#dress #fashion #shopping #second-hand #fair_trade #human_rights #environment #fast_fashion #Rana_Plaza #companies #Global_South #asymmetrical_dependencies #inequalities #consumer #transparency #fairness #colonialism #globalization
#dress #fashion #shopping #second-hand #fair_trade #human_rights #environment #fast_fashion #Rana_Plaza #companies #Global_South #asymmetrical_dependencies #inequalities #consumer #transparency #fairness #colonialism #globalization
Sunday in Brazzaville (2011) | Congo’s Great Sapeurs | FULL Documentary
How do you become a great Sapeur? Discover a different side of Congo, other than the war and suffering. The sapeurs adhere to a subculture of high fashion. They may be surrounded by extreme poverty but as Yves Saint Laurent, President of the Sapeur Association, explains, they’re always dressed impeccably in Versace or Prada. Rapper Cheriff Bakala, is working on recording his first album in a country with almost no producers. Meanwhile wrestler Palmas Ya Ya, is relying on voodoo and faith to help him defeat younger, stronger opponents…
Die Dandys von #Brazzaville
Am Ufer des Kongo-Flusses in Brazzaville tragen einige Männer gut geschnittene Anzüge in leuchtend bunten Farben; ihre Füße stecken in edlen Markenschuhen. Die Hauptstadt der Republik Kongo ist der Ursprung einer aufsehenerregenden Bewegung, die sich „Sape“ nennt und für „Gesellschaft der Stimmungsmacher und eleganten Menschen“ steht. Neben der Liebe zu edlen Stoffen verkörpern die exzentrischen Dandys den Widerstand gegen Kolonialisierung, Krieg und Armut.
Ouverture of something that never ended
1. At Home
In this first episode of the seven-part #film collaboration between award-winning director Gus Van Sant (Drugstore Cowboy, My Own Private Idaho, Elephant) and creative director Alessandro Michele, we follow main character Silvia through her eccentric morning routine at home in Rome, including a scene where she throws a #dress—from Alessandro Michele’s first Gucci women’s show Fall Winter 2015—off her balcony, to a song by Billie Eilish. Silvia is seen sifting through her post, which reveal colorful Gucci show invitations, as well as a mysterious flyer, and then she becomes lost in a television lecture performed by writer and philosopher Paul B #Preciado, until the arrival of an unexpected visitor, while a band in another room rehearses.
Des politiques israéliennes abusives constituent des crimes d’apartheid et de persécution | Human Rights Watch
Des politiques israéliennes abusives constituent des crimes d’apartheid et de persécution
Ces crimes contre l’humanité devraient déclencher des actions pour mettre fin à la répression envers les Palestiniens
Très pédagogiques « Questions-réponses » :
Et pour une fois, les médias ne peuvent pas passer à côté :
Revue de presse sur le rapport d’Human Rights Watch sur l’apartheid israélien
Agence Média Palestine, le 27 avril 2021
Identify Remains of 180 Men Found in #Djibo; Prosecute Those Responsible
(Bamako) – Common graves containing at least 180 bodies have been found in a northern town in Burkina Faso in recent months, and available evidence suggests government security force involvement in mass extrajudicial executions, Human Rights Watch said today. The government should seek assistance from the United Nations and other partners to conduct proper exhumations, return remains to families, and hold those responsible to account.
Residents of the town of Djibo who saw the bodies told Human Rights Watch that the dead, all men, had between November 2019 and June 2020 been left in groups of from 3 to 20 along major roadways, under bridges, and in fields and vacant lots. With few exceptions, the bodies were found within a 5-kilometer radius of central Djibo.
Residents buried most in common burials in March and April, while other remains are still unburied. They said they believed the majority of the victims were ethnic #Fulani or #Peuhl men, identified by their clothing and physical features, and that many were found blindfolded and with bound hands, and had been shot. Several residents said that they knew numerous victims, including relatives.
"The Burkina Faso authorities need to urgently uncover who turned Djibo into a ’killing field’ said #Corinne_Dufka, Sahel director at Human Rights Watch. “Existing information points toward government security forces, so it’s critical to have impartial investigations, evidence properly gathered, and families informed about what happened to their loved ones.”
Since November, Human Rights Watch has interviewed 23 people by telephone and in person who described seeing the bodies. Several interviewees provided hand-drawn maps of where they found and buried the dead. All believed that government security forces, who control Djibo, had executed the vast majority of the men. However, none had witnessed the killings and Human Rights Watch could not independently verify those claims. Human Rights Watch is analyzing satellite imagery of the locations of common graves in the vicinity.
On June 28, Human Rights Watch wrote the Burkinabè government detailing the major findings of the research, and on July 3, the Minister of Defense responded on behalf of the government, committing to investigate the allegations and to ensure the respect of human rights in security operations. He said the killings occurred during an uptick in attacks by armed Islamists and suggested they could have been committed by these groups, using stolen army uniforms and logistics, noting it is at times “difficult for the population to distinguish between armed terrorist groups and the Defense and Security Forces.” The minister also confirmed the government’s approval for the establishment of an office in Ouagadogou by the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights.
Beginning in 2016, armed Islamist groups allied with Al-Qaeda or the Islamic State have attacked security force posts and civilians throughout Burkina Faso, but mostly in the Sahel region bordering Mali and Niger. Human Rights Watch has since 2017 documented the killing of several hundred civilians by armed Islamist groups along with their widespread attacks on schools. Human Rights Watch has also documented the unlawful killing of several hundred men, apparently by government security forces, for their alleged support of these groups, including 31 men found executed after the security forces detained them in Djibo on April 9.
The 23 people interviewed, including farmers, traders, herders, civil servants, community leaders, and aid workers, believed the security forces had detained the men as suspected members or supporters of Islamist armed groups.
“So many of the dead were blindfolded, had their hands tied up … and were shot in the head,” said a community leader. “The bodies I saw appeared in the morning … dumped at night on the outskirts of Djibo, a town under the control of the army and in the middle of a curfew imposed and patrolled by the army.”
Some residents said that they found the bodies after hearing the sound of vehicles passing and bursts of gunfire at night. “We’ve grown accustomed to hearing the sound of shots ringing out at night, and later seeing bodies in the bush or along the road,” an elder from Djibo said.
“At night, so many times I’d hear the sound of vehicles and then, bam! bam! bam!” said a farmer. “And the next morning we’d see or hear of bodies found in this place or that.”At least 114 men were buried in 14 common graves during a mass burial on March 8 and 9 organized by residents with the approval of the military and local authorities. Local residents also buried 18 men, found around March 18 about a kilometer east of Djibo, in a common grave in early April. The bodies of another approximately 40 men, including 20 allegedly discovered in mid-March south of Djibo and another 18 found in May near the airport, had yet to be buried.
An ethnic dynamic underscores the violence in Burkina Faso. The Islamist armed groups largely recruit from the nomadic Peuhl or Fulani community, and their attacks have primarily targeted agrarian communities including the Mosssi, Foulse, and Gourmantche. The vast majority of men killed by alleged security forces are Peuhl because of their perceived support of the armed Islamists.
“Djibo reidents should feel protected by, not terrified of, their own army. The government’s failure to make good on promises of accountability for past allegations of security force abuse, including in Djibo, appears to have emboldened the perpetrators,” Dufka said. “The authorities need to put an end to unlawful killings through credible and independent investigations.”
Bodies Appear in Djibo
Residents of Djibo said they first started seeing bodies in the more rural, less inhabited parts of the town in November 2019. “Human remains are strewn all over the outer limits of Djibo town … along sides of road, near a pond, by the Djibo dam, near abandoned houses, under a bridge, and in the bush,” one man said.
“From November 2019, so many bodies started showing up,” another man said. “Five or six here, 10 or 16 there, along the three highways out of town ... to the north, east, and south.”
Residents said the vast majority of the dead were ethnic Peuhl, identified as such by their clothing, features, and, in about 10 cases, by those who knew individual victims by name.
The people interviewed were extremely anxious as they spoke with Human Rights Watch and said they feared reprisals from the security forces, who had been implicated in the extrajudicial killing of 31 men in Djibo in April, and other killings there, since 2017.
The residents did not believe the men were killed in a gun battle. “Yes, Djibo has been attacked and there are jihadists [armed Islamists] not so very far from Djibo,” said a resident who had observed several groups of bodies. “But on the days before seeing bodies, we weren’t aware of any clashes or battles between the jihadists and army in the middle or outskirts of Djibo. Word travels fast and we’d know if this were the case.”
Another resident, who said he frequently travels from Djibo, said: “Had there been clashes with the terrorists, the public transport would have stopped.… We never would have been able to travel.”
Nine people identified some of the dead by name, including family members, whom they had either witnessed being detained by the security forces or had been informed by someone else who had seen the men being detained. In each of these incidents, the body they identified had been found with numerous other victims. One man, for instance, recognized “a man named Tamboura from a village further south, who I’d seen arrested in the Djibo cattle market by soldiers some days earlier.” Another recognized a man who worked as a security guard and who had been arrested by soldiers days before his body was found. Others described seeing the bodies of men they had seen being arrested by the authorities at the market, the hospital, during a food distribution, or at the bus station.
Several residents said they believed many of the unidentified victims had been detained during army operations or were internally displaced villagers who in recent months had settled in and around Djibo after fleeing their home villages. “Djibo isn’t such a but town that we wouldn’t recognize people, which is why we think so many of the dead were displaced,” one resident said.
Many residents speculated that the army had arrested the displaced people for questioning, fearing infiltration by armed Islamist groups, which had attacked Djibo on several occasions. “The army has really hit the IDPs [internally displaced persons],” a resident said. “They’ve gone for them in the animal market, as they come in to Djibo to buy and sell. After so many major jihadist attacks in Mali and Burkina, they’re really afraid of infiltration.”
Apparent Extrajudicial Executions
Residents described seeing groups of bodies near their homes as they grazed their animals or as they walked or drove along the major roads leading out of Djibo.
Apparent Execution of Five Men on June 13, 2020
On June 14, several residents described seeing the bodies of five men scattered over a half a kilometer in two of Djibo’s southern neighborhoods, sectors 3 and 8. One of those found, 54-year-old Sadou Hamadoume Dicko, the local chief and municipal councilor of Gomdè Peulh village, had been seen arrested by soldiers the previous day. Residents could not identify the other four bodies.
A trader described the arrest of Dicko on June 13:
Being the chief, he’d just finished picking up sacks of rice and millet for his people, now in Djibo after fleeing their village, about 125 kilometers away. Mr. Dicko had in April 2018 been abducted and held for several days by the Jihadists but this time it was the army who took him. At around 11:30 a.m. four men in uniform on motorcycles surrounded him and about six others and took them into an unfinished building for interrogation. Eventually, the soldiers let the others go but left with Mr. Dicko.
Three residents said they heard gunshots on June 13 and found the bodies of the five men the next day. “The gunshots rang out around 8 p.m. and the next day, June 14, I was called to be told the chief was dead,” one resident said. “It was what we feared. His hands were bound tightly behind his back and he had been shot in the head and chest.”Said another: "The shots rand out a few hours after the 7 p.m. curfew...[L]ater we saw one body to the north, near La Maison de la Femme [Women’s Center], another south near a large well, and three others next to an elevation of sand.” All of the men were buried later the same day.
Apparent Execution of 18 Men, May 13 and 19, 2020
Residents described seeing the security forces arrest 17 men near a Djibo market on May 13. The bodies of the 17 were found the next day along a path going through sector 5, also known as Mbodowol. The men had been shot in the head, according to the residents. Another man, with a mental disability, was found around the same place after having been arrested on May 19. At writing, the bodies had not yet been buried.
Said one resident:
I was in the market, when at around 10 a.m. I saw two vehicles with about 10 soldiers drive up. I don’t know if they were gendarmes or army. I was too afraid to stare at them, but I saw they were in uniform, with helmets and vests and all held semi-automatic weapons. The 17 men had come from other villages to buy and sell that day. I recognized many of them, who worked as blacksmiths.
A sector 5 resident who heard gunshots on May 13 and saw the bodies a day later near the Djibo airfield said:
They were killed as darkness fell. I saw a vehicle from afar, coming from the direction of town. Sometime later we heard shots. Around 15 minutes later the same vehicle returned, this time with the headlamps on. On Thursday, May 14, around 9 a.m. we discovered the bodies – eight on one side close together … their faces covered with their shirts – and around 20 meters away, nine more bodies. They’d been shot in the head. You could see this clearly…and there were bullet casings on the ground. The men looked to be from 25 to 45 [years old.] The body of another man was found in the same place a few days later. That one, I’d seen arrested…he lives near me. He is not normal [has a mental disability] … He was picked up outside his house listening to his radio. There is a curfew and only the army can drive around at night like this.
Apparent Execution of 18 Men, March 17, 2020
Residents said that on March 18, they saw 18 bodies about 500 to 700 meters east of Djibo. The bodies were found near several large publicity signs that line the Djibo-Tongomayel road.
A man who feared his brother was among the dead explained why he believed government security forces were responsible for killing the 18 men:
On March 17, around 7 a.m., I got a frantic call from the bus station saying my brother and another man had just been arrested by gendarmes as they boarded a bus to Ouagadougou [the capital]. Later that night, around 9 p.m. I heard many gunshots, and thought, oh God, my brother is dead.
Just after dawn, I went in the direction of the shots and found 18 bodies. Their hands were tied, and they were blindfolded, each shot in the forehead. The blood flowed like a pond. The bodies were all together in a pile. I looked for my brother among the corpses … moving them enough to see if he was there. But he wasn’t. Among the dead, I recognized six men … they’d all been arrested by the FDS [Defense and Security Forces]. One was [name withheld] who had recently had a foot operation and had been arrested in front of many people near the hospital. I recognized his boubou [wide-sleeved robe]; his foot was still bandaged. Five others were traders I myself had seen arrested by the FDS on market day a week prior. As for my brother, he is still missing, even today.
Apparent Execution of 9 Men, January 15, 2020
A man who saw nine bodies on the road going east to Tongomayal, including a close relative, on January 16, said:
I discovered the bodies of nine people some meters off the road, one of whom was my 23-year-old nephew. They’d been arrested the day before. A friend called around 11 a.m. saying there was trouble in the market, that my boy had been arrested. I went to the market immediately and saw all nine, tied up and face down on the ground. Four gendarmes led them into their vehicle and took them away. That night around 8 p.m. I heard shots near the Djibo dam, and in the morning saw them in the bush, hands tied, riddled with bullets … Eight were Peuhl and one was a Bellah. We were too afraid to even bury them … we had to watch my nephew turn into a skeleton. He was not laid to rest until the mass burial in March, with dozens of others, but it was hardly a funeral and my boy was not a jihadist.
Bodies Found Near Djibo’s Sector 4, November 2019 and January 2020
Five residents of Djibo’s Sector 4 (also known as Wourossaba and Boguelsawa), south of the town, described seeing three groups of bodies within what they said was a one kilometer radius: a group of 8 bodies and a group of at least 16 bodies in November 2019, and a group of between 16 and 19 bodies around January 8, 2020. The total number of bodies seen largely corresponds to the 43 bodies buried in this sector during the mass burial on March 8 and 9.
A resident of Sector 4 described the three groups of bodies:
Many didn’t have shirts, and most were tied — some their eyes, others by the wrist, and they’d been shot. I knew none of them but believe all 43 were prisoners because all three times, I’d heard vehicles coming from the direction of town and saw the headlights … and heard gunshots. It was too far and too dark to see their uniforms but there wasn’t a battle and the jihadists can’t be driving around in a heavy truck that close to Djibo.
Another resident of Sector 4 described seeing 19 bodies around January 8:
I saw them around 7 a.m., 19 bodies in a line – all men, save one around 15 years old. The night before, I’d seen lights of a vehicle – it was around 8 p.m. and we were under curfew. Then I heard the shots. The bodies were about one kilometer south of Djibo, and 150 meters west from the highway – many bound at the arms, and with their eyes blindfolded. They’d been shot in the head, others in the chest, others the stomach. We didn’t know any of them, so they just stayed there until the March burial, by that time they were almost skeletons.
A health worker said that in February on the way to Ouagadougou she saw five bodies from her bus window, about 15 kilometers south of Djibo, near the village of Mentao: “They were 20 meters from the road – the bodies smelled – it seemed they’d been there for a week or so. By their dress, all the men appeared to be Peuhl. When I returned a week later, they were still there.” These bodies were not buried during the March mass burial.
Burials in March and April 2020
Djibo residents described an organized mass burial on March 8 and 9 during which at least 114 bodies were collected and buried in 14 common graves.
Residents who attended the burials said the bodies were in various stages of decomposition. “Some had just been killed, others had started to decompose, and many others were skeletons,” one said.
“Given how long the bodies had been outside, notably under the hot sun, many were only identifiable by their clothing,” said another.
Several residents said the dead were left unburied both because the families were either not from Djibo or because they were too frightened to claim the body. “Fear stopped people from burying the dead,” a village elder said. “You need permission from the security forces to bury a body and given the level of tension in Djibo these days, people are just too terrified that if they claim the body of a man accused of being a terrorist, they too will be taken and end up dead.” Many residents described the burials as “a delicate subject” which was not covered by local media. “Fear has kept us from talking much about the mass burials,” a village leader said.
“The bodies were scattered along and not far from the major roads leading to and from Djibo,” a resident said. “The first day, we worked from 9 a.m. to noon and buried 42 bodies to the south, along the Djibo-Ouagagdougou road. On the second day it was worse … working from 8 a.m. to 12:30 p.m. we buried 72 people, 20 to the north and 52 to the east, along the Djibo-Dori road. Some people gathered the bodies while others dug the graves. The dead were buried in 14 common graves with from 3, 6, 7, up to 23 bodies.”
They said Djibo residents had obtained permission from both the civilian and military authorities based in Djibo to bury the dead largely because of the potential health and sanitation risk. “We were fearful of epidemics, especially as we approach the rainy season,” a community leader said. “We were overwhelmed seeing the bodies of lifeless people and so we organized ourselves and asked the authorities for permission to bury the dead,” said another.
Other residents spoke of the mental health impact on the town. “We organized the burial on health grounds but also because of the psychological impact on people, especially children, having to walk by the bodies every day on their way to market or school,” one resident said.
A herder said: “Imagine what it’s like to see these bodies every day, some eaten by dogs and vultures. It’s not easy living with that terrible reality day after day.”
Those who observed the mass burials said they were attended by the civilian authorities, who they said helped organize the funeral; the health authorities, who provided masks and sanitizer; and the security forces, which provided security. They said they were “strictly forbidden” from taking photographs of the burials. “No one would dare do that because the FDS was watching,” a resident said.
A resident who was at the burial said:
After getting authorization – from the army – and after involving health officers – we spent two days burying the dead who were in groups of 5, 7, 9, 20 – scattered all over. I didn’t recognize any of them, but several of those watching the burial later told me they’d recognized their father, brother, or son … that he’d been missing since being arrested by the soldiers in Djibo or in their village – weeks or months earlier. They didn’t say anything during the burial though … out of fear that they too would be arrested.
A man who buried 13 of the bodies found in north Djibo, including a family member whom he had last seen in the custody of the security forces in January, said “The road to Tongomayel was full of corpses and remains. Honestly, many were only skeletons … and their bodies had been scattered by animals. We were divided in groups, and went about looking for ribs, body parts.”
Two people described the burial in early April of the 18 men whose bodies were found on the road to Tongomayel around March 18. The bodies appeared after the security services had allegedly arrested the men. “We dug a large hole, big enough for all of them, and put sand and branches on top of it,” one man said. “The road to Tongomayel is full of bodies … the 52 buried during the mass burial, the 18 from mid-March, and it hasn’t stopped.”
Bodies Found, Left Unburied
Three residents described seeing 20 bodies that they said had been left in mid-March about 100 meters from the cemetery in Boguelsawa neighborhood, several kilometers south of Djibo.“Just days after we buried over 100 bodies, we woke up to find another 20 bodies,” a resident said. “It’s like, whoever is doing the killing is mocking us.” They told Human Rights Watch on June 14 that the bodies, now scattered and decomposed, have yet to be buried. “With death all around, we feel like tomorrow could be my turn to die,” a resident wrote.
Another man said that on June 1, “My nephew came across three dead while gathering wood north of Djibo, including two [ethnic] Bellahs we know well. He was so frightened he ran straight home without the wood.” As of June 30, the 18 dead found near the airport in mid-May had similarly yet to be buried.
Residents who spoke with Human Rights Watch were unaware of any judicial investigations into the apparent killings. Some killings allegedly implicating the security forces had occurred after the government’s pledge to fully investigate the apparent execution of 31 men detained by the security forces on April 9, 2020.
Human Rights Watch urges the Burkina Faso authorities to:
Promptly and impartially investigate the killings in Djibo since November 2019, and fairly and appropriately prosecute all those responsible for extrajudicial killings and other crimes, including as a matter of command responsibility. Ensure the findings are made public.
Send the commanders of the two security force bases in Djibo– the gendarmerie and army – on administrative leave, pending outcome of the investigation.
Invite United Nations or other neutral international forensic experts, including those with experience working before criminal tribunals, to help preserve and analyze evidence in common graves. Exhumations without forensic experts can destroy critical evidence and greatly compromise the identification of bodies.
Return remains of individuals found to be buried in graves or left unburied to their family members.
Israël : Politiques foncières discriminatoires à l’encontre des résidents palestiniens
Human Rights Watch, le 12 mai 2020
La politique du gouvernement israélien visant à confiner les communautés palestiniennes en Cisjordanie et à Gaza dans des espaces restreints est également appliqué à l’intérieur d’Israël, a déclaré aujourd’hui Human Rights Watch. Cette politique est discriminatoire à l’encontre des citoyens palestiniens d’Israël et favorise les citoyens juifs, en restreignant fortement l’accès des résidents palestiniens à des terres qui seraient requises pour construire des logements afin de s’adapter à la croissance naturelle de la population.
Le 5 novembre 2019, la Cour suprême israélienne a confirmé que le gouvernement israélien a l’autorité d’expulser Omar Shakir, directeur de Human Rights Watch pour Israël et la Palestine. Si le gouvernement israélien maintient sa décision initiale, Shakir devra quitter Israël au plus tard le 25 novembre.
Human Rights Watch a par le passé appelé les entreprises internationales à suspendre leurs activités commerciales dans les colonies israéliennes en #Cisjordanie occupée, invoquant l’obligation qui leur incombe de ne pas se rendre complice de violations des droits humains. Bien que Human Rights Watch ait lancé des appels similaires adressés à des entreprises menant des activités dans de nombreux autres pays, la Cour suprême israélienne a estimé qu’appliquer ce principe en vue de garantir le respect des droits des Palestiniens constituerait un appel au boycott. Cet arrêt s’appuie sur une lecture élargie de la loi de 2017 interdisant l’entrée aux personnes qui préconisent un boycott d’Israël ou de ses colonies en Cisjordanie.
« Israël dénigre systématiquement les organisations humanitaires » - Libération
La Cour suprême israélienne a donné son aval à l’expulsion d’Omar Shakir, directeur de la branche locale de l’ONG Human Rights Watch, accusé de soutenir le boycott de l’Etat hébreu. Entretien.
« Israël dénigre systématiquement les organisations humanitaires »
Mardi, la Cour suprême israélienne a entériné l’expulsion du directeur local de l’ONG Human Rights Watch (HRW), accusé de soutenir le boycott de l’Etat hébreu. Il s’agissait du dernier recours légal d’Omar Shakir, citoyen américano-irakien en poste depuis 2017.
Point d’orgue d’un long feuilleton judiciaire, la décision de la plus haute cour du pays établit un précédent. Pour la première fois, Israël entend expulser un de ses résidents, sous couvert d’une loi de 2017 visant à interdire l’accès du pays aux soutiens du mouvement pro-palestinien BDS (boycott, désinvestissement, sanction), bête noire de la droite israélienne qui en a fait une menace quasi-existentielle, accusant ses partisans d’antisémitisme. La législation anti-BDS avait déjà été utilisée cet été pour faire capoter la visite en Cisjordanie de deux représentantes du Congrès américain, Ilhan Omar et Rashida Tlaib.
à lire aussi Israël interdit à deux élues américaines d’entrer sur son territoire
Le ministère de l’Intérieur, qui avait révoqué le visa de travail de Shakir dès 2017, s’est appuyé sur d’anciens tweets de l’employé de HRW publiés il y a plusieurs années, alors que ce dernier était étudiant aux Etats-Unis, le qualifiant de « propagandiste propalestinien ». (Shakir conteste l’interprétation de ces tweets). En outre, le gouvernement israélien considère que les rappels au droit international de HRW à l’attention d’entreprises comme AirBnb pour les dissuader d’opérer dans les Territoires occupés s’apparentent à une forme d’incitation au boycott.
« Omar Shakir est un activiste du BDS qui a profité de son séjour en Israël pour y nuire, ce qu’aucun pays sensé ne peut accepter », a réagi Gilad Erdan, ministre de la Sécurité intérieure et principal architecte de la législation anti-BDS. L’ONG israélienne B’Tselem estime quant à elle que la décision de la Cour suprême est une nouvelle étape dans le « rétrécissement de l’espace déjà limité en Israël pour s’opposer à l’occupation. Depuis des décennies, cet espace est inexistant pour les Palestiniens. Désormais, il se réduit plus encore pour les acteurs internationaux, et bientôt, pour les Israéliens. »
Joint par Libération peu après la décision des juges, Omar Shakir, déjà expulsé par le passé d’Egypte et de Syrie pour ses activités au sein de HRW, dénonce « un précédent décisif […] et un blanc-seing à la répression et à la limitation d’accès des défenseurs des droits de l’homme ».
Vous attendiez-vous à cette décision ?
En tant que militant des droits de l’homme, je me dois d’être toujours optimiste en espérant que le droit prévaudra. Mais je suis parfaitement conscient que le gouvernement israélien s’est engagé dans une campagne de dénigrement systématique des organisations humanitaires sur son sol, et de Human Rights Watch en particulier [la diplomatie israélienne dénonce depuis des années le « biais anti-israélien » de l’ONG, ndlr], dans le but de faire taire tout plaidoyer en faveur des droits des Palestiniens, considéré désormais comme non seulement illégitime mais aussi criminel.
Vous mettez en garde contre les ramifications juridiques de cette affaire…
Cette affaire dépasse largement mon cas personnel ou celle de mon organisation : c’est un précédent décisif. La Cour suprême vient de donner son blanc-seing à la répression et à la limitation d’accès d’un acteur international dans la défense des droits de l’homme. Demain, est-ce que cela pourra s’étendre aux organisations israéliennes qui se battent pour les droits des Palestiniens, et rendre leur travail virtuellement impossible ? D’autant que celles-ci sont déjà dénigrées dans la sphère publique comme des « traîtres » et des « conspirateurs contre l’Etat et l’armée ». Il y a aussi un réel danger à considérer que toute campagne visant des compagnies internationales en activité dans les colonies s’apparente à un boycott d’Israël. Nous leur rappelons seulement le droit international, comme nous le faisons dans le reste du monde.
Vous avez épuisé tous vos recours. Espérez-vous néanmoins que le gouvernement israélien suspende sa décision de vous expulser ?
Les derniers signes laissent peu d’espoir. La Cour suprême a confirmé la légalité de la procédure d’expulsion, mais l’ordre doit encore être donné par le gouvernement. Une fois notifié, j’aurai alors vingt jours pour quitter ce pays qui est ma maison depuis deux ans et demi maintenant. J’en appelle donc à nouveau au gouvernement israélien, qui doit décider s’il se range au côté de l’Egypte, de Cuba ou de la Corée du Nord, ces pays qui ont expulsé des employés de HRW, ou s’il me permet de continuer mon travail en faveur des droits de l’homme.
Guillaume Gendron correspondant à Tel-Aviv
Le représentant de Human Rights Watch en Israël et Palestine bientôt expulsé ?
Publié le 05/11/2019
Après une décision de la Cour suprême israélienne, Omar Shakir, directeur de la branche locale de l’ONG, a vingt jours pour quitter le pays. Il est accusé de soutenir le boycott de l’État hébreu.
La Cour suprême israélienne a confirmé l’expulsion du représentant de l’ONG Human Rights Watch en Israël et en Palestine, Omar Shakir, mardi 5 novembre. “Il était accusé par l’État hébreu de soutenir le mouvement BDS [boycott, désinvestissement et sanction]”, rappelle Haaretz. (...)
Microsoft Slammed For Investment In Israeli Facial Recognition ‘Spying On Palestinians’
Thomas Brewster, Forbes, le 1er août 2019
It’s unclear whether investors were aware of AnyVision’s business in regions with tainted human rights records. The Israeli company is trying to grow its business in Hong Kong, where protesters this week used lasers in an attempt to stop facial recognition profiling them. In a job post for a sales position in Hong Kong, AnyVision discloses it has customers and partnerships not only in that country but also Macau, the so-called Las Vegas of Asia. In Russia, a country heavily criticized for its human rights record, the AnyVision’s tools are deployed at Moscow’s Domodedovo Airport, according to a post on the company’s website.
Shankar Narayan, the director of the Technology and Liberty Project at the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU), told Forbes that he’d held meetings with Microsoft in Seattle last year in which the tech giant appeared receptive to ideas on holding back the spread of facial recognition. But the company has not followed through with any action, Narayan claimed.
Human Rights Groups Slam Microsoft for Investing in Israeli Face-recognition Company
Amitai Ziv, Haaretz, le 4 août 2019
Amos Toh, a senior researcher on artificial intelligence at Human Rights Watch, told Forbes that the use of such technology “in a very fraught political context, could be problematic,” referring to Israel’s occupation of the West Bank.
#Anyvision #Anyvision_Interactive_Technologies #Microsoft #Qualcomm #Identité #Biométrie #Face-recognition #facial #vidéo-surveillance #sécuritaire #surveillance #Palestine #israel #Mossad #Armée #Cisjordanie #Occupation #Human_Rights_Watch #ACLU #Russie #Hong-Kong #Macao
Traduction en français du deuxième article :
Des organisations de défense des droits de l’homme critiquent avec force Microsoft pour avoir investi dans une société israélienne de reconnaissance faciale
Amitai Ziv, Haaretz, le 4 août 2019
Hundreds of Europeans ‘criminalised’ for helping migrants – as far right aims to win big in European elections
Elderly women, priests and firefighters among those arrested, charged or ‘harassed’ by police for supporting migrants, with numbers soaring in the past 18 months.
These cases – compiled from news reports and other records from researchers, NGOs and activist groups, as well as new interviews across Europe – suggest a sharp increase in the number of people targeted since the start of 2018. At least 100 people were arrested, charged or investigated last year (a doubling of that figure for the preceding year).
#Norbert_Valley #Christian_Hartung #Miguel_Roldan #Lise_Ramslog #Claire_Marsol #Anouk_Van_Gestel #Lisbeth_Zornig_Andersen #Daphne_Vloumidi #Mikael_Lindholm #Fernand_Bosson #Benoit_Duclois #Mussie_Zerai #Manuel_Blanco #Tom_Ciotkowski #Rob_Lawrie
Crimes of compassion: US follows Europe’s lead in prosecuting those who help migrants
Sometimes the defendant is a Spanish firefighter who saved migrants from drowning at sea. Other times it is elderly couples in Denmark, France and Greece who gave people a lift in their cars.
The creeping criminalisation of humanitarian aid
At the heart of the trial of a volunteer with American migrant aid group No More Deaths that began in Arizona last week lies the question of when humanitarian aid crosses the line and becomes a criminal offence.
Scott Warren, 37, faces three felony charges after he helped two undocumented migrants by providing them food, shelter, and transportation over three days in January 2018 – his crime, prosecutors say, wasn’t helping people but hiding them from law enforcement officers.
Whichever way the case goes, humanitarian work appears to be under growing threat of criminalisation by certain governments.
Aid organisations have long faced suspensions in difficult operating environments due to geopolitical or domestic political concerns – from Pakistan to Sudan to Burundi – but they now face a new criminalisation challenge from Western governments, whether it’s rescue missions in the Mediterranean or toeing the US counter-terror line in the Middle East.
As aid workers increasingly find themselves in the legal crosshairs, here’s a collection of our reporting to draw attention to this emerging trend.
Dans l’article une liste d’articles poubliés dans The New Humanitarian sur le délit de solidarité un peu partout dans le #monde...
European activists fight back against ‘criminalisation’ of aid for migrants and refugees
More and more people are being arrested across Europe for helping migrants and refugees. Now, civil society groups are fighting back against the 17-year-old EU policy they say lies at the root of what activists and NGOs have dubbed the “criminalisation of solidarity”.
Et le #rapport:
Crackdown on NGOs and volunteers helping refugees and other migrants
Asylum Criminalisation in Europe and Its Humanitarian Implications
Documentan incremento de amenazas contra defensores de migrantes tras acuerdo con EU
Tras el acuerdo migratorio que México y los Estados Unidos firmaron el pasado junio, se han incrementado los riesgos y amenazas que sufren las y los activistas que defienden a migrantes en Centroamérica, México y Estados Unidos. Esa es la conclusión del informe “Defensores sin muros: personas defensoras de Derechos Humanos criminalizadas en Centroamérica, México y Estados Unidos”, elaborado por la ONG Frontline Defenders, el Programa de Asuntos Migratorios de la Universidad Iberoamericana y la Red Nacional de Organismos Civiles Todos los Derechos para Todas y Todos. El documento identifica 69 eventos de detención, amenazas, acoso, difamación, agresión, deportación, vigilancia o negación de entrada a un país. La mayoría de ellos, 41, tuvieron lugar durante 2019, según un listado que acompaña al informe. Uno de los grandes hallazgos: la existencia de colaboración entre México y Estados Unidos para cerrar el paso a los migrantes y perseguir a los activistas. “Los gobiernos tienen relaciones tensas, difíciles, complicadas. México y Estados Unidos están pasando por uno de sus peores momentos en bilaterales, pero cuando se trata de cooperar para restringir Derechos Humanos hay colaboración absoluta”, dijo Carolina Jiménez, de Amnistía Internacional. Entre estas colaboraciones destaca un trabajo conjunto de ambos países para identificar a activistas y periodistas que quedaron fichados en un registro secreto. El informe se presentó ayer en la Ciudad de México, al mismo tiempo en el que el presidente estadounidense, Donald Trump, habló ante la asamblea general de las Naciones Unidas, agradeciendo al presidente Andrés Manuel López Obrador “por la gran cooperación que estamos recibiendo y por poner a 27 mil soldados en nuestra frontera sur”.
Migration and the Shrinking Humanitarian Space in Europe
As of October 10th, 1071 deaths of migrants were recorded in the Mediterranean in 2019. In their attempt to save lives, civilian maritime search and rescue organisations like Sea Watch or Proactive Open Arms have gained high levels of media attention over the last years. Cases such as the arrest of the captain of the Sea Watch 3, Carola Rackete, in June 2019 or the three weeks odyssey of Open Arms in August 2019 dominate the media and public discourse in Europe. The closing of ports in Italy, Spain and Malta, the confiscation of vessels, legal proceedings against crew members alongside tight migration policies and anti-trafficking laws have led to a shrinking space for principled humanitarian action in Europe. While maritime search and rescue (SAR) activities receive most of the attention, focusing solely on them prevents one from seeing the bigger picture: a general shrinking of humanitarian space in Europe. In the following, the analysis will shed some light on patterns in which the space for assisting and protecting people on the move is shrinking both on land and at sea.
Migration and Humanitarian Action
Migration is not a new phenomenon. Throughout history people have left their homes to seek safety and pursue a better life. Yet, due to increasing human mobility and mounting crisis migration the number of people on the move is consistently rising (Martin, Weerasinghe, and Taylor 2014). In 2019, The International Organisation for Migration (IOM) documents more than 258 million international migrants worldwide, compared to 214 million in 2009.
This number is composed of a variety of different migrant groups, such as students, international labour migrants or registered refugees. Based on a distinction between voluntary and involuntary migration, not all these groups are considered people in need of international protection and humanitarian assistance (Léon 2018). Accordingly, unlike refugees or internally displaced persons (IDPs) migrants generally fall out of the humanitarian architecture. Yet, notwithstanding the reasons for migrating, people on the move can become vulnerable to human trafficking, sexual exploitation and other forms of abuse during their journey. They strand at borders and live in deplorable conditions (Léon 2018).
The UN Secretary General’s Agenda for Humanity therefore stresses the importance of addressing the vulnerabilities of migrants. This entails providing more regular and legal pathways for migration but also requires “a collective and comprehensive response to displacement, migration and mobility”, including the provision of humanitarian visas and protection for people on the move who do not fall under the narrow confines of the 1951 Refugee Convention. The view that specific vulnerabilities of migrants are to be integrated into humanitarian response plans is reflected in the International Red Cross and Red Crescent Movement’s approach to migration, which is strictly humanitarian and focuses on the needs and vulnerabilities of migrants irrespective of their legal status, type, or category (Linde 2009).
Thereby, the term ‘migrant’ is deliberately kept broad to include the needs of labour migrants, vulnerabilities due to statelessness or being considered irregular by public authorities (ibid.). Despite this clear commitment to the protection of people on the move, migrants remain a vulnerable group with a high number losing their lives on migratory routes or going missing. Home to three main migratory routes, the Mediterranean is considered one of the world’s deadliest migration routes.
When in 2015 an unprecedented number of people made their way into Europe this exposed the unpreparedness of the EU and its member states in reacting quickly and effectively to the needs of people on the move. A report by the Overseas Development Institute (ODI) on refugees and vulnerable migrants in Europe concludes that “Europe’s actual humanitarian response must be judged a failure in many respects; basic needs have not been met and vulnerable people have not been protected” (De Largy 2016).
For humanitarian organisations with experience in setting up and managing camps in countries of the Global South, managing the humanitarian response in their own backyard seems to have posed significant challenges. When more than one million people arrived in 2015, most international humanitarian organisations had no operational agreement with European states, no presences in affected areas, no funding lines for European activities and no established channels to mobilise resources (ibid.). This has led to protection gaps in the humanitarian response, which, in many cases, have been filled by activists, volunteers and civil society actors. Despite a number of factors, including the EU-Turkey deal, arrangements with Libya and toughening border controls, have since lead to a decline in the number of people arriving in Europe, sustained humanitarian action is needed and these actors continue to provide essential services to refugees and vulnerable migrants. However, with hostile attitudes towards migrants on the rise, and the marked effects of several successful smear campaigns, a number of organisations and civil society actors have taken it upon themselves to bring much needed attention to the shrinking space for civil society.
Shrinking Humanitarian Space in Europe
The shrinking space for civil society action is also impacting on the space for principled humanitarian action in Europe. While no agreed upon definition of humanitarian space exists, the concept is used in reference to the physical access that humanitarian organisations have to the affected population, the nature of the operating environment for the humanitarian response including security conditions, and the ability of humanitarian actors to adhere to the core principles of humanitarian action (Collinson and Elhawary 2012: 2). Moreover, the concept includes the ability of affected people to reach lifesaving assistance and protection. The independence of humanitarian action from politics is central to this definition of humanitarian space, emphasising the need to adhere to the principles of humanity, neutrality, impartiality and independence as well as to maintain a clear distinction between the roles and functions of humanitarian in contrast to those of military and political actors (OCHA, 2003). Humanitarian actors within this space strive to achieve their mission of saving lives and alleviating suffering by seeking ongoing access to the affected population.
Though the many organisations, volunteers and individuals that work on migration issues in Europe would not all self-identify or be considered purely humanitarian organisations, many of them provide life-saving services to people on the move. Thus, the humanitarian space is occupied by a diversity of actors, including human rights organisations, solidarity networks, and concerned individuals alongside more traditional humanitarian actors (Léon 2018).
Referring to the limited room for agency and restricted access to the affected population, the shrinking humanitarian space in Europe has been linked to the spreading of populism, restrictive migration policies, the securitisation of migration and the criminalisation of humanitarian action (Hammerl 2019). These developments are by no means limited to Europe. Other regions of the world witness a similar shrinking of the humanitarian space for assisting people on the move. In Europe and elsewhere migration and asylum policies have to a great extent determined the humanitarian space. Indeed, EU migration policies have negatively affected the ways in which humanitarian actors are able to carry out their work along the migration routes, limiting the space for principled humanitarian action (Atger 2019). These policies are primarily directed at combatting human trafficking and smuggling, protecting European borders and national security interests. Through prioritising security over humanitarian action, they have contributed to the criminalisation of individuals and organisations that work with people on the move (ibid.). As has been particularly visible in the context of civilian maritime SAR activities, the criminalisation of humanitarian action, bureaucratic hurdles, and attacks on and harassment of aid workers and volunteers have limited the access to the affected population in Europe.
The criminalisation of migration that has limited the space for principled humanitarian action is a process that occurs along three interrelated lines: first, the discursive criminalisation of migration; second, the interweaving of criminal law and policing for migration management purposes; and finally, the use of detention as a way of controlling people on the move (Hammerl 2019, citing Parkin). With media and public discourse asserting that migrants are ‘illegal’, people assisting them have been prosecuted on the grounds of facilitating illegal entry, human trafficking and smuggling.
Already back in 2002, the Cypriot NGO Action for Equality, Support and Anti-Racism (KISA) was prosecuted under criminal law after it had launched a financial appeal to cover healthcare costs for a migrant worker (Fekete 2009). This is just been one of six cases in which the Director of an organisation has been arrested for his work with migrants. While KISA takes a clear human rights stance, these trends are also observable for humanitarian activities such as providing food or shelter. Individuals and organisations providing assistance and transportation to migrants have faced legal prosecution in France and Belgium for human smuggling in 2018. Offering shelter to migrants in transit has led to arrests of individuals accused of human trafficking (Atger 2019). The criminalisation of civilian maritime SAR activities has led to the arrest and prosecution of crew members and the seizing of rescue vessels.
The tension between anti-smuggling and anti-trafficking laws and humanitarian action is a result of the European ‘Facilitators’ Package’ from 2002 that defines the facilitation of unauthorised entry, transit and residence. Though the Directive and its implementation in national legislatures foresees humanitarian exemptions, the impact of these laws and regulations on the humanitarian space has been critical. Lacking clarity, these laws have been implemented differently by EU member states and created a sense of uncertainty for individuals and organisations assisting migrants, who now risk criminal prosecution (Carrera et al. 2018). In several EU member states with humanitarian exemptions, humanitarian actors were reportedly prosecuted (ibid.). A case in point is Greece, which has a specific humanitarian exemption applying to maritime SAR activities and the facilitation of entry for asylum seekers rescued at sea. Despite sounding promising at first, this has not prevented the prosecution of volunteer crew members of the Emergency Response Centre International (ERCI) due to the existence of two legal loopholes. The first of these works on the basis that rescuers are not able to identify who is in need of international protection, and second, the legal framework contains an exemption from punishment, but not prosecution.
Besides the criminalisation of humanitarian activities, across Europe – predominantly at borders – administrative decisions and rules have narrowed the space for humanitarian action (Atger 2019). In countries such as France, Germany, Hungary, Spain and Italy, laws and regulations prevent organisations from accessing reception centres or transit zones between borders (Hammerl 2019, Amnesty 2019). A reduction of financial support and tighter legal requirements for operation further hinder organisations to assist people on the move (Atger 2019). In the case of maritime SAR operations, NGOs had to stop their operations due to de-flagging of rescue ships as ordered by EU member state authorities.
Access to people on the move is obstructed in manifold ways and organisations face a mix of intimidations strategies and bureaucratic obstacles in their mission to deliver aid (Léon 2018). In Germany, new asylum policies in 2015 changed the provision of the previous cash-based assistance to in-kind aid. This is inconsistent with German humanitarian policy in other migrant and refugee hosting countries, where the German Foreign Ministry promotes cash-based programming as an efficient, effective and dignified way of assisting people in need.
Apart from instructions and orders by public authorities and law enforcement entities, other tactics range from frequent ID checks, parking fines to threats of arrest (Amnesty 2019). In Calais, humanitarian action was obstructed when the municipality of Calais prohibited the distribution of food as well as the delivery of temporary showers to the site by a local charity with two municipal orders in March 2017 (Amnesty 2019). In 2017, the Hungarian Parliament passed the so-called LEX NGO. Like the foreign agent law in Russia, it includes provisions for NGOs that receive more than EUR 23 000 per year from abroad (including EU member states) to register as “organisations receiving foreign funding”. Coupled with a draft bill of a new Tax Law that establishes a 25% punitive tax to be paid for “propaganda activities that indicate positive aspects of migration”, these attempts to curtail work with migrants has a chilling effect both on NGOs and donors. As the punitive tax is to be paid by the donor organisation, or by the NGO itself in case the donor fails to do so, organisations risk bankruptcy.
An increasingly hostile environment towards migration, fuelled by anti-immigrant sentiments and public discourse, has led to suspicion, intimidation and harassment of individuals and organisations working to assist and protect them. The securitisation of migration (Lazaridis and Wadia 2015), in which migrants are constructed as a potential security threat and a general atmosphere of fear is created, has given impetus to a general policing of humanitarian action. Even when not criminalised, humanitarian actors have been hindered in their work by a whole range of dissuasion and intimidation strategies. Civilian maritime SAR organisations in particular have been targets of defamation and anti-immigration rhetoric. Though analyses of migratory trends have proved that a correlation between SAR operations and an increase of migrant crossings was indeed erroneous (Cusumano and Pattison, Crawley et al. 2016, Cummings et al. 2015), organisations are still being accused of both constituting a pull-factor for migration (Fekete 2018) and of working together with human traffickers. In some instances, this has led to them being labelled as taxis for ‘illegal’ migrants (Hammerl 2019). In Greece, and elsewhere, volunteers assisting migrants have been subject to police harassment. Smear campaigns, especially in the context of SAR operations in the Mediterranean, have affected the humanitarian sector as a whole “by creating suspicion towards the work of humanitarians” (Atger 2019). Consequently, organisations have encountered difficulties in recruiting volunteers and seen a decline in donations. This prevented some organisations from publicly announcing their participation in maritime SAR or their work with migrants. In severe cases, humanitarian actors suffered physical threats by security personnel or “self-proclaimed vigilante groups” (Hammerl 2019).
Moreover, having to work alongside security forces and within a policy framework that primarily aims at border policing and migration deterrence (justified on humanitarian grounds), humanitarian actors risk being associated with migration control techniques in the management of ‘humanitarian borders’ (Moreno-Lax 2018, Pallister-Wilkins 2018). When Italy in 2017 urged search and rescue organisations to sign a controversial Code of Conduct in order to continue disembarkation at Italian ports, some organisations refused to do so. The Code of Conduct endangered humanitarian principles by making life-saving activities conditional on collaborating in the fight against smugglers and the presence of law enforcement personnel on board (Cusumano 2019).
Beyond the maritime space, the politicisation of EU aid jeopardises the neutrality of humanitarian actors, forcing them to either disengage or be associated with a political agenda of migration deterrence. Humanitarian organisations are increasingly requested to grant immigration authorities access to their premises, services and data (Atger 2019). In Greece, a legislation was introduced in 2016 which entailed the close monitoring of, and restrictive access for, volunteers and NGOs assisting asylum seekers, thereby placing humanitarian action under the supervision of security forces (Hammerl 2019). As a consequence of the EU-Turkey Deal in 2016, MSF announced that it would no longer accept funding by EU states and institutions “only to treat the victims of their policies” (Atger 2019).
The Way Ahead
The shrinking space poses a fundamental challenge for principled humanitarian action in Europe. The shrinking humanitarian space can only be understood against the backdrop of a general shrinking civil space in Europe (Strachwitz 2019, Wachsmann and Bouchet 2019). However, the ways in which the shrinking space affects humanitarian action in Europe has so far received little attention in the humanitarian sector. The problem goes well beyond the widely discussed obstacles to civilian maritime SAR operations.
Humanitarian organisations across Europe assist people arriving at ports, staying in official or unofficial camps or being in transit. An increasingly hostile environment that is fuelled by populist and securitisation discourses limits access to, and protection of, people on the move both on land and at sea. The criminalisation of aid, bureaucratic hurdles and harassment of individuals and organisations assisting migrants are just some of the ways in which humanitarian access is obstructed in Europe.
A defining feature of humanitarian action in Europe has been the important and essential role of volunteers, civil society organisations and solidarity networks both at the grassroots’ level and across national borders. Large humanitarian actors, on the other hand, took time to position themselves (Léon 2018) or have shied away from a situation that is unfamiliar and could also jeopardize the financial support of their main donors – EU member states.
Since then, the humanitarian space has been encroached upon in many ways and it has become increasingly difficult for volunteers or (small) humanitarian organisations to assist and protect people on the move. The criminalisation of humanitarian action is particularly visible in the context of civilian maritime SAR activities in the Mediterranean, but also bureaucratic hurdles and the co-optation of the humanitarian response into other political objectives have limited the space for principled humanitarian action. In order to protect people on the move, national, regional and international responses are needed to offer protection and assistance to migrants in countries of origin, transit and destination. Thereby, the humanitarian response needs to be in line with the principles of impartiality, neutrality, and independence to ensure access to the affected population. While the interests of states to counter organised crime, including human trafficking, is legitimate, this should not restrict humanitarian access to vulnerable migrants and refugees.
In Europe, the biggest obstacle for effective humanitarian action is a lacking political will and the inability of the EU to achieve consensus on migration policies (DeLargy 2016). The Malta Agreement, a result of the latest EU Summit of Home Affairs Ministers in September 2019 and subsequent negotiations in Luxembourg in October of the same year, has failed to address the shortcomings of current migration policies and to remove the obstacles standing in the way of principled humanitarian action in the Mediterranean. For this, new alliances are warranted between humanitarian, human rights and migration focussed organizations to defend the humanitarian space for principled action to provide crucial support to people on the move both on land and at sea.
The criminalisation of solidarity in Europe
#Human_Rights_Watch, le 28 mai 2018
Guatemala : mort de l’ancien dictateur et génocidaire Efrain Rios Montt - Amériques - RFI
Il est le symbole des plus noires années du Guatemala contemporain. L’ancien président et dictateur guatémaltèque Efrain Rios Montt est décédé dimanche 1er avril matin à l’âge de 91 ans, alors qu’il était jugé pour génocide après avoir échappé à une première condamnation en 2013. Arrivé au pouvoir par un coup d’État le 23 mars 1982, le dictateur avait été renversé par son ministre de la Défense, Oscar Mejía Victores, le 8 août 1983. Son bref passage au pouvoir est néanmoins considéré comme l’un des plus violents ayant marqué la guerre civile qui a ensanglanté le pays de 1960 à 1996 et fait plus de 200 000 morts et disparus.
(Qu’il brûle en Enfer !...)
In Yemen’s secret prisons, UAE tortures and US interrogates
MUKALLA, Yemen (AP) — Hundreds of men swept up in the hunt for al-Qaida militants have disappeared into a secret network of prisons in southern Yemen where abuse is routine and torture extreme — including the “grill,” in which the victim is tied to a spit like a roast and spun in a circle of fire, an Associated Press investigation has found.
Senior American defense officials acknowledged Wednesday that U.S. forces have been involved in interrogations of detainees in Yemen but denied any participation in or knowledge of human rights abuses. Interrogating detainees who have been abused could violate international law, which prohibits complicity in #torture.
You can hear the screams: Inside Yemen’s secret prisons
MUKALLA, Yemen (AP) — They call it the “grill”: The victim is tied to a spit like a roast and spun furiously within a circle of fire. It is just one of the terrors inflicted by interrogators on detainees in Yemen who are routinely beaten with wires and were kept in filthy shipping containers, blindfolded for months — all by one of America’s closest counterterrorism allies.
Centres de torture au Yémen : les Etats-Unis auraient leurs entrées - Libération
Selon l’agence AP, des militaires américains mèneraient des interrogatoires dans des prisons secrètes financées par les Emirats arabes unis et les forces armées loyalistes yéménites. Rien ne prouve toutefois qu’ils aient eux-mêmes infligé des sévices aux prisonniers.
Les Emirats arabes unis disposent de deux prisons « informelles » au Yémen - L’Orient-Le Jour
Pour #Human_rights_watch c’est plus simple encore, les États-Unis ne sont même pas évoqués
Le #procès de la #Corruption de la dictature #Obiang s’ouvre à Paris
Teodorin Obiang © Reuters L’actuel vice-président de la Guinée-Équatoriale sera jugé pour #blanchiment à partir de lundi, vraisemblablement en son absence. Ce procès dit « des #Biens_mal_acquis » est exemplaire du pillage systématique des richesses nationales par certains dirigeants. Ce pays est aujourd’hui dévasté par la prévarication du régime.
Le #procès du pillage et de la #Corruption de la dictature #Obiang s’ouvre à Paris
Teodorin Obiang © Reuters L’actuel vice-président de la Guinée-Équatoriale sera jugé pour #blanchiment à partir de lundi, vraisemblablement en son absence. Ce procès dit « des #Biens_mal_acquis » est exemplaire du pillage systématique des richesses nationales par certains dirigeants. Ce pays est aujourd’hui dévasté par la prévarication du régime.
China is creating a massive “Orwellian” DNA database
In the name of safeguarding its 1.4 billion people, China has been collecting biometric information from millions of people whom it deems potential threats—among them, Uyghurs, migrant workers, and college students—as part of national DNA database. China’s Ministry of Public Security, which oversees the database, has amassed information for more than 40 million people—the country says it has the world’s biggest database of DNA information (link in Chinese)—as of 2015, according to a report (...)
Vie privée : la Chine veut créer une base de données « orwellienne »
La police chinoise collecte les empreintes génétiques de plusieurs millions de personnes depuis des mois. Si les autorités affirment que cette nouvelle base de données biométriques doit permettre de résoudre des enquêtes judiciaires, l’organisation non-gouvernementale Human Rights Watch craint des dérives liées à l’usage de cet outil. Les libertés ne cessent d’être menacées dans l’Empire du Milieu. Au nom de la sécurité des quelque 1,4 milliard d’habitants de la Chine, le gouvernement a collecté des (...)
One of the most counterintuitive sights in the referendum on #Colombia’s historic peace agreement between the government and FARC rebels, was a coalition between #Human_Rights_Watch (HRW) and former President Álvaro Uribe in favor of a “no” vote. At the beginning of October, Colombian voters narrowly rejected a comprehensive historic peace agreement that would […]
Anya Schiffrin: “The link between advocacy and journalism is older than many of us think.”
A number of international tax avoidance scandals have come out over recent years, highlighting the important role played by investigative journalists in denouncing the corrupt practices of governments and corporations. Investigative journalism has been playing this role for decades, as the American journalist and teacher Anya Schiffrin explains. Schiffrin is the author of a collection of investigative articles on different issues across the globe. This interview was first published in our (...)
Budgets, bureaucracy and realpolitik trump #human_rights advocacy
The year 2015 was El Salvador’s deadliest since the end of that country’s civil war in 1992. According to police records, more than six thousand people were murdered. Elsewhere, in Honduras, Brazil and Columbia, dozens of environmental activists are under attack. And in the Dominican Republic, thousands of Dominicans of Haitian ancestry are on the […]
#Corporate_Tax is a feminist matter
CitiGroup, Coca Cola, ExxonMobil, General Motors, Goldman Sachs, Verizon, Wal-Mart, Pfizer, JP Morgan Chase, Bank of America and Microsoft; of all the things these multinational corporations (MNCs) agree on, two things stand out: a proclaimed devotion to the feminist agenda and a penchant for tax dodging. On the former, all MNC’s claim to dedicate some […]
Latvia urged to ratify the Istanbul Convention as soon as possible
Latvia has signed the Istanbul Convention. However, it is necessary to ratify the convention as soon as possible, said EU Council’s Human Rights Commissioner Nils Muiznieks at a press-conference on Friday, 9 September.
Muiznieks said discussions of this topic have had to deal with false and misleading information.
«This convention is not against family values. Violence against women is violence aimed against family values. Latvia’s legislation is already largely in line with the convention’s requirements,» – said the commissioner, adding that the level of comprehension on such matters is very high among police officers.
Muiznieks also admitted that the ratification of the convention will help with receiving opinions from experts on the side, review Latvia’s policy and exact improvements to it.
«Most importantly, it would be a good political signal: that violence against women is unacceptable,» – added Muiznieks.
Europe’s “Smart Borders” Would Automatically Monitor Individuals
Walls and wire fences are not all that’s being built at Europe’s borders. The European Commission and Security Companies dream of “smart borders”: a multitude of automated and interconnected files and control apparatuses able to follow each individual. The program’s objective? Counter-terrorism and keeping #migrants out. But these structures — the effectiveness of which remains to be demonstrated — risk straining public finances, while threatening civil liberties and private life, should some (...)
#Extractive_Industries and the Right to #water: The Responsibility of Multinationals
This report is the conclusion of a series of #Investigations and articles on #Extractive_Industries and water published, over a year and a half, by Basta! and the Multinationals Observatory, with the support of France Libertés – Fondation Danielle Mitterrand. The focus of this work was to look at the role and responsibility of multinational corporations, as the main drivers of extractivism. Water is a critical input for #extractive_industries (mining, quarrying, oil and gas extraction). All of (...)
/ A la une, Extractive Industries, Extractive Industries, #local_communities, #human_rights, water, #social_impact, #environmental_impact, extractive industries, #regulations_and_norms, #corporate_legal_responsibility, corporate social (...)
Sharan Burrow: « If a company refuses to have a plan for decarbonisation and preserving jobs, ultimately they are targets for divestment. »
With the climate crisis, the rise of multinational corporations and global geopolitical shifts, the international union movement confronted with fundamentally new issues. The International Trade Union Confederation (ITUC), which represents more than 300 unions in 162 countries and territories, is first in line to develop a response to these challenges. Interview with Sharan Burrow, ITUC Secretary-General since 2010. ITUC has been actively involved in the international climate debate for (...)
/ A la une, #Fossil_fuels, #Workers'_Rights_and_Freedom_of_Association, #work_conditions, #workers'_rights, #decent_work, #climate_change, #corporate_legal_responsibility, #corporate_social_responsibility, #human_rights, supply (...)
“Today, 4 March, ARTICLE 19 and Coding Rights are launching Net of Rights, a short film which explores the link between internet protocols and human rights online. The film will screen at 6pm at the Internet Freedom Festival, or can be seen on the Net of Rights website.”
Personal Data : What if Tomorrow Your Insurance Company Controlled Your Lifestyle ?
Our personal information is targeted not only by benevolent or malevolent espionage agencies. Insurance companies have launched a real race in attempting to collect as much information as possible about your lifestyle. Social networks, the “Internet of Things” [a proposed development of the internet in which everyday objects have network connectivity, allowing them to send and receive data] and leisure applications on smartphones are sources of information about the state of your health and (...)
Et maintenant Human Rights Watch :
France : Abus commis dans le cadre de l’état d’urgence
Human Rights Watch, le 3 février 2016
A relier à ça aussi :
Etat d’urgence et l’urgence d’en sortir : l’analyse juridique
Franck Johannès, Le Monde, le 28 janvier 2016
Et à ça :
État d’urgence, surveillance et interventionnisme militaire en Afrique : Les dangereuses impostures de la « guerre contre le terrorisme »
Survie, le 2 février 2016
et à ça :
« Un Etat de police se met en place »
Lénaïg Bredoux, Médiapart, le 10 février 2016
Deux professeurs de droit, Dominique Rousseau et Marie-Laure Basilien-Gainche, réagissent à l’adoption par l’Assemblée du projet de loi introduisant l’état d’urgence et la déchéance de nationalité dans la Constitution. Ils s’inquiètent d’une dérive de l’État de droit...
Et maintenant le Conseil constitutionnel et la CNCDH !
Journée faste pour les opposants à l’état d’urgence
Jérôme Hourdeaux, Médiapart, le 19 février 2016
Et maintenant le défenseur des droits :
La charge du Défenseur des droits contre l’état d’urgence
JÉRÔME HOURDEAUX, MEDIAPART, LE 26 FÉVRIER 2016