#kakuma

  • Ongoing violent attacks on LGBTI+ asylum seekers and refugees at #Kakuma refugee camp

    #queersOfKakuma is a group of LGBTI+ activists living in Kakuma refugee camp. Together with members of migration-control.info, we wrote the following report about ongoing violent attacks on LGBTI+ asylum seekers and refugees, focusing on the general situation at Kakuma refugee camp and specifically on challenges of the LGBTI+ community and the international resettlement and externalization politics.

    Content note: sexual and gendered violence, illness, precarity, death

    Kakuma is a refugee camp established in 1992 and located in the north of Kenya near the border with Uganda and South Sudan as shows the map below. The camp is managed both by the Kenyan government (Department of Refugees Services - DRS) and UNHCR (United Nations High Commission for Refugees). According to UNHCR statistics, Kenya hosted in July 2023 636.034 refugees and asylum seekers, 269.545 (42,4%) in Dadaab, 270.273 (42,2%) in Kakuma and 96,206 (15,1%) in urban areas. A deadline to close Kenyas camps was already set by the Kenyan and Somalian governments, in a trilateral agreement with UNHCR, for 2016. Since then, the deadline was postponed on several occasions and the number of asylum seekers and refugees is growing as a result of violence in the region. When in 2016 war broke out in South Sudan thousands of South Sudanese women, especially, escaped across the border to Kakuma. Today, Kakuma has almost as many inhabitants as Dadaab and is the second-largest camp in the country.

    Asylum seekers and refugees in Kenya face many challenges and living conditions are described as unbearable. The underfunding of the Kenyan branch of UNHCR (there has notably been a funding gap of 49% by the United Nations as of October 2022 according to UNHCR) directly affects the living conditions of asylum seekers and refugees at the Kakuma camp. For instance, “UNHCR and the World Food Programme (WFP) declared that they had ’never had such a terrible funding situation for refugees’ in East Africa, WFP having reduced food rations for 417,000 camp-based refugees by 40% for lack of funding” (Amnesty International and NGLHRC report, p14). According to queersOfKakuma one adult person currently receives per month: 1 kg rice, 500g peas, 500g Sorghum and a little portion of cooking oil. Underfunding by UN also serves as an argument for the Kenyan government to threaten to close the refugee camps. Indeed, the lack of funding also results in less workers at the camp, which further delays asylum-seeking procedures.

    LGBTI+ asylum seekers and refugees confronted to discrimination and violent attacks which stay unpunished

    Kenya is the only country in the East and Horn of Africa to offer asylum to people who seek protection because of discrimination based on sexual orientation, gender identity and/or expressions of sex gender identity. But in April 2023, Kenyan MP Peter Kaluma has been promoting the Family Protection Bill, which criminalizes sexual relations between two people of the same sex-gender. The Kenya 2021 Refugees Act mentions in Section 19(2): “a refugee or an asylum seeker engaging in a conduct that is in breach or is likely to result in a breach of public order or contrary to public morality under the law irrespective of whether the conduct is linked to his claim for asylum or not, may be expelled from Kenya by an order of the Cabinet Secretary.” Associated to the Family Protection Bill, it would give the possibility to the Kenyan government to expel asylum seekers and refugees on grounds that they violate Kenyan “public order” and “morality”.

    The Kenyan Family Bill is similar to the situation in Uganda: in December 2013, the Ugandan parliament, with the support of President Yoweri Museveni, voted on an anti-homosexuality bill which also criminalizes sexual relations between adults of same sex-gender. This bill represents the explicit institutionalization of discrimination based on sex-gender orientation and expression which was already generally established in the Ugandan society, notably through the exclusion of LGBTI+ people from education and job such as described in Gitta Zomorodi’s article. Since then, LGBTI+ Ugandans’ life standards are threatened, like in other countries of the region, and perhaps soon by the Kenyan state, considering the Family Protection Bill. A member of queersOfKakuma states: “I don’t have anywhere to go.”

    According to a UNHCR statement, Kakuma hosts about 300 refugees and asylum-seekers with an LGBTI+ profile. In addition to the challenges faced by all asylum seekers and refugees in Kenya, asylum seekers and refugees who are LGBTI+ encounter additional challenges linked to their sexual orientation, gender identity and/or expression and sex characteristics. An activist of queersOfKakuma explains the pain of being in the camp: “I’m living in Kakuma refugee camp in Kenya. I’m here to speak on behalf of my fellow Queers in Kakuma refugee camp. We were persecuted in our home country because of our sexuality. We managed to flee and seek for protection and safety but unfortunately, it’s like we jumped from a frying pan to a fire. The situation here is very terrible. We are facing discrimination, segregation. The place is very homophobic and when it comes to the trans, it’s worse.” Another activist describes the concrete living conditions: “We are dying from hunger. We don’t have medication, we don’t have anything and more people should care. We are just living today and we don’t know if we can live tomorrow [...] We are sleeping outside, we don’t have mattresses, we don’t have blankets, we don’t have even covers.” With Kenya’s 2009 Refugee Regulation, LGBTI+ asylum seekers and refugees could benefit from fast-tracked procedures because they were considered as being “at risk”. However, since 2018, they have had to wait longer, to the point where it has been observed by Amnesty International and NGLHRC that procedures have specifically been delayed for LGBTI+ asylum seekers and refugees, which is, yet, another discrimination.

    Besides, LGBTI+ asylum seekers and refugees often face verbal and physical violence and humiliation during procedures of registration. They explain that they have endured homophobic and sexist insults during their procedure. Hence, multiple LGBTI+ asylum seekers and refugees have purposefully decided not to disclose their LGBTI+ identity to state officers. This particularly excluded them from the fast-track procedure dedicated to populations “at risk” when it was possible. It also shows the strong distrust of state officers which has grown among the LGBTI+ community. This distrust is similarly caused by bad treatment from the police. The Kenyan police effectively rarely investigates discriminatory violence against LGBTI+ asylum seekers and refugees, who are regularly assaulted, beaten, raped. queersOfKakuma explain: “Here we live in open spaces which makes it easy for homophobic people to come and attack us and it has happened so many times. We lost lives of our colleagues and no reaction has been taken by the police and the UNHCR. So you see it’s really unfair. We are unsafe.”

    Moreover, police officers can, themselves, be violent towards LGBTI+ asylum seekers and refugees. They intimidated activists who organised the pride march inside Kakuma notably by arresting them and exposing them to rape and sexual violence from other detainees, as discovered during Amnesty International and NGLHRC’s investigation. QueersOfKakuma have also spoken of unfair arrestations: “Before we were sixty but four of us are in prison. They were imprisoned for nothing. They are in prison, we failed to collect money to get them out. Now it’s two months. We don’t have money, it’s two thousand dollars for the people in prison.”

    In addition to this institutionalised violence, LGBTI+ asylum seekers and refugees have difficulties accessing health care because of important stigma from carers. It is, thus, often hard for them to access necessary medical treatments and care which are vital, especially after violent attacks and for those of them who are HIV-positive, as explained by queersOfKakuma: “When we go to hospitals [...] the hospitals tell us that we are not normal, we are devils.”; “Some of us, two hundred and seven, they are positive, they have HIV. [...] they can’t even afford to get access to vitamins, the ingredients which can support someone who is suffering, who is traumatized with HIV. Even getting the medication sometimes is very hard.”

    Also, children of LGBTI+ parents and children who identify themselves as LGBTI+ face violence in Kakuma refugee camp. The discrimination they experience in school stops them from attending. QueersOfKakuma explain: “We can’t take our children to go to school in the camp. They will be discriminated against. They do miserable things to those kids but they are really innocent. They did not do anything. And if we can get an organization to support those kids to go to school and to get an uniform, bags and school fees, this would be very very wonderful.”

    As a protection measure, UNHCR and DRS have relocated some LGBTI+ refugees from Kakuma refugee camp, mostly to Nairobi and its environs. But the relocation to Nairobi is only allowed in exceptional cases and follows an opaque selection process, as the Kenyan government implements an encampment policy which restricts the freedom of movement (asylum seekers and refugees must seek permission to move from designated refugee areas to other locations in Kenya). Those who benefited from relocation also suffer from difficulties to access services and renewing their documents. Thus, internal relocation is not considered a solution. QueersOfKakuma report about the death of LGBTI+ relocated to Nairobi: “We lost our fellow queer. He was staying in Nairobi. He jumped from a flat. He lost hope, he lost everything and he was tired of his life because of homophobia. He requested justice, he was requesting support, he was begging support. He had nothing to eat. No one was caring for him, no one was there.”

    To recap, repatriation is very dangerous for LGBTI+ asylum seekers and refugees of the Kakuma camp, as they come from countries like Uganda which criminalizes and stigmatizes homosexual relationships; the “integration” of asylum seekers and refugees of the Kakuma camp in Kenya is unwanted by the Kenyan government and increasingly dangerous; and the needs of resettlement in other camps are greater than the space currently offered. The absence of dedicated help and institutional funding puts LGBTI+ asylum seekers and refugees in an extremely urgent situation.

    Kenya’s refugee camps in an international context

    As mentioned, Kenya is the only country in the East and Horn of Africa to offer asylum to people who seek protection because of discrimination based on sexual orientation, gender identity and/or expressions of sex gender identity. This is questionable as Kenya is considered a safe country of origin – except LGBTI+ persons who are, according to a 2013 ruling of the European Court of Justice, entitled to asylum in the EU. Amnesty International and NGLHRC recommend third countries to increase opportunities for resettlement and complementary pathways for LGBTI+ asylum seekers and refugees in Kenya who need safety. In general, resettlement submissions always extend resettlement departures. According to UNHCR, by July 2023, out of 2,757 resettlement submissions, only 821 refugees were relocated.

    Besides lacking opportunities for refugees to leave the camps for a safer third country, international support for asylum seekers and refugees remaining in Kenya is missing too. In October 2022 a funding gap of 49% was reported by UNHCR. Also, at the 2015 EU-Africa Migration Summit, Kenya was promised very little money from the EU Emergency Trust Fund for Africa: the EU has invested 28 million euros in agricultural projects and food security and 12 million euros in improving economic opportunities for young people in structurally weak areas. Also, the 6 million euros budget of the European Commissions Action Plan for mixed-migration flows and the 45 million euros spent in the context of the Khartoum process only marginally concern Kenya.

    This is because, in terms of migration, Kenya remains uninteresting for the EU as it’s far away from Europe. As mentioned in the Kenya Wiki, the Refugee Spokesperson for Dadaab states that many young men’s interest in migrating is affected by a lack of money as they would need more than 10,000 dollars to be able to reach the EU. It seems that the EU does not worry a lot about people from Kenya migrating to Europe and thus the country is not a focus for externalization policy. But there remains a call to the EU to support all vulnerable refugees in general, and so also to support LGBTI+ persons in Kenya. Just a few hundred relocations are not enough - especially for those who are left behind. And, as mentioned by Amnesty International and NGLHRC, all third countries are asked to increase pledges for ressettlement and complementary pathways as well as financial, material and technical support.

    QueersOfKakuma and migration-control.info wrote this article to provide information. Besides, queersOfKakuma also urgently need food, medical treatments and shelters, which your donations can help them access: https://www.gofundme.com/f/lgbtiq-crisis-in-kakuma-refugee-camp. You can find more information on queersOfKakuma’s Twitter account: https://twitter.com/QueersOfKakuma.

    https://new.migration-control.info/en/blog/ongoing-violent-attacks-on-lgbti-asylum-seekers-and-refugees

    #homophobie #réfugiés #LGBT #réfugiés_LGBT #asile #migrations #Kenya #camps_de_réfugiés

    via @_kg_

  • Kenya: #Dadaab e #Kakuma, da campi di rifugiati a centri urbani

    I rifugiati potranno ottenere documenti d’identità e avviare attività produttive

    Il Kenya è in Africa il quinto più grande paese che ospita rifugiati, e il 13° a livello mondiale. Sono infatti oltre 700mila le persone che vi hanno trovato asilo fuggendo da persecuzioni, violenza o siccità. La maggioranza risiede negli smisurati campi profughi di Dadaab e Kakuma, mentre la capitale Nairobi ne ospita 91mila.

    Ora il governo, per promuovere maggiore sicurezza e continuare a coprire gli obblighi umanitari verso i rifugiati, intende concedere loro, in un piano quinquennale, documenti legali d’identità con cui potranno validamente condurre attività per generare reddito.

    In tal modo i campi potrebbero così trasformarsi in centri urbani permanenti, piuttosto che in agglomerati di tendopoli e abitazioni precarie e insalubri.

    Le controversie sorte negli ultimi anni riguardo ai campi profughi hanno portato il governo a discutere più volte della loro chiusura, temendo che i campi sovraffollati siano luoghi privilegiati in cui reclutare giovani, pianificare e porre in atto attentati terroristici da parte di elementi jihadisti e criminali presenti in essi.

    In effetti, a un certo punto, nel 2015, dopo l’attacco del gruppo terroristico al-Shabaab all’università di Garissa in cui furono trucidati almeno 148 studenti, il Kenya aveva firmato un accordo tripartito con la Somalia e l’Agenzia delle Nazioni Unite per i rifugiati (Unhcr) per il ritorno volontario dei rifugiati.

    Il Kenya, infatti, aveva sostenuto che le aree di confine dove sono situati i campi erano diventati percorsi per l’introduzione di armi e il contrabbando dalla Somalia, e i campi erano terreno fertile per attacchi terroristici.

    Tuttavia, la mancanza di un ambiente favorevole in Somalia e il fatto che i rifugiati non potevano essere forzati a tornare a casa, ha avuto come risultato che solo 80mila dei 400mila rifugiati stimati in quel tempo rientrarono nel loro paese.

    Ora pertanto, il Kenya afferma che è bene che a Dadaab e Kakuma si apra la strada alla libertà di avviare iniziative private di produzione e commercio, investendo soldi e chiedendo a donatori disponibili di aiutare a erigere servizi sociali che faciliteranno la protezione e la sicurezza sociale dei campi.

    Scopo ultimo del piano, soprannominato Nashiriki (swahili per “io voglio cooperare”) è di garantire che i rifugiati e i richiedenti asilo siano sostenuti a passare dalla dipendenza dall’aiuto umanitario all’autosufficienza.

    «Lo sviluppo in tal senso – ha dichiarato il commissario kenyano per gli affari dei rifugiati John Burugu – andrà a beneficio di tutte le parti coinvolte. Le agenzie di aiuto dovranno apportare i necessari accorgimenti nel pianificare l’assistenza, adattandosi al nuovo modello di insediamento».

    «Queste agenzie – ha concluso Burugu – svolgeranno un importante ruolo di monitoraggio, benché sempre sotto la guida del governo per insediamenti progressivi e sostenibili».

    Primo passo nell’attuazione del piano è stato il riconoscimento di Kakuma come comune della contea Turkana. Altrettanto ha dichiarato che farà per Dadaab Nathif Jama Adam, governatore di Garissa.

    Dal canto loro, agenzie delle Nazioni Unite, partner donatori, istituti finanziari internazionali e ong che lavorano nei due campi hanno già promesso sostegno al piano.

    La scorsa settimana, il governo ha creato un Comitato direttivo intergovernativo per allineare il piano di transizione dei rifugiati con le priorità di sicurezza nazionale, in base alla legge che delinea privilegi e opportunità per rifugiati e richiedenti asilo, e le modalità per accedere all’acquisizione dei documenti d’identità.

    https://www.nigrizia.it/notizia/kenya-dadaab-e-kakuma-da-campi-di-rifugiati-a-centri-urbani

    #Kenya #camps_de_réfugiés #villes #documents_d'identité #travail

  • Le Kenya va fermer deux des plus grands camps de réfugiés au monde

    Le gouvernement kenyan a prévu de démanteler les camps de réfugiés de #Kakuma et de #Dadaab, deux des plus grands au monde, en juin 2022. Les ONG s’inquiètent du sort des quelque 400’000 personnes concernées.

    Avant la fuite des Rohingas de Birmanie vers Cox Bazar, au Bangladesh, le camp de Dadaab, au Kenya, était le plus grand au monde. Selon les chiffres du Haut-Commissariat de l’ONU pour les réfugiés (HCR), 220’000 personnes y vivent. Elles sont arrivées de Somalie en vagues successives, suite à la guerre civile qui a ravagé le pays en 1991 et après la sécheresse de 2011 et la famine qui a suivi.

    A Kakouma, les réfugiés sont arrivés en 2014 suite à la guerre civile qui a touché le Sud Soudan.

    Nairobi évoque une question de sécurité

    Pour le gouvernement kenyan, la fermeture de ces deux camps est une question de sécurité. Selon Nairobi, des attaques terroristes et des attentats auraient par exemple été planifiés depuis Dadaab. Dangereux et incontrôlable, le camp serait devenu un repaire de shebabs, les terroristes islamistes somaliens

    En mars dernier, les autorités kenyanes avaient donné deux semaines au HCR pour présenter un plan rapide de démantèlement des camps, plan qui a finalement été reporté.
    Des réfugiés « piégés » depuis des décennies

    La fermeture est désormais agendée à juin 2022 et cette décision inquiète les ONG et les spécialistes de l’humanitaire et de l’asile. C’est le cas notamment de Médecins sans Frontières (MSF). Dans un rapport publié lundi, l’organisation constate que les réfugiés sont piégés dans les camps depuis trois décennies : ils ne rentrent pas dans leur pays, toujours très instable et ravagé par la violence, l’insécurité ou la famine.

    Face à l’incertitude qui s’annonce, les dons diminuent et les organisations d’aide comme le Programme alimentaire mondial (PAM), par exemple, ont déjà revu leur assistance à la baisse.

    MSF souhaite qu’un plan d’intégration des réfugiés soit mis en œuvre au Kenya et dans d’autres pays d’accueil. C’est ce que demande d’ailleurs le Pacte mondial sur les réfugiés signé en 2018.
    Une intégration quasiment impossible

    Beaucoup de déplacés sont nés à Dadaab et ne connaissent rien d’autre que la vie dans ce camp devenu une véritable ville. Ils souhaitent rester au Kenya, mais ne peuvent ni travailler, ni voyager, ni étudier. C’est autant d’obstacles à leur intégration.

    L’accueil par d’autres pays tiers, lui, était déjà compliqué mais la pandémie de Covid-19 a encore complexifié les choses. De moins en moins d’Etats sont prêts à accepter des réfugiés des camps kenyans.

    Et comme il y a peu de chances que les déplacés rentrent chez eux volontairement, ils pourraient se disperser dans la nature après la fermeture des camps. Avec tous les risques de pauvreté, d’instabilité, de criminalité, d’immigration clandestine et de tensions sociales qu’une telle situation pourrait engendrer.

    https://www.rts.ch/info/monde/12699440-le-kenya-va-fermer-deux-des-plus-grands-camps-de-refugies-au-monde.html

    #réfugiés #asile #migrations #fermeture #camps_de_réfugiés

    –—

    –-> Une nouvelle qui revient régulièrement... voir cette métaliste sur seenthis :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/770807

  • Recognizing the Economic Winners and Losers of Hosting Refugees

    In response to a recent study on the positive economic impact of Kenya’s #Kakuma camp, Cory Rodgers argues that the term ‘host population’ obscures divergent and conflicting economic interests among locals and may mask trends of marginalization and growing inequality.


    https://www.newsdeeply.com/refugees/community/2017/12/27/recognizing-the-economic-winners-and-losers-of-hosting-refugees
    #réfugiés #asile #migrations #économie #impact_économique #économie_locale #camps_De_réfugiés #Kenya #inégalités #marginalisation

    Une réponse à cet article, qui parle des effets positifs de l’installation des réfugiés sur l’économie locale :
    https://www.newsdeeply.com/refugees/community/2017/12/08/nighttime-lights-illuminate-positive-impacts-of-refugee-camps

    Article scientifique :
    Do refugee camps help or hurt hosts ? The case of Kakuma, Kenya

    We combine nighttime lights data, official statistics, and new household survey data from northern Kenya in order to assess the impact of long-term refugee camps on host populations. The nighttime lights estimates show that refugee inflows increase economic activity in areas very close to Kakuma refugee camp: the elasticity of the luminosity index to refugee population is 0.36 within a 10 km distance from the camp center. In addition, household consumption within the same proximity to the camp is 25% higher than in areas farther away. Price, household survey, and official statistics suggest that the mechanisms driving this positive effect are increased availability of new employment and price changes in agricultural and livestock markets that are favorable to local producers.

    https://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0304387817300688

  • Nighttime Lights Illuminate Positive Impacts of Refugee Camps

    Satellite data from Kenya’s remote northeast shows increased economic activity around Kakuma camp. New research suggests a connection between refugees and growing agricultural production.

    To help answer some of these questions we examined the impact of long-run refugee inflows on the host population in Kakuma, northwestern Kenya. Previous studies of refugee-host interactions, which have largely been qualitative, have established continuous and important relationships without being able to directly estimate net benefits to locals of refugee and aid presence. One exception to this is recent work showing positive net impacts of cash aid to refugees on the local economy in a calibrated simulation of Congolese refugee camps in Rwanda. The long-run impacts of refugee presence, however, remain unclear.

    To tease out these different effects, we combined data from a recent household survey with price data, refugee population and food aid deliveries to examine changes in labor, livestock and agricultural markets. The data showed that proximity to the refugee camp is associated with more low skill jobs and wage labor, particularly for households with secondary education.

    In a traditionally pastoralist region like Turkana, these findings are meaningful. If there is labor market competition from refugees, its overall impacts are swamped by the job opportunities provided by the camp and the increased demand generated by refugees.

    With regard to agricultural markets, in a context where food aid is externally provided, as it is in Kakuma, food prices may decrease for products in the aid package as a result of increases in supply. However, they may also increase across a variety of products due to the increase in the number of people purchasing goods, and from the sale of aid packages for income. Information from our household surveys showed that agriculture in the Turkana region occurs almost exclusively close to the refugee camp, suggesting that the camp presence incentivizes increases in, rather than depression of, agricultural production.

    We also find that livestock prices are positively correlated with high refugee and aid presence, and although absolute numbers of livestock are not higher closer to the camp, larger amounts of livestock sold in the immediate vicinity of the camp suggests that herding households benefit from the presence of the refugee market.

    Overall, the positive effect of refugees on the local economy seemed to come through the availability of employment opportunities and price changes in agricultural and livestock markets that encourage new production.

    Nonetheless, it is important to recognize that refugee camps can provide important economic opportunities to local populations, and that policies could be designed to amplify these positive effects. For example, interventions supporting locals’ ability to exploit the increased demand from the refugees could result in even more beneficial outcomes. These interventions might include equipping locals with the skills necessary to take advantage of new wage work, and providing technical support to improve agricultural and livestock production could help spread the benefits more widely.


    https://www.newsdeeply.com/refugees/community/2017/12/08/nighttime-lights-illuminate-positive-impacts-of-refugee-camps
    #Kenya #camps_de_réfugiés #Kakuma #aide_en_cash #Turkana #agriculture #nourriture #travail #économie #économie_locale #aide_in_cash #cash_based_intervention #monétisation

    Au-delà l’étude sur le camp, voici un extrait qui met en lien #lumière et #consommation :

    Using a census of household data collected in 2012, we estimate the correlation between lights and consumption. Back of the envelope calculations suggest that a 10 percent increase in the refugee population raises consumption by approximately 5.5 percent within the same proximity of the camp.

  • Le tribunal administratif de #Lille a débouté, vendredi 12 août, la préfecture du #Pas-de-Calais de sa demande en référé de fermeture des commerces informels installés dans le camp de la « #jungle » de Calais, selon le texte de la décision communiqué à la presse.
    Dans son ordonnance, le juge estime que « les préoccupations exprimées par le préfet du Pas-de-Calais sont tout à fait compréhensibles » mais que « les conditions d’urgence et d’utilité requises » par la loi « ne sont pas remplies pour faire droit » à sa demande « que soient expulsés les gérants des 72 structures de vente illégales recensées » sur le site.
    Quatre mille cinq cents #migrants vivent sur ce site, plus de 9 000 selon deux associations.
    Le tribunal administratif de Lille a débouté, vendredi 12 août, la préfecture du Pas-de-Calais de sa demande en référé de fermeture des commerces informels installés dans le camp de la « jungle » de Calais, selon le texte de la décision communiqué à la presse.
    Dans son ordonnance, le juge estime que « les préoccupations exprimées par le préfet du Pas-de-Calais sont tout à fait compréhensibles » mais que « les conditions d’urgence et d’utilité requises » par la loi « ne sont pas remplies pour faire droit » à sa demande « que soient expulsés les gérants des 72 structures de vente illégales recensées » sur le site.
    Quatre mille cinq cents migrants vivent sur ce site, plus de 9 000 selon deux associations.
    source : le monde/afp - 12.08.2016

    Alors que le tribunal administratif de Lille a rejeté la requête de la préfecture qui demandait la destruction des magasins et restaurants créés par les exilé-e-s, le dernier recensement de la population du #bidonville par Help Refugees et l’Auberge des Migrants vient d’être publié.
    Ce qui surprend d’abord, c’est l’ampleur de l’augmentation en un mois, de 7037 à 9106 personnes. Dont 865 enfants, parmi lesquels 670 sont non-accompagnés. Le groupe plus important est maintenant les exilé-e-s soudanais-e-s.

    http://passeursdhospitalites.wordpress.com/2016/08/12/bidonville-de-calais-recensement-daout-plus-de-9000

  • « Ce camp, c’est la seule chose que l’on connaît »

    Un quart de siècle après son ouverture, le camp de réfugiés de #Kakuma, où affluent notamment des Sud-Soudanais, est devenu une ville en soi. Une situation qui oblige le HCR à repenser sa politique humanitaire.


    http://www.liberation.fr/planete/2016/08/08/ce-camp-c-est-la-seule-chose-que-l-on-connait_1471069
    #Soudan_du_Sud #Sud_Soudan #asile #migrations #réfugiés #camps_de_réfugiés #camps #Kenya #réfugiés_sud-soudanais

  • String of rapes in Kenya’s #Kakuma refugee camp forces communities to set up vigilante groups

    IBTimes UK investigates claims that Somali women and girls in the camp have been targets of sexual violence.


    http://www.ibtimes.co.uk/string-rapes-kenyas-kakuma-refugee-camp-forces-communities-set-vigilante-
    #camps_de_réfugiés #viols #violence_sexuelle #femmes #migrations #asile #réfugiés #Kenya

  • Kenya: Children and pregnant women reported among 300 South Sudanese denied asylum at border

    It was the civil war in South Sudan that separated Randa from her family in 2013. While the 24-year-old stayed in the South Sudanese capital Juba during the fighting, her mother and six brothers and sisters sought asylum in neighbouring Kenya’s second largest refugee camp, #Kakuma, in 2014. Now, the young woman, who had no one left in South Sudan, decided to join her family.

    https://o.twimg.com/2/proxy.jpg?t=HBhOaHR0cHM6Ly9kLmlidGltZXMuY28udWsvZW4vZnVsbC8xNTI1NDE5L3NvdXR
    http://www.ibtimes.co.uk/kenya-children-pregnant-women-reported-among-300-south-sudanese-denied-as

    #push-back #refoulement #asile #migrations #réfugiés #Kenya #Soudan_du_Sud #enfants #mineurs #femmes

  • Children need more support at Kenya’s Kakuma refugee camp

    Kakuma, 19 May 2014 (IRIN) - Physical space and timely protection support for children are among the most pressing needs in northwestern Kenya’s Kakuma refugee camp amid a continuing flood of people, for the most part minors, fleeing conflict in South Sudan.

    http://www.irinnews.org/report/100107/children-need-more-support-at-kenya-s-kakuma-refugee-camp

    #camp_de_réfugiés #Kenya #enfants #enfance #Kakuma #Sud_Soudan #Soudan_du_Sud