• Hondurans repatriated to hopelessness

    Over 67,000 displaced Hondurans who tried to escape violence and poverty have been sent back from US and Mexico so far this year. Many become displaced again in Honduras as they cannot return to their homes.


    #Honduras #migrerrance #renvois #push-back #refoulement #frontières #asile #migrations #réfugiés #frontières #USA #Etats-Unis #limbe

  • The Plunder Continues « LRB blog

    In her new book, The Long Honduran Night, Dana Frank asks whether #Honduras should now be called a ‘failed state’. She argues that it shouldn’t, as it works perfectly for those who control it: landowners, drug traffickers, oligarchs and transnational corporations, the US-funded military and corrupt public officials. The Trump administration has seen Hernández as an ally in their project of restoring US influence in Latin America, promoting transnational capitalism and widening the reach of the US military.


  • Why the Migrant Caravan Story Is a Climate Change Story

    Drought, crop failure, storms, and land disputes pit the rich against the poor, and Central America is ground zero for climate change.

    #asile #migrations #réfugiés #réfugiés_environnementaux #Amériques #caravane #Mexique #Amérique_centrale #Amérique_latine #réfugiés_climatiques #climat #changement_climatique #Honduras

    Countries, like the U.S., that have emitted the most CO2 are fortifying their borders against people from countries who have emitted the least.


  • Palm Oil and Extreme Violence in Honduras : The Inexorable Rise and Dubious Reform of #Grupo_Dinant

    A case in point is Grupo Dinant, a Honduran palm oil company that declared last month that it has been awarded international environmental certifications for its achievements in environmental management and occupational health and safety. Dinant has also been making overtures toward joining the Roundtable on Sustainable Palm Oil (RSPO), including hosting the RSPO’s 4th Latin American conference in Honduras in 2013. But, Dinant, which produces about 60 percent of the palm oil in Honduras, is at the center of what has been called “the most serious situation in terms of violence against peasants in Central America in the last 15 years.”


    #huile_de_palme #violence #Honduras

  • Honduras : pourquoi une « caravane » de migrants fait route vers les Etats-Unis

    Le président de la République, Juan Orlando Hernandez, a été élu en 2013

    Exit le coup d’état préalable contre Zelaya et les conditions de l’election de 2013.

    Le difficile périple des enfants de la caravane des migrants

    Leurs parents veulent leur offrir un avenir loin de la #pauvreté et de la #violence des gangs qui sévissent au #Honduras, mais pour les centaines d’enfants de la caravane de migrants, le périple jusqu’aux #Etats-Unis est particulièrement épuisant et risqué.

    Sur les cinq derniers jours seulement, depuis que des milliers de migrants ont passé la frontière entre le Guatemala et le Mexique, ces enfants ont été exposés aux dangers d’une bousculade et de la traversée d’un fleuve, et à une chaleur accablante.

  • La caravana migrante, desde dentro | Internacional | EL PAÍS

    “Con todo y los sacrificios, para mí la caravana es una experiencia bonita, ¿sabes por qué”, pregunta sonriente Castillo, que fue deportada hace tres meses en Arriaga, 275 kilómetros al norte de la
    frontera entre México y Guatemala, y desde hace una semana intenta llegar otra vez a Estados Unidos. “Porque puedo ser solidaria con mi gente, eso es lo que más me gusta”, dice la migrante de San Pedro Sula, antes de resguardarse de la lluvia que arrecia Tapachula debajo de un pequeño trozo de lona. Mañana salen otra vez.

    Quelques témoignages de l’intérieur.

    #caravane #migrants

  • Words matter. Is it @AP style to call migrants an “army”—above a photo of mothers tending to their infants and toddlers, no less? This is not only incorrect, but it enables a racist narrative sold by this @POTUS and his supporters. Armies invade. These people are running away.

    #armée #terminologie #préjugés #invasion #afflux #mots #vocabulaire #migrations #réfugiés #médias #journalisme #presse

    • #Polly_Pallister-Wilkins sur la marche de migrants qui a lieu en Amérique centrale...

      Dear media reporting on the Central American migrant caravan, can you please be attentive to how you talk about it? 1/n
      People are walking, walking not pouring, flowing, or streaming. Walking. They are walking along roads, they will be tired, hungry, their feet will hurt, they will have blisters and sore joints. They are not a natural liquid phenomenon governed by the force of gravity. 2/n
      Their walking is conditioned by the infrastructures they move along like roads, the physical geographies they traverse like hills and rivers and the human controls they encounter like border controls and police checkpoints. 3/n
      All of these things are risky, they make the walk, the journey more difficult and dangerous, esepcially the police checkpoints and the border controls. These risks are the reason they are travelling as a caravan, as a large group attempting to minimise the risks of controls 4/n
      And the risks from gangs and criminals that migrants on their journeys routinely face. Their journey is a deeply embodied one, and one that is deeply conditioned both by the violence they are leaving and the violence of the journey itself. 5/n
      So media please try and reflect this in your storytelling. These people are not a river obeying gravity. They have made an active yet conditioned choice to move. When they encounter a block in their path this can be deadly. It can detain, deport, injure, rape, or kill. 6/n
      And these blockages are not boulders in a riverbed around which the river flows. These blockages, these #checkpoints, border controls or police patrols are human blockages, they are not natural. So please try and reflect the political structures of this journey. Please. End/
      Addendum: there is a long history of caravans as a form political resistance in Central America.

      #marche #migrations #Honduras #Amérique_centrale #mots #vocabulaire #terminologie #média #journalisme #presse #caravane #métaphores_liquides #risque #gravité #mouvement #contrôles_frontaliers #blocages #barrières #résistance #Mexique

    • Migrants travel in groups for a simple reason: safety

      A caravan of Central American migrants traveling to through Mexico to the United States to seek asylum is about halfway through its journey.

      The caravan began on Oct. 13 in Honduras with 200 people. As it has moved through Honduras, Guatemala and now Mexico, its ranks have grown to over 7,000, according to an estimate by the International Organization of Migration.

      The migrants have been joined by representatives from humanitarian organizations like the Mexican Red Cross providing medical assistance and human rights groups that monitor the situation.

      Journalists are there, too, and their reporting has caught the attention of President Donald Trump.

      He has claimed that the caravan’s ranks probably hide Middle Eastern terrorists. Trump later acknowledged there is no evidence of this, but conservative media outlets have nevertheless spread the message.

      It is reasonable for Americans to have security concerns about immigration. But as a scholar of forced migration, I believe it’s also important to consider why migrants travel in groups: their own safety.
      Safety in numbers

      The Central Americans in the caravan, like hundreds of thousands of people who flee the region each year, are escaping extreme violence, lack of economic opportunity and growing environmental problems, including drought and floods, back home.

      Guatemala, Honduras and Mexico have some of the world’s highest murder rates. According to Doctors Without Borders, which provides medical care in crisis zones, 68 percent of the migrants and refugees it surveyed in Mexico had experienced violence. Nearly one-third of women were sexually abused.

      Whether crossing Central America, the Sahara desert or the mountains of Afghanistan, migrants are regularly extorted by criminals, militias and corrupt immigration officials who know migrants make easy targets: They carry cash but not weapons.

      Large groups increase migrants’ chance of safe passage, and they provide some sense of community and solidarity on the journey, as migrants themselves report.
      Publicizing the dangers they flee

      Large groups of migrants also attract media coverage. As journalists write about why people are on the move, they shed light on Central America’s many troubles.

      Yet headlines about huge migrant caravans may misrepresent trends at the U.S.-Mexico border, where migration is actually decreasing.

      While the number of Central American families and children seeking asylum in the U.S. has increased in the past two years, Mexican economic migrants are crossing the border at historically low levels.

      And while most migrant caravan members hope to seek asylum in the U.S., recent history shows many will stay in Mexico.

      In response to Trump’s immigration crackdown, Mexican president-elect Andrés Manuel López Obrador has promised to welcome Central American refugees — and try to keep them safe.



    • Trump’s Caravan Hysteria Led to This

      The president and his supporters insisted that several thousand Honduran migrants were a looming menace—and the Pittsburgh gunman took that seriously.

      On Tuesday, October 16, President Donald Trump started tweeting.

      “The United States has strongly informed the President of Honduras that if the large Caravan of people heading to the U.S. is not stopped and brought back to Honduras, no more money or aid will be given to Honduras, effective immediately!”

      “We have today informed the countries of Honduras, Guatemala and El Salvador that if they allow their citizens, or others, to journey through their borders and up to the United States, with the intention of entering our country illegally, all payments made to them will STOP (END)!”

      Vice President Mike Pence also tweeted:

      “Spoke to President Hernandez of Honduras about the migrant caravan heading to the U.S. Delivered strong message from @POTUS: no more aid if caravan is not stopped. Told him U.S. will not tolerate this blatant disregard for our border & sovereignty.”

      The apparent impetus for this outrage was a segment on Fox News that morning that detailed a migrant caravan thousands of miles away in Honduras. The caravan, which began sometime in mid-October, is made up of refugees fleeing violence in their home country. Over the next few weeks, Trump did his best to turn the caravan into a national emergency. Trump falsely told his supporters that there were “criminals and unknown Middle Easterners” in the caravan, a claim that had no basis in fact and that was meant to imply that terrorists were hiding in the caravan—one falsehood placed on another. Defense Secretary James Mattis ordered more troops to the border. A Fox News host took it upon herself to ask Homeland Security Secretary Kirstjen Nielsen whether there was “any scenario under which if people force their way across the border they could be shot at,” to which Nielsen responded, “We do not have any intention right now to shoot at people.”

      Pence told Fox News on Friday, “What the president of Honduras told me is that the caravan was organized by leftist organizations, political activists within Honduras, and he said it was being funded by outside groups, and even from Venezuela … So the American people, I think, see through this—they understand this is not a spontaneous caravan of vulnerable people.”

      The Department of Homeland Security’s Twitter account “confirmed” that within the caravan are people who are “gang members or have significant criminal histories,” without offering evidence of any such ties. Trump sought to blame the opposition party for the caravan’s existence. “Every time you see a Caravan, or people illegally coming, or attempting to come, into our Country illegally, think of and blame the Democrats for not giving us the votes to change our pathetic Immigration Laws!” Trump tweeted on October 22. “Remember the Midterms! So unfair to those who come in legally.”

      In the right-wing fever swamps, where the president’s every word is worshipped, commenters began amplifying Trump’s exhortations with new details. Representative Matt Gaetz of Florida wondered whether George Soros—the wealthy Jewish philanthropist whom Trump and several members of the U.S. Senate blamed for the protests against Supreme Court Justice Brett Kavanaugh, and who was recently targeted with a bomb—was behind the migrant caravan. NRATV, the propaganda organ of the National Rifle Association, linked two Republican obsessions, voter fraud and immigration. Chuck Holton told NRATV’s viewers that Soros was sending the caravan to the United States so the migrants could vote: “It’s telling that a bevy of left-wing groups are partnering with a Hungarian-born billionaire and the Venezuelan government to try to influence the 2018 midterms by sending Honduran migrants north in the thousands.” On CNN, the conservative commentator Matt Schlapp pointedly asked the anchor Alisyn Camerota, “Who’s paying for the caravan? Alisyn, who’s paying for the caravan?,” before later answering his own question: “Because of the liberal judges and other people that intercede, including George Soros, we have too much chaos at our southern border.” On Laura Ingraham’s Fox News show, one guest said, “These individuals are not immigrants—these are people that are invading our country,” as another guest asserted they were seeking “the destruction of American society and culture.”

      Peter Beinart: Trump shut programs to counter violent extremists

      In the meantime, much of the mainstream press abetted Trump’s effort to make the midterm election a referendum on the caravan. Popular news podcasts devoted entire episodes to the caravan. It remained on the front pages of major media websites. It was an overwhelming topic of conversation on cable news, where Trumpists freely spread disinformation about the threat the migrants posed, while news anchors displayed exasperation over their false claims, only to invite them back on the next day’s newscast to do it all over again.

      In reality, the caravan was thousands of miles and weeks away from the U.S. border, shrinking in size, and unlikely to reach the U.S. before the election. If the migrants reach the U.S., they have the right under U.S. law to apply for asylum at a port of entry. If their claims are not accepted, they will be turned away. There is no national emergency; there is no ominous threat. There is only a group of desperate people looking for a better life, who have a right to request asylum in the United States and have no right to stay if their claims are rejected. Trump is reportedly aware that his claims about the caravan are false. An administration official told the Daily Beast simply, “It doesn’t matter if it’s 100 percent accurate … this is the play.” The “play” was to demonize vulnerable people with falsehoods in order to frighten Trump’s base to the polls.

      Nevertheless, some took the claims of the president and his allies seriously. On Saturday morning, Shabbat morning, a gunman walked into the Tree of Life synagogue in Pittsburgh and killed 11 people. The massacre capped off a week of terrorism, in which one man mailed bombs to nearly a dozen Trump critics and another killed two black people in a grocery store after failing to force his way into a black church.

      Before committing the Tree of Life massacre, the shooter, who blamed Jews for the caravan of “invaders” and who raged about it on social media, made it clear that he was furious at HIAS, founded as the Hebrew Immigrant Aid Society, a Jewish group that helps resettle refugees in the United States. He shared posts on Gab, a social-media site popular with the alt-right, expressing alarm at the sight of “massive human caravans of young men from Honduras and El Salvador invading America thru our unsecured southern border.” And then he wrote, “HIAS likes to bring invaders in that kill our people. I can’t sit by and watch my people get slaughtered. Screw your optics, I’m going in.”

      The people killed on Saturday were killed for trying to make the world a better place, as their faith exhorts them to do. The history of the Jewish people is one of displacement, statelessness, and persecution. What groups like HIAS do in helping refugees, they do with the knowledge that comes from a history of being the targets of demagogues who persecute minorities in pursuit of power.

      Ordinarily, a politician cannot be held responsible for the actions of a deranged follower. But ordinarily, politicians don’t praise supporters who have mercilessly beaten a Latino man as “very passionate.” Ordinarily, they don’t offer to pay supporters’ legal bills if they assault protesters on the other side. They don’t praise acts of violence against the media. They don’t defend neo-Nazi rioters as “fine people.” They don’t justify sending bombs to their critics by blaming the media for airing criticism. Ordinarily, there is no historic surge in anti-Semitism, much of it targeted at Jewish critics, coinciding with a politician’s rise. And ordinarily, presidents do not blatantly exploit their authority in an effort to terrify white Americans into voting for their party. For the past few decades, most American politicians, Republican and Democrat alike, have been careful not to urge their supporters to take matters into their own hands. Trump did everything he could to fan the flames, and nothing to restrain those who might take him at his word.

      Many of Trump’s defenders argue that his rhetoric is mere shtick—that his attacks, however cruel, aren’t taken 100 percent seriously by his supporters. But to make this argument is to concede that following Trump’s statements to their logical conclusion could lead to violence against his targets, and it is only because most do not take it that way that the political violence committed on Trump’s behalf is as limited as it currently is.

      The Tree of Life shooter criticized Trump for not being racist or anti-Semitic enough. But with respect to the caravan, the shooter merely followed the logic of the president and his allies: He was willing to do whatever was necessary to prevent an “invasion” of Latinos planned by perfidious Jews, a treasonous attempt to seek “the destruction of American society and culture.”

      The apparent spark for the worst anti-Semitic massacre in American history was a racist hoax inflamed by a U.S. president seeking to help his party win a midterm election. There is no political gesture, no public statement, and no alteration in rhetoric or behavior that will change this fact. The shooter might have found a different reason to act on a different day. But he chose to act on Saturday, and he apparently chose to act in response to a political fiction that the president himself chose to spread and that his followers chose to amplify.

      As for those who aided the president in his propaganda campaign, who enabled him to prey on racist fears to fabricate a national emergency, who said to themselves, “This is the play”? Every single one of them bears some responsibility for what followed. Their condemnations of anti-Semitism are meaningless. Their thoughts and prayers are worthless. Their condolences are irrelevant. They can never undo what they have done, and what they have done will never be forgotten.


    • Latin American asylum seekers hit US policy “wall”

      Trump’s new restrictions mean long waits simply to register claims.

      The movement of thousands of Central American asylum seekers and migrants north from Honduras towards the southern border of the United States has precipitated threats from US President Donald Trump – ahead of next week’s midterm elections – to block the group’s entry by deploying troops to the US-Mexican border.

      Under international law the United States is obligated to allow asylum seekers to enter and file claims. However, immigration officials at the country’s southern border have for months been shifting toward legally dubious practices that restrict people’s ability to file asylum claims.

      “Make no mistake, the administration is building a wall – one made of restrictionist policy rather than brick and mortar,” said Jason Boyd, policy counsel at the American Immigration Lawyers Association (AILA).

      As a result, hundreds, possibly thousands, of asylum seekers have been left waiting for extended periods of time on the Mexican side of the border in need of shelter and basic services. Firm numbers for those affected are difficult to come by because no one is counting.

      Some of those turned away explore potentially dangerous alternatives. Aid and advocacy groups as well as the Department of Homeland Security say the wait has likely pushed some to attempt to enter the United States illegally, either with smugglers or on their own via perilous desert routes.

      While some of those in the so-called “migrant caravan” are searching for economic opportunity, others are fleeing gang violence, gender-based violence, political repression or unrest – all increasingly common factors in Central America and Mexico that push people to leave their homes.
      Menacing phone calls

      When people from the migrant caravan reach the southern border of the United States, they may find themselves in a similar position to Dolores Alzuri, 47, from Michoacan, a state in central Mexico.

      In late September, she was camped out with her husband, daughter, granddaughter, and aunt on the Mexican side of the DeConcini port of entry separating the twin cities of Nogales – one in the Mexican state of Sonora, the other in the US state of Arizona.

      Alzuri and her family were waiting for their turn to claim asylum in the United States, with only a police report in hand as proof of the threats they faced back home. Camping beside them on the pedestrian walkway just outside the grated metal door leading to the United States, nine other families waited to do the same.

      Over the preceding month Alzuri had received several menacing phone calls from strangers demanding money. In Michoacan, and many other parts of Mexico where criminal gangs have a strong presence, almost anybody can receive calls like these. You don’t know who’s on the other end of the line, Alzuri explained, but you do know the consequences of not following their orders.

      “If you do not give [money] to them, they kidnap you or they kidnap your family,” Alzuri said. “They destroy you. They kill you. That is why it is so scary to be in this country.”

      Other people she knew had received similar calls. She also knew that those who didn’t pay ended up dead – pictures of their bodies posted on Facebook as a macabre warning of what happens to those who resist.

      Fearing a similar fate, Alzuri packed her bags and her family and travelled north to ask for asylum in the United States. A friend had been granted asylum about nine months ago, and she had seen on television that other people were going, too. It seemed like the only way out.

      “I had a problem,” she said, referring to the phone calls. “They asked us for money, and since we did not give them money, they threatened us.”

      Before leaving her home, Alzuri said she filed a police report. But the authorities didn’t care enough to act on it, she said. “They are not going to risk their life for mine.”
      No way out

      Despite the danger at home, Alzuri and others in similar situations face an increasingly difficult time applying for asylum in the United States. At the Nogales crossing, asylum seekers must now wait up to a month simply to be allowed to set foot inside a border office where they can register their claims, aid workers there say.

      Those waiting are stuck in territory on the Mexican side that is controlled by gangs similar to the ones many are fleeing, though local aid groups have scrambled to find space in shelters, especially for women and children, so people will be safer while they wait.

      The situation hasn’t always been like this.

      In the past, asylum seekers were almost always admitted to register their claims the same day they arrived at the border. Since May, however, there has been a marked slowdown in registration.

      US Custom and Border Protection (CBP), the federal law enforcement agency responsible for screening people as they enter the country, says delays are due to a lack of capacity and space. But asylum advocates say similar numbers have arrived in previous years without causing a delay and the real reason for the slowdown is that CBP has shifted resources away from processing asylum seekers – not just in Nogales but across the southern US border – resulting in people being forced to wait for long periods or turned away altogether.

      This is happening despite the insistence of high-ranking Trump administration officials that asylum seekers present themselves at ports of entry or face criminal prosecution for crossing the border irregularly. Such contradictory policies, asylum advocates argue, are part of a broad-based effort by the Trump administration to dramatically reduce the number of people able to seek protection in the United States.

      “Our legal understanding is that they have the legal obligation to process asylum seekers as they arrive,” said Joanna Williams, director of education and advocacy at the Kino Border Initiative (KBI), a Nogales-based NGO. “There’s no room in the law for what they are doing right now.”
      A system in crisis

      In the past decade, migration across the southern border of the United States has undergone a dramatic change. Every year since the late 1970s US Border Patrol agents apprehended close to a million or more undocumented migrants entering the country. In 2007, that number began to fall, and last year there were just over 310,000 apprehensions – the lowest number since 1971.

      At the same time, the proportion of people entering the United States from the southern border to claim asylum has increased. Ten years ago, one out of every 100 people crossing the border was seeking humanitarian protection, according to a recent report published by the Migration Policy Institute (MPI), a non-partisan think tank in Washington DC. Today that number is about one in three.

      According to Boyd of AILA, the increase is being driven by ongoing humanitarian emergencies in El Salvador, Honduras, and Guatemala, an area of Central America known as the Northern Triangle. These countries have some of the highest homicide rates in the world and are wracked by gang violence, gender-based violence, extortion, and extra-judicial killings. “Many of the individuals and families arriving at the US southern border are literally fleeing for their lives,” said Boyd.

      But the system that is supposed to provide them protection is in crisis. Beginning in 2010 the number of asylum requests lodged in the United States started to balloon, mirroring an upward trend in global displacement. Last year, 79,000 people approached the US border saying they had a credible fear of returning to their home country, compared to 9,000 at the beginning of the decade.

      The increase in credible-fear claims, as well as asylum requests made by people already in the United States, has strained the system to a “crisis point”, according to the MPI report. This has led to a backlog of around 320,000 cases in US immigration courts and people having to wait many months, if not years, to receive a hearing and a decision.

      Senior officials in the Trump administration, including the president, have consistently lumped asylum seekers and economic migrants together, positing that the United States is being “invaded” by a “massive influx of illegal aliens” across the southern border, and that the asylum system is subject to “systematic abuse” by people looking to gain easy entry to the country.

      People working on the ground with asylum seekers refute this. Eduardo Garcia is a communication coordinator at SOA Watch, an organisation that monitors the humanitarian impact of US policy in Latin America. He has spent time in Nogales speaking with people waiting to claim asylum.

      “The stories of many of the people we have talked to… are stories of people fleeing gang violence, are stories of people fleeing because one of their sons was killed, because one of their sons was threatened, because one of their family members [was] raped,” he said. “They have said they cannot go back to their countries. If they are sent back they are going to be killed.”

      Still, the Trump administration’s zero-tolerance policy on immigration – responsible for the recent child-separation crisis – has also included measures that have restricted access to asylum in the United States.

      In May, Attorney General Jeff Sessions announced that the Justice Department would begin criminally prosecuting everyone who irregularly crossed the US southern border, including asylum seekers. In June, that policy was followed by a decision that the United States would no longer consider gang and sexual violence – precisely the reasons so many people flee the Northern Triangle – as legitimate grounds for asylum. Around the same time, CBP appears to have deprioritised the processing of asylum seekers at ports of entry in favour of other responsibilities, leading to the long waits and people being turned away, according to humanitarian workers and a recent report by the DHS’s Office of Inspector General.

      And even as these restrictive policies were being put in place, Trump administration officials have been encouraging asylum seekers to try. “If you’re seeking asylum, go to a port of entry,” Secretary of Homeland Security Kirstjen Nielsen said in an 18 June press conference. “You do not need to break the law of the United States to seek asylum.”

      Nogales, Mexico

      “I came here with the hope that if I asked for asylum I could be in the United States,” said Modesto, a 54-year-old from Chimaltenango, Guatemala. In mid-September he was sitting in a mess hall run a couple hundred meters from the US border run by KBI, which provides humanitarian assistance to migrants and asylum seekers.

      Modesto had already been in Nogales, Sonora for several months. Like Dolores Alzuri, he fled his home because criminal gangs had tried to extort money from him. “I worked a lot and was making a living in my country,” Modesto explained. “The problem in particular with the gangs is that they don’t let you work… If you have money they extort you. If you don’t have money they want to recruit you.” And people who don’t cooperate: “They’re dead,” he added.

      The situation Modesto found when he arrived in Nogales, Sonora was far from what he expected. For starters, there was the long wait at the border. But he also discovered that – as an adult travelling with his 18-year-old son – even once he entered the United States he would likely end up in a detention centre while his case slowly made its way through the overburdened immigration courts – a practice that has also increased under the Trump administration. “I don’t want to cross… and spend a year in prison when my family needs my help,” he said.

      Modesto is in some ways an exception, according to Williams of KBI. Many of the people arriving in Nogales, Sonora are families with children. Once in the United States they will likely be released from immigration detention with ankle monitoring bracelets to track their movements. These people often choose to wait and to claim asylum at the port of entry when there is space.

      After more than 100 people piled up to wait at the border in May, local humanitarian groups set up a system to organise and keep track of whose turn it was to submit an asylum claim to US immigration officials. They also scrambled to find spaces in shelters so people were not sleeping on the walkway over the weeks they needed to wait.

      Now, only people who are likely to enter soon are camped on the walkway. When IRIN visited, about 40 asylum seekers – mostly women and children – sat on one side of the walkway as a steady stream of people heading to the United States filtered by on the other. Some of the asylum seekers were new arrivals waiting to be taken to a shelter, while others had been sleeping there for days on thin mats waiting for their turn. Volunteers handed out clean clothing and served pasta, as a CBP agent opened and closed the metal gate leading to the United States, just a few tantalisingly short feet away.

      The slowdown of processing “leaves people stranded – in really dangerous situations sometimes – on the other side of the border, and completely violates our obligations under both domestic and international law,” said Katharina Obser, a senior policy adviser at the Women’s Refugee Commission, an NGO that advocates for women, children, and youth displaced by conflict and crisis.

      As a result, some people arrive, find out about the wait, and leave. “We’re fairly certain that those are individuals who then end up crossing the border through other means,” Williams said.

      The DHS Office of the Inspector General came to a similar conclusion, finding that the contradiction between Trump administration rhetoric and policy “may have led asylum seekers at ports of entry to attempt illegal border crossings.”

      The situation in Nogales, Sonora is far from isolated, according to Boyd of the AILA. “Recent turnbacks of vulnerable asylum seekers have been documented throughout the US southern border,” he said, including at many ports of entry in Texas and California. In those states, asylum seekers have reported being stopped as they approach the border and told they cannot enter because immigration officials don’t have the capacity to process their claims.

      “Turnbacks form part of a comprehensive set of practices and policies advanced under this administration that appears aimed at shutting out asylum seekers from the United States,” Boyd continued.

      Meanwhile, people like Dolores Alzuri – and most likely some of the thousands of Central Americans who are travelling north from Honduras in the hope of claiming asylum – are left with little choice but to wait. Moving somewhere else in Mexico or returning home is not an option, said Alzuri. “The violence is the same in every state,” she said. And crossing the desert, “that’s a big danger.”

      She and her family don’t have a back-up plan. “Let’s hope that I do get [asylum], because I really do need it,” she said. “You don’t live comfortably in your own country anymore. You live in fear that something will happen to you. You can’t walk around on the streets because you feel that you’re being followed.”

      #USA #Etats-Unis #fermeture_des_frontières #Mexique

      Commentaire Emmanuel Blanchar via la mailing-list Migreurop:

      Un article intéressant car il rappelle opportunément que la « caravane des migrants » en route vers les Etats-Unis est également composée de nombreuses personnes qui souhaiteraient pouvoir déposer des demandes d’asile. Or, si la frontières Mexique-USA est loin d’être encore mûrées, un mur administratif empêche déjà que les demandes d’asile puisse être déposées et traitées dans le respect des droits des requérant.e.s.

      #mur_administratif #asile

    • No es una caravana, es un dolor que camina

      La caravana de migrantes es sólo la primera manifestación pública y masiva de la crisis humanitaria en la que vive la mayoría de la población; negada por el gobierno, por la oligarquía, embajadas, organizaciones de la sociedad civil y por algunas agencias de cooperación que le hacen comparsa a la dictadura.

      Esta crisis humanitaria es provocada por el modelo económico neoliberal impuesto a sangre y fuego, que sólo pobreza y violencia ha llevado a las comunidades, que ante la ausencia de oportunidades y ante el acoso de los grupos criminales no tienen otra alternativa que la peligrosa e incierta ruta migratoria; prefieren morir en el camino que en sus barrios y colonias.

      El infierno en que se ha convertido Honduras tiene varios responsables. En primer el lugar el imperialismo, que a través de su embajada promueve la inestabilidad política en el país con el apoyo directo al dictador, que para granjearse ese apoyo les ha entregado el país, hasta el grado del despojo y de la ignominia, como puede observarse en los foros internacionales.

      Otro responsable es el dictador, que además de la incertidumbre que genera en lo económico, en lo político y en lo social, ha profundizado y llevado al extremo las políticas neoliberales, despojando de sus recursos a comunidades enteras, para dárselas a las transnacionales, principalmente norteamericanas y canadienses.

      La oligarquía corrupta, mediocre, salvaje, inepta y rapaz también es responsable de esta crisis humanitaria, quien se ha acostumbrado a vivir del presupuesto nacional a tal grado de convertir al Estado en su patrimonio, por medio de un ejército de ocupación, de diputados y presidentes serviles y títeres, que toman las decisiones no para el pueblo, sino que para sus insaciables intereses.

      Hay otro actor importante en esta crisis y es el Ejército Nacional, fiel sirviente de los intereses imperiales y de la oligarquía, que sólo sirve para consumir una gran tajada del presupuesto nacional y más que un ejército defensor y garante de la soberanía nacional es una fuerza de ocupación; listo para asesinar, torturar y matar aquellos que se oponen al dictador, al imperio y la oligarquía.

      Desgraciadamente esta caravana la conforman los miserables, los desheredados de la tierra, los parias: “los que crían querubes para el presidio y serafines para el burdel” como dijo en su poema, Los Parias, el poeta mexicano Salvador Díaz Mirón.

      Estos miserables y desheredados no huyen de la patria, la aman, la adoran y la llevan convertida en un dolor sobre sus hombros, huyen de los verdugos y carniceros que nos gobiernan y de los otros responsables de esta crisis humanitaria. Los que huyen aman a esta tierra más que los que nos quedamos.


  • Canada : Des travailleurs agricoles du Honduras se réfugient dans une église Le Devoir - Sarah R. Champagne
    - 9 Avril 2018


    Sept travailleurs migrants agricoles du #Honduras se sont réfugiés dans une église de Granby. Ils ont tous quitté entre la mi-janvier et la mi-mars l’entreprise d’attrapage de #volailles Équipe Sarrazin et dénoncent les conditions de travail, des atteintes à leur dignité, des lésions professionnelles et des heures de transport non payées.
    Ils espèrent pouvoir rester au #Canada pour obtenir justice devant leur employeur, qu’ils accusent de les avoir poussés à partir, une version démentie par le propriétaire, Yves Sarrazin.
    . . . . . .

    Les travailleurs dénoncent plutôt une industrie où le #travail est extrêmement difficile et faiblement rémunéré. Le travail consiste à attraper jusqu’à plusieurs dizaines de milliers de #poulets par quart de travail, dans des poulaillers appartenant à divers producteurs, et à les mettre dans des cages qui serviront au transport jusqu’à l’abattoir.

    « C’est notre dignité qui souffre », raconte Ronny Asael Miranda. En novembre dernier, il a commencé à vomir et à avoir des vertiges durant un quart de travail de nuit. Le rapport fourni à la CNESST indique qu’il a souffert d’une « infection à campylobacter », une inflammation analogue à la #gastro-entérite causée par le contact avec des volailles.
    Il reproche à son employeur de ne pas avoir fourni de vêtements de protection, ni harnais pour certaines tâches en hauteur, ni gants, ni masque.
    . . . . . . .
    Ever Alexis Mendoza Mateo a aussi arrêté le travail durant un mois à cause de sévères maux de dos, une douleur lombaire qui irradiait dans sa jambe droite, décrit-il. En arrêt de travail à partir du 4 décembre, il a ensuite repris le 9 janvier. Près d’un mois plus tard, en février, il a demandé à son chef d’équipe une journée de congé, « pour calmer la douleur qui était revenue ». La journée même, « à quatre heures de l’après-midi, la secrétaire m’a dit que Michel avait pris la décision de me renvoyer dans mon pays et elle m’a envoyé le billet d’avion. C’est là que j’ai décidé de partir de mon côté », relate-t-il, en présentant le message vocal laissé par celle-ci.
    . . . . . . . . .
    . . . . . . . . .
    Le prix est établi à 3,60 $ pour 1000 poulets et augmente en fonction de la grosseur des volailles. Le travail s’effectue souvent de nuit, quand les #volatiles sont engourdis par l’obscurité. « Doit pouvoir soulever un poids pouvant aller jusqu’à 15 kilos par main, travail répétitif », indique une offre d’emploi actuellement affichée en ligne par l’Équipe Sarrazin.

    Ainsi, pour 30 000 poulets attrapés en une nuit de six heures et demie, selon son bulletin de #salaire du début janvier, M. Mendoza Mateo a par exemple reçu 108,27 $.

    Pour en arriver à la cadence demandée, il faut faire sept fois par minute ce même mouvement : attraper 5 poulets dans chaque main, 10 au total, et les mettre dans les cages en destination de l’abattoir.
    . . . . . . . .
    Rappelons que les permis de travail temporaire en milieu agricole sont rattachés à un seul employeur. En quittant cet employeur, les travailleurs se retrouvent sans visa de travail et, rapidement, sans statut au Canada.

    Exposés à des persécutions au Honduras et vu la grave crise politique qui s’y déroule, les sept travailleurs réfugiés dans l’église ont aussi déposé des demandes d’asile pour des motifs individuels, indique leur avocate, Me Susan Ramirez. Ces demandes sont présentement en traitement.

    #Canada #Agriculture #esclavage #abattoirs #élevage #alimentation #agro-industrie #viande #agroalimentaire #agrobusiness #civilisation

    • #Canada : Un syndicat de travailleurs agricoles révoqué après désistement des migrants Le Devoir : Lia Lévesque - La Presse canadienne - 13 Avril 2018


      Le Tribunal administratif du travail a dû révoquer l’accréditation d’un syndicat de #travailleurs_agricoles, après que tous les travailleurs migrants eurent signé une lettre disant ne plus vouloir être syndiqués. C’est l’employeur qui avait déposé la requête pour faire révoquer le syndicat, en leur nom.

      La section locale 501 du syndicat des Travailleurs unis de l’alimentation et du commerce, affilié à la FTQ, avait contesté la requête, affirmant qu’il y avait eu ingérence de l’employeur, Les serres Sagami, et que les lettres n’avaient donc pas été signées de façon libre et volontaire.

      Dans sa décision, le Tribunal s’étonne du fait que ces travailleurs guatémaltèques affirmaient ne plus vouloir du syndicat, notamment parce qu’il leur en coûtait 40 $ par mois, alors qu’ils étaient représentés par une avocate devant le tribunal.

      « Il est étonnant que les salariés démissionnaires, qui ont entrepris les procédures de révocation dans cette affaire, ignorent le montant des honoraires professionnels qu’ils auront à débourser et qu’aucun état de compte ne leur ait été transmis », écrit la juge administrative Irène Zaïkoff.

      Elle a aussi souligné que le témoignage de ces travailleurs devant le tribunal avait été « parfois difficile à suivre, hésitant et comporte des contradictions », qu’ils étaient « à l’évidence intimidés d’être appelés à témoigner ».

      De plus, elle a noté que les travailleurs guatémaltèques avaient joué au soccer, le 4 février en soirée, le jour même de leur désistement collectif du syndicat.

      Le syndicat y voyait « une récompense de la part de l’employeur » pour avoir signé une lettre de désistement — qu’on appelle en droit du travail une lettre de démission du syndicat.

      Pas de preuve
      Malgré cela, le tribunal juge que même s’il fallait conclure que l’employeur a appuyé les travailleurs qui se sont désistés, cela ne fait pas pour autant la preuve qu’il est intervenu avant les démissions et a influencé leur décision.

      Malgré tout, le tribunal a cru les travailleurs, qui ont témoigné du fait qu’ils voulaient se désister parce qu’ils payaient trop d’impôt, que les cotisations syndicales coûtaient 40 $ par mois et qu’ils étaient mécontents du syndicat. Ils ont aussi témoigné du fait qu’il n’y avait pas eu ingérence de la part de l’employeur.

  • Amnesty | Mexique : Des milliers de migrants renvoyés vers une mort possible

    Les services mexicains de l’immigration renvoient régulièrement des milliers de citoyens du Honduras, du Salvador et du Guatemala dans leurs pays sans tenir compte des risques qu’ils encourent pour leur vie et leur sécurité à leur retour, et dans de nombreux cas en violation du droit mexicain et international. Texte publié sur le site d’Amnesty […]

  • #Honduras : les #Etats-Unis félicitent Hernandez pour sa réélection - Libération

    M. Hernandez a été officiellement déclaré dimanche vainqueur du scrutin avec 42,95% de voix contre 41,42% au candidat de la coalition de gauche, Salvador Nasralla, un populaire animateur de télévision sans expérience politique.

    US recognizes disputed Honduras election results

    The first results reported by the electoral court after the Nov. 26 election showed Nasralla with a significant lead over Hernandez with nearly 60 percent of the vote counted. Public updates of the count mysteriously stopped for more than a day, and when they resumed, that lead steadily eroded and ultimately reversed in Hernandez’s favor.

    #non-dit #MSM

  • L’informatique, pièce maîtresse de la #Fraude_électorale « style #Honduras »

    A l’heure des élections 2.0, la fraude électorale « style Honduras » s’avère aussi manifeste que difficile à prouver. Le scrutin présidentiel hondurien a fait l’objet d’une usurpation informatique presque parfaite, que la communauté internationale a finalement […]

    #Monde #Technos #ASICA #Cofadeh #David_Matamoros_Batson #Fraude_informatique #GANAS #Jennifer_Avila #Organisation_des_Etats_américains #Tribunal_suprême_électoral #TSE

  • Un documental para entender lo que está pasando en Honduras - Edición General

    El 28 de junio de 2009 el presidente del Gobierno de Honduras Manuel Zelaya, veía desde la ventana de su habitación cómo un grupo de paramilitares entraba a tiros en su casa para llevárselo fuera del país. Roberto Michelleti ocuparía su lugar y el presidente electo nunca más volvería a su cargo. El documental Quién dijo miedo cuenta esa historia, las horas posteriores y los intentos de Zelaya de volver al país sin que eso desencadenase ríos de sangre.

    Actualmente, tras unas elecciones presidenciales sobre las que otea el riesgo de fraude, se activó el toque de queda para reprimir revueltas civiles. La situación es tan sensible como la vivida en 2009, en la que ya se han empezado a contabilizar víctimas mortales.

    Aquel golpe de Estado, del que se dice que Hillary Clinton dirigió durante su etapa como secretaria de Estado del gobierno de Obama, fue interpretado como un mensaje para todos aquellos países que buscaran aliarse con los gobiernos progresistas ya afianzados en el sur del continente.


    Le film est sous-titré en anglais.

  • Au Honduras, le pouvoir qui tue le plus d’opposants politiques, le régime putchiste soutenu par les USA et l’UE piétine les urnes

    Au Honduras, le régime de putchistes fascistes installé par un coup d’état en 2009 contre Manuel Zellaya légitimement élu essaye de récidiver en piétinant les élections où, à nouveau la gauche progressiste vient de l’emporter.

    Vous ne le verrez pas au journal de France 2, TF1 ou BFM TV. Mélenchon ne sera pas interrogé la dessus par Léa Salamé ou Jean Jacques Bourdin. La censure est totale. Pendant ce temps là, avec le soutien total de Washington, de Bruxelles, mais également des Laurence Debray et autres soutiens de l’extrême droite putchiste qui s’attaque également au Venezuela, à Tegucigalpa, le régime continue d’assassiner et de tirer sur le peuple.

    Au Honduras, la police rallie le peuple et met en échec l’imposition du couvre-feu

    L’imposition d’un couvre-feu dans la nuit du 30 novembre, n’a pas freiné l’ardeur des honduriens opposés à la réélection du président-candidat Juan Orlando Hernandez (JOH). La répression laisse un bilan qui s’élève déjà à plusieurs morts. Mais ce 4 décembre, la police s’est rebellée. Les honduriens n’ont pas encore de nouveau président mais déjà la volonté de restaurer l’ordre institutionnel.

    Au Honduras, le coup d’Etat permanent par Maurice Lemoinehttp://www.medelu.org/Au-Honduras-le-coup-d-Etat

    Après plus d’une semaine de retards et d’incidents plus suspects les uns que les autres, le Tribunal suprême électoral (TSE) hondurien a annoncé le 4 décembre les résultats « provisoirement définitifs » de l’élection présidentielle du dimanche 26 novembre dernier. Ceux-ci donneraient la victoire à Juan Orlando Hernández, le président de la droite « post coup d’Etat » en exercice, qui se représentait illégalement, avec 42,98 % des suffrages. Crédité de 41,39 %, Salvador Nasralla, candidat d’une coalition, l’Alliance d’opposition contre la dictature, ayant pour coordonnateur l’ex-chef de l’Etat renversé en 2009 Manuel Zelaya, dénonce une fraude et refuse, avec de bonnes raisons pour le faire, de reconnaître le verdict du TSE. Alors que le pouvoir a décrété l’état d’urgence et que les manifestations se multiplient, un dangereux bras de fer est engagé.

    #Honduras #Répression #Coup_d'Etat #Elections #Amérique_latine

  • Shocking photo shows Caribbean Sea being ’choked to death by human waste’

    Caroline Power, who specialises in underwater photography, has dedicated her career to highlighting the damage plastic waste is doing to our oceans. 

    She said witnessing the plastic blanket of forks, bottles and rubbish between the islands Roatan and Cayos Cochinos, off the coast of #Honduras, was “devastating”.

    #Caraïbes #déchets

  • A Statistical and Demographic Profile of the US Temporary Protected Status Populations from El Salvador, Honduras, and Haiti

    This report presents detailed statistical information on the US Temporary Protected Status (TPS) populations from El Salvador, Honduras, and Haiti. TPS can be granted to noncitizens from designated nations who are unable to return to their countries because of armed conflict, environmental disaster, or other extraordinary and temporary conditions. In January 2017, an estimated 325,000 migrants from 13 TPS-designated countries resided in the United States. This statistical portrait of TPS beneficiaries from El Salvador, Honduras, and Haiti reveals hardworking populations with strong family and other ties to the United States. In addition, high percentages have lived in the United States for 20 years or more, arrived as children, and have US citizen children. The paper finds that:

    The labor force participation rate of the TPS population from the three nations ranges from 81 to 88 percent, which is well above the rate for the total US population (63 percent) and the foreign-born population (66 percent).
    The five leading industries in which TPS beneficiaries from these countries work are: construction (51,700), restaurants and other food services (32,400), landscaping services (15,800), child day care services (10,000), and grocery stores (9,200).
    TPS recipients from these countries live in 206,000 households: 99,000 of these households (almost one-half) have mortgages.
    About 68,000, or 22 percent, of the TPS population from these nations arrived as children under the age of 16.
    TPS beneficiaries from these nations have an estimated 273,000 US citizen children (born in the United States).
    Ten percent of El Salvadoran, nine percent of the Haitian, and six percent of the Honduran TPS beneficiaries are married to a legal resident.
    More than one-half of El Salvadoran and Honduran, and 16 percent of the Haitian TPS beneficiaries have resided in the United States for 20 years or more.
    The six US states with the largest TPS populations from these countries are California (55,000), Texas (45,000), Florida (45,000), New York (26,000), Virginia (24,000), and Maryland (23,000).
    Eighty-seven percent of the TPS population from these countries speaks at least some English, and slightly over one-half speak English well, very well, or only English.
    About 27,000, or 11 percent, of those in the labor force are self-employed, having created jobs for themselves and likely for others as well.

    TPS status should be extended until beneficiaries can safely return home and can successfully reintegrate into their home communities. Most long-term TPS recipients should be afforded a path to lawful permanent resident (LPR) status and ultimately to US citizenship.

    #asile #migrations #réfugiés #réfugiés_salvadoriens #réfugiés_honduriens #réfugiés_haïtiens #USA #Etats-Unis #rapport #Haïti #Honduras #El_Salvador #statistiques #chiffres

  • In Honduras, Defending Nature Is a Deadly Business

    #Berta_Cáceres fought to protect native lands in Honduras — and paid for it with her life. She is one of hundreds of victims of a disturbing global trend — the killings of environmental activists who try to block development projects. First in a series.

    #Honduras #décès #protection_de_la_nature #environnement #activistes #résistance #assassinat #peuples_autochtones #terres
    via @albertocampiphoto

  • Honduras: the deadliest country in the world for environmental activism | Global Witness

    Nowhere are you more likely to be killed for standing up to companies that grab land and trash the environment than in Honduras.

    More than 120 people have died since 2010, according to Global Witness research. The victims were ordinary people who took a stand against dams, mines, logging or agriculture on their land –murdered by state forces, security guards or hired assassins. Countless others have been threatened, attacked or imprisoned.

    #Honduras #meurtres #activisme #environnement #terres

  • HCR | Après avoir fui la violence domestique, des mamans du Honduras commencent une nouvelle vie au Mexique

    Après avoir été violées, frappées et abusées par leurs conjoints membres de gangs, des femmes du Honduras trouvent la sécurité au Mexique, où le changement de la loi reconnait que la violence sexiste suffit pour l’octroi du statut de réfugié.

  • Après avoir fui la violence domestique, des mamans du Honduras commencent une nouvelle vie au Mexique

    Après avoir été violées, frappées et abusées par leurs conjoints membres de gangs, des femmes du #Honduras trouvent la sécurité au Mexique, où le changement de la loi reconnait que la violence sexiste suffit pour l’octroi du statut de réfugié.


    #violence_domestique #viol #réfugiés #asile #migrations #statut_de_réfugié #droit

  • Amnesty | L’Amérique centrale tourne le dos aux centaines de milliers de personnes qui fuient de graves violences

    Les gouvernements d’Amérique centrale alimentent une crise des réfugiés de plus en plus grave en se révélant incapables de s’attaquer à la violence généralisée et aux taux extrêmement élevés d’homicides au Guatemala, au Honduras et au Salvador, qui poussent des centaines de milliers de leurs ressortissants à fuir, écrit Amnesty International dans un nouveau rapport […]

  • Gang violence in Central America is a humanitarian crisis

    Central America’s Northern Triangle – encompassing #El_Salvador, #Guatemala, and #Honduras – is one of the most violent regions in the world outside of a warzone. Transnational gangs or #maras have proliferated in the wake of decades of civil war and are largely responsible for a per capita death rate that rivals that in Syria.

    #Amérique_Centrale #violence #gangs #mortalité

  • Hillary Clinton’s Grim Legacy in Honduras

    Who murdered Honduran environmental activist #Berta_Cáceres?

    While the identities of the killers remain unknown, activists, media observers, and members of the Cáceres family are blaming the increasingly reactionary and violent Honduran government.

    The authorities had frequently clashed with Cáceres over her high-profile campaign to stop land grabbing and mining while defending the rights of indigenous peoples.

    While Cáceres’ death and the outcry of grief over it did draw some mainstream U.S. media coverage, there was a glaring problem with it: Hardly any of the articles mentioned that the brutal regime that probably killed Cáceres came to power in a U.S.-backed coup.

    #meurtres #Honduras #US #écologie #environnement

  • Au #Honduras, les assassinats de militants écologistes se multiplient

    Les meurtres de militants communautaires à Rio Chiquito sont exemplaires des violentes attaques contre les militants des droits humains et de l’environnement au Honduras depuis le coup d’État – soutenu par les États-Unis – qui a renversé le gouvernement progressiste de Manuel Zelaya, en 2009. Avec 109 militants écologistes assassinés entre 2010 et 2015, selon l’ONG Global Witness, le Honduras est le pays le plus dangereux du monde pour les défenseurs de l’#environnement.

    Deux mois après le coup d’État, le nouveau président, Porfirio « Pepe » Lobo, a déclaré le Honduras « ouvert aux entreprises », effaçant la protection juridique des terres autochtones. Les investisseurs ont accouru, attirés par les ressources minières et rassurés par les 47 nouveaux projets hydroélectriques, dont celui d’Agua Zarca, qui devrait générer 22 mégawatts d’électricité, mais en détruisant les terres agricoles et les villages des Lencas.

    Pendant l’année 2013, la communauté lenca de Rio Blanco et le Copinh avaient réussi à bloquer la route d’accès au chantier, forçant finalement la firme chinoise Sinohydro à renoncer à son contrat. La Banque mondiale avait également retiré son financement. La communauté lenca semblait avoir gagné, au prix de plusieurs activistes tués ou blessés par des soldats qui gardaient le chantier de construction.

    #assassinats #militantisme #écologie #terres #peuples_autochtones