctant or recalcitrant participants, in particular when they wish not to divulge important pieces of information. And trickery has its place, too. But documentary films have emerged from the not inconsiderable belief that it’s good to be literal as well as truthful. In a makeshift, fallible way, they tell us what the world is really like. Documentaries are the art of the journeyman. They can be undone by too much ambition. Too much ingenious construction and they cease to represent the world, becoming reflected images of their own excessively stated pretensions.
In his bizarrely eulogistic piece defending The Act of Killing (of which he is an executive producer), Errol Morris, the documentary maker, compares the film to Hamlet’s inspired use of theatre to reveal dirty deeds at the court of Denmark. But Hamlet doesn’t really believe that theatrical gestures can stand in for reality. Nor, we must assume, did his creator. A more apt analogy than Morris’s might come from Shakespeare’s darkest play, Macbeth. What would we think if Macbeth and his scheming wife were written out of the action, replaced by those low-level thugs paid to do bad business on their behalf? We might conclude that putting them centre stage, in the style of The Act of Killing, was indeed perverse and we’d be right.
There are still half-forgotten, heavily whitewashed atrocities from the last century, such as the Bengali famine allowed to occur during the second world war through the culpably racist inattention of British officials; the never wholly cleared-up question of Franco’s mass killings; or the death of so many millions in the 1950s as a consequence of Mao’s catastrophic utopianism. Those wondering how to record such events will no doubt watch The Act of Killing, but I hope they will also look at less hyped, more modestly conceived depictions of mass murder. In Enemies of the People (2010), the Cambodian journalist Thet Sambath goes after the murderers of the Khmer Rouge. He finds Pol Pot’s sidekick, but it is the earnest, touching quest of Sambath himself that lingers in the mind, rather than the empty encounters with evil-doers. Atrocity is both banal and ultimately impossible to comprehend.
Writing in 1944, Arthur Koestler was among the first to gain knowledge of the slaughter of eastern European Jews and he estimated that the effect of such revelations was strictly limited, lasting only minutes or days and swiftly overcome by indifference. Koestler suggested that there was only one way we could respond to the double atrocity of mass murder and contemporary indifference and that was by screaming.
I’m grateful to The Act of Killing not because it’s a good film, or because it deserves to win its Oscar (I don’t think it does), but because it reminds me of the truth of Koestler’s observation. What’s not to scream about?
Nick Fraser is editor of the BBC’s Storyville documentary series
]]>La prohibition, au cœur de la diffusion des #drogues ? Marchés de l’héroïne à Paris dans les années 1968-2000
▻http://www.vacarme.org/article3126.html
Tour à tour invisible et visible, oscillant entre espaces privés et espaces publics, le commerce des drogues n’est pas un marché souterrain et clos sur lui-même, dès lors qu’on veut bien le mettre en perspective avec les mutations sociales, économiques et politiques de l’espace urbain. Mettre en lumière les itinéraires et les réseaux complexes et mouvants du marché parisien, de 1968 à nos jours, permet d’en saisir les jeux de sociabilités, autant que de mettre en évidence les effets de répression, de ghettoïsation et de marginalisation urbaines des politiques d’invisibilisation des drogues adoptées depuis les années 1970.
]]>LesInrocks - Addiction aux opioïdes : la photographe Nan Goldin s’attaque à l’industrie pharmaceutique américaine
▻http://www.lesinrocks.com/2018/01/09/style/addiction-aux-opioides-la-photographe-nan-goldin-sattaque-lindustrie-pha
Elle a photographié toutes les addictions dans les années 80 en s’immisçant dans l’intimité de ses amis. Aujourd’hui, après plusieurs années de lutte contre les opioïdes, Nan Goldin s’exprime en texte et en images contre l’industrie pharmaceutique qui délivre sciemment ces drogues.
Photographe phare des années 80, Nan Goldin a mis en images toutes les souffrances de sa génération : les drogues, le sida, l’amour, autant de sujets qui tenaient au corps de l’époque et ont marqué au fer rouge les esprits des jeunes de ces années-là. Toutefois, les démons toxiques n’ont pas épargné la photographe, qui partage aujourd’hui dans les pages d’ArtForum son combat de vingt ans contre les opioïdes, accompagné d’une série photographique. Ces puissants anti-douleur connus sous le nom d’OxyContin lui ont été prescrits à Berlin après une opération, raconte-elle dans son essai, aussi publié sur son compte Instagram.
L’addiction était née “en une nuit”, explique-t-elle. “C’était la drogue la plus propre que j’ai connue. Au début, 40 mg étaient trop forts, mais au fil de l’habitude aucune dose n’était suffisante. Je tenais les chose sous contrôle dans un premier temps. Puis c’est devenu de plus en plus le bordel. J’ai travaillé dans le médical pour obtenir des prescriptions.”
L’industrie pharmaceutique dans le radar
Outre les déboires de santé, de finances et dans sa vie personnelle, c’est la perversité de l’industrie pharmaceutique et notamment de la famille Sackler que Nan Goldin tacle dans son texte. Son travail photographique, accompagné de l’article relayé par ArtForum, porte le nom de Sackler/PAIN. “PAIN” signifie “douleur” en anglais, mais s’avère être également l’acronyme de Prescription Addiction Intervention Now, soit “intervention contre l’addiction aux prescriptions maintenant”, un groupe contre l’addiction à l’OxyContin, qui s’obtient uniquement sur ordonnance... ou par des circuits aléatoires et douteux que Nan Goldin explique avoir employés pour se procurer ses doses à la fin de son addiction.
Pour venir à bout de ces drogues prescrites comme médicaments, elle s’attaque à leur fabricant, la famille Sackler qui détient Perdue Pharma, l’entreprise qui a fait fortune grâce aux opioïdes. Pour appuyer son appel à l’aide, la photographe annonce des chiffres à glacer le sang : aux Etats-Unis en 2015, on a recensé 33 000 morts par overdose d’opioïdes dont la moitié étaient des patients avec ordonnance. De même, toujours selon elle, 80 % des addicts à l’héroïne ont commencé leur addiction par une prescription d’opioïde.
Sackler/PAIN, se battre
Une Nan Goldin visiblement larguée, le regard dans le vide qui tente de regarder l’objectif. La première photographie de la série Sackler/PAIN parle à celui qui la regarde, prévient et démontre par l’image des dommages que causent les opioïdes. Derrière ce texte et cette image, la volonté d’une bataille contre la famille Sackler – par ailleurs de grands mécène de l’art aux Etats-Unis – pour faire cesser une épidémie mortelle que Goldin compare à l’hécatombe causée par le VIH : “La plupart de ma communauté est morte du VIH. Je ne supporterai pas de voir une autre génération disparaître. Les Sackler ont fait leur fortune en promouvant l’addiction. (…) Ils ont fait de la publicité et distribué leur médicament en pleine connaissance de ses dangers. Les Sackler et leur entreprise privée, Purdue Pharma, ont construit un empire sur la vie de milliers de gens.”
A ce jour, la famille Sackler n’a toujours pas communiqué à propos de l’action de Nan Goldin ou de ses groupes PAIN. Les images à retrouver ici.
]]>BAC de Lille. Deux morts. Deux jeunes fauchés par un TER à Lille : les parents vont porter plainte
▻https://blogs.mediapart.fr/ibanez-martinez-amparo/blog/191217/deux-morts-deux-jeunes-fauches-par-un-ter-lille-les-parents-vont-por
Témoignage d’un survivant (vidéo FR3)
▻https://seenthis.net/sites/1325604
2 morts qui cherchaient à échapper à la police, et la Voix du Nord.
Lille Insurgée - [RÉPONSE VOIX DU NORD] [POST TRÈS LONG]... | Facebook
▻https://www.facebook.com/LilleInsurg/posts/520643498313543
[RÉPONSE VOIX DU NORD] [POST TRÈS LONG]
#JusticePourSelomEtMatisse
Nous avions posté ceci (voir photo 1) sous le dernier article de la voix du nord concernant le décès de Selom et Matisse, fauchés par un TER, Vendredi dernier après avoir fuit un contrôle de police.
Ils nous ont répondu en commentaire de l’article. (voir photo 2)
Nous allons faire un peu de pédagogie.
« Nous souhaitons répondre ici à certains commentaires, notamment celui de Lille Insurgée. Le tragique accident dont ont été victimes deux jeunes lillois a eu lieu dans la nuit de vendredi à samedi. »
La mort de Selom et Matisse n’est pas qu’un « tragique accident ». C’est le résultat d’une politique menée de concert par la mairie et la préfecture. Les mêmes causes produisant les mêmes effets, si les décideurs s’obstinent, nous verrons d’autres « tragiques accidents ». En effet, Fives est un quartier populaire à deux pas d’une gare TGV. Il aiguise donc l’appétit des promoteurs immobiliers et des politiciens adeptes de la rénovation urbaine comme réponse aux problèmes sociaux. Il s’agit pour eux de transformer ce quartier en annexe du centre-ville et donc d’en virer les indésirables.
Des habitants, « honnêtes citoyens » autoproclamés, mènent une campagne active sur les réseaux sociaux, à coup de pétitions et de tweets rageurs, réclamant une action ferme des pouvoirs publics vis-à-vis des jeunes qui foutent le bordel. Oui, il y a du deal, il y a des rodéos. S’en étonner ? Bonne blague. Ce quartier ouvrier construit autour de l’usine Five Caille s’est fait laminer par 40 ans de crise.
La mairie, cédant à la démagogie électorale habituelle, a répondu aux revendications de ces honnêtes gens et a obtenu un quadrillage du quartier par la police, comme à Moulin. Celle-ci patrouille sans cesse et fait preuve de son habituel manque de retenue. Résultat : des jeunes flippent. Voilà le contexte local. Celui-ci prend place dans un contexte national de violences policières qui se généralisent (Adama, Théo, Curtis, Yassine, Angelo.... la liste est longue), sans parler de la répression, devenue systématique, des mouvements sociaux et de l’état d’urgence permanent (Loi antiterroriste). Lire à ce sujet le rapport d’Amnesty International.
« Dès vendredi sur le net et samedi dans le journal, nous avons relaté les faits en émettant l’hypothèse d’un raccourci donnée au secours par l’un des blessés. »
Au début, la VdN n’a émis qu’une seule hypothèse alors qu’il y en avait deux. Samedi déjà à Fives, des « rumeurs » couraient concernant une potentielle mise en cause de la police dans l’accident. La VdN s’est bien gardée d’évoquer les raisons des « incidents » de Caulier, faisant passer tranquillement les brûleurs de voitures pour une bande de barbares inconséquents.
De plus l’hypothèse du « raccourci », validée par la police, la préfecture puis le parquet, s’est rapidement révélée bancale. Un point important. L’argumentation de la VdN repose sur le soit-disant témoignage qu’un blessé aurait fait aux secours, en l’occurrence, des CRS et des agents de sécurité de la SNCF.
Mise en situation : Vous vous mettez à la place de la victime. Vous fumez un joint avec des potes (ouloulou). La police arrive. Vous flippez. Vous cherchez à fuir. Vous avez un accident. Vous perdez deux amis. Vous êtes blessés. Que dites vous aux CRS ? Vous trouvez une excuse du type « raccourci », ou vous leurs dites que vous avez fui leurs collègues ?
Sans parler d’une autre possibilité. Il n’est pas dit que les policiers n’aient pas tout simplement menti pour protéger leurs collègues. Il est sur que pour la VdN la possibilité que des forces de l’ordre mentent est inenvisageable, cependant, ne leur en déplaise, c’est déjà arrivé. Leurs victimes font souvent des attaques cardiaques, voire ont une maladie grave qu’ils ignoraient. #AdamaOnOubliePas
« Nos journalistes ont tenté de vérifier ces rumeurs sans parvenir à les étayer. »
Les journalistes de la VdN auraient alors tenté de vérifier ces rumeurs sans parvenir à les étayer ? Ont-ils mis les pieds à Fives sans escorte policière ? Parlé aux jeunes du quartier ? Dès le samedi ? Car toutes les personnes au courant de l’affaire étaient unanimes sur la version des faits.
"Samedi sur le net et dimanche dans le journal, nous avons néanmoins fait part de nos doutes en parlant de « l’étonnante explication du raccourci ».
Leur scepticisme les honore. Mais pourtant quelques heures plus tard, la VdN relaie, sans la nuancer, la parole du procureur qui confirme la thèse du raccourci et balaie les « rumeurs » et autres « spéculations » des « pourfendeurs de la police » et des « médias libres » avec des guillemets.
Au lieu de dire dans l’un de leurs articles sur le sujet « Des violences ont eu lieu suite à des rumeurs », il aurait pu être intéressant, par déontologie, de développer quelles étaient ces rumeurs. Dire, par exemple, qu’elles mettent en cause la police. Mais non. La VdN a préféré les contre-vérités officielles à une vérité de la rue. Pas très étonnant.
"Le témoin dont parle « Lille insurgée » (votre vidéo) témoigne le visage masqué, sa voix semble déformée.Son témoignage est peut-être digne de foi mais comme nous ne l’avons pas rencontré nous-mêmes, nous ne pouvons pas en être sûrs."
En réalité, ce n’est pas très difficile de discuter avec des gens à Fives. De plus, ce n’est pas notre vidéo, mais celle d’un média indépendant, Legacy News. Pour l’anonymat et la voix transformée, il faudra s’adresser à eux. Nous l’avons juste relayé. Mais bon, on est a pas une approximation près. Passons.
« Tout en donnant la version officielle nous avons pourtant continué notre enquête qui nous a menée jusqu’à Aurélien dont nous avons publié le témoignage sur notre site ce lundi et dans le journal le mardi. »
LOL. Prix Pulitzer... Ils ont envoyé un gratte-papier au rassemblement de solidarité. Ca va ? Pas trop dure à trouver ? C’était un peu risqué, chapeau. Quelle enquête. Vous avez trouvez l’info sur notre page ?
Après avoir écrit 4 articles mettant en avant la version policière des faits, l’opinion publique reste sur les premières versions. Il n’y a qu’à lire la multitude de commentaires, en mode « ils l’ont bien cherché », sous les articles. De plus le témoignage d’Aurélien, dans la version papier, n’occupe qu’une petite place en bas de page au fond du journal. Résultat : la foule des lecteurs de faits divers ne retient que les gros titres et l’hypothèse officielle. Bien joué.
« Il s’agissait d’un témoignage important pour nous car le jeune homme était sur les lieux. Son témoignage nous paraissant probant et étant recoupé par d’autres sources, nous l’avons donc publié sans problème. »
Il manquerait plus qu’ils ne l’aient pas publié. Après la merde publiée avant, il faut bien sauver les meubles et revoir la copie. D’ailleurs l’ensemble des articles produits ne sont plus accessibles et chaque lien ramène vers une « chronologie d’un drame en quatre jours » bien expurgée. Heureusement que France 3 a pris le temps de l’interviewer sérieusement. Pour le coup, c’était plutôt un bon boulot de journaliste.
« La vérité se construit dans la durée. Tant qu’un journaliste ne détient pas de preuves ou/et de certitudes, il ne peut publier que des hypothèses, ce que nous avons fait avant de pouvoir aller plus loin. »
Attention instant philo... La vérité ? Manifestement, d’après la VdN, ce sont les journalistes qui produisent la vérité au fil de leurs articles. Drôle d’approche constructiviste de la vérité. Désolé mais la vérité existe avant qu’ils impriment leur papier. Et en l’occurence, la VdN s’est bien assise dessus avant de se retrouver le nez dans son caca. D’ailleurs en l’absence de preuves ou/et de certitudes, ils n’ont publié qu’une seule hypothèse. Devinez laquelle ?
« Il n’en reste pas moins qu’il reste encore une part de mystère sur ces faits. Le principal témoin explique que les jeunes ont repéré des policiers et que pour, les éviter, ils ont donc décidé de prendre ce chemin. Mais il ne parle nullement de course-poursuite, ce qui semblerait accréditer les explications des policiers en patrouille dans le quartier ce soir-là, qui disent ne pas avoir vu les jeunes. »
Mystère ! Suspens ! Il n’en reste pas moins que ça va être la même histoire que d’hab’. Les flics vont s’en tirer à bon compte. S’il y a un procès, ils seront blanchis. La politique de quadrillage des quartiers, la guerre contre les classes populaires vont continuer à faire des morts que seules leurs familles, leurs proches et quelques « pourfendeurs de la police » pleureront. Et les jeunes continueront de flipper car ce ne sont pas, dans leur grande majorité, des apprentis Scarface imperméables à la peur.
Oui il n’y a peut-être eu que quatre jeunes ayant eu peur des flics qui ont cherché à fuir par le mauvais chemin. Mais cette sale histoire ne tombe pas du ciel. Aujourd’hui, dans cette situation, voilà ce qu’il se passe dans la tête d’un jeune de quartier populaire. Soit, je prends la fuite en prenant un risque inconsidéré, soit je me frotte aux équipes de choc de la police républicaine. Résultat : je fuis. Cela ne vous rappelle rien ? 2005 Zyed et Bouna...
Dur à capter pour des journalistes faitdiversiers qui passent leur temps à pomper les infos des autorités pour remplir leur journal de faits-divers anxiogènes. Mais la VdN appartient au groupe Rossel qui n’a jamais fait preuve de modération en la matière. Ni en matière de plans sociaux, hein ?
Une petite morale ? Que la VdN cherche à se justifier et à répondre à nos accusations montre bien qu’ils ne sont pas clairs sur le traitement de ce « fait-divers ». C’est en soi un aveux. Aveux renforcé par une tentative maladroite de cacher la poussière sous le tapis en rendant inaccessibles leurs articles précédents. Ils ont assuré, une fois de plus, le service de com’ de la police et de la préf’. Rien de très étonnant pour un canard aussi boiteux, au service de la notabilité locale. Ils peuvent se donner des airs de philosophes spécialistes en déontologie journalistique. Il n’y aura que les naïfs pour leur donner du crédit. La question que nous leur posons : l’avez vous fait de bonne foi ? Auquel cas vous êtes des imbéciles. L’avez vous fait délibérément ? Auquel cas vous êtes des ordures. L’un n’excluant pas l’autre, par ailleurs...
Et au passage, ils nous ont banni de leur Page...
Depuis quelques semaines, les effets mortels de l’#impunité_policière sont si nombreux que je ne suis pas en mesure de faire le point.
Justifier les morts, a priori (cf le JDD et son article policier contre la ZAD), et a postériori (cf Rémi Fraisse).
#police #hécatomberampante #media #rememberZyedetBouna
Depuis 2014, plus de 10 000 personnes en #migration ont perdu la vie en #Méditerranée. Ces morts font la une de l’actualité, mais les approches émotionnelles ou sécuritaires ne suffisent pas à rendre compte de cette #hécatombe suscitée par les
#politiques_européennes de renforcement des contrôles aux #frontières. Elles contribuent à alimenter le fantasme de « l’invasion ».
Dans cet espace méditerranéen où se croisent bateaux de pêche et de marine marchande battant pavillons de tous les pays du monde, bâtiments et appareils des garde-côtes, des services douaniers, des armées des différents pays du pourtour méditerranéen ou encore de #Frontex (l’agence de contrôle des frontières extérieures de l’Union européenne), les responsabilités sont diffuses : qui doit intervenir, dans quelle situation et comment ?
D’autres espaces maritimes européens, souvent méconnus, sont aussi le théâtre de situations dramatiques. Au large du département français de #Mayotte, selon les autorités comoriennes, en 20 ans, au moins 12 000 personnes sont mortes.
#Hécatombe d’espèces marines dans un #Chili aux eaux plus chaudes
▻http://information.tv5monde.com/en-continu/hecatombe-d-especes-marines-dans-un-chili-aux-eaux-plus-chaude
Pour les scientifiques, derrière la majorité de ces épisodes étranges se trouve le phénomène météorologique #El_Niño, qui touche l’Amérique latine depuis environ un an.
Il provoque un réchauffement des eaux de l’océan Pacifique, propice à la prolifération d’#algues consommant l’oxygène des poissons ou entraînant une forte concentration en #toxines comme dans le cas de la marée rouge.
Le #Chili, avec ses plus de 4.000 kilomètres de côtes, a l’habitude d’être confronté à El Niño, qui survient tous les quatre à sept ans en moyenne, mais cette fois le phénomène est plus violent.
« Nous supposons qu’un facteur commun à tous ces cas de mortalité survenus tant chez les saumons d’élevage dans le sud du Chili que chez les poissons des côtes (les sardines principalement) est l’actuel phénomène d’El Niño, l’un des plus intenses de ces 65 dernières années », a indiqué à l’AFP un panel d’experts de l’Institut de la pêche du Chili (Ifop).
« L’océan chilien est bousculé et changeant, il y a eu une série d’événements montrant la présence d’un +Niño+ aux manifestations assez diverses », renchérit Sergio Palma, docteur en océanographie de l’Université catholique de Valparaiso.
Mais les scientifiques citent aussi d’autres facteurs.
Laura Farias, océanographe de l’Université de Concepcion, soupçonne l’essor de la #pêche d’avoir entraîné les morts de saumons et coquillages.
« Il y a des études qui indiquent qu’en #Patagonie, la plus forte fréquence de +bloom+ (prolifération d’algues, ndlr) toxique pourrait être une conséquence de l’#aquaculture », explique-t-elle, assurant qu’"il n’y a pas de phénomène écologique, océanographie ou climatique" reliant tous ces incidents.
Alors que El Niño semble perdre en intensité, permettant aux eaux chiliennes de retrouver peu à peu leur température normale, le pays se rend compte qu’il doit mieux étudier son #océan à l’avenir.
« Le Chili manque encore d’information sur la #mer », souligne Valesca Montes, spécialiste de la pêche au sein de l’organisation WWF Chili.
Selon elle, « il faut investir dans l’information océanographique, afin d’être capables de prédire certains événements » et mieux se préparer aux effets du changement climatique.
]]>#Hécatombe de poissons dans la baie de #Rio à l’approche des #JO 2016 | Mr Mondialisation
▻https://mrmondialisation.org/hecatombe-de-poissons-dans-la-baie-de-rio-a-lapproche-des-jo-2016
Un peu de baume au coeur dans cette folie : les chanteurs de Brassens relaxés au tribunal ►http://www.lesinrocks.com/actualite/actu-article/t/74119/date/2011-12-13/article/brassens-hecatombe-prefecture-proces
►http://www.medias-inrocks.com/uploads/tx_inrocksttnews/chorale.jpg
#Brassens #hécatombe #petits_chanteurs_à_la_gueule_de_bois