• Lutte de classe n° 210 / septembre-octobre 2020 | Le mensuel
    https://mensuel.lutte-ouvriere.org

    Lutte ouvrière dans les élections législatives partielles https://mensuel.lutte-ouvriere.org//2020/09/13/lutte-ouvriere-dans-les-elections-legislatives-partielles_15 (sans six circonscriptions les 20 et 27 septembre prochains) #Lutte-Ouvriere #LO

    #Biélorussie : l’autocrate, l’opposition libérale et la classe ouvrière https://mensuel.lutte-ouvriere.org//2020/09/13/bielorussie-lautocrate-lopposition-liberale-et-la-classe-ouv #repression #minsk

    #Liban : l’explosion du port de Beyrouth… et celle du pays https://mensuel.lutte-ouvriere.org//2020/09/13/liban-lexplosion-du-port-de-beyrouth-et-celle-du-pays_151444 #FranceLiban #imperialisme #corruption #Beyrouth #Hezbollah

    États-Unis : le complexe médico-industriel face à la pandémie https://mensuel.lutte-ouvriere.org//2020/09/13/etats-unis-le-complexe-medico-industriel-face-la-pandemie_15 (traduction d’un article paru le 19  juillet 2020 dans la revue Class Struggle (n° 105, août-septembre 2020), éditée par le groupe trotskyste américain #The-Spark) #hopital

    Le #chômage, armée de réserve permanente du capital https://mensuel.lutte-ouvriere.org//2020/09/13/le-chomage-armee-de-reserve-permanente-du-capital_151446.htm #capitalisme #Lutte_de_classe

    Le #télétravail, c’est toujours l’exploitation https://mensuel.lutte-ouvriere.org//2020/09/13/le-teletravail-cest-toujours-lexploitation_151447.html

    L’#Arctique, enjeu de rivalités entre grandes puissances https://mensuel.lutte-ouvriere.org//2020/09/13/larctique-enjeu-de-rivalites-entre-grandes-puissances_151448 #pétrole #transport #pipeline #transport-maritime #réchauffement_climatique #extractivisme
    –-----------------------------------------
    – Télécharger au format pdf https://mensuel.lutte-ouvriere.org/sites/default/files/ldc/files/ldc210-web.pdf
    – Télécharger au format epub https://mensuel.lutte-ouvriere.org/sites/default/files/ldc/files/ldc210.epub
    – Télécharger au format mobi https://mensuel.lutte-ouvriere.org/sites/default/files/ldc/files/ldc210.mobi

  • L’Alliance Atlantique et la Sécurité Européenne dans les années 1990
    https://www.les-crises.fr/archive-l-alliance-atlantique-et-la-securite-europeenne-dans-les-annees-1

    Photo de groupe du sommet de l’OTAN 1990 Discours du Secrétaire générale, Manfred Wörner prononcé devant le Bremer Tabaks Collegium L’Histoire n’est pas un long fleuve tranquille. Elle passe par des phases de ralentissement et d’accélération, des phases au cours desquelles les événements se pressent et vont même, parfois, jusqu’à s’emballer. Nous vivons actuellement l’une de ces phases où l’Histoire se fait plus dense. Le visage de l’Europe se transforme radicalement. L’Europe est à la recherche d’une forme nouvelle. Nous n’en connaissons encore aucun élément définitif, mais ses premiers contours se dessinent pourtant déjà. Comme toujours dans de telles périodes de transition, on voit s’ouvrir des chances et des perspectives nouvelles et audacieuses, mais des risques et des dangers nouveaux nous guettent au bord (...)

    #Géopolitique #États-Unis #Impérialisme #OTAN #Géopolitique,_États-Unis,_Impérialisme,_OTAN

  • US-Blockade -Google löscht Kuba
    https://www.jungewelt.de/artikel/384780.us-blockade-google-l%C3%B6scht-kuba.html

    22.8.2020 Volker Hermsdorf - US-Techkonzern schaltet Kommunikationskanäle Havannas ab. Unliebsame Inhalte sollen weltweit zensiert werden

    Während die US-Agentur USAID Millionen Dollar für neue internationale Medienkampagnen zur Destabilisierung Kubas ausgibt, zensiert Washington zugleich unbequeme Informationen von der Insel. Der US-Technologiekonzern Google LLC hat am Donnerstag (Ortszeit) die Youtube-Konten mehrerer kubanischer Medien geschlossen. Unter Berufung auf die US-Blockade hat das Unternehmen alle aktuellen und archivierten Inhalte des Zentralorgans der Kommunistischen Partei Kubas, Granma, des weltweit ausstrahlenden Fernsehsenders Cubavisión Internacional sowie der Informationssendung »Mesa Redonda« gelöscht. Dadurch wurde auch der Zugriff auf das Trackingtool Google Analytics und die cloudbasierte Plattform Google Play verhindert, berichtete das Onlineportal Cubadebate.

    Der Konzern begründete seine Maßnahme in einer Notiz mit der bereits seit 60 Jahren gegen die Insel verhängten Wirtschafts-, Handels- und Finanzblockade. Google unterliege den US-Exportgesetzen und die Regierung in Washington betrachte es als Export, wenn Software oder Inhalte von kubanischen Servern außerhalb dieses Landes heruntergeladen werden können. Nach US-Gesetzen sei auch die Übertragung von Google-Play-Anwendungen in Länder, gegen die Sanktionen verhängt wurden, verboten. Infolgedessen blockiere Google Downloads in diesen Ländern. »Damit ist klar, dass die US-Blockade, die sich auf alle Bereiche in Kuba erstreckt, auch als Rechtfertigung dafür dient, unliebsame Inhalte zu zensieren«, kritisierte Cubadebate.

    Die Granma bezeichnete die Kontosperrungen als »Aggression gegen wichtige kubanische Kommunikationskanäle«. Am selben Tag informierte der staatliche Fernsehsender Venezolana de Televisión (VTV) in Caracas darüber, dass Google auch drei VTV-Konten auf Youtube gelöscht hat, darunter jenes, auf dem alle VTV-Programme gezeigt werden. Der Sender verwies auf den zeitlichen Zusammenhang mit dem Vorgehen gegen kubanische Medien und erklärte seine Solidarität mit den von Washington zensierten Kollegen auf der Insel.

    Es ist nicht das erste Mal, dass US-Konzerne kubanische Medien behindern. 2019 blockierte Twitter die Konten von Cubadebate, der Zeitung Juventud Rebelde, des kommunistischen Jugendverbandes »Unión de Jóvenes Comunistas« und der Sendung »Mesa Redonda«. Google hatte bereits 2011 den später wieder eingerichteten Cubadebate-Kanal auf Youtube abgeschaltet. Zugleich finanziert Washington zunehmend »unabhängige Journalisten«. Kurz vor dem jüngsten Angriff hatte die dem US-Außenministerium unterstehende Agentur für Internationale Entwicklung (USAID) drei Millionen US-Dollar für »NGO und Journalisten« zur Verfügung gestellt, die über »die Ausbeutung kubanischer Beschäftigter und Ärzte« berichten.

    Propaganda und Zensur sind zwei Seiten derselben Medaille. Granma wies darauf hin, dass ihr gelöschter Kanal unter anderem Hintergrundinformationen über Maßnahmen zur Eindämmung der Covid-19-Pandemie in Kuba enthalten habe. Cubadebate äußerte den Verdacht, dass der Öffentlichkeit Erfolge Kubas im Kampf gegen die Pandemie vorenthalten werden sollen. So sei der über mehr als 19.000 Abonnenten verfügende Kanal der beliebten Fernsehsendung »Mesa Redonda« genau an dem Tag gesperrt worden, als ein Programm über den Beginn klinischer Studien eines in Kuba entwickelten Impfstoffkandidaten mit dem Namen »Soberana« ausgestrahlt wurde.

    #Cuba #USA #internet #Google #impérialisme

  • La #Suisse et ses colonies

    La Suisse n’avait pas de colonies – et pourtant, des Suisses fonctionnaient en harmonie avec les puissances coloniales et bénéficiaient, en tant que resquilleurs économiques, de l’appropriation militaire des #terres et des #ressources.

    Vers 1800, les naturalistes européens décrivaient les Confédérés comme des « semi-sauvages » qui rappelaient les visites aux « peuples non éduqués sur des côtes pacifiques ». L’Europe intellectuelle voyait dans les Suisses des gens qui vivaient encore dans leur état naturel — une image déformée que les Suisses se sont appropriée. Aucune publicité pour des yaourts et aucun concept touristique ne peut se passer d’images exotiques où les Suisses apparaissent comme de « nobles sauvages ». Cette image de soi se retrouve encore dans la rhétorique politique qui s’embrase de temps en temps, selon laquelle la Suisse menace de devenir une colonie de l’Union européenne.

    Pourtant, dans leur histoire moderne, les Suisses se sont rarement rangés du côté des colonisés, mais plus souvent du côté des colonisateurs. Il est vrai que la Suisse, en tant qu’État-nation, n’a pas poursuivi de politique impérialiste et n’a soumis aucune colonie. Même des tentatives de création d’organisations économiques comme la Compagnie des Indes orientales ont échoué.

    Cependant, le colonialisme inclut la conviction que les habitants des zones colonisées étaient inférieurs aux Européens blancs. Cette idée faisait également partie de la compréhension générale du monde dans la Suisse du 19e siècle.

    Des générations de Suisses ont grandi avec des histoires pour enfants présentant des « négrillons stupides », des reportages sur des sauvages naïfs et enfantins et des images publicitaires dans lesquelles les colonisés apparaissaient au mieux comme des figurants pour les produits coloniaux. Cet #héritage continue de marquer le pays jusqu’à aujourd’hui.

    Des #soldats_suisses dans les colonies

    Mais le problème de l’enchevêtrement historique de la Suisse avec le colonialisme va bien au-delà de polémiques sur des noms ou du déboulonnage de statues. Cela semble particulièrement évident dans les colonies où des Suisses ont combattu comme soldats.

    Quand, en 1800, les esclaves noirs de l’île de #Saint-Domingue — dans l’actuelle Haïti — se sont soulevés contre leurs maîtres français, Napoléon a fait combattre 600 Suisses, qui avaient été mis contractuellement à la disposition de la France par le gouvernement helvétique contre rémunération. Mais ce ne fut pas un cas isolé. Même après la fondation de l’État fédéral en 1848, des Suisses ont continué à se battre pour les puissances coloniales — bien qu’illégalement.

    L’une des motivations était la solde des #mercenaires. Ils touchaient en effet une bonne rente s’ils ne mouraient pas d’une maladie tropicale dans leurs premiers mois de services ou s’ils ne mettaient pas prématurément fin à leur engagement.

    Commerce des esclaves

    Cependant, les grandes sommes d’argent des colonies n’allaient pas aux mercenaires, qui venaient souvent de familles démunies et voyaient le fait de servir les Pays-Bas ou la France comme une grande aventure, mais dans le #commerce des marchandises coloniales — et dans le commerce des habitants des colonies.

    L’une des imbrications les plus problématiques de la Suisse avec le colonialisme mondial est celle de la #traite_des_esclaves.

    Des Suisses et des entreprises suisses ont profité de l’#esclavage en tant qu’#investisseurs et #commerçants. Ils ont organisé des #expéditions_d’esclaves, acheté et vendu des personnes et cultivé des #plantations dans des colonies en tant que #propriétaires_d’esclaves.

    Le système de l’esclavage a fonctionné dans l’Atlantique jusqu’au XIXe siècle sous forme de commerce triangulaire : des navires chargés de marchandises de troc naviguaient vers les côtes africaines, où ils échangeaient leur cargaison contre des esclaves. Ces derniers étaient ensuite transportés à travers l’océan. Enfin, les navires revenaient d’Amérique vers l’Europe chargés de produits fabriqués par les esclaves : le sucre, le café et surtout le coton.

    Selon Hans Fässler, qui fait des recherches sur l’histoire des relations suisses et de l’esclavage depuis des décennies, la Suisse a importé plus de #coton que l’Angleterre au XVIIIe siècle. Il souligne également que la traite des esclaves était une industrie clef qui a rendu possible la production de nombreux biens. Pour dire les choses crûment : sans le coton cueilli par les esclaves, l’#industrialisation de la production #textile suisse aurait été impossible.

    Une branche de cette industrie a manifestement bénéficié directement de la traite des esclaves : les producteurs de ce que l’on appelle les #tissus_indiens. Ceux-ci ont été produits pour le marché européen, mais aussi spécifiquement comme moyen d’échange pour le #commerce_triangulaire. Souvent, même les modèles ont été conçus pour répondre au goût des trafiquants d’êtres humains qui échangeaient des personnes contre des produits de luxe sur les côtes africaines.

    Une famille suisse qui produisait ce genre de tissus faisait la publicité suivante dans une annonce de 1815 : « La société #Favre, #Petitpierre & Cie attire l’attention des armateurs de navires négriers et coloniaux sur le fait que leurs ateliers tournent à plein régime pour fabriquer et fournir tous les articles nécessaires au troc des noirs, tels que des indiennes et des mouchoirs ».

    Passage à un colonialisme sans esclaves

    Après l’interdiction de la traite des esclaves aux États-Unis, l’industrie textile mondiale a sombré dans une crise des #matières_premières : les marchés du coton en #Inde redevenaient plus attractifs. La société suisse #Volkart, qui opérait en Inde depuis 1851, en a profité et s’est spécialisée dans le commerce du coton brut en Inde. Ici, les Britanniques contrôlaient la production : les agriculteurs indiens étaient obligés de produire du coton au lieu de denrées alimentaires. Grâce à une étroite collaboration avec les Britanniques, Volkart a pu rapidement prendre en charge un dixième de toutes les exportations indiennes de coton vers les usines textiles de toute l’Europe.

    Une autre entreprise qui a bien survécu à la crise provoquée par la fin de l’esclavage est la #Mission_de_Bâle, la communauté missionnaire évangélique. Soutenue par les mêmes familles bâloises qui avaient auparavant investi dans la traite des esclaves, la mission a ouvert un nouveau modèle commercial : elle a converti les « païens » au christianisme en Inde. Les convertis étaient abandonnés par leurs communautés et la Mission de Bâle les laissait alors travailler dans ses usines de tissage.

    Un missionnaire faisait ainsi l’éloge de ce modèle vers 1860 : « Si des païens veulent se convertir au Christ (...) nous les aiderons à trouver un abri autour des #fermes_missionnaires et à trouver un emploi pour gagner leur vie, que ce soit dans l’agriculture ou dans tout autre commerce. C’est ce qu’on appelle la colonisation. »

    Le colonialisme comprend également l’exploitation de relations de pouvoir asymétriques au profit économique des colons. Cependant, l’État suisse a laissé la recherche de ce profit dans les colonies entièrement à l’initiative privée. Des demandes parlementaires appelant à un plus grand soutien à « l’émigration et au colonialisme » par l’État fédéral ont été rejetées. Le Conseil fédéral objectait notamment qu’un pays sans accès à la mer ne pouvait pas coloniser et que la Confédération n’était pas à même d’assumer une telle responsabilité.

    Il est intéressant de noter que ces demandes ont été faites dans les années 1860 par les démocrates radicaux, ceux-là mêmes qui préconisaient des réformes sociales et se battaient pour une plus grande influence de la démocratie directe face à la bourgeoisie au pouvoir. Les démocrates radicaux qui soutenaient le colonialisme se considéraient comme les représentants de ceux qui fuyaient la pauvreté et la faim en Suisse.

    La politique d’émigration de la Suisse a en effet changé au XIXe siècle : si, au début du siècle, les colonies étaient encore considérées comme des lieux d’accueil de personnes que l’on ne pouvait plus nourrir, elles sont devenues de plus en plus la base de réseaux mondiaux. Les colonies offraient un terrain d’essai à de nombreux jeunes commerçants.

    Les Suisses jouissaient des mêmes privilèges que les membres des régimes coloniaux européens — ils étaient des colons, mais sans patrie impérialiste. En 1861, l’économiste allemand #Arwed_Emminghaus admirait cette stratégie des « liens commerciaux étendus » de la Suisse et la considérait comme une variation de la politique expansionniste impériale des puissances coloniales : « Nul besoin de flottes coûteuses, ni d’administration coûteuse, ni de guerre ou d’oppression ; les #conquêtes se font par la voie la plus pacifique et la plus facile du monde. »

    Sources (en allemand)

    – Andreas Zangger: Koloniale Schweiz. Ein Stück Globalgeschichte zwischen Europa und Südostasien (1860-1930). Berlin 2011.
    - Lea Haller: Transithandel: Geld- und Warenströme im globalen Kapitalismus. Frankfurt am Main 2019.
    - Patricia Purtschert, Barbara Lüthi, Francesca (Hg.): Postkoloniale Schweiz: Formen und Folgen eines Kolonialismus ohne Kolonien
    - Thomas David, Bouda Etemad, Janick Marina Schaufelbuehl: Schwarze Geschäfte. Die Beteiligung von Schweizern an Sklaverei und Sklavenhandel im 18. und 19. Jahrhundert. Zürich 2005.
    - Hans Fässler: Reise in schwarz-weiss: Schweizer Ortstermine in Sachen Sklaverei. Zürich 2005.

    https://www.swissinfo.ch/fre/la-suisse-et-ses-colonies/45906046

    #colonialisme_suisse #Suisse_coloniale #colonialisme #colonisation #impérialisme

    –—

    Ajouté à la métaliste sur la Suisse coloniale:
    https://seenthis.net/messages/868109

  • Esclavagisme, racisme, massacres de masse : l’autre visage du libéralisme | Slate.fr

    http://www.slate.fr/story/97761/esclavagisme-racisme-massacres-autre-visage-liberalisme

    « La race européenne a reçu du ciel ou a acquis par ses efforts une si incontestable supériorité sur toutes les autres races qui composent la grande famille humaine, que l’homme placé chez nous, par ses vices et son ignorance, au dernier échelon de l’échelle sociale est encore le premier chez les sauvages ».

    L’auteur des lignes mises en exergue ci-dessus n’est pas un marginal et sanguinaire partisan de la colonisation occidentale ; c’est le doux et libéral A. de Tocqueville, auteur classique, inscrit aux programmes scolaires de certaines filières au lycée ou à l’université –pour des idées toutes autres que celles étudiées par Domenico Losurdo dans le présent ouvrage.

    #colonialisme #racisme #capitalisme #impérialisme

  • S’il n’y avait qu’un seul article à lire pour apercevoir le monde qui vient et s’y préparer...

    Du Covid-19 à la crise de 2020 https://mensuel.lutte-ouvriere.org//2020/05/17/du-covid-19-la-crise-de-2020_147702.html

    Ce texte est daté du 8 mai 2020, mais seules les citations choisies dans la presse auraient pu être actualisées, pas le fond du constat. La crise sanitaire est loin d’être terminée, et l’économie et la société s’enfoncent de plus en plus dans la crise du capitalisme, avec toutes ses conséquences pour les classes laborieuses. L’humanité a largement les moyens scientifiques et techniques de maîtriser la pandémie, même si ceux qui font autorité en matière scientifique répètent qu’il faut du temps pour cela et qu’il faut « apprendre à vivre avec le coronavirus ». Mais la société est enfermée dans le carcan de l’organisation capitaliste, avec la propriété privée des moyens de production et des États nationaux rivaux, et dont les dégâts directs ou indirects sont incommensurablement plus grands que ceux dus au coronavirus...

    Lutte de Classe n°208 - juin 2020 :
    #pdf https://mensuel.lutte-ouvriere.org/sites/default/files/ldc/files/ldc208_0.pdf
    #epub https://mensuel.lutte-ouvriere.org/sites/default/files/ldc/files/ldc208_0.epub
    #mobi https://mensuel.lutte-ouvriere.org/sites/default/files/ldc/files/ldc208_0.mobi

    #capitalisme #crise #pandémie #coronavirus #covid_19 #impérialisme #crise_économique #étatisme #union_européenne #nationalisme #souverainisme #internationalisme #lutte_de_classe #réformisme #CFDT #CGT #révolution_sociale #dette #PCF #gafam #medef #bce #Deuxième_Guerre_mondiale #Etats_unis #chine #concurrence #concentration_du_capital #profit #loi_du_marché #allemagne #dépression #prolétariat #classe_ouvrière #afrique #famine #CNR #Conseil_national_de_la_résistance #Marx #Lénine #Trotsky

  • Revealed : Secretive British unit planning for ’reconstruction’ of Venezuela | The Canary
    https://www.thecanary.co/exclusive/2020/05/13/revealed-secretive-british-unit-planning-for-reconstruction-of-venezuela

    he existence of a secretive Venezuela Reconstruction Unit within the FCO, combined with the FCO’s private discussions with Guaidó’s UK representative, seems to demonstrate the extent to which the UK government is committed to the overthrow of the Venezuelan government.

    These documents also suggest that ‘regime change’ in Venezuela is following the typical procedure: the countries that contribute most during the destabilisation phase can expect to share the financial spoils in the ‘reconstruction’ phase.

    This episode sits within a long line of UK support for right-wing forces in Latin America.

    Article documenté sur un site, The Canary, que je ne connais pas. #Venezuela #impérialisme

  • Who Rules America ? Power, Politics, & Social Change
    https://whorulesamerica.ucsc.edu

    a site about how power is distributed and wielded in the United States. It both builds upon and greatly supplements the book Who Rules America?, now in its 7th edition. The book’s new subtitle, “The Triumph of the Corporate Rich,” reflects the success of the wealthy few in defeating all of their rivals (e.g., organized labor, liberals, environmentalists) over the course of the past 35 years. The story of how the corporate rich won all the big battles is complicated, but most of the answers are in the new Who Rules America? and/or this Web site; you can also watch some videos of Bill giving invited lectures on the topic.

    Who Rules America ? - Wikipedia
    https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Who_Rules_America%3F

    G. William Domhoff - Wikipedia
    https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/G._William_Domhof

    #impérialisme #kye

  • To Hell with Good Intentions - Ivan Illich
    http://www.swaraj.org/illich_hell.htm

    An address by Monsignor Ivan Illich to the Conference on InterAmerican Student Projects (CIASP) in Cuernavaca, Mexico, on April 20, 1968.
    ...
    By now it should be evident to all America that the U.S. is engaged in a tremendous struggle to survive. The U.S. cannot survive if the rest of the world is not convinced that here we have Heaven-on-Earth. The survival of the U.S. depends on the accep- tance by all so-called “free” men that the U.S. middle class has “made it.”

    The U.S. way of life has become a religion which must be accepted by all those who do not want to die by the sword - or napalm. All over the globe the U.S. is fighting to protect and develop at least a minority who consume what the U.S. majority can afford. Such is the purpose of the Alliance for Progress of the middle-classes which the U.S. signed with Latin America some years ago. But increasingly this commercial alliance must be pro- tected by weapons which allow the minority who can “make it” to protect their acquisitions and achievements.

    But weapons are not enough to permit minority rule. The marginal masses become rambunctious unless they are given a “Creed,” or belief which explains the status quo. This task is given to the U.S. volunteer - whether he be a member of CLASP or a worker in the so-called “Pacification Programs” in Viet Nam.

    Ils n’ont rien appris depuis sauf une mauvaise fois plus avancée. Les volontaires un peu naïfs de ’68 se sont mués en troupes d’intervention des révolutions de couleur et leurs patrons ont cédé leur place aux experts de marketing qui travaillent sans scrupules à la fois pour la #CIA et Procter & Gamble.

    Heureusement ceci n’a pas la moindre importance. On ne se bricole pas des lois de l’histoire parce que ces forces majeures agissent aussi implacablement sur l’histoire humaine comme la gravitation le fait dans le domaine de la physique.

    #impérialisme #USA #tiers_monde

  • Décolonisations (1/3) - L’apprentissage | ARTE
    https://www.arte.tv/fr/videos/086124-001-A/decolonisations-1-3

    1. L’apprentissage
    De la #révolte des #cipayes de 1857 à l’étonnante République du #Rif, mise sur pied de 1921 à 1926 par #Abdelkrim_el-Khattabi avant d’être écrasée par la #France, ce premier épisode montre que la #résistance, autrement dit la #décolonisation, a débuté avec la #conquête. Il rappelle comment, en 1885, les puissances européennes se partagent l’#Afrique à #Berlin, comment les Allemands commettent le premier #génocide du XXe siècle en #Namibie, rivalisant avec les horreurs accomplies sous la houlette du roi belge #Léopold_II au #Congo. Il retrace aussi les parcours de l’anthropologue haïtien #Anténor_Firmin, de la Kényane #Mary_Nyanjiru, de la missionnaire anglaise #Alice_Seeley_Harris ou de #Lamine_Senghor, jeune tirailleur sénégalais devenu #militant #communiste et #anticolonialiste.

  • Vous avez des vacances ? Vous voulez partir au soleil ? Vous en rêvez ? Mais avez-vous déjà pensé au tourisme en période coloniale comme outil de légitimation de la puissance impériale ? https://sms.hypotheses.org/5023
    #tourisme #Maghreb #impérialisme #colonialisme #congés

    Travailler sur le tourisme, passe encore. Le thème a aujourd’hui, avec ses corollaires comme l’étude des loisirs et des vacances, trouvé sa place parmi les champs de l’histoire. Mais travailler sur le tourisme en situation coloniale, est-ce vraiment sérieux ? La domination impériale a généré tant d’injustices, d’iniquités et de violences qu’on peut considérer le tourisme comme un épiphénomène dont l’analyse n’ajoute rien à la compréhension des sociétés concernées.

    Par ailleurs, pourrait-on nous objecter, les géographes et les sociologues qui, depuis de longues années, se sont intéressés au phénomène touristique, considèrent que celui-ci démarre avec les années 1960, voire après, au moment où se met en place une économie du tourisme de masse. Alors, pourquoi s’entêter à traquer le touriste dans l’Algérie du XIXe siècle, ou au Maroc et en Tunisie des années 1920 ? Les raisons en sont toutes simples (...)

  • “It’s Now or Never”: Bolivian Elite Destroying the Country | Opinion | teleSUR English
    https://www.telesurenglish.net/opinion/Its-Now-or-Never-Bolivian-Elite-Destroying-the-Country-20191107-0023

    Published 7 November 2019, by Edu Montesanti - To the Bolivian upper classes, President Evo Morales has to resign even if forced by extreme violence, or through a civil war.

    “It’s now or never!”, said a family in Santa Cruz de la Sierra, gathered close to Christ the Redeemer statue where thousands of demonstrators and road blockers stay seven days of the week, night and day.

    That statement was in response to this reporter’s observance, that circumstances in Bolivia were getting out of control leading to a civil war. Answering that, the family laughed and did not hesitate in declaring: “We want things to get out of control. This is the only way to overthrow this president, once and for all.”

    Violence, Our Daily Bread

    For almost 20 days, the South American country is economically stopped, as opposition groups are blocking roads and preventing trade, in the last case with exceptions some short times for markets.

    However, if one walks by The Ramada, commercial center in downtown Santa Cruz de la Sierra, sees almost every trade with open doors, an act of disobedience to the rebel leaders of the national strike. This author has talked to some local merchants.

    “Nobody in this area supports the strike,” said to this author a woman merchant. “In the city, generally, not everybody opposes the President, on the contrary, I could say people are divided,” added the old woman, who owns a large store in The Ramada.

    The owner’s daughter added: “Nobody did for Bolivia what President Evo Morales has done. He has granted several rights to workers, as no president did before. This is one thing that angers the elite.”

    Everybody has been afraid to publicly speak, given the uncertainty and virulence in the essence of the current protests that take the nation. Recently, in this area, a woman spoke out against the strike saying people want and need to work as there is no money nor food anymore. She was beaten and obliged to kneel and ask demonstrators for forgiveness.

    In regions like Cochabamba, Potosi, and La Paz, the situation is more tense, with frequent clashes between pro-government and opponent groups, and several wounded. In Cochabamba, a 20-year old man was killed last Wednesday, a victim of severe head injury, skull base fracture and brain death due to confrontations, which grow more and more. The civil war is fastly advancing in Bolivia.
    Fury without Rationality

    The following has been a rule in Bolivia, before the last presidential election: the opposition spills their hate against the local government, especially against President Evo Morales but when confronted with some official data, internationally recognized in favor of the first indigenous president of the nation, criticism change its direction.

    What had seen strong condemnations against the “situation of the country”, quickly changed to “a future dictator if many years in power.” So they start to explain their political theories about more than two or three mandates in the Presidency. And so, they create their conjectures.

    Angela Merkel has been the German Prime-Minister since 2005, as her country has a solid democracy not questioned in Bolivia nor nowhere around the world. What determines a strong democracy in a country, is the solidity of its institutions.

    Last Monday evening, the biggest demonstration against President Evo Morales since the elections on Oct. 20, took place in Santa Cruz de la Sierra.

    “We will siege every government institution including tax collectors ones, and national borders, so the government won’t collect one cent. Evo is going to be a president without a State!”, said in the demonstration Luis Fernando Camacho, the leader of the current national strike based out in Santa Cruz de la Sierra.

    Camacho’s biography and ancestry, outlined below in this report, is another serious indication that what is advancing in Bolivia is a Color Revolution, idealized by the American Gene Sharp to overthrow governments all over the world, not aligned to the Washington regime.

    President Evo Morales has challenged the opposition to give evidence of fraud to the Organization of American States (OAE), which has been auditing the Bolivia election. So far, nobody presented any piece of evidence of fraud regarding the last presidential election; the opposition claim, since OAS arrival to audit the elections, they do not want any audit nor a runoff anymore, but Morales’ resignation and new elections.

    This reporter has checked people lost in their observances, as emotions overflowed. One of the features of a Color Revolution. It has been this way in Syria, Egypt, Tunisia, Libya, Brazil, and other countries lately.

    There are other features in these protests is in Bolivia, clearly pointing to a Color Revolution.
    Paying for Demonstrators

    There have been witnesses that road blockers have gotten 200 bolivianos (US$29) per day. A woman confirmed that information to this author, who says she has met a road blocker who has spoken to her about it.

    Camacho has recognized that he paid 1,200 bolivianos (US$174) to a Cruceñista Youth Union member to burn the Electoral Tribunal in Santa Cruz de la Sierra on Oct. 23.

    The businessman also speaks out when telling he funds all kinds of demonstrations against the current government, “and always did [before the elections],” which included the attacks against several official party’s head offices across Santa Cruz de la Sierra, on Sept.12.
    U.S.-Backed Groups

    Recent revelations point to a U.S.-backed plan of shaking the nation. The Radio Education Network of Bolivia (Erbol) has released 16 audios, which uncover talks between U.S. officials, Bolivian opponents, and former military.

    In a three-part plan outlined by U.S. officials, former President Gonzalo Sanchez de Lozada (2002-2003) is mentioned. Lozada had Carlos Mesa (the principal opponent of Morales in the last election) as his vice-president and currently lives in the U.S.

    U.S. senators Bob Menendez, Ted Cruz, and Marco Rubio are some of the American officials mentioned in the audios, linked to the Bolivian opposition planning a coup against President Evo Morales.

    Officials of the State Department accredited in the country, such as Mariane Scott and Rolf A. Olson, have been meeting with high level diplomatic officials from Brazil, Argentina, and Paraguay, in order that they organize and plan destabilization actions against the Bolivian government, as well as delivering the U.S. funds to the Bolivian opposition.

    (...) Parallel, in the month of July a private meeting between the opponents Jaime Antonio Alarcón Daza, Iván Arias and other members of the civic committees was carried out, in which it was agreed to acquire “machines for fast vote-counting” for the coming presidential elections, for the sake of manipulating public opinion on the electoral results.

    “These machines would altogether have a cost of US$300,000. The U.S. Embassy and the representation of the European Union in the country would contribute to financing the purchase, which they would provide through the Jubileo Foundation and the Evangelical Church. With that specific aim, they have already managed to gather more of US$800,000, from which the payment to the people participating in the fast count of votes would also come out.”

    An attack against the Cuban Embassy in Bolivia has also been planned.

    All the audios, which include the three-part plan to achieve a regime change in Bolivia, can be read here.

    Touching Emotion through the Mainstream Media of Propaganda

    Demonstrations in Santa Cruz de la Sierra, according to the Bolivian mainstream media, have been held “at the feet of Christ” strongly touching people’s emotions, especially the people’s faith. In Bolivia’s biggest city, demonstrators are used to gathering, as mentioned above, around Christ the Redeemer statue.

    So the virulent and anti-democratic demonstrations which are shaking the South American country, leaving many people without food, have an aspect of sacrosanct manifestations by the media - who is against them, is against God and in favor of the Devil. Or something like that.

    Religious leaders have used people like puppets for so long in Bolivia. Which of course requires using imagination. It has been so very strong, that this reporter had predicted exactly what is going on these days in Bolivia, months ago.

    Speaking out loud and clear, to the fundamental participation of religious leaders who have dedicated most of their time to spread lies, discrimination, and hate among the Bolivian people, with clear aims. They are mute now, before too much violence in the country.

    Such misuse of people’s emotions is not only a Color Revolution feature these days, but was a pillar to the ascension of Germany’s Nazism in the 1930s.

    In these dark and too tense days in Bolivia, the mainstream media of propaganda is playing a fundamental role in the demonstration’s favor. It has been a bombardment by what can be denominated a war media. No investigation, no impartiality, only propaganda.
    Fighting the Wrong Enemy

    Oct. 31 evening, when the situation aggravated in Bolivia, this reporter checked one of the main crossroads in the highly tense Santa Cruz de la Sierra, blocked 24 hours per day by demonstrators.

    That day in the city, a policeman had been severely beaten by opponent civilians to the Morales administration. One day before, two men had been killed in Santa Cruz de la Sierra outskirts (Pravda reported).

    When this investigation crossed the blocking, under the surveillance of its controllers, a so very loudly radio was saying: “We are reporting multitudinous demonstrations taking place right now in Potosi! Multitudinous demonstrations taking place right now in Cochabamba! Multitudinous demonstrations taking place right now in Santa Cruz de la Sierra! Multitudinous demonstrations taking place right now in La Paz!”.

    Suddenly, in a much more touching way, the narrator said: “In La Paz, the multitude shout, ’No more Cubans, get out Cubans! No more Russians, get out, Russians! No more Chineses, get out Chineses!”. A saying started to be spread in Santa Cruz, that “Vladimir Putin has already sent his men to kill everybody in Bolivia.”

    So the popular claim in Bolivia changed from recounting the votes to a runoff, no matter the results of the election; another election; Evo Morales’ resignation; combating the “big enemies” of the nation, the nightmare of the Bolivian elites, Cubans, Russians, and Chinese.

    Needless to address the absurdities of these remarks. Not to mention the absence of the U.S. in the memory of that same elite given the military coups Uncle Sam has perpetrated against democracies in the region - including Bolivia -, and the plunder of the natural resources of the Bolivian nation (before Evo Morales years in the Presidency).

    Luis Fernando Camacho is based-out in Santa Cruz, and most of his public appearances against the Bolivian president, are in his native city. An entrepreneur, he is the president of Committee Pro-Santa Cruz, devoted to advocating justice and progress to Santa Cruz de la Sierra.

    The billionaire has not been voted president of the Committee by the “cruceño” (original from Santa Cruz de la Sierra) people, but by the committee summit. It is widely said in the city that the tycoon won the presidency of the organization through millionaire bribes. Which coincides with the Bolivian too corrupted reality.

    Camacho’s committee has a long history of spreading racism, discrimination, hate, and violence in Bolivia. In 2008, the organization took part in the violent attempt of separate Santa Cruz de la Sierra from Bolivia. At the time, in response to a false denouncement by the Committee Pro-Santa Cruz against the Morales administration, International Federation for Human Rights seriously rebuked the organization now presided by Camacho, for attacking indigenous people, State institutions, and speech and acts for secessionism (read Open Letter).

    Camacho is 40 years old; he and his family are part of Grupo Empresarial de Inversiones Nacional Vida S.A., a synergy insurance company, His father, José Luis Camacho Miserendino, founded Sergas, a gas company which, in 1989, had contracts with the neoliberal state linked to insurance companies and pension funds.

    Sergas owes 20 million de bolivianos (US$2,890,173) to the Bolivian State for tax evasion, when the company supplied gas to Santa Cruz de la Sierra city. So what is at stake is possibly debt forgiveness if a neoliberal government takes again the power in the South American country. It is said and makes sense that if Carlos Mesa takes the power, substituting Evo Morales in a coup or a resignation, the once Lozada’s vice-president will immediately forgive Sergas debt with the State.

    Camacho’s committee acts close to Cruceñista Youth Union, widely known for fascist sayings and doings - also for having led the violent and failed project of separating Santa Cruz de la Sierra from Bolivia, in 2007.

    Last Wednesday, Jorge Fernando Quiroga Ramírez, alias Tuto Quiroga, landed in Santa Cruz de la Sierra to meet and support Camacho. Quiroga was vice-president of Hugo Banzer (1971-78, 1997-2001), a bloody dictator pro-Washington regime.

    Most recently and closest to Bolivia, Brazil in the world scenario of Color Revolution overthrew President Dilma Rousseff in 2016, to give place to Michel Temer who paved the way for fascist Jair Bolsonaro. Since the coup against Dilma Rousseff, the mainstream media, the upper classes, and the political opposition has said that once the first woman president in Brazil’s history was toppled, the South American country would find its way back to democracy and economic growth.

    Needless to address the Brazilian situation since then. Just worthy to mention: those Brazilian segments do not care about corruption anymore, nor have been seen in that too loud strong state of hysteria for economic growth as in 2016.

    If the planned coup succeeds in Bolivia, this country will surely have the same fate as Brazil, economically and politically saying.
    A Long Process Based on Misinformation and Hate

    “I hate Evo Morales!” said in July last year in a talk to this reporter, a Santa Cruz de la Sierra-bases out hairdresser woman - without any political justification to that deep sentiment. A white professional at 40 years of age, only hates. She openly hates the first indigenous president in Bolivia’s history.

    Cochabamba’s Lawmaker Norma Pierola has been prosecuted for racism for not greeting President Evo Morales in an official activity, late last year. Norma alleged that Morales does not respect women as a president, without any justification for that. On the contrary, the Morales administration is well-known including among critics for granting rights for women, the LGBT community, and indigenous people.

    At that time, Santa Cruz de la Sierra Governor Ruben Costas called indigenous people “dumb and stupid,” so rekindling the fire of deep racism that used to shame Bolivia in the years previous to Evo Morales.

    This video shows strong acts of racism and discrimination Evo Morales is suffering since took power in 2006, and strong violence against innocent and unarmed indigenous people and peasants, “a damn race.” Shocking images taped especially in Santa Cruz de la Sierra, before Evo Morales in the Presidency, who has, with the Congress mostly composed of its partisans, passed bills that severely punish acts of discrimination.

    But the deep hate has been kept inside hearts, even growing in many people’s sentiments through the years. It has been strongly realized by talking to people, who do not tolerate a “red skin,” a peasant, or a different accent. Or even an Evo voter.

    “If Camacho gets his aims, this atmosphere of discrimination, racism, hate, and deep violence will be back to Bolivia, as he is allied to Ruben Costas,” said to this journalist a Bolivian from La Paz, who has been living in Santa Cruz for several years.

    Among many non-sense lies spread in Bolivia, both by the opposition and religious leaders (the latter have played a fundamental role in discrimination and diffusion of slanders campaign), could be highlighted that “Evo had an airplane arrested in the U.S. years ago, loaded with cocaine.”

    Personally talking to Catholic leaders of Knights Templar in Santa Cruz de la Sierra, this reporter asked them, well aware that was a lie: “So why did Evo was not arrested in the U.S., then?”. The ridiculous answer was, “he has immunity as president of Bolivia [in U.S. ground!].”

    Another spread lie is that Evo Morales owns the air company Boliviana de Aviación (BoA) - a state company created in 2007 a year after Evo took power.

    “I have been surprised that they [religious leaders] first pray and then they hate, what is that?” Evo asked last week. “They pray [then] kick poor people,” the president of Bolivia denounced, well-aware that such a segment is behind the dirty war of hate and lies across the country.
    Social Confusion

    Leaving the demonstration “at the feet of Christ” last Monday, this reporter talked to some people. A couple’s reaction to some of this journalist’s observations is a hallmark of the current state of mind among the opposition voters in Bolivia.

    After explaining the reasons why the young guys were requiring Evo Morales to be overthrown, this report presented some little data about Bolivia’s economy in recent years, comparing to the years previous to the current president.

    The couple then repeated a posture commonly seen by this author when talking to people by the streets of Santa Cruz de la Sierra: they firstly withered to later change the subject. The problem was not the economy, but a president being many years in power. Which is at least arguable, as pointed out above.

    Another strong feature of these protests in Bolivia, a hallmark of Color Revolutions, is the spread of lies among people which is previous to the current mess: the scenario of social confusion based on an inversion of facts has been advancing long ago in the South American country.

    Last Tuesday, this reporter got a WhatsApp message from a lawyer based out in La Paz, who works in Santa Cruz de la Sierra, too. “This is the beginning of strong social movements in Bolivia. (...) So starts a social movement, first the group manifests, later elaborate the ideology,” he said. Which is an absurd, and another Color Revolution strong feature, as social movements’ process is the inverse: they first have a direction, then they organize themselves, and fight for their ideals. Any movement or group without an ideal is artificial.

    Fighting for something without a clear path to be pursued is ridiculous, leading nations victims of Color Revolutions, unavoidable to chaos, generally to fascist politics, a worse situation the respective nations used to live before such artificial movements.

    There is no project by the opposition. They want the justice system, controlled by the current government, it is true, to be under their control again, not to reform it. And they aim to collapse every Morales administration gains.

    Uncle Sam’s Sharp, Cruel Claws

    In 2014, Jacob Ostreicher, a Jewish businessman funded by local drug trafficking and the CIA disguised as a diplomatic mission to destabilize Bolivia, illegally, and protected by the CIA, left the South American country not to be arrested. Who provided Ostreicher’s escape was “diplomat” Larry Lamont Memmott, a CIA agent operating in Bolivia.

    Who is behind protests in Bolivia are dark powers, the stingy, destructive Bolivian elite that in the two centuries before Evo Morales, used to sell local natural resources to get in return Empire’s crumbs - the U.S. deep State who is, once again, using the old puppet Bolivian elite as its tool for geostrategic and economic purposes.

    All this seems impossible to be argued with many people in Bolivia right now. Their minds have been confused by the daily mainstream media’s bombardment and religious leaders.

    The current chaos, with the local economy stuck for almost 20 days, has no forecast to finish. Who is destroying Bolivia is not surely Cuba, nor Russia, nor China. But in the deeply troubled Bolivia these days, Joseph Goebbels’s teachings reigns: “A lie told once remains a lie, but a lie told a thousand times becomes the truth.”

    Lie, something the most terrorist Empire in history is an expert in spreading. And in the destruction of nations, another thing that, for so long, Latin America disgracefully knows very well.

    It’s Bolivia turn, again...

    #Boivie #USA #putsch #impérialisme

  • Monsieur le président ...


    https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2019/10/16/us/politics/trump-letter-turkey.html

    THE WHITE HOUSE

    WASHINGTON

    October 9, 2019

    His Excellency
    Recep Tayyip Erdogan
    President of the Republic of Turkey
    Ankara

    Dear Mr. President:

    Let’s work out a good deal! You don’t want to be responsible for slaughtering thousands of people, and I don’t want to be responsible for destroying the Turkish economy — and I will. I’ve already given you a little sample with respect to Pastor Brunson.

    I have worked hard to solve some of your problems. Don’t let the world down. You can make a great deal. General Mazloum is willing to negotiate with you, and he is willing to make concessions that they would never have made in the past. I am confidentially enclosing a copy of his letter to me, just received.

    History will look upon you favorably if you get this done the right and humane way. It will look upon you forever as the devil if good things don’t happen. Don’t be a tough guy. Don’t be a fool!

    I will call you later.

    Sincerely,

    Donald J. Trump

    Jake Tapper : I thought this Trump letter was a joke ... it’s real
    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eL-NcBxYnfg

    #USA #Turquie #politique #impérialisme #satire

  • Holocaust versus Nakba ? | Telepolis
    https://www.heise.de/tp/features/Holocaust-versus-Nakba-4533266.html
    Cet article décrit l’idéologie sioniste et sa justification du nettoyage ethnique de la Paestine depuis 1948. Le texte est remarquable parce qu’il cite les auteurs sionistes d’aujourd’hui qui reconnaissent et justifient chaque crime commis contre les Palestiniens. Leurs arguments ne tiennet pas debout quand on les soumet à une critique systématique. La conclusion s’impose que l’État d’Israël poursuit une politique illégale et meurtrière dont les acteurs méritent une inculpation pour de nombreux crimes dont la définition est le résultat des procès de Nuremberg.

    Les positions sionistes décrites ici constituent une des raisons d’être de la Bundesrepublik Deutschland où on prend souvent des mesures draconiennes contre les personnes qui osent critiquer l’État d’Israël et les crimes commis par ses agents.

    Zur Tiefenstruktur des sogenannten Israel / Palästina - Konflikts

    Es gibt Umstände in der Geschichte, die ethnische Säuberungen rechtfertigen.
    Benny Morris

    Und der Genozid an den Juden ist ein solcher Fall.

    Mit der Staatsgründung Israels im Jahre 1948 ist die Vertreibung von etwa 750.000 Palästinensern untrennbar verbunden. Wie ist diese Vertreibung aus heutiger Sicht zu beurteilen?

    Darüber macht sich bei uns, in Übereinstimmung mit der israelisch/zionistischen Strategie der Ablehnung der Nakba als solcher (d.h. als einer Katastrophe), kaum jemand Gedanken. Dieser Beitrag versucht es zumindest.(1)

    1 Der Palästina-Konflikt

    1.1 Worum geht es im Palästina-Konflikt, dem Nahost-Konflikt? Nicht einmal darüber gibt es Konsens. Außer vielleicht darüber, dass zwei Gruppen von Menschen Anspruch auf ein und dasselbe Land erheben: auf das ehemals britische Mandatsgebiet Palästina.

    1.2 Unter beiden Gruppen gibt es solche, die das Land ausschließlich für die eigene Gruppe beanspruchen (Maximalisten); und solche (die Nicht-Maximalisten), die bereit sind, das Land mit der anderen Gruppe zu teilen, entweder durch Teilung des Landes (Zweistaaten- Lösung) oder in einem gemeinsamen Staat (Einstaaten-Lösung).

    1.3 Die erhobenen Ansprüche auf das Land sind unterschiedlichster Art: religiös (das Land selbst als Geschenk Gottes), historisch, rechtlich, ökonomisch, politisch (global wie lokal) und auch moralisch. Miteinander verbunden sind diese verschiedenartigen Begründungen für den Anspruch auf das Land in Form von so genannten Narrativen (Kollektiv-Geschichten), mit deren Hilfe sich die Identitäten der Gruppen und Untergruppen bilden und festigen.

    1.4 Ein gemeinsames, den bisherigen Konflikt transzendierendes (israelisch-jüdisches / palästinensisch-arabisches) Narrativ ist bislang nicht in Sicht. Im Gegenteil: Ein wesentlicher Effekt der zunehmenden medialen Inszenierung des Konflikts scheint der zu sein, dass sich die einander widersprechenden Narrative weiter verhärten. Fast hat man den Eindruck: an einem diese Widersprüche auflösenden gemeinsamen Narrativ hat so gut wie niemand echtes Interesse.

    1.5 Die Folge ist: Keine Seite ist derzeit imstande, die Welt aus der Sicht der anderen Seite zu sehen. Und so ist sie dazu in der Regel auch nicht willens. Solange dies so bleibt, ist der Konflikt nicht lösbar. Jedenfalls nicht einvernehmlich.

    1.6 Bei der Begründung der Ansprüche auf Palästina spielen quer über die verschiedenen (religiösen, historischen etc.) Kategorien hinweg auf israelischer Seite vor allem die Erinnerung an die Shoa (den Holocaust) und auf palästinensischer Seite die an die Nakba (die ethnischen Säuberungen von 1948/49) eine wichtige Rolle. Diese Erinnerungen (als historische Reminiszenzen wie auch als Imperative) bilden das Herzstück der konkurrierenden Narrative.

    1.7 Diese Erinnerungen begründen auch eine der wenigen Gemeinsamkeiten: Beide Seiten sehen sich primär als Opfer. Und beide Seiten sind das auch. Aber, und vielleicht liegt genau darin die zentrale Tragik des Konfliktes: Beide Seiten sehen - auch in ihrem gegenseitigen Verhältnis - fast ausschließlich nur sich selbst als Opfer.

    2 Die Nakba

    Vor diesem allgemeinen Hintergrund nun zur Nakba selbst.

    2.1 In keinem Punkt divergieren die beiden Narrative stärker als in diesem. Verständlicherweise. Denn bei diesem Thema geht es für beide Seiten (bisher) um alles oder nichts.

    2.2 Der einzige Konsens - ist dieser: Im Kontext des 48er Krieges kam es zu einem erheblichen Bevölkerungs-Transfer, von dem etwa eine ¾ Million Palästinenser betroffen waren. Punkt. Ende des Konsenses.

    2.3 Die israelische Seite wollte diesen Transfer anfangs - und will das unter den letzten Rechts-Regierungen zunehmend wieder - am liebsten so verstanden wissen: Diese Flucht war großteils eine Reaktion auf entsprechende Aufforderungen von Seiten der Führung der angreifenden arabischen Armeen; diese sollten freies Schussfeld haben. Nach dieser Auffassung hätten die Palästinenser demnach ihre Dörfer freiwillig verlassen; ihre Flucht war, von wenigen Ausnahmen abgesehen, nicht die Folge einer Vertreibung.

    2.4 Die Forschungen der sogenannten Neuen Historiker aus den 80er und 90er Jahren widersprechen dieser Darstellung.2 Die Vertreibungen waren von langer Hand - von speziellen Transfer-Kommittees - geplant, fanden zum Teil bereits vor dem Kriegsbeginn statt, waren ersichtlich gut koordiniert, etc.

    2.5 Als die zwei bedeutendsten historischen Pionierarbeiten zur Nakba können gelten: Die 1987 erschienene Arbeit The Birth of the Palestinian Refugee Problem 1947 - 1949 des israelischen Historikers Benny Morris; und das von Walid Khalidi 1992 hrsg. Buch All That Remains: The Palestinian Villages Occupied and Depopulated by Israel in 1948, ein Almanach der zerstörten Dörfer, „unverzichtbar für jeden, der die ungeheuren Ausmaße der Katastrophe von 1948 begreifen möchte“.3

    2.6 Was man wissen könnte, deckt sich, sobald es um Macht geht, freilich selten mit dem, was man (auch öffentlich) wissen will. Im politischen Diskurs zur Nakba wird jedenfalls auch jetzt noch oft weiterhin so gesprochen, als hätte es den durch Khalidi und Morris definierten Erkenntnisstand zur zionistischen Planung und Durchführung der Nakba gar nie gegeben.

    Angesichts dieser Lage empfehle ich Ihnen dringend: Machen Sie, ehe Sie sich auf eine Diskussion mit einem angeblichen Nakba-Experten einlassen, bei diesem unbedingt vorher den Khalidi/Morris-Test: Ignorieren Sie den betreffenden Experten, wenn dieser noch nicht auf deren Erkenntnisstand aus den 80er/90er Jahren ist. Sie werden sehen: Dieser Test erspart Ihnen sehr viele nutzlose Diskussionen.

    2.7 Auch der Morris-Forschungsstand ist nicht mehr der neueste. Wer sich für dieses Thema überhaupt zu interessieren getraut, wird auch das neue, bereits 2010 bei Zweitausendeins auch auf Deutsch erschienene Buch von Ilan Pappe kennen bzw. sollte es kennen. Es hat den geradezu ungeheuer klaren Titel: Die ethnische Säuberung Palästinas.

    Die Differenz zu Morris ist diese: Während sich die ethnischen Säuberungen für Morris primär durch die Notwendigkeiten des 48er Krieges erklären lassen, hebt Pappe in seinem Werk auf den weit über die damaligen Kriegsnotwendigkeiten hinausgehenden eigenständigen Charakter dieser Säuberungen ab.

    Sie können sich vielleicht vorstellen, wie heftig über die Details dieser Differenz zwischen Morris’s Kriegsparadigma einerseits und dem Pappe’schen ethnische Säuberungen-Paradigma andererseits gestritten wird - derzeit und gewiss auch noch lange. Wobei daran zu erinnern ist, dass viele Dokumente auch heute noch nicht zugänglich sind.

    2.8 Wäre es in dieser Lage nicht angezeigt, auch hier das zu tun, was wir in anderen vergleichbaren Kontexten - z.B. gegenüber Türken und Armeniern - doch sonst so gerne tun? Nämlich: zur Klärung der offenen Fragen die Einrichtung gemischter (in diesem Fall also: israelisch/palästinensischer) Forschungskommissionen zu empfehlen?

    2.9 Und natürlich ist auch dieser Streit kein bloß akademischer. Schließlich geht es bei diesem Thema, wie oben schon gesagt, ums Ganze. Wie man die Nakba sieht bzw. wie man die Nakba zu sehen hat, das bleibt schließlich nicht folgenlos. Insbesondere nicht ohne Folgen dafür, wie man mit den direkten Folgen der Nakba umzugehen hat: mit den vertriebenen palästinensischen Flüchtlingen.

    3 Die Nakba und das Rückkehrrecht

    3.1 Aus der Sicht des Völkerrechts ist die Sache klar. Die Vollversammlung der UNO hat in der Resolution 194 vom 11.12.1948 den Palästinensischen Flüchtlingen grundsätzlich das Recht auf Rückkehr in ihre Heimat und/oder auf Entschädigung zugesprochen, wobei sich diese Resolution auf die (einen Tag zuvor verabschiedete) Allgemeine Erklärung der Menschenrechte (insbes. Art 13.2 und 17.2) stützt. Diese Rückkehr-Resolution wird seit 1948 Jahr für Jahr bekräftigt.

    Aber wer kümmert sich im Kontext des Palästina-Konflikts schon wirklich darum, was das Recht sagen würde? Die Umsetzung der Resolution 194 von 1948 wurde bis heute verhindert.

    3.2 An dieses Rückkehr-Recht klammert sich bei den Palästinensern, nachdem sie alles andere verloren hatten, der Rest an Hoffnung. Dieses Recht gehört zum Kern ihrer Identität. Es ist für sie prinzipiell unverhandelbar.

    3.3 Dasselbe gilt exakt für die Negation dieses Rechts durch das zionistische Israel. Eine Rückkehr der vertriebenen Palästinenser würde die Transformation Israels in einen binationalen Staat bedeuten - und damit das Ende des gerade dank der Nakba 1948 zum Erfolg geführten zionistischen Projekts.

    3.4 Genau aus diesem Grund fordert Israel immer wieder die Anerkennung seiner Existenz als jüdischem Staat, womit primär einfach ein Staat gemeint ist, in dem eine (möglichst große) jüdische Mehrheit garantiert ist.

    Wer das Existenzrecht Israels (in diesem Sinne) anerkennt, sollte also wissen, was er damit tut: Er bestreitet damit eo ipso genau das, was die UNO-Rückkehr-Resolution fordert. Woraus folgt: Zur deutschen Staatsraison gehört derzeit auch … genau: auch die Nicht-Umsetzung dieses Rückkehrrechts!4

    3.5 Es ist schlicht die Angst vor dem Ende des zionistischen Projekts, woraus sich im Kontext der palästinensischen Flüchtlingsproblematik das ganze Spektrum der so genannten israelischen Ablehnungs- bzw. Verweigerungs-Politik (The Politics of Denial)5 erklärt. Wie das offizielle Israel anfänglich

    – Das Vorkommen bzw. das Ausmaß bzw. die Intentionalität der Vertreibungen ja sogar (man erinnere sich an Golda Meir’s entsprechendes Diktum „Es gibt keine Palästinenser“)
    – Die Existenz von Palästinensern bestritten hat, so lehnt es über
    Das Recht auf Rückkehr bzw. Entschädigung der vertriebenen Palästinenser hinaus auch
    – Jegliche (moralische) Verantwortung für die Nakba schlechterdings ab.

    3.6 Die Argumente, auf die sich diese zionistische Position der eigenen Unverantwortlichkeit stützt, sind die üblichen. Sie sind ziemlich platt - und eigentlich gar keiner näheren Betrachtung würdig. Aber leider gilt ja nur allzu oft: Je schwächer (oder noch einfacher: je blöder) ein Argument ist, desto wirksamer ist es. Das „selber-schuld“-Argument etwa, das besagt: Es waren die Palästinenser, die, anders als die Yishuv, den UN-Teilungsplan abgelehnt und mit dem Krieg angefangen hatten - und darum seien sie für alles, was in diesem Krieg passiert sei, schließlich selber verantwortlich - einschließlich der Vertreibungen und der mit diesen verbundenen Massaker. Oder dass die jüdischen Massaker nur Vergeltungsreaktionen auf palästinensische Gewalttaten gewesen seien. Oder das sogenannte na und?- bzw. was soll’s?-Argument, nach dem die Vertreibung der Palästinenser im Vergleich zum Holocaust doch nur ein Klacks gewesen sei.

    3.7 Der Politikwissenschaftler Saleh Abdel Jawad von der Birzeit Universität hat Recht, wenn er sagt, dass diese Argumentations- bzw. Ausweich-Strategien nichts anderes als „Versuche“ seien, es "Israel zu ersparen, das an den Palästinensern begangene Unrecht [auch nur] zu thematisieren."6

    3.8 Der Gipfel der zionistischen Verdrängungs-Politik manifestiert sich in dem schon 2011 beschlossenen Gesetz, wonach all jenen Gemeinden Finanzhilfen der Zentralregierung verwehrt werden, die die israelische Staatsgründung von 1948 öffentlich als Nakba (als Katastrophe) bezeichnen. Noch weitaus schärfere Gesetzesvorhaben sehen vor, dass sogar die öffentliche Benennung der israelischen Staatsgründungs-Vorgänge als Nakba generell unter Strafe gestellt wird.

    4 Prolegomena zu einer Ethik der Nakba

    Betrachten wir zum Schluss noch jene Position, die gerade keine Ausweichposition ist, vielmehr eines der härtesten Beispiele für eine aggressive Vorwärts-Strategie. Der Fall mag Sie schockieren; aber vielleicht dient gerade dies der nötigen Klarheit.

    4.1 Die große Figur unter den israelischen Neuen Historikern habe ich oben schon herausgehoben: Benny Morris. Es dürfte niemanden geben, der die aus den bisher zugänglichen israelischen Quellen ermittelbaren Fakten zur Nakba besser kennt. Wenn es um die von den jüdischen Milizen verübten ethnischen Säuberungen um 1948 herum geht, so weiß Morris genau, worum es geht.

    Und ausgerechnet dieser Mann wirft heute Ben Gurion, dem Hauptverantwortlichen für diese Säuberungen, vor, diese ethnischen Säuberungen nicht radikal genug durchgeführt, sie nicht konsequent genug zu Ende gebracht zu haben.

    4.2 Ich zitiere aus dem Interview jetzt etwas ausführlicher.7 (Die fett-Hervorhebungen in diesem Interview stammen von mir. Es sind die zentralen Stellen, auf die ich gleich noch besonders eingehen werde.)

    Ari Shavit: Sie sind ein Experte für die Greueltaten des Jahres 1948. Rechtfertigen Sie letztlich all das? Befürworten Sie den Transfer von 1948?

    Benny Morris: […] unter bestimmten Bedingungen ist Vertreibung kein Kriegsverbrechen. Ich denke nicht, dass die Vertreibungen von 1948 Kriegsverbrechen waren. Du kannst kein Omelett machen, ohne Eier zu zerbrechen.

    Ari Shavit: Wir sprechen über die Ermordung von tausenden Menschen, der Zerstörung einer gesamten Gesellschaft.

    Benny Morris: Eine Gesellschaft, die droht, Dich zu zerstören, zwingt Dich, sie zu zerstören. Wenn die Wahl besteht zwischen Zerstören oder selbst zerstört zu werden, ist es besser zu zerstören. […]

    Ari Shavit: Wenn also die Kommandeure der Operation Dani dastehen und den langen und schrecklichen Flüchtlingsstrom der 50.000 Menschen, die aus Lod vertrieben wurden, auf seinem Weg nach Osten beobachten, stehen sie dann dort gemeinsam mit ihnen? Rechtfertigen Sie sie?

    Benny Morris: Ich kann sie zweifellos verstehen. Ich verstehe ihre Motive. Ich glaube nicht, dass sie irgendwelche Gewissensbisse hatten und an ihrer Stelle hätte ich auch keine gehabt. Ohne diese Tat hätten sie den Krieg nicht gewonnen und kein Staat wäre entstanden. […] Es gibt Umstände in der Geschichte, die ethnische Säuberungen rechtfertigen. Ich weiß, dass dieser Begriff im Diskurs des 21. Jahrhunderts völlig negativ ist, aber wenn die Wahl zwischen ethnischer Säuberung und Genozid - der Vernichtung deines eigenen Volkes - besteht, dann ziehe ich ethnische Säuberung vor. […]

    Ari Shavit: Sie haben eine interessante Wandlung durchgemacht. Sie zogen aus, Ben- Gurion und das zionistische Establishment kritisch zu erforschen, aber letztlich identifizieren sie sich sogar mit ihnen. Ihre Worte sind so hart wie deren Taten.

    Benny Morris: Da mögen Sie Recht haben. Weil ich den Konflikt intensiv erforscht habe, war ich genötigt, mich mit den tiefgehenden Fragen auseinanderzusetzen, mit denen diese Leute fertig werden mußten. Ich verstand die problemat ische Situation, in der sie sich befanden und vielleicht habe ich einen Teil ihrer Weltsicht übernommen. Aber ich identifiziere mich nicht mit Ben-Gurion. Ich glaube, er hat 1948 einen schwerwiegenden historischen Fehler gemacht. Obwohl er das demographische Problem und die Notwendigkeit, einen jüdischen Staat ohne große arabische Minderheit zu errichten, verstand, bekam er im Verlauf des Krieges kalte Füße. Letztlich hat er gezögert.

    Ari Shavit: Ich bin nicht sicher, ob ich richtig verstehe. Sagen Sie, Ben-Gurion hätte zu wenige Araber vertrieben?

    Benny Morris: Wenn er schon die Vertreibung begonnen hat, hätte er sie vielleicht auch zu Ende bringen sollen. Ich weiß, dass das die Araber und die Liberalen und all die politisch Korrekten sprachlos macht. Aber mein Gefühl sagt mir, dass dies hier ein ruhigerer Ort wäre und weniger Leid herrschen würde, wenn die Sache ein für alle Mal zu Ende gebracht worden wäre. Wenn Ben-Gurion eine große Vertreibung durchgeführt und das gesamte Land gesäubert hätte: das ganze Land Israel bis zum Jordan. Es mag sich noch zeigen, dass dies sein fataler Fehler war. Wenn er eine vollständige Vertreibung durchgeführt hätte - und keine teilweise - , hätte er den Staat Israel auf Generationen hinaus stabilisiert.

    Und dann folgt der Absatz:

    Ari Shavit: Ich kann kaum glauben, was ich höre.

    Benny Morris: Wenn sich das Ende der Geschichte als düster für die Juden erweist, wird dies daran liegen, weil Ben-Gurion den Transfer 1948 nicht vollendet hat. Weil er eine große und unberechenbare demographische Reserve in der Westbank und Gaza und in Israel selbst beließ. […].

    4.3 So schockierend dieses Interview für einige von uns auch immer sein mag, so kommt ihm doch das Verdienst zu, genau die Fragen aufzuwerfen, die man sich stellen muss, wenn man sich über die Nakba ein eigenes moralisches Urteil bilden will. Und selbst wenn man, wie ich, diese Position von Morris keineswegs teilt - seine Sichtweise zumindest zu kennen und zu verstehen, ist schon deshalb wichtig, weil er mit seinen Antworten in brutaler Offenheit nur das ausdrückt, was auch viele anderen denken.

    4.4 Wir werden mit diesem Interview auf die härteste aller denkbaren Fragen gestoßen, die es in dem Bereich der so genannten Kriegsethik bzw., allgemeiner, in dem sehr weiten Berich der Ethik der Gewalt überhaupt gibt. Diese Frage, ich bezeichne sie im Folgenden kurz als die Omega-Frage, lautet: Kann es gewisse extreme Ausnahme-Situationen geben, in denen sogar die schlimmsten Kriegsverbrechen bzw. sogar die schlimmsten Verbrechen gegen die Menschlichkeit erlaubt, ja sogar geboten sind?

    4.5 Churchill stand im 2. Weltkrieg genau vor dieser Frage. Seine Antwort kennen wir: Das Terrorbombing deutscher Städte. Seine Begründung war die gleiche wie die von Morris vorgebrachte: Das Terrorbombing war notwendig. Notwendig, um den worstcase zu verhindern: die Weltherrschaft Hitlers.

    4.6 Michael Walzer, der Klassiker der modernen Theorie des gerechten Krieges, hat die Omega-Frage genau anhand dieses Churchill-Beispiels diskutiert - und mit einer differenzierten Antwort versehen. Solange der Omega-Fall, die drohende Weltherrschaft Hitlers, wirklich gegeben war, war auch jenes Terrorbombing vertretbar. (Und dies, obgleich diese Bombardierungen ohne diesen Omega-Kontext ein extremes Kriegsverbrechen darstellen.) Sobald diese Gefahr nicht mehr bestand, nicht mehr. Also nicht mehr nach der deutschen Niederlage von El Alamain, 1942, bzw. nach Stalingrad, 1943. Die Bombardierung Dresdens im Februar 1945 war demnach, da nicht mehr durch die Omega-Regel gedeckt, ein klares Kriegsverbrechen.

    4.7 Das große Problem dieser ganzen Debatte ist natürlich dieses: Wann genau ist eine Situation derart schlimm, dass sie als relevanter extremer Ausnahmefall - als Omega-Fall - gelten kann? Und wer entscheidet darüber? Und lässt sich ein Omega-Fall überhaupt objektiv definieren? Schließlich unterscheidet sich, was jeweils als „schlimm“ gilt, von Person zu Person, von Gruppe zu Gruppe, ja von Kultur zu Kultur.

    Das sind für den engen Rahmen dieses Beitrags freilich viel zu große Fragen. Hier reicht aber die Feststellung, dass ein Genozid, ein laufender oder auch nur mit hinlänglicher Sicherheit bevorstehender, das allgemein anerkannte Paradigma für einen Omega-Fall darstellt.

    4.8 Und das ist genau der Fall, auf den auch Morris abhebt. Seine Kernthese besagt (wörtlich - siehe das oben schon Fettgedruckte): "Es gibt Umstände …, die ethnische Säuberungen rechtfertigen" Und ein Genozid ist (auch für ihn) so ein Fall. In unsere eigene obige Redeweise übersetzt - bzw. präzisiert - besagt diese Kernthese:

    Wenn ein Genozid in Gang ist oder mit hinreichender Sicherheit bevorsteht, dann ist - als ultima ratio, versteht sich - gegen ihn sogar eine ethnische Säuberung erlaubt.

    4.9 So weit, so vielleicht richtig - wie wir im Folgenden der weiteren Argumentation wegen einfach mal annehmen wollen.

    Aber, und das ist ein großes ABER: Reicht diese Wenn-Dann-Basis bereits als Rechtfertigung für die von Morris verteidigten ethnischen Säuberungen im israelischen Teil Palästinas?

    Mit Sicherheit nicht. Aus WENN-A, DANN-B alleine folgt nicht schon B. Es fehlt noch der Nachweis, dass A, das heißt der Nachweis dafür, dass im Kontext der Vertreibungen der Palästinenser tatsächlich ein Genozid vorlag oder bevorstand.

    4.10 Von welchem Genozid ist in diesem Morris-Interview überhaupt die Rede? Von welchem Genozid, zu dessen Beendigung bzw. Verhinderung die Vertreibung der Palästinenser tatsächlich notwendig war?

    4.11 Für Morris reicht freilich, wie das obige Interview zeigt, bereits das Postulat einer solchen genozidalen Omega-Situation, um die Haupt-Akteure der in dem Interview erwähnten Säuberungen, d.h. die Kommandeure der Operation Dani, zu verstehen. Was voraussetzt, dass Morris zumindest glaubt, dass diese Akteure ihrerseits glaubten, dass sie es mit einem Omega-Fall zu tun haben.

    4.12 Frage an die Historiker: War dem wirklich so? Glaubten das die Dani-Kommandeure - und auch deren Befehlsempfänger - tatsächlich?

    4.13 Und falls sie das tatsächlich geglaubt haben sollten - wäre das dann auch schon eine hinreichende Basis nicht nur für ein Verstehen, sondern auch für ein Rechtfertigen ihres Tuns? Wiederum: mit Sicherheit nicht.

    Ihr entsprechender Glaube würde zwar in der Tat erklären, warum sie, was sie taten, „ohne jede Gewissensbisse“ getan hatten. Aber wie gerade wir Deutschen aus unserer eigenen Vergangenheit, genauer: aus den Versuchen einer ‚Bewältigung’ unserer eigenen Vergangenheit her wissen: Fehlende Gewissensbisse sind mit den schrecklichsten Taten verträglich. Und spätestens seit dem Eichmann-Prozess könnte das doch wirklich jederman wissen.

    4.14 Noch einmal: Von welchem Genozid spricht hier Morris eigentlich?

    Ich vermute: Von keinem realen, insbesondere von keinem damals realen in Palästina. Morris „Genozid“-Bezug hebt vielmehr lediglich auf einen fiktiven Genozid ab, auf einen lediglich potentiellen.

    Dafür spricht die weitere Fettdruck-Stelle des Interviews. Dort heißt es, dass sie, die damaligen Akteure, ohne diese Vertreibungen bzw. Säuberungen "den Krieg nicht gewonnen [hätten] und auch kein Staat … entstanden [wäre]."

    4.15 Welche Relevanz hat das für das Morris’sche Genozid-Verhinderung-durch-ethnische Säuberungen-Argument? Die für den schlüssigen Zusammenhang notwendige Prämisse scheint für ihn so selbstverständlich zu sein, dass er sie gar nicht erst aussprechen zu müssen glaubt. Nämlich: Vor einem weiteren Genozid schützt uns nur ein eigener starker Staat.

    4.16 Morris’s Position ist also, aus der 48er Perspektive formuliert, diese:

    1. Um vor einem weiteren Genozid sicher zu sein, brauchen wir Juden einen eigenen möglichst starken jüdischen Staat.
    2. Einen solchen Staat gibt es nur dann, wenn Israel (a) im Unabhängigkeitskrieg als Sieger hervorgeht und (b) auch weiterhin nicht von Palästinensern in seinem Inneren bedroht ist.
    3. Und beides - der Sieg im Krieg wie die innere Sicherheit - erfordert die möglichst vollständige Säuberung Israels von den Palästinensern. Konklusion : Um vor einem weiteren Genozid sicher zu sein, ist eine möglichst vollständige Vertreibung der Palästinenser aus Israel notwendig - und, so glaubt Morris, insofern auch gerechtfertigt.

    4.17 Ich gehe auf diese Argumentation von Morris nicht nur deshalb so ausführlich ein, weil ich generell ein großer Fan von Offenheit bin - selbst dann, wenn diese Offenheit einigen weh tut; sondern vor allem deshalb, weil Morris mit dieser Argumentation radikal- zionistischen Klartext spricht. Mit seiner brutal expliziten Argumentation hat uns Morris so etwas wie einen ersten klaren Einblick in die andernorts meist nur implizit zum Einsatz kommende Software der radikal zionistischen Denkungsart verschafft.

    4.18 Nun ist diese Software zwar, was den Notwendigkeitsaspekt der Vertreibungen angeht, auf der Basis der angeführten Prämissen in sich perfekt logisch schlüssig, hat dafür aber zwei erhebliche Defizite.

    Zum einen sind alle drei Prämissen alles andere als evident, ja sogar höchst zweifelhaft. Und zum anderen hat diese Argumentation jetzt wirklich nichts mehr mit dem obigen Omega-Rechtfertigungsschema zu tun. Denn dieses bezieht sich bisher nur auf bereits vorliegende oder mit großer Wahrscheinlichkeit unmittelbar bevorstehende Omega-Situationen. Durch die von Morris vollzogene Erweiterung dieses Schemas auch auf aus heutiger Sicht bloss potentielle spätere Omega-Fälle verliert dieses Schema aber jegliche Überzeugungskraft.

    4.19 Das tut der weiten Verwendung dieses erweiterten Schemas freilich keinerlei Abbruch. Im Gegenteil: Rechtfertigen lassen sich mit dieser Erweiterung, wenn man diese akzeptiert, schließlich alle möglichen Arten von sogenannten präemptiven Verteidigungen. Und so verwundert es überhaupt nicht, dass Morris unter Rekurs auf dieses erweiterte Omega-Schema auch für einen möglichst baldigen Präemptionsangriff auf den Iran plädiert.

    4.20 Wie Sie sehen: Schon ein kurzer Blick auf Morris’s Versuch einer moralischen Rechtfertigung der jüdischen ethnischen Säuberungen in Palästina eröffnet ein sehr weites Feld. Ein für jetzt zu weites, klar.

    Deshalb jetzt nur noch dies: Ich habe Ihnen eine Reihe von Unterscheidungen und Fragen vorgestellt, die wir beachten müssen, wenn wir uns über das Problem der Rechtfertigungen der Vertreibungen der Palästinenser selber ein klares Urteil bilden wollen. Wie Sie mit diesen Unterscheidungen umgehen, das ist und bleibt jetzt Ihre Sache.

    Georg Meggle ist Analytischer Philosoph. Seit seiner Emeritierung (2009) lehrt er jeweils abwechselnd in Kairo (Winter) und Salzburg (Sommer).
    ––––––––––

    Fussnoten
    1
    Dieser Beitrag geht auf einen Vortrag zurück, den ich bereits 2011 zur Eröffnung der von Ingrid Rumpf betreuten Wanderausstellung Die Nakba. Flucht und Vertreibung der Palästinenser 1948 in der VHS Heidelberg gehalten hatte - und der bis heute nicht veröffentlich war. Der folgende Paragraph 1 entspricht dem Paragraph 2 meines 2010 verfassten Entwurfes für ein neues Grundsatzpapier der Nahostkommission von Pax Christi, unter dem Titel Menschenwürde und der Palästina-Konflikt, abgedruckt als 13. Kapitel in: Georg Meggle, Philosophische Interventionen, mentis Verlag, Paderborn, 2011, S. 197-201, nunmehr auch in dem eBook: Georg Meggle, Über Medien, Krieg und Terror (2019).

    2
    Von israelischer Seite vor allem: Simha Flapan, Benny Morris, Ilan Pappe und Tom Segev. Und von palästinensischer Seite: Whalid Khalidi, Rashid Khalidi, Sharif Kana’ana und Nur Masalha.

    3
    So Ilan Pappe, Die ethnische Säuberung Palästinas, Zweitausendeins, 2010, S. 15.

    4
    Diese Argumentation ist so noch nicht ganz wasserdicht (schreit also, wie diese Reflexionen generell, nach weiteren Differenzierungen): Denn auch wenn das Rückkehrrecht (nach der UNO-Resolution) umgesetzt würde, müsste das nicht auch schon das Ende der jüdischen Mehrheit in Israel bedeuten - denn die Palästinenser könnten sich ja statt für die Rückkehr für eine bloße Entschädigung entscheiden! Um genau dies zu erreichen, müssten die angebotenen Entschädigungen aber wohl entsprechend hoch sein. Was sicher auch ein dickes finanzielles Engagement anderer Länder beinhalten müsste.

    5
    Dazu: Nur Masalha, The Politics of Denial. Israel and the Palestinian Refugee Problem, London (Pluto Press), 2003.

    6
    So in seinem Beitrag in INAMO 54, S. 18.

    7
    Das von Ari Shavit durchgeführte Interview erschien am 09.01.2004 in der Zeitung Ha’aretz; die folgende deutsche Übersetzung findet sich in INAMO 49, 2007, S. 32

    #Israël #Paestine #Nakba #Shoa #Holocaust #idéologie #crimes_de_guerre #crime_de_guerre #génocide #impérialisme

  • Opinion | The Original Evil Corporation - The New York Times
    https://www.nytimes.com/2019/09/04/opinion/east-india-company.html

    A propos de la Compagnie britannique des Indes orientales

    Although it has no exact equivalents, the Company was the ultimate prototype for many of today’s corporations. The most powerful among them these days do not need their own armies: They can rely on governments to protect their interests and bail them out.

    The history of the East India Company shows that Western imperialism and corporate capitalism were born hand in hand, the dragons’ teeth that spawned the modern world. As Baron Thurlow remarked in the late 1700s, when the Company was being criticized for its misdeeds and its governor-general, Warren Hastings, was on trial, “Corporations have neither bodies to be punished, nor souls to be condemned. They therefore do as they like.”

    #impérialisme #capitalisme #pillages #crimes #impunité #multinationales

  • How Slavery Shaped American Capitalism
    https://jacobinmag.com/2019/08/how-slavery-shaped-american-capitalism

    En Allemagne la raison pour la forme dogmatique et extrémiste de la définition du droit à la propriété et du droit d’y appliquer un contrôle total est dû à l’influence des Etats Unis depuis la création de l’état allemand occidental. Les réactions énervés des propriétaures dans l’actuel débat autour de la limitation des loyers à Berlin en est l’expression. L"intérêt commun compte peu quand il est l’expression des besoins immédiats de personnes physiques contrairement aux capitalistes et personnes juridiques dont les droits individuels sont rarement contestés. On comprend l’importance de la lutte contre le racisme.pour chacun de nous. Il ne faut jamais céder à la discrimination raciale ou sexiste.

    Slave-owners were particularly afraid of allowing democratic control over property because they were literally afraid of their property. They were haunted by the threat of slave insurrections, as well as foreign armies turning their slaves into enemy soldiers through offers of freedom (as the British had recently done). Einhorn concludes that “if property rights have enjoyed unusual sanctity in the United States, it may be because this nation was founded in a political situation in which the owners of one very significant form of property thought their holdings were insecure.”

    L’article du Jacobin continue en décrivant les conséquences des normes constitutionnelles.

    The resulting balance of strong property protections and weak regulatory and taxing power ... helped shift American capitalism onto the low road . In addition to the profound effect of slavery on America’s enduring racial inequality, slavery’s legacy for American capitalism may thus be found more in the structural constraints on US politics than in its direct contributions to the nineteenth-century American economy.

    Aujourd’hui ce problème touche de plus en plus de nations à cause de l’influence qu’exerce l’impérialisme étatsunien par sa stratégie déstructrice. Les techniques du state building censés éliminer le chaos laissé par les « guerres des peuples immatures » comprennent bien sûr l’extension des définitions juridiques étatsuniennes de la propriété privé aux pays à pacifier.

    #USA #Allemagne #racisme #constitution #propriété_privée #esclavage #impérialisme

  • John Chau, American Missionary, and the Uncontacted Tribe | GQ
    https://www.gq.com/story/john-chau-missionary-and-uncontacted-tribe


    Voici la triste histoire d’un jeune homme sérieux et doué qui a mis en danger l’existence d’une des dernières tribus vivant sans relations avec la civilisation capitaliste. Les détails de l’histoire font comprendre l’énorme danger auxquel nous sommes tous exposés à cause des croyances irrationnelles de la classe dominante étatsunienne.

    When a 26-year-old American missionary set out for a lush island in the Indian Ocean last year, it was with one objective in mind: to convert the uncontacted Sentinelese tribe, who had lived for centuries in isolation, free from modern technology, disease, and religion. John Chau’s mission had ambitions for a great awakening, but what awaited instead was tragedy.

    By Doug Bock Clark, August 22, 2019

    1. First Contact

    For 11 days in November 2018, John Chau lived mostly in darkness. While a cyclone thrashed the Bay of Bengal, Chau quarantined himself inside a safe house in the tropical backwater of Port Blair, India, never stepping outside to enjoy sunlight. The 26-year-old American missionary was hoping his body would finish off any lingering infections so that he wouldn’t sicken the Sentinelese, a hunter-gatherer tribe that he dreamed of converting to Christianity. They’d been isolated on their remote island for enough centuries that they’d never developed modern antibodies. Even the common cold could devastate them.

    During this retreat Chau kept his mountain climber’s body hard with triangle push-ups, leg tucks, and body squats. But it was his soul that he primarily fortified, with prayer and by reading a history of the tribulations faced by pioneering American missionaries in Southeast Asia, who were an inspiration to him. “God, I thank you for choosing me, before I was even yet formed in my mother’s womb, to be Your messenger of Your Good News,” he wrote in his diary. “May Your Kingdom, Your Rule and Reign come now to North Sentinel Island.”

    After the storm finally passed, a crew of local Christians hid Chau on their 30-foot open wooden boat and struck out under darkness for the most extreme outcrop of the Andaman archipelago, on a route presumably meant to resemble that of a normal fishing expedition. As they dodged other craft, Chau recorded, “The Milky Way was above and God Himself was shielding us from the Coast Guard and Navy patrols.” The Indian government bans contact with the Sentinelese as a way of protecting them from outsiders—and outsiders from them. The Sentinelese have maintained their independence by frequently repelling foreigners from their shoreline with eight-foot-long arrows.

    Bioluminescent plankton illuminated fish jumping “like darting mermaids” as the boat motored more than 60 miles. Sometime before 4:30 a.m., the crew noted three bonfires on a distant beach and then anchored outside the island’s barrier reef. While resting, eyes shut but not asleep, Chau had “a vision as I’ve never had one before,” of a meteorite—possibly representing himself—streaking toward a “frightening city with jagged spires,” seemingly Sentinel Island. Then “a whitish light filled [the city] and all the frightening bits melted away.” He couldn’t help wondering in his diary: “LORD is this island Satan’s last stronghold where none have heard or even had a chance to hear Your Name?”

    Dawn soon revealed a hut on a white-sand beach, backed by primordial jungle. Chau off-loaded from the fishermen’s boat a kayak and two waterproof cases jammed with wilderness survival supplies. He paddled a half mile in shallow water over dead coral, and as he approached shore, he heard women “looing and chattering.” Then two dark-skinned men, wearing little, if anything, ran onto the beach, shouting in a language spoken by no one on earth besides their tribe. They clutched bows, though they hadn’t yet strung arrows onto them.

    From his kayak, Chau yelled in English: “My name is John. I love you, and Jesus loves you. Jesus Christ gave me authority to come to you.” Then, offering a tuna most likely caught by the fishermen on the journey to the island, Chau declared: “Here is some fish!” In response, the Sentinelese socketed bamboo arrows onto bark-fiber bowstrings. Chau panicked. He flung the gift into the bay. As the tribesmen gathered it, he turned and paddled “like I never have in my life, back to the boat.”

    By the time he reached safety, though, his fear was already turning to disappointment. He swore to himself that he would return later that day. He had, after all, been planning for this moment since high school. It was his divine calling, he believed, to save the lost souls of North Sentinel Island.
    2. The Calling

    On the surface, John Chau enjoyed a normal 1990s childhood in a suburb of Portland, Oregon, playing soccer and performing charitable work with his church. Family photos show a chubby-cheeked boy grinning with his Chinese psychiatrist father in national parks, his American lawyer mother presumably behind the camera. But it wasn’t just those vacations that inspired his love of the wild. One day, while still in elementary school, Chau found a book in his dad’s downstairs study and wiped dust off its cover to reveal: Robinson Crusoe. The story of a solitary castaway on a tropical island hooked him on adventure tales.

    As Chau matured, he mastered the skills necessary to strike off on his own adventures in the rugged mountains just outside Portland, earning the equivalent of an Eagle Scout award from an evangelical version of the Boy Scouts. It wasn’t just a love of exploration that drove him. Wandering through mossy forests caused him to marvel at “the beautiful creation around us that we are all called to care for” and connected him to God, like the Old Testament prophets who found the Lord while alone in the wilderness.

    As posted on Instagram: Chau took public ferries to several outlying islands to test his kayak for his final trip to North Sentinel Island.

    Chau grew up Pentecostal, a charismatic Christian movement that is generally considered intensely evangelical and conservative. His mother wrote that she worked as a fund-raiser for organizations like Jerry Falwell’s Moral Majority and the Ethics and Public Policy Center, which describes itself as “Washington, D.C.’s premier institute dedicated to applying the Judeo-Christian moral tradition to critical issues of public policy,” and then for many years on the faculty at Oral Roberts University, a historically Pentecostal institution. It was during his junior year at a small Christian high school that he underwent that American evangelical rite of passage: a mission trip to Mexico. Sermonizing months later, as seen in a video uploaded to YouTube, Chau said the trip helped him realize, “We can’t just call ourselves Christians and then the next day just be like, Yeah, you know, let’s go to a party and get drunk and get high, whatever, get wasted, and live a lifestyle that’s totally against what Christ has called us to do. We actually have to do something.” The skinny teenager in an American Eagle polo reminds his listeners that one of Jesus’s commands was: “Therefore go and make disciples of all nations, baptizing them in the name of the Father and of the Son and of the Holy Spirit, and teaching them to obey everything I have commanded you.” This passage comes from what is known as the Great Commission, and it is a primary biblical justification for missionary work.

    Though overseas missions might seem a relic of the British Empire, America dispatches a significant number of missionaries abroad each year—approximately 127,000 in 2010, for example, according to the Center for the Study of Global Christianity. This number grew for decades because of American Protestantism’s emphasis on every believer’s responsibility to proselytize and the increasing ease of air travel, which has meant that spreading the Word internationally can be done over spring break. These factors have contributed to an explosion of self-regulated missionary groups that can seem practically freelance compared with the bureaucratized Catholic missionary orders of old. Chau would have likely believed missionary work “to be a divine obligation,” said Joshua Chen, a friend raised in a household with similar beliefs.

    Among some evangelicals, few missionaries are as celebrated as those who work with remote tribes. After returning from his high school trip to Mexico, Chau was surfing JoshuaProject.net, a website that catalogs unconverted peoples, and stumbled upon an entry for the Sentinelese. Today the site describes them as a “hostile” tribe that “need to know the Creator God exists.” Before long he was conjuring the islet on Google Maps, promising that he was going to bring the Sentinelese the Good News. His father, Patrick Chau, overheard him telling others this was his “calling,” but Patrick later wrote, “I hoped that he would be matured enough to rectify the fantasy before too late.”

    Indian anthropologists pass coconuts to the Sentinelese in 1991—one of the most notable attempts at contact to date.
    3. Satan’s Last Stronghold

    The Andamanese tribes, of which the Sentinelese are one, are “arguably the most enigmatic people on our planet,” according to a team of geneticists who published a paper in 2003 about trying to track their origins. The scientists found some evidence that they were part of the first wave of humans to reach Asia, more than 50,000 years ago—which makes sense, as their appearance is similar to that of Africans. But if that theory holds true, Asiatic peoples, who arrived later, eradicated their forebears, except for a remnant in the Andamans. This would mean that the estimated 50 to 200 surviving Sentinelese have been refugees since prehistory.

    Records from Roman, Arab, and Chinese traders, dating from the second century A.D., tell of Andamanese murdering sailors who put to shore looking for fresh water. In the 13th century, Marco Polo passed nearby and recorded from secondhand accounts that “they are a most cruel generation, and eat everybody that they can catch, if not of their own race,” though he was almost certainly wrong about the cannibalism. Consequently, most people who even knew about the Sentinelese were happy to avoid them until the British Empire established Port Blair, a penal colony for rebellious Indians, on nearby South Andaman Island.

    In 1879, the 19-year-old aristocrat Maurice Vidal Portman was charged with overseeing the Andamanese and—drawn by whatever impulse has moved young men across the ages—soon led an expedition to Sentinel Island. At first he and his soldiers freely roamed a jungle that was “in many places open and park like,” he wrote, and filled with “beautiful groves of bullet-wood trees.” Eventually they discovered some recently abandoned lean-tos and evidence that their inhabitants survived by hunting sea turtles, wild pigs, and fish, as well as by foraging fruits and roots. Portman, however, was not satisfied.

    After scouring the Manhattan-size island several times, and having glancing contact with the Sentinelese, the outsiders finally stumbled across an old Sentinelese man with his wife and child. The old man was tackled before he could fire his bow, and the whole family, along with three other Sentinelese children captured about the same time, was abducted back to Port Blair where Portman kept all of them in his house. (Over two ensuing decades of ostensibly civilizing the natives, Portman habitually photographed naked Andamanese captives, though it doesn’t seem that any of the disturbing pictures that survive are of the Sentinelese.) The old Sentinelese man and his wife rapidly died of sickness, and Portman eventually released the surviving children back to the island with gifts—and, perhaps, pathogens. “This expedition was not a success,” Portman wrote. “We cannot be said to have done anything more than increase their general terror of, and hostility to, all comers. It would have been better to have left the Islanders alone.”

    Some have speculated that Portman turned the Sentinelese against outsiders. Certainly his misadventures couldn’t have helped. But historical records suggest that the Sentinelese had isolated themselves long before Portman, perhaps because Southeast Asian kingdoms had raided them for slaves. Regardless, the Sentinelese violently maintained their independence until the British Empire collapsed, shortly after World War II, and the new Indian government eventually realized that some of its citizens didn’t even comprehend they were Indian.

    Consequently, in March 1974, a team of Indian anthropologists attempted to befriend the Sentinelese. As they approached the island, the anthropologists were guarded by policemen equipped with shields and shadowed by a film crew. The Indians had brought three Andamanese from a friendly tribe to interpret. “We are friends!” they shouted through a loudspeaker from a boat offshore. “We come in peace!” Evidence suggests the Sentinelese’s language has diverged from those of nearby tribes so much they are mutually unintelligible. But from about 80 yards away, one archer bent so far back that he seemed to aim at the sun, then launched an unmistakable reply. In a recording of that moment, an eight-foot bamboo shaft, with an iron nail lashed to its tip, plunges out of the heavens, ricochets off the boat’s railing, and into the water. When the camera refocuses, a Sentinelese man is pumping both fists in what is obviously a victory dance as the boat retreats.

    The anthropologists then motored up the coast, leaving coconuts, bananas, and plastic buckets on a deserted beach, and later watched as the Sentinelese carried away the offerings. But even that did not win over the tribe: The expedition was halted when the film director was wounded in the thigh by an arrow. When the anthropologists subsequently tried to leave even more gifts, the tribe immediately speared a bound live pig with their long arrows and buried it in the sand. A cotton doll left to test if they would let a human-shaped object cross their beach into the island’s interior suffered a similar fate.

    After that, anthropologists continued to make intermittent and unsuccessful visits to the island, and sometimes the outside world washed up on its shores. In 1981, a Panamanian freighter ran aground on the barrier reef during a storm. A few days later, a lookout spotted about 50 naked “wild men” waving bows and arrows on the beach. As described in The American Scholar, the crew then radioed the Regent Shipping Company’s Hong Kong office and begged for an airdrop of guns: “Worrying they will board us at sunset. All crew members’ lives not guaranteed.” Robert Fore, an American pilot who was working nearby, ended up landing a helicopter on the ship’s deck in high winds and plucking more than 30 sailors and their dog to safety. Fore had flown combat missions in Vietnam, he said, “but this was unique.” They left behind a ship’s worth of iron to be hammered into arrowheads, as well as tons of less useful chicken feed.

    The most recent contact of note was in 2006, when two Indian fishermen, believed to be drunk on palm wine, drifted ashore. Other poachers watched from outside the barrier reef as the Sentinelese hacked them to death with what were probably adzes, which an anthropologist has speculated that the tribe “must have endowed with magical power, to keep away the evil spirits.” When a helicopter investigated the deaths, archers drove it away, but not before rotor wind whipped sand off shallow graves—revealing a pair of corpses. After some time, the bodies were reportedly dug up and hung like scarecrows on bamboo poles, facing the sea.
    4. God’s University

    Chau learned this violent history while researching the tribe on his laptop. As he read on a missionary’s blog the summer after his freshman year of college: “The Sentinelese may be the greatest missions challenge anywhere!” Instead of being daunted, though, he appears to have tried to strike up a correspondence with the missionary, writing, “Hi! I genuinely believe that God has called me to go to the Sentinelese.”

    Chau was attending Oral Roberts University in Tulsa, Oklahoma. Oral Roberts, nicknamed “God’s University,” has the stated goal of fostering “evangelistic capability” in its students. In 2018, the school sent about a seventh of its student body abroad on missions. Chau enrolled in History of Missions, a course in which he learned, as a syllabus put it, “a people-to-people strategy working from within the culture” for proselytizing. According to Dan McCarthy, a friend who said he took the class and later went on a mission overseas with him, this meant: “You learn the culture of those people. You learn their language. You blend in, and then you hope you get a chance to share Jesus because they ask questions about how you’ve been modeling His love. You don’t go in and force it down their throats.”

    Putting theory into practice, Chau worked with the university’s Missions and Outreach department, under Bobby Parks, a boyishly handsome and enthusiastic 30-something. Chau helped Parks coach refugee children in soccer for Park’s not-for-profit organization and perform local missions. Parks would later describe on social media his mentorship of Chau as similar to how the older apostle Paul guided the younger Timothy. While at Oral Roberts University, Chau traveled twice to South Africa—once with Parks’s department and later to coach and teach “life values” at a Christian soccer academy, one of the countless institutions that accept short-term missionaries in the world-spanning evangelical travel industry. Chau also represented his faith closer to home. Nicole Hopkins, a university friend, said that when her sister was in the hospital for a year, John provided her with daily support but “never pushed the gospel on her during that season.” Hopkins said that a couple of years later “my sister became a Christian and she says John’s actions were a big part of her believing God is real.” Despite his conviction, Chau doesn’t seem to have been an in-your-face proselytizer; secular friends said he barely discussed religion with them. After these experiences, Chau wrote, “ORU missions gave me direction in my life.”

    Other than his dedication to missions, Chau was basically a typical college student, albeit at a school without frat parties. He had an affinity for root beer, discussed Jesus for hours, and signed a pledge to abstain from “unscriptural sexual acts, which include any homosexual activity and sexual intercourse with one who is not my spouse.” Even in such a God-fearing environment, Chau stood out for his piety, making Hopkins “question whether or not I was as sold out for Christ as I claimed to be,” as she later wrote on social media. Despite his conservative background, he was “hardly the stereotypical, Bible-thumping ‘fundamentalist,’ ” said a friend, who came out to him as homosexual. In a message responding to that revelation, Chau wrote, “I see people as people, sons and daughters of God as their identity,” and said he would be willing to bless his queer brothers as much as his straight brothers. Chau was “an introverted social butterfly,” said another friend—reserved at first, but forging many deep relationships over time. Hopkins wrote me: “I’ve never met a man who loved others so selflessly.” And yet whenever Chau could, he left the city of Tulsa—which he described as “relatively devoid of natural beauty”—for the spiritual solitude of the woods. He cultivated a backpacker vibe, sprinkling his speech with “stoked” and “rad,” and bulked up through constant athletic activity.

    Upon graduating with a degree in exercise science, in 2014, Chau led a third mission trip to South Africa for the department run by Parks. Then, according to his personal blog, it was on to an autonomous region in northern Iraq to organize soccer games in refugee camps for Parks’s organization. After the high of adventures like these, Chau settled into a one-year AmeriCorps contract on a disaster-preparedness team back in Oklahoma. Staring at the gray felt walls of his workspace in October, he Instagrammed, “Never thought I’d be working in a cubicle. #reallife #whereisthebreeze #tooquiet.” But as he waited out the dreary winter, Chau laid plans for the following summer that would eventually take him to the Andaman archipelago.

    When June arrived, Chau road-tripped across the States, anthems from the likes of Angels & Airwaves shaking his rattletrap car. In California he passed a month-long course to become a wilderness emergency medical technician that involved simulations with actors employing “tons of (fake) blood” and actual helicopters, which jazzed him with a “flood of adrenaline,” he wrote.

    Then, in August, as a final test to harden himself before India, he embarked on an ambitious 120-mile trek through the Northwest’s Cascade mountains with two friends. Chau had plotted a route through backcountry that proved impractical, so they ended up trailblazing for two days over mountains—until they found themselves with no way forward except downclimbing a dry yet slippery waterfall. He later said that as he descended, “I remember thinking about how strong the contrast was between the vibrant beauty and life seen in view,” referring to the mountainous panorama below, “and the stark potentiality of death lingering at every misstep.” It was the “scariest” thing he had ever done. But the realization of “how fragile life is” inspired his personal motto: “Make the most of every good opportunity today because you don’t know what’s going to happen tomorrow!”

    Soon after making it out of the woods, Chau boarded a plane for the Andaman archipelago.
    5. Giant Seeds

    Improbable as Chau’s calling seemed, there was an outside chance that he might befriend the Sentinelese, for it had almost happened once before. In 1967, Triloknath Pandit became the lead government anthropologist for the Andamans and promptly started depositing gifts on Sentinel’s beaches. Pandit said his project “wasn’t idle curiosity. Whatever knowledge we were able to obtain could help us protect [the Sentinelese]” and fight ignorant myths.

    For years the Sentinelese had remained hostile, as in 1974, when the film director was struck by the arrow. But after more semi-annual offerings, Pandit observed, in 1988, a “Sentinelese [who] started dancing with an adze in his hand” after presents were left on the beach. The next month, as Pandit and other anthropologists deposited bags of coconuts, some Sentinelese approached as close as ten yards. “All the Sentinelese took the gifts and expressed their joy through gestures,” he later wrote. “We reciprocated in kind.”

    In January 1991, expecting nothing unusual, Pandit dispatched a junior anthropologist, Madhumala Chattopadhyay, to help lead a gift drop—and was stunned when she reported that Sentinelese had waded out to the boat to accept the offerings. Perhaps, she suggested to me, her female presence had signaled that the researchers didn’t have warlike intentions. The next month, the horn of Pandit and Chattopadhyay’s boat echoed at dawn. Later that day, about a dozen Sentinelese splashed out to them. Soon, Pandit and others were standing in the water and passing out coconuts. There exists a photo in which Pandit, in sunglasses and a tank top, holds out a coconut to a naked Sentinelese man, who accepts it with a single hand. For a moment, modern citizen and hunter-gatherer, both, held the giant seed.

    Pandit was so exhilarated that he didn’t notice the lifeboat drifting off, making it look as if he intended to stay. Suddenly a Sentinelese youth pulled a knife from his bark belt and drew a circle with his other hand, as if saying, “I’m going to carve out your heart.” Pandit retreated and threw back an ornament of green leaves that had been given to him. The Sentinelese man tossed him a lifeboat oar that was floating nearby. The two worlds had once more separated. But Pandit was greatly encouraged and wrote in a trip report, “We felt we must carry a lot more coconuts on our future visits.”

    The next year, however, Pandit says, he struck mandatory retirement age. Perhaps feeling the Sentinelese were more trouble than they were worth, the government decided to forgo any future visits. “I regret not visiting them again,” Pandit told me in his apartment on the mainland. He was now in his 80s, and health problems meant that he was unlikely to ever return. “I think had we continued for another year or so, maybe they would have extended an invitation to come ashore.”
    6. An Incredible Adventure

    “My life becomes an incredible adventure when I follow the call of God,” Chau captioned an Instagram photo of himself riding a motorbike down a hectic street in October 2015, soon after arriving in the Andaman Islands. “I’m excited to see where He leads!” Foreigners are primarily allowed to shuttle between seedy Port Blair and a handful of resort beaches, as much of the island chain is reserved for four hunter-gatherer tribes, including the Sentinelese. But Chau quickly began testing the archipelago’s security. “John knew it was illegal,” said John Ramsey, a friend. “His facade was just that he was a traveling adventure tourist.” As Dependra Pathak, the director general of the Andaman police said, “He built the logistical support and friendships he needed during those trips.”

    Chau stayed in a $13-a-night hotel, with only a fan to stir the tropically hot air, and rode packed public buses to scuba-diving excursions, where he would question guides for more information that might help him get to Sentinel. Acquaintances of Chau’s—whose identities I have withheld, since the Indian police have asked them not to speak to journalists—described him as “enthusiastic” and “friendly.” He cultivated a wide network of contacts, from tourist guides to fishermen, and strove unsuccessfully to learn the Hindi language. Most importantly, he connected with the local Christian community, a minority in the Hindu nation. He preached at a local church and in social media posts thanked Oral Roberts’s Missions and Outreach department for teaching him to always have a sermon handy, tagging one of them “#relationshipbuilding #missions.” Parks, his former boss there, responded: “Praying for you Chau boy. Proud of you. Keep loving big.” (Parks did not respond to multiple requests for comment.) Chau was correct in his assumption that locals would eventually show him the way to Sentinel Island, but after several weeks his path there wasn’t yet clear. He would have to return the next year.

    For four years, Chau made annual visits to the Andamans, bringing gifts for a widening circle of friends until it felt like a “home away from home.” According to the Indian police and two local sources, he became close to “Alex,” a 28-year-old engineer who lived in Port Blair. Alex is Keralese, descended from a small sect of intensely Christian Indians who, tradition has it, were converted about two decades after the Crucifixion by the apostle Thomas, who’d sailed on a spice trader to southern India. At first, Alex warned Chau against his mission, but according to Indian police, Chau eventually won him over. (A lawyer for Alex said that charges had not yet been proven in court, and so the narrative of him helping Chau was “false for now.”) Alex introduced Chau to a small community of Karen, an ethnic minority from Myanmar who’d been converted to Christianity by American missionaries. During Chau’s second visit to the Andamans, in late 2016, he likely bused through the jungle reserve of a friendlier hunter-gatherer tribe, the Jarawa, to reach the remote Karen village on its outskirts. There lived the fishermen who would eventually ferry him to Sentinel Island. On returning home, Chau had an argument with his father about whether he was following the Scriptures in pursuing his missionary work. After that, they decided to “agree to disagree.”

    Now that he had an idea about how to get to Sentinel Island, Chau began to prepare with characteristic relentlessness for what he might do once he set foot on shore. A list written by Chau shows that in 2017 he read 47 missionary and anthropological books. In 2018 he read 65. He contacted several missionary organizations with reputations for supporting attempts to reach uncontacted peoples and missionaries who had actually done so, plumbing them for information. Chau even discussed with a missionary engineer using a drone to make contact, but he eventually decided it had to be done face-to-face. Any plans to make an attempt in 2017 may have been scuttled when he stepped too close to a large rattlesnake near the cabin he lived in while working at an environmental-science school in the California mountains. From his hospital bed he Instagrammed numerous shots of his grotesquely swollen foot, smeared in blood, tagging one of them #selfrescue.

    Chau was still rehabbing when he arrived that summer at the Canada Institute of Linguistics, which runs an intensive two-month training in how to translate the Bible into new languages. Fellow participant Kaleb Graves remembered, “[Chau] was the center of just about every conversation when he was comfortable,” and other aspiring missionaries were drawn to his “sense that every second was an adventure.” And yet Graves remembered that Chau also seemed “outside the norm” of the class, and they bonded while avoiding communal chapel and discussing how “all chapels feel exactly the same—you’ve heard that sermon, you’ve sung those songs—and you know time alone is the best way to encounter God.” Graves noted that Chau would often take long solitary hikes. “He seemed sort of lonely, despite everything,” Graves said. “If you think you have this one monumental divine task, but you can’t share it, you’ve got to cover up that loneliness, and maybe that’s why he was so friendly with everyone.” Chau’s friend Ramsey said, “John received a fair amount of attention from girls,” but “he didn’t want any romantic attachments because he was focused on his mission—and he was afraid that a heart could get broken.”

    Since Chau had acquired some basic tools to try to crack the Sentinelese language, there was just one more form of training he would undergo. Later that summer, when Chau visited Ramsey’s home, the two friends had a heart-to-heart. Ramsey asked him, “What are you going to do with your life, bro?” Though Chau had previously described his missionary hopes in general terms, now he explained his specific calling to the Sentinelese. Even more, he asked Ramsey and Ramsey’s mother, who was a trained editor, to look over his application to All Nations, an organization that supports missionaries targeting “neglected peoples” in places where such work can be illegal or dangerous. Chau had long known of All Nations: His first Oral Roberts mission trip to South Africa had also been supported by All Nations. Ramsey said there wasn’t any point in trying to dissuade Chau from going: “He’d already made the decision.”

    In the fall of 2017, Chau attended an All Nations program, one of the many unregulated missionary courses in America. As the New York Times reported, Chau’s training culminated with him hiking several hours through an area south of Kansas City. When he managed to track down a mocked-up tribal village, Americans dressed in secondhand clothes threatened him with spears and babbled an unintelligible language to simulate what he might experience on Sentinel Island. Chau distinguished himself as “one of the best participants in this experience that we have ever had,” the international executive leader of All Nations told the Times. (All Nations disputed the Times’ description of the event, explaining that no weapons were used and that it trained participants “to share the Good News of Jesus in a way that is cross-culturally sensitive,” but said that it had not raised its concerns directly with the newspaper.) Then he took one more preparatory trip to the Andamans, in early 2018.

    Finally, as autumn arrived that year, Chau said goodbye to his siblings and parents, knowing it could be for the last time. Since he first began to speak of going to Sentinel Island while in his teens, his parents had encouraged him to pursue medicine instead, or, failing that, to save souls in a less dangerous location. His father, Patrick, wrote in an essay about him, the existence of which was first reported by Outside, “John became the victim when my [influence],” of a more moderate Christianity, “failed to counter the irrational religious and glamorized ambition of adventures of exploration.” Patrick blamed John’s immersion in the “fanatical evangelical extreme” on professional troubles that damaged his ability to be a role model for John during his high school years. John’s elder brother and sister seem to have happily followed their father’s path into medicine and a moderate Christianity, but Patrick noted that John was always different from the more obedient pair. John may have also sought his own path outside the home because of his parents’ disharmony. Elkanah Jebasingh, an Indian friend, said that during visits John prayed for his parents’ strained marriage. John’s social media was replete with pictures of him hiking with his mother and fishing with his father, along with loving testimonies about both—but by the time of his final visit, after years of arguments, parents and son had become entrenched in their views. Patrick wrote me that before saying goodbye, John “did not have a sustained argument with me, but only a few words.” Then Patrick cited a Chinese proverb that translates as “When words get sour, adding words is useless.”

    On his way to India, Chau stopped in South Africa to see Casey Prince, an American ex–pro soccer player who ran the academy where Chau had coached during his first Oral Roberts missions. Chau had stayed in Prince’s house on two previous visits to South Africa, and the two became so close that Casey’s wife, Sarah Prince, claimed him as “family.” He admired the Princes for spending nearly a decade living in and ministering to Cape Town’s poorer communities, and now he sought their advice on integrating with the Sentinelese. When Chau had described his calling during previous visits, Casey had privately doubted whether his plan was possible, but “I now saw [John] was totally serious,” he said. They discussed how Chau would need to spend years learning the tribe’s language and culture, and then sensitively introduce them to the gospel. “The best-case scenario would be ‘I’ll see you and all my friends and family in ten years,’ ” Casey said. “Success would still be a huge sacrifice.” Chau also received counsel from a South African missionary, whom he calls “Pieter V.” in his diary, who regaled him with stories of eluding Indian authorities and who, Chau suggests elsewhere, successfully preached to the Jarawa tribe in the Andamans from 1997 to 2003.

    Chau’s final plan probably looked similar to a 27-step one laid out in a document that he had shared with confidants earlier that year. In the section “Initial Contact (2018),” Chau wrote he would overcome the Sentinelese’s mistrust with gifts and then communicate “my desire to stay with them…using pictures, drawings in sand, and/or drawings in waterproof notebook.” Once he had sufficiently learned the language and culture, he explained in section “Long-Term Contact (2018-?),” he would use “oral storytelling” to find “culturally applicable stories” that would “translate the Gospel into a context [the Sentinelese] can understand without Western cultural additions.” He hoped to identify and then convert a few influencers in the tribe, who would help him win over everyone else and lead an indigenous church. He even envisioned eventually dispatching them as missionaries to the Jarawa. “After all of the evangelism and discipleship has been passed on to local tribal believers,” he wrote in his “Exit Plan” section, he might paddle a “dugout canoe/kayak” to a beach near Port Blair. But if leaving the tribe seemed too likely to get him caught and expose everything, “I could potentially reside for the rest of my life on the islands.”

    Soon, Chau’s month of respite was finished. He sent a final email to a select group of supporters, saying goodbye, asking for prayers, and offering updates on his plans. Signing off, he described seeing outside of Cape Town a “horrific car crash” that had resulted in several corpses. “It was a stark reminder to me of how fragile our lives on earth are,” he wrote. Then he paraphrased Ephesians, “Use your time carefully…. Understand what the Lord Jesus wants you to do, and do it.” Throughout the letter, he sounds like a man who is confident he is fulfilling his destiny.

    “It was weird, to have your hugs and part ways with him saying, ‘I could arrive on the island and get shot with arrows,’ ” Casey said. “It makes you think of what it was like for people going off to war in the past.” Before Chau left, Sarah said, they had several conversations about how he had tried to “check his motives with God, asking ‘if I’m just being an adventure junkie, or rebelling, or a religious extremist.’ But he just kept feeling that this is what God was calling him to do.” They also discussed the fact that though “he loved and respected his family,” he was going against the wishes of his parents. “He knew they weren’t at peace,” said Sarah, “but he had peace at the end, leaving them—he had given it to God in his heart.” When they separated, Sarah felt divinely inspired to share a psalm with Chau: “I will not die, but live, and will proclaim what the Lord has done.”

    When Chau landed in Port Blair, in October, he likely already carried with him most of what he needed to go all the way: a collapsible kayak, two waterproof cases full of equipment—including fishing gear, medicine, multivitamins, and picture cards to help communicate—as well as gifts, like safety pins, that the Andaman police believe he chose by researching what offerings other hunter-gatherers had appreciated. Shortly after Chau’s own arrival, Parks, Chau’s former boss at Oral Roberts, and another evangelical friend from college met him at Alex’s “safe house” apartment.

    Police director Pathak believes the other Americans were there to “encourage [Chau] to feel enthusiasm” about the mission. They had timed their trip to see Chau off to North Sentinel, but once the cyclone spun up, they had to leave before the seas calmed. Chau waited out the bad weather. According to Pathak, Chau then paid the five Karen fishermen about $350, a windfall in a country where a billion people survive on less than $5.50 a day, to sneak him out to sea at night. The next morning the Sentinelese rebuffed Chau’s first attempt to save them.
    7. The Biblical Shield

    “I felt some fear, but mainly was disappointed they didn’t accept me right away,” Chau wrote in his diary on returning to the Karen’s boat. But after a quick meal of fresh-caught fish, rice, and dal, he paddled about a mile up the coast. Once he was out of sight of the Sentinelese, he buried his larger waterproof case so he would have a secret stash of supplies should the tribe accept him. Then he returned to the fishermen’s boat and outfitted his kayak with two more gift fish; his waterproof Bible; his second, smaller waterproof case; and his “initial contact response kit”—which included dental forceps, to pull arrows from his body, and a chest-seal bandage. Then he paddled back to the island.

    As he neared the beach, he heard shouts and drumming. From the sand, about six Sentinelese began yelling at him in a language full of high-pitched b, p, l, and s sounds, seemingly led by a man wearing a crown of flowers and standing on a tall coral rock. Chau stayed offshore, trying to keep out of arrow range, and parroted their words. They burst out laughing most of the time, meaning the phrases were probably bad or insulting, Chau thought.

    Eventually, two men traded their bows for paddles and approached him in a dugout canoe. He dropped the fish into the waves and backed away. The men detoured to grab them. Chau discerned increasing friendliness from the tribespeople, and so he paddled very close to land as more Sentinelese arrived—most unarmed, though one boy wielded a bow with a nocked arrow. Chau kept waving his hands to signal, unsuccessfully, for the kid to disarm. The wind had nudged Chau’s kayak into the shallows. The canoe slid in behind Chau, cutting off his escape. Chau threw the two paddlers a shovel as a gift, but one of them still clutched his bamboo knife. The kid with the bow and nocked arrow approached. Chau figured this was it. So he disembarked to show that he, too, had two legs. Then he preached to them from Genesis, likely reading from his waterproof Bible.

    Chau found himself inches from the Sentinelese man who didn’t have a knife. The hunter-gatherer stood about Chau’s height—five feet six—and had yellowish clay smeared in circles on his face. Chau noted a fly land on the man’s cheek. Hastily, Chau handed over his gifts and, in his rush, gave the tribespeople essentially everything he had. Surely, the Sentinelese couldn’t help but be moved by his good intentions?

    Then things started happening confusingly fast. The men grabbed the kayak and made off with it. The boy suddenly fired his bow. Miraculously, the arrow struck the waterproof Bible that Chau was holding, saving him.

    Chau grabbed the arrow and felt the sharpness of the nail-like arrowhead. He retreated, shouting and stumbling. The Sentinelese let him wade over the submerged dead coral. He swam nearly a mile back to the boat, thinking in his panic that rocks in the bay were pursuing canoes. Back on board, he confronted the fact that he had lost his kayak and had no access to any of his supplies. Though, he journaled, “I’m grateful that I still have the written Word of God.” Chau now had to make a momentous choice alone. “It’s weird—actually no, it’s natural: I’m scared. There, I said it,” he wrote in his diary, his handwriting becoming increasingly agitated. “I DON’T WANT to Die! Would it be wiser to leave and let someone else continue?”
    8. The First One to Heaven

    The sun smoldered on the waves. Chau prayed. Practically anyone else would have asked the fishermen to return to Port Blair, but judge the situation from Chau’s point of view. He considered the Sentinelese to be living in “Satan’s last stronghold” and destined for hell unless he rescued them for heaven. To him, there could have been no greater act of love than risking his life to save them from eternal torment. Even more, according to police director Pathak, he indicated to the fishermen that the arrow striking the Bible was a sign of God’s protection. “John assumed that they wouldn’t automatically welcome him and that the only way to win them over was to be like, ‘I’m here, and I’m not going away,’ ” said Casey Prince, his mentor in South Africa. And if Chau gave up now, he was unlikely to get another chance.

    Chau knew he could perish if he returned to shore, and he was prepared for that. As Jim Elliot, a missionary whom Chau idolized, said, “He is no fool who gives what he cannot keep to gain what he cannot lose.” Like many evangelicals, Chau grew up celebrating Elliot, whose widely publicized story helped launch, in the late 1950s, the missionary boom that is still ongoing today. It is uncanny how closely Chau followed Elliot’s footsteps. They grew up miles from each other, hiked the same mountains, and formed convictions as teenagers that they were called to uncontacted tribes. Shortly after graduating from college, Elliot was lanced to death by an Ecuadoran tribe infamous for killing outsiders. However, after a few years, Elliot’s widow and other missionaries converted some of the tribesmen who slew Elliot—leading many evangelicals to declare the original mission a success. Should he die at the hands of the Sentinelese, Chau may have reasoned, he would simply be following Elliot’s example—and that of the original missionary, Jesus Christ.

    But it’s also doesn’t seem that Chau viewed confronting the Sentinelese again as seeking martyrdom. “I can say explicitly that John wasn’t on a suicide mission,” said Jimmy Shaw, who taught the History of Missions Class taken by Chau at university, remained close to him, and was privy to his plans. “He was a person of faith. If he died, then he died. But he was a believer, and he believed he was going to get the chance to share the gospel with those who’d never otherwise have a chance to hear it. And that was the risk worth taking.” The mission plan he had shared with supporters also included his return. And not long before, he had told Sarah Prince that he hoped one day to have children and a family like hers, “if God wants it for me.”

    Though the odds of success may have seemed daunting, after overcoming so many previous challenges, Chau may have thought he could beat this one, too, by himself. Or he may have hoped for a miracle. Pentecostalism, the Christian movement Chau grew up in, gets its name from the miracle of the Pentecost, when the Holy Spirit empowered the apostles to convert foreigners by preaching in their languages. After baptism, many Pentecostalists speak in what they believe are similarly divinely inspired “tongues,” and they celebrate stories of modern missionaries performing Pentecost-like miracles. Chau’s friend McCarthy, who is now a Pentecostal minister, said, “He definitely had the gift of speaking in tongues,” though it is unclear if Chau thought that gift would manifest in this context.

    And, ultimately, converting the tribe may have been only of secondary importance to Chau. For many evangelicals, trying to discern every twist and turn of God’s master plan is impossible and presumptuous. Instead, the best a believer can do is follow what directives they can grasp. “To John, the measure of success has always been obedience,” said Hopkins, his friend. And Shaw described a video, which he believed was likely meant to be shared only if Chau did not return, in which Chau declared that the measure of a person was their obedience to Christ. So if John had felt God wanted him to go, then he would have gone.

    Whatever Chau’s final reasoning, as afternoon descended into evening, he wrote in his diary, “LORD let Your will be done. If you want me to get actually shot or even killed with an arrow, then so be it. I think I could be more useful alive though, but to You, God, I give all the glory of whatever happens.”

    Watching the sun burn out, Chau was moved to tears and wondered if “it’ll be the last sunset I see before being in the place where the sun never sets.” He described intensely missing his family, friends, and Parks, and wished there was “someone I can talk to and be understood.” He finished his thoughts for the day: “Perfect LOVE casts out fear. LORD Jesus, fill me with Your perfect love for these people!”

    The next morning, after a “fairly restful sleep” on the boat, he wrote, “I hope this isn’t my last notes but if it is, to God be the glory.” He stripped down to his black underpants, as Pandit had taken off his clothes so as not to spook the naked Andaman tribes. Then he stroked toward land.

    The fishermen motored out to sea, as Chau had requested. Pieter V., the missionary whom Chau had consulted in South Africa, had told him that he believed that the Jarawa tribe didn’t kill him when he landed because he had no boat. Chau also didn’t want the fishermen to have to witness him possibly being slaughtered. The fishermen carried away Chau’s diary and two letters, one of which was to Alex. “I think I might die,” Chau confessed in it. But he comforted his friend: “I’ll see you again, bro—and remember, the first one to heaven wins.”

    The next day, the fishermen returned to the island. They motored along the coast, searching for signs of Chau.

    Eventually they spotted something on the beach. They looked closer. It was a body in black underpants. And it was being dragged by the Sentinelese, with a rope tied around its neck.
    9. A Strenuous Case

    When I met police director Pathak in his office this summer, he described the situation as “a very, very strenuous case.” According to him, after discovering the body, the fishermen had rushed back to Port Blair and, crying, turned over Chau’s journal and letters to Alex. Alex then contacted Parks, who in turn informed Chau’s mother. Chau’s mother then alerted the U.S. Consulate General in India, which contacted the Andaman police. In the subsequent investigation, Pathak had to decide: Could a people who didn’t recognize laws be prosecuted under them? Should Chau’s remains be recovered? Chau had written, “don’t retrieve my body,” and Chau’s family posted on his Instagram account, “We forgive those supposedly responsible for his death.” So Pathak decided the rights of the “uncontacted group needed to be respected.”

    But though Chau was beyond the laws of this world, the fishermen and Alex were soon imprisoned, before being released on bail. The lawyer representing them said that the punishment of his clients was “not fair,” as Chau went to the island of his own free will, and noted that Chau must not have thought about how the subsequent legal troubles would “badly affect” their lives. According to Pathak, the Indian police had also begun the bureaucratic process to request American assistance to talk to Parks.

    The sufferings of Alex and the fishermen was the last thing that Chau would have wanted: He worried deeply that they could be harmed should his mission go awry. In his final email to supporters, he directed that if he perished they should tell the media, “I am simply an ‘adventurer’…and please do not mention the real reason for why I went to the island.” This was to lessen the chances of “persecution of local area Christians, [and] the imprisonment of the local team members.” He explained that he had built a website and Instagram account that looked like those of an adventure bro to throw people off the trail. Instead of desiring posthumous Elliot-like fame, he preferred to be remembered as a fool.

    As Chau had predicted, when the story of his death spread worldwide, in November 2018, the criticism of him was fierce. Much of it followed the red herrings he had left, but information about his missionary purpose came out soon enough, once the fishermen confessed. Pandit, the anthropologist, said, “I felt sad that the young man should lose his life, but this was a foolish thing to do.” In the news, some commentators characterized his attitude as “puritanical, prejudiced, and patronizing.” Survival International, an NGO that advocates for uncontacted tribes, declared, “The Sentinelese have shown again and again that they want to be left alone, and their wishes should be respected.” The organization warned that by supposedly saving the tribe, Chau might have ended up destroying them.

    The Andaman tribes numbered about 5,000 people when the British arrived, but today only a few hundred remain. These survivors are wracked with measles and consumed by alcohol, subjected to “human safaris” by tourists, and have increasingly become dependent on government handouts. When I joined a hundred-car convoy through the jungle reserve of the Jarawa tribe, crossing between Port Blair and another town, I saw 11 Jarawa squatting on the roadside and staring at the traffic as if watching TV.

    This was “the danger of contact” that had made Pandit “worried about the future” when he first handed the coconut to the Sentinelese back in 1991, despite his simultaneous excitement at the meeting. Pandit knew the poisonous fruit that seed could bear, because he had already led the acculturation of a Jarawa clan. In the mid-1970s he felt he had no choice; they were fatally ambushing settlers on the outskirts of Port Blair. He won their trust with gifts and then lived with them for stints before imposing government oversight. When I interviewed him this year, however, he clearly thought they had suffered from the decades of contact. “Once, they laughed so much more than us,” he said. He thinks that the Sentinelese probably have had a happy life, similar to that of the Jarawa, before his arrival, easily fulfilling their needs in their tropical Eden. Hunter-gatherers are often called “the original affluent society,” as anthropologists have found they average only three to five hours of work a day, are more egalitarian, and have fewer mental health issues. (Although it is important not to romanticize their shorter life spans and other disadvantages.) Ultimately it’s not that Pandit thinks the Sentinelese should be barred from modernizing, only that they have the human right to choose whether to do so—and they have conscientiously objected. “Change should be for the better,” Pandit said. “But if we as an external force bring the change, are we sure we are helping?”

    Though the Sentinelese have no knowledge of what has happened outside their barrier reef, they seem to have intuited Pandit’s fears. And they have adopted a defensive strategy that has preserved them as one of the approximately 100 uncontacted groups still abiding on earth.
    10. A Rebellious People

    As harshly as some individuals criticized Chau, I was struck by how often people who knew him described him as a considerate, capable young man. Even those who didn’t agree with his final actions grieved. As Nathan Fairchild, his boss at the environmental camp in California, told me through tears: “There’s a tendency when people pass away to knight them, but even when John was living, everyone would have praised him the same way.”

    Many evangelicals were outspoken in celebrating his sacrifice. “There was no colonial intention,” said Ramsey, Chau’s friend. “[John’s] motivation was love for these people.… I think he’s up there in heaven.” Oral Roberts University released a statement that concluded: “We are not surprised that John would try to reach out to these isolated people in order to share God’s love. We are deeply saddened to hear of his death.” Parks, Chau’s boss, wrote on social media that Chau was “one of the best and most selfless human beings there ever was.” Many Christians spoke of being inspired to do missions themselves—missions that might reach all the way to Sentinel Island. On the Facebook page “I Admire John Allen Chau,” a post described a young American declaring at a missionary conference, “I am called to go to the people JOHN Allen Chau tried to reach.” Ramsey said, “I could see John as a modern Jim Elliot, someone who made a greater impact in death than life.” At All Nations’ annual fund-raiser in April 2019, the organization celebrated Chau and featured as the keynote speaker the grandson of a missionary pilot who perished alongside Elliot.

    And yet not all Christians supported Chau’s actions, including many prominent evangelicals, such as the president of the Southern Baptist Theological Seminary. “Christian missionary work has evolved over the ages, and it is now profoundly important for missionaries to be sensitive to the culture of the people they are sent to,” said Ben Witherington III, a professor at Asbury Theological Seminary in Kentucky. “Chau is a pretty classic example of how not to do missions in the 21st century.” Some field missionaries criticized Chau as insensitive, ineffective, and even ignorant of biblical directives. As Mark 6:11 commands: “And if any place will not welcome you or listen to you, leave that place and shake the dust off your feet as a testimony against them.” The detractors and supporters of Chau often seemed to be screaming past one another about different realities. Where some people saw a sensitive missionary prepared by years of training, others saw an overconfident, underprepared young American cheered to his death by his mentors.

    One recent afternoon, while pondering all this, I flipped open an edition of the waterproof Bible that had stopped the arrow the Sentinelese boy had fired at Chau. He recorded the verses that the shaft broke on, which conclude in Isaiah 65:1–65:2: “I am sought of them that asked not for me; I am found of them that sought me not: I said, Behold me, behold me, unto a nation that was not called by my name. I have spread out my hands all the day unto a rebellious people, which walketh in a way that was not good, after their own thoughts.”

    While Chau didn’t record if he interpreted the “rebellious people” as the Sentinelese or if the verse impacted his decision to return to the island once again, it’s telling he swam ashore the next morning. And yet Witherington, the Asbury seminary theologian, who has written a book about deciphering Isaiah, said, “I don’t dismiss Chau’s sincerity or sacrifice, but the question is whether he interpreted Isaiah rightly—and the answer for that, I think, is clearly no.” Two more theologians confirmed that in the above passage, the “rebellious people” are actually those inside the church, as God is criticizing the Israelites for worshipping false idols.

    In all my months of reporting, I never found any evidence that Chau even once questioned his calling. His certainty was so absolute that he was willing to bet not only his life on it but the lives of the Sentinelese. (Multiple doctors have stated that his self-quarantine wouldn’t have worked.) But one inscrutable thing about religion is that while it offers definitive answers, believers draw different answers from the same words, and often different answers throughout their lives.

    Patrick Chau, John’s father, was born in China, endured six years of forced labor harvesting rice during Mao’s Cultural Revolution, escaped to the United States, studied medicine at Oral Roberts University, which John would attend, and eventually brought John up evangelical. But during a weeks-long correspondence with me, Patrick described how over the past decade he had begun to find biblical truths in the Confucianism of his youth. He came to believe that the commonalities undergirding world religions meant that people “not following Western religious terms could still be following the teachings of the Bible.” In this context, he decided, “the theology of the Great Commission”—of missions—“is the byproduct of Western colonization and imperialization, and not Biblical teaching at all.” He wrote, “I have no common opinion in faith with my youngest.” John “was not there yet.”

    I wrote back: “But it seems you think that he would have come to that realization, in time?”

    “Eventually,” Patrick answered. “I hoped.”

    The central message of Jesus and Confucius that he tried to get his son to accept was: “Fairness. Do unto others as you would have done unto you. It is the only standard of right and wrong in the whole Bible.”

    The morning of his death, Chau wrote his final letter, addressed to his parents and siblings: “You guys might think I’m crazy in all this but I think it’s worth it to declare Jesus to these people. Please do not be angry at them or at God if I get killed.” He concluded: “I love you all and I pray none of you love anything in this world more than Jesus Christ.” He signed it with a scrawl that looks a lot like “JC.”
    11. Christlike Love

    We can’t know precisely what happened when Chau encountered the Sentinelese for the final time. Shortly after reports of Chau’s death, his mother told the Washington Post that she still believed he was alive because of “my prayers.” She later declined my interview requests, explaining to acquaintances that she preferred to let Chau tell his own story when he returned. Patrick concluded his essay memorializing John: “This is [the] riddle of life I cannot see through now,” and then paraphrased a verse from the Book of Job: “The Lord gave and the Lord has taken away. Blessed be the name of the Lord.”

    Chattopadhyay, the anthropologist, speculated that when Chau emerged from the lagoon, the tribe would have likely warned him with “utterances and hand gestures” to go away, fearing “he would try to enslave them.” Pandit added, “The Sentinelese don’t go out of their way to do violence.… But of course he couldn’t understand.”

    And so Chau crossed the line in the sand that the Sentinelese hadn’t even let a foreign doll transgress all those years ago. And of course they shot him.

    A skilled hunter doesn’t aim for an instant kill with a relatively fragile bamboo arrow tipped with an iron nail—the human brain and heart are small targets and encased in bone.

    No, the projectile would have been aimed at Chau’s large and soft gut. Once he was crippled, the Sentinelese would have charged in, wielding their long arrows like spears.

    But before then, Chau would have had time to confront the fact that he was going to die.

    And I have faith that he welcomed his killers with Christlike love.

    Doug Bock Clark is a GQ correspondent.

    A version of this story originally appeared in the September 2019 issue with the title “Contact.”

    #christianisme #mission #proselytisme #impérialisme #USA #Inde

  • Joshua Project
    https://joshuaproject.net/get_involved/learn_more


    Nous voilà l’objet d’une croisade impérialiste sous prétexte de mission évangélicale. Heureusement nous, les païens du centre de l’Europe, nous ne sommes pas sans défense comme les peuples qui n’ont pas encore jamais eu à subir les invasions chrétiennes.

    Après l’éradication dans l’holocauste américain des peuples indigènes par les envahisseurs catoliques les chrétiens étatsuniens tentent d’éliminer toute forme de paganisme africain. Pour le moment ce fléau est passé à côté de l’Europe surtout à cause de la résistance des bolchéviques et de leurs héritiers illégitimes. Le laïcisme européen et d’abord français a également contribué à la limiter l’influence des fondamentalistes qui naviguent dans les eaux polluées du néolibéralisme comme des crustacés néophytes dans le ballast de la marine marchande.


    Actuellement les pentecôtistes et autres fondamenatlistes chrétiens constituent un danger pour le mouvement pour la réduction de gaz à effet de serre. Pour eux la catastrophe climatique est l’expression de la volonté de dieu et de son arrivée imminente dans l’époque de l’apocalypse et de l’enlèvement. L’angoisse générale crée un climat favorable pour ce type de mission qui propose la rédemption individuelle aux personnes faibles et sans formation philosophique solide.


    Alors où en sommes nous en ce qui concerne notre statut d’évangélisation ?

    En France comme en Allemagne il reste du travail à faire pour les missionaires qui considèrent plus de 60 % des peuples comme chrétiens. Cette estimation exagérée nous préserve de la ferveur des pires des missionaires dont l’ambition les pousse à se dévouer aux « petits » peuples dans des contrées loin de nous. Heureusement parfois même les tribus les plus éloignées de la civilisation « chrétienne » ont compris que ces missionaires mettent en danger leur existence. L’acceuil des fanatiques se passe en conséqunce.

    The Kurd, Turkish-Speaking in Turkey are an example of a unreached people group.


    Missions is all about God. God acting to save His creation and bring it back in to a relationship with Himself through Jesus Christ. Learning about missions starts with learning about God through the Bible and seeing how He used men and women to fufill His purposes on earth. Missions is also about what God is doing today around the world to build Christ’s Church.

    Datasets
    To download data for a specific continent, region, country, religion, affinity bloc, people cluster or people group, click the “Download Data” link below the listing. Use the search tool to find the data set you wish to download or go to the People Group Lists page.

    All people groups by country CSV / Excel
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    On ne sait rien sur le jeune homme de la photo. Les missionnaires ont décidé d’en faire le symbole pour les Kurdes à christianiser.

    #christianisme #mission #proselytisme #impérialisme #USA #France #Allemagne #Europe #holocauste

  • Eva_Joly balance tout sur la Françafrique La Rédaction - 23 Juillet 2019 - Investigaction
    https://www.investigaction.net/fr/eva-joly-balance-tout-sur-la-francafrique

    Nous ne résistons pas à l’envie de publier pour nos lecteurs ces extraits du dernier livre de la députée française Eva Joly, détaillant les « crimes » de la France en Afrique en général et au Cameroun en particulier ; elle parle notamment du massacre des #Bamilékés par son pays.
     
    Je n’avais rien compris à ce que l’écrivain #Slimane_Zeghidour appelle « le secret de famille de la République ». Lorsque j’ai pris en charge l’instruction de l’affaire #Elf, j’avais en face de moi les puissants du pétrole français, je n’aimais pas leur arrogance, la façon qu’ils avaient de se servir dans les caisses, mais lorsqu’ils invoquaient les intérêts supérieurs du pays, j’étais prête à les croire.

    Je sortais de plusieurs années en détachement au Ministère des Finances, entourée de hauts fonctionnaires intègres, d’une compétence absolue.

    J’avais confiance dans les institutions de mon pays d’adoption. Je n’imaginais pas que la finalité des dirigeants des sociétés nationales du #pétrole fut autre chose que le bien commun. Je traquais les dérives et non le système lui-même.

    Pourtant au fil de mon enquête, j’ai découvert un monde souterrain. Magistrate, limitée par le cadre de ma saisine et des compétences nationales, je devais m’arrêter sur le seuil de certaines portes, qui menaient vers l’étranger.

    Je découvrais des chemins qu’il aurait été passionnant de remonter, des connexions qui m’ahurissaient. Avec des chiffres, des comptes, nous avions sous nos yeux le déchiffrage d’un vaste réseau de #corruption institutionnalisé, dont les fils étaient reliés en direct à l’#Elysée.

    Ce n’était pas mon rôle d’en tirer les conclusions politiques, mais j’en ai gardé l’empreinte. Nous avions dessiné alors un vaste schéma, que j’ai toujours avec moi. Il fait huit mètres une fois déplié.

    Il serpente depuis le bureau d’un directeur des hydrocarbures d’Elf, jusqu’à des comptes obscurs alimentés par le Gabon, aux mains d’#Omar_Bongo : quarante ans de pouvoir et une difficulté récurrente à distinguer sa tirelire et sa famille d’une part, le budget de l’Etat et le Gouvernement d’autre part.

    J’emporte souvent ce schéma avec moi, au fil des rendez-vous. Je l’étale sur les tables, un peu comme un capitaine au combat sort ses vieilles cartes.

    Les positions ont sans doute varié, les techniques de camouflage se sont sophistiquées, mais le système est là : les tyrans sont des amis que la France a placés au pouvoir et dont elle protège la fortune et l’influence par de vastes réseaux de corruption ; en échange ils veillent sur les intérêts et les ressources des entreprises françaises venues creuser le sol. Tout ce beau monde a intérêt à ce que rien, jamais, ne stimule ni les institutions ni l’économie des pays.

    La France aide à appauvrir le Gabon.
    Et si je m’arrête un instant au Gabon, qu’est-ce que j’y vois ? Un pays riche qui exporte plus de treize milliards de dollars de pétrole brut par an et affiche un PIB par habitant largement au-dessus de la moyenne africaine (6 397 $) ? Ou un pays pauvre où l’espérance de vie est estimée à 55 ans pour les femmes et 53 pour les hommes, ce qui leur laisse un an de moins que les Malgaches nés sur un sol sans pétrole ? Le taux de mortalité infantile est au Gabon particulièrement élevé, le taux de vaccination contre la rougeole est de 40% contre une moyenne de 79% dans les pays en développement.

    Voilà où en est le Gabon, chasse gardée de la France, fournisseur des trésors du pétrole et de l’uranium, fief de #Total-Elf, la première capitalisation boursière française.

    Si les habitants de Libreville n’ont pas bénéficié de la richesse de leur pays, c’est parce que la France s’est accaparée ses ressources minières, avec la complicité d’un Président, enrôlé dès son service militaire par l’armée française et ses services secrets, placé à la tête du pays à 32 ans par Paris, il était alors le plus jeune Chef d’Etat du monde. La France contrôle son armée, ses élections et protège sa fortune.

    En retour, Omar Bongo fait table ouverte plusieurs fois par an, Avenue Foch ou l’Hôtel Crillon, où il reçoit les hommes politiques, des publicitaires et les journalistes français qui comptent. Chacun se presse à ces audiences.

    Dans les années 1990, un homme politique français de premier plan, alors en fonction, bénéficiait en parallèle d’un contrat de « consultant » signé par Omar Bongo et largement rémunéré. De #Roland_Dumas, le Président gabonais dit qu’il est un « ami intime ». Prévoyant, il apprécie aussi #Nicolas_Sarkozy, venu « prendre conseil » en tant que candidat à l’élection présidentielle.

    Lorsqu’au cours de l’instruction, nous avons perquisitionné au siège de la #FIBA, la banque franco-gabonaise, nous avons consulté le listing des clients qui paraissait tenu à la plume sergent-major. C’était une sorte de Who’s Who de la France en Afrique, qui en disait long sur l’envers de la République et des médias.

    La France fait semblant d’aider des pays qui sont riches en matières premières.

    A ceux qui croient encore à l’aide désintéressée de la France en Afrique, il suffit de consulter les chiffres du #PNUD (Programme des Nations Unies pour le Développement). La corrélation est régulière entre le montant de l’aide française et la richesse en matières premières.

    En clair, celui qui n’a rien dans son sous-sol ne doit pas attendre grand-chose de Paris. Il n’est pas étonnant de retrouver le Gabon comme l’un des premiers bénéficiaires de l’aide publique française au développement. Le résultat est affligeant en termes de système de santé et d’éducation. L’argent s’est perdu en route. Il est justement fait pour cela.

    Il ne s’agit pas d’une dérive mais d’une organisation cohérente et raisonnée. Dans chaque audition durant notre instruction, nous entendions parler de pressions physiques, d’espionnage permanent et de #barbouzes.

    Les perquisitions dans la tour Elf à la Défense livraient une moisson de documents révélant la confusion des genres, nous les transmettions au Parquet de Nanterre, qui se gardait bien d’ouvrir des enquêtes.

    Car #Elf hier, Total aujourd’hui, est un Etat dans l’Etat, conçu par #Pierre_Guillaumat, un ancien Ministre de la Défense, patron des services secrets et responsable du programme nucléaire français afin de servir les intérêts géopolitiques de Paris.

    La Norvège a utilisé son pétrole pour construire et assurer le paiement des retraites futures. La France se sert d’Elf Total pour affirmer sa puissance.

    La compagnie intervient dans le Golfe de #Guinée, au #Nigeria, au #Congo-Brazzaville, en #Angola… Tous ces pays ont connu la guerre civile et la dictature, derrière laquelle la main française s’est fait sentir. Le chaos, lorsqu’il se produit, ne trouble pas le système. Il n’est qu’à voir l’Angola en guerre pendant des dizaines d’années, mais dont aucune goutte de pétrole, jamais, n’a raté sa destination.

    Pendant la guerre, les affaires continuaient…les banques françaises, #Bnp-Paribas en tête, ont même profité de l’occasion pour élaborer des montages financiers destinés aux pays en guerre, à des taux affolants, tout en sachant qu’elles ne prenaient pas le moindre risque. L’argent, là aussi, n’a pas été perdu pour tout le monde. C’est un miroir dans lequel il ne faut pas trop souvent regarder les élites françaises.

    Depuis que j’ai ouvert le dossier Elf dans mon bureau de la galerie financière, j’ai voyagé physiquement et intellectuellement bien loin de la Seine et de ses quais gris et bleus…j’ai appris en marchant. A l’arrivée, le tableau est effrayant.

    L’Afrique a refait de moi une Norvégienne, fière de l’être. Mon pays est riche, mais, il se souvient avoir été pauvre, un peuple d’émigrants regardant vers le nouveau monde américain.

    Son esprit de conquête, ses allures vikings sont des traces d’un passé très lointain, vinrent ensuite les tutelles danoise puis suédoise, dont il fallut se libérer, Il envoya vers l’Afrique des missionnaires protestants, personnages austères au visage buriné, taillé par la parole chrétienne et l’œuvre humanitaire, plutôt que des nouveaux colons, comme on les croise encore dans les quartiers d’expatriés blancs.

    Pendant que la France fondait Elf, la Norvège mettait en place l’exploitation des ressources de la mer du Nord, accumulant un fonds de réserve, aussitôt placé pour les générations futures et soigneusement contrôlé. Ce petit pays des terres gelées est devenu la première nation donatrice en dollars par habitant.

    Bien sûr, les pétroliers norvégiens ne sont pas des enfants de chœur. De récentes enquêtes ont montré que certains d’entre eux ont versé des commissions et que la tentation d’abuser de leur pouvoir est permanente. Mais la Norvège n’a pas à rougir de ce qu’elle a fait de son pétrole. Ce que j’ai vu, les rapports internationaux qui l’attestent, est une œuvre d’espoir.

    La République française, à la même époque, a mis en place en Afrique un système loin de ses valeurs et de l’image qu’elle aime renvoyer au monde. Comment des institutions solides et démocratiques, des esprits brillants et éclairés, ont-ils pu tisser des réseaux violant systématiquement la loi, la justice et la démocratie ? Pourquoi des journalistes réputés, de tout bord, ont-ils toléré ce qu’ils ont vu ? Pourquoi des partis politiques et des ONG, par ailleurs prompts a s’enflammer, n’ont-ils rien voulu voir ?

    L’Occident a fermé les yeux sur les #crimes de la France.
    Je ne condamne pas. J’ai partagé cet aveuglement. J’étais comme eux, avant de glisser l’œil dans le trou de la serrure et de prendre la mesure de ce secret de famille : la France reste un #empire et ne se remet pas de sa puissance perdue. L’indépendance politique a été largement une mascarade en Afrique de l’Ouest.

    L’Occident a fermé les yeux, car la France se prévalait d’être le « gendarme » qui défendait la moitié du continent contre le communisme. Les Français ont laissé faire, car astucieusement, De Gaulle et ses successeurs ont présenté leur action comme un rempart contre l’hydre américaine. Elf était l’une des pièces maîtresses de cette partie géopolitique.

    Le double jeu a été facilité par la certitude, ancrée dans les mentalités, que « là-bas, c’est différent ». Là-bas, c’est normal la corruption, le #népotisme, la #guerre, la #violence. Là-bas, c’est normal la présence de l’armée française, les proconsuls à l’ambassade ou à l’état-major, les camps militaires. Là-bas, c’est normal l’instruction des gardes présidentielles. Là-bas, c’est normal la captation des richesses naturelles.

    D’ailleurs, « tout le monde fait pareil ». Jeune ou vieux, de gauche ou de droite, nul Français ne songe à s’offusquer de voir nos soldats mener, presque chaque année, une opération militaire en Afrique, au #Tchad, en Côte_d_Ivoire, au #Rwanda, quand tous se gaussent de cette Amérique venue faire la police en Irak, en maquillant d’un fard démocratique les intérêts géopolitiques et pétroliers de Washington. Il y a pourtant bien des symétries.

    J’ai vu récemment un documentaire sur la guerre du #Biafra, quatre ou cinq demi-heures de témoignage brut des principaux acteurs, sans commentaires. Je suis restée sans voix. A ceux qui sont nés après 1970, le Biafra ne dit rien. Dans cette région du #Nigeria, riche en pétrole, une ethnie, chrétienne et animiste armée par la France, réclama l’indépendance. S’ensuivit une guerre meurtrière de trois ans, révolte financée depuis l’Elysée via des sociétés #suisses.

    La télévision française aimait alors montrer les enfants affamés que les militaires français ramenaient par avion pour les soigner, jamais elle ne laissait voir la cargaison de l’aller, remplie d’armes. A l’image maintenant, les anciens collaborateurs de #Jacques_Foccart, repus dans leurs fauteuils Louis XV, détaillent sans émotion ces montages illégaux. Les officiers, lieutenants d’alors, généraux d’aujourd’hui, racontent ce bon tour le sourire aux lèvres. Fin du documentaire. Pas un mot, pas une ligne dans les livres d’histoire.

    La France au cœur de la guerre du Biafra et du massacre des #Bamilékés au Cameroun
    Des drames comme celui-ci, l’Afrique en contient des dizaines, soigneusement passés sous silence. Les massacres des Bamiléké au Cameroun par la France du Général De Gaulle, le génocide des #Tutsi commis par un régime soutenu par #François_Mitterrand, les assassinats d’opposants, les manipulations d’élections.. Le passif de la France sur le continent africain n’a rien à envier à l’#impérialisme américain en Amérique latine ou au Moyen-Orient.

    Il est à la mode parmi les intellectuels français de se plaindre du mouvement de repentance qui s’est répandu depuis quelques années. Les bienfaits de la colonisation, à inscrire dans les manuels scolaires, ont même fait l’objet d’une proposition de loi, largement soutenue par les députés.
    Bien sûr, l’histoire de la France en Afrique ou en Asie du sud-est a compté aussi des aventuriers sincères, exportateurs, instituteurs ou pionniers, qui ont fait corps avec les pays qu’ils ont découverts. A Madagascar, les #Vazas, ces pieds noirs malgaches, ne cessent de louer devant moi l’état des routes et des infrastructures françaises au moment de l’indépendance.

    Mais les peuples sont comme les familles. On ne peut pas faire le tri de la mémoire. Il est des secrets soigneusement cachés dont l’onde portée va bien au-delà d’une ou de deux générations. Les enfants héritent de tout : du malheur comme du bonheur, de la richesse comme des dettes.

    La République française paie aujourd’hui la facture de son passé. Il suffit de dérouler la liste des appellations officielles des Maghrébins nés dans un département français avant 1962 ou sur le sol hexagonal depuis les années 1970. Par la loi, ils furent et sont des Français comme les autres.

    Les gouvernements successifs n’ont pourtant cessé d’inventer des périphrases : « indigène musulman », « sujet africain non naturalisé », « JFOM » (Jeune français originaire du Maghreb), « jeune issu de l’immigration », « fils de harkis », « jeune des quartiers », « Arabo-musulman », « Français d’origine arabe », « Français musulman »…

    La France vit encore comme si en Afrique, elle était chez elle, et comme si, ses enfants d’ascendance africaine n’étaient pas Français. Le développement de la Françafrique, notre tolérance vis-à-vis des réseaux, tout ramène à ce secret colonial, cet empire qui hante les esprits comme un fantôme. Oui, Total, la première entreprise française, est riche et prospère.

    Mais la manière dont la firme s’est bâtie fait partie de l’héritage. Qui osera un jour rendre au Nigeria, au Cameroun, au Gabon, au Congo-Brazzaville ce que la France leur doit ? Qui contestera les contrats conclus par #Areva pour l’#uranium du #Niger ou ceux des mines d’or de #Sadiola au #Mali, deux pays parmi les plus pauvres du globe, qui ne touchent qu’une part dérisoire des richesses prélevées dans leur sol ? La République a contracté une dette qu’il lui faudra bien honorer.

    Notre prospérité est nourrie de #richesses que nous détournons. A certains de ces sans-papiers qui risquent leur vie pour gagner l’Europe, il pourrait-être versé une rente au lieu d’un avis d’expulsion. Je rêve pour ce pays que j’aime, d’un réveil collectif.

    Une France digne de son idéal et de son héritage de 1789 est incompatible avec la Françafrique : ce qu’une génération a fait, une autre peut le défaire. C’est possible.
     
    Extrait de : La force qui nous manque. Eva Joly. Editions des Arènes (Paris) 190 pages. https://www.jmtvplus.com/eva-joly-balance-toutmeme-sur-le-cameroun-40110

    #françafrique #afrique #france  #colonialisme #tchad #armée_française #centrafrique  #francafrique #armée #guerre #Livre #Eva_Joly #Femme