• AYS Daily Digest 13/04/20

    GREECE
    Coronavirus Hysteria Continues, So Does Inhumane Treatment

    The Greek minister of immigration, Notis Mitarakis, formally denied a rumor that Turkey was planning to send groups of people on the move that were carriers of COVID-19 to Greece. The rumor, which has no basis in truth, was spread by several pro-government newspapers and even government officials, including Deputy Minister George Koumoutsakos. The rumor was clearly designed to justify illegal pushbacks and violent treatment of people on the move.
    Instead of spreading lies, government officials should be more occupied with helping the vulnerable people they have abandoned to their fates. Over a hundred people who’ve arrived on Lesvos since the 14th of March have been kept in makeshift camps on the beach since then. They do not have adequate housing, any toilets, showers, or protective equipment. People who are already in Moria cannot withdraw cash with their government-issued money cards anymore, forcing them to shop in only two shops that accept these cards. Not only will this increase crowding, it hurts independent shops organized in the camp that can only accept cash.
    The IOM did announce that over 2,000 vulnerable people, including everybody over the age of 65, will be transferred away from the hotspots and housed in hotel rooms. However, much more needs to be done for people still stuck in these unsanitary camps before it is too late.

    Violence Along the Balkan Route
    A group of people on the move in Velika Kladuša , Una Sana canton of Bosnia and Herzegovina, were the victims of brutal treatment.
    Pictures of their injuries can be found here (warning: pictures are fairly graphic).

    #Covid-19 #Migration #Migrant #Balkans #Grèce #Camp #Lesbos #Moria #Campementinformel #unasanacanton #bosnie-herzégovine #Velikakladusa #hotspot # Hotel #OIM

  • Le gouvernement grec utilise le Covid comme prétexte pour enfermer les réfugiés et les laisser sans soins
    https://www.bastamag.net/refugies-Grece-Lesbos-Moria-Covid19-Coronavirus

    En Grèce, les conditions d’accueil des exilés, catastrophiques, font craindre le pire si le coronavirus atteint les camps de réfugiés. L’accès à l’eau est difficile. Se faire soigner presque impossible. Des ONG demandent l’évacuation des camps. Les autorités grecques optent au contraire pour les barbelés. « C’est la jungle ici ! Et maintenant, avec le coronavirus, nous risquons notre vie au moindre déplacement dans le camp... », se désole Abdullah*, un Afghan de 20 ans qui tente de survivre dans le camp (...) #Décrypter

    / #Europe, #Reportages, #Migrations, Santé

    #Santé_

  • Réouverture du #centre_Stage_2 à Lesvos comme lieu de quarantaine

    Le 9 avril s’est tenue une réunion-marathon du conseil municipal de Lesvos ouest, ayant comme objet la réouverture temporaire du centre de réception des réfugiés de #Skala à #Sykamnia, dans le but d’accueillir les réfugiés qui sont à peine arrivés à l’île. Il s’agit des réfugiés qui ne sont pas transportés au camp de Moria et qui errent dans les villages lors de la #quarantaine, avec comme résultat le malaise des habitants des villages. La municipalité a proposé la fonction temporaire du centre de #Stage_2, qui pourtant ne fonctionnera pas sous la responsabilité du Haut Commissariat des Nations Unies pour les réfugiés, comme c’était le cas jusqu’alors, mais sous la supervision exclusive de la #Police et de l’#autorité_portuaire. Il s’est proposé aussi que même l’#alimentation des réfugiés soit assurée par la Police, et que le centre demeure ouvert durant la période des mesures d’urgence contre le #coronavirus. Après quoi les réfugiés seront transportés au camp de #Moria. Des 34 conseillers municipaux, les 22 ont votés en faveur ; notons que les conseillers municipaux de Laiki Syspeirosi (parti communiste), ainsi que l’association des originaires de Sykamnia habitant à Athènes, se sont opposés à la réouverture de Stage 2 et ont proposé au contraire la location d’hôtels pour les nouveaux arrivants.

    Le centre de réception Stage 2 a été fermé le 31 janvier 2020, après la décision de la Municipalité de Lesvos ouest. Pendant 4 ans il a été destiné aux premiers secours et au séjour d’un jour au maximum des réfugiés qui venaient d’arriver à Sykamnia – pourtant sa fonction a été jugée illégale par la Municipalité pour des raisons d’hygiène et d’absence de dispositions contraignantes. Le 1er Mars Stage 2 a été détruit partiellement après une attaque incendiaire.

    Sources (en grec) :
    https://www.stonisi.gr/post/8271/se-ekseliksh-h-synedriash-gia-th-domh-sth-sykamnia
    https://www.stonisi.gr/post/8272/epanaleitoyrgei-sth-skala-sykamnias-en-mesw-karantinas-to-stage-2
    https://stonisi.gr/post/8264/enoikiash-ksenodoxeiwn-antiproteinoyn-anti-gia-stage-2
    #Lesbos #Grèce #asile #migrations #réfugiés #île

    –-> Info reçue via Vicky Skoumbi, mailing-list Migreurop, 12.04.2020

    ping @luciebacon

  • Via Migreurop

    Grèce, le 10 avril 2020
    Mouvement de protection des réfugiés et par l’Agence des Nations Unies pour les réfugiés

    L’Agence des Nations Unies pour les réfugiés a proclamé hier la location d’hôtels pour l’accommodation de demandeurs d’asile et de réfugiés qui se trouvent dans des îles grecques. Le but est l’accommodation immédiate de tous ceux qui vivent à ce moment dans des camps et qui appartiennent aux groupes vulnérables, lesquels seront affectés directement par la pandémie de covid 19 dans le cas de son expansion dans les camps.
    L’appel d’offres s’adresse aux propriétaires des entreprises d’hébergement qui sont fermées aujourd’hui (hôtels, auberges, chambres d’hôtes etc), se trouvant dans les îles de Lesvos, de Chios, de Samos, de Kos et de Leros, ainsi qu’en Crète et Rhodes. La disponibilité des lieux offerts doit être IMMEDIATE et la durée de la location sera de trois mois.

    L’appel d’offres en détail à lire sur :
    https://www.unhcr.org/gr-tenders/entry/17409

    Source (en grec) : https://www.stonisi.gr/post/8276/kinhsh-prostasias-ntopiwn-kai-prosfygwn-apo-thn-ypath-armosteia-toy-ohe

    #Covid-19 #Migration #Migrant #Balkans #Grèce #Camp #Hébergement #UNHCR #appeldoffre #transfert #ilegrecques #entreprises #Lesbos #Chios #Samos #Kos #Leros #Crète #Rhodes

  • Grèce : quatre blessés dans une rixe à Moria, après la mort d’un adolescent afghan

    Par La rédaction Publié le : 09/04/2020

    Un jeune afghan est mort dans la nuit de mardi à mercredi après avoir été poignardé dans le camp de Moria, en Grèce. L’annonce de sa mort a provoqué une rixe mercredi. Quatre autres personnes ont été blessées, dont deux gravement, dans ces violences.

    C’est un nouveau drame survenu dans le camp de Moria, sur l‘île grecque de Lesbos. Un adolescent afghan de 16 ans a succombé à ses blessures très tôt mercredi 8 avril après avoir été poignardé, la veille, par l’un de ses compatriotes âgé de 20 ans.

    Grièvement blessé dans la nuit de mardi à mercredi, le jeune homme avait été transféré à l’hôpital de Mytilène, le chef-lieu de Lesbos (à 10 km de Moria) avant de succomber à ses blessures quelques heures plus tard.

    La jeune victime était l’un des sept enfants d’une famille afghane qui vivait dans une oliveraie aux abords du camp surpeuplé de Moria.

    L’annonce de sa mort a provoqué une rixe dans la section des mineurs du camp surpeuplé. Quatre personnes ont été blessées, dont deux grièvement, selon la police, qui a précisé qu’elles avaient toutes été hospitalisées.

    Les rixes entre demandeurs d’asile sont fréquentes à Moria où sont entassés plus de 19 000 migrants dans des conditions épouvantables. La capacité initiale de ce camp était de 2 800 personnes.

    « Le climat dans le camp en plein ébullition a empiré à la suite du meurtre odieux du jeune Afghan », a dit à l’AFP une employée d’une ONG médicale présente dans le camp ayant requis l’anonymat.

    Aucun cas de coronavirus n’a encore été détecté à Moria mais deux autres camps situés près d’Athènes ont déjà été placés en quarantaine après l’apparition de 28 cas de Covid-19.

    Environ 100 000 demandeurs d’asile vivent actuellement en Grèce, dont 70 000 dans les 38 camps installés sur son territoire, a déclaré mercredi le ministre des Migrations, Notis Mitarachi, pendant un débat au Parlement.

    Les centres d’enregistrement et d’accueil ("hotspots") sur les cinq îles de la mer Egée regroupent 39 000 personnes alors que leur capacité n’est que de 6 200.

    https://www.infomigrants.net/fr/post/24006/grece-quatre-blesses-dans-une-rixe-a-moria-apres-la-mort-d-un-adolesce

    #Covid-19 #Migration #Migrant #Balkans #Grèce #Camp #Hotspot #Moria #Lesbos #Rixe #Mort

  • Struggles of women on the move*

    –------

    Introduction

    When the crowd gathered for the Women’s Day demonstration on March 8, 2020 at 10am in front of Cinema Riff at Grand Socco in Tangier, Moroccan feminists, Sub-Saharan women for freedom of movement, single mothers, and a few Europeans came together. The women of our local Alarm Phone team, all from Sub-Saharan Africa, would sit together afterwards with some of their friends from Europe and start to write down their experiences for this report.


    At the same time, on the Greek island of Lesvos women from Alarm Phone teams interviewed women in and around the hot-spot of Moria, who spoke out about the suffering they had gone through on the most Eastern flight route towards Europe. They reported how on 30 January a crowd started moving from the overcrowded hot-spot Moria towards the city of Mytilene, which is still on Lesvos. „All women against Moria“, „Women in solidarity“, „Moria is a women’s hell“ and „Stop all violence against women“ was written on some of the many signs while the crowd chanted „Azadi“ (farsi: freedom) with raised fists.

    Shortly afterwards an Alarm Phone activist met with a young woman from Somalia, who had made the crossing from Libya to Italy last September and who wants to encourage the rescue groups to continue their amazing work.

    Another woman sat down and wrote a beautiful solidarity letter to one of the women active in Search and Rescue: “When I hear her voice on the phone, saying ‘my boat will head to the target with full speed,’ I picture her behind the wheel of this massive boat carrying 400 people, flying above the sea as if it was weightless.”

    There are some who write in a brave way about the suffering women had to go through: The pain they feel and the suffering that the simple fact of having to pee means for women in Moria. Or the struggles with the Boumla (Wolof for police) deporting them within Morocco towards the deserts, exposing them to greater dangers. Or the death of a young Moroccon student.

    There are others who decided not to remember the suffering in detail, but to point out their strategies, their struggles and the thankfulness about the solidarity created among us.

    In this report we tried to write about the manifold experiences of women and LGBTQII+, who cross the sea to reach a place of safety or who are stuck in transit, and about the experiences of women active in Search and Rescue who are trying to support these struggles. Women are on the move for their own freedom of movement in all three regions of the sea: in the East between Turkey and Greece in the Aegean, in the Central Mediterranean from Libya and Tunisia towards Italy and Malta, and in the West from Morocco towards Spain. Everywhere we meet more women in the frontlines of these struggles than we used to in the past. In the East, the percentage of adult men among those arriving even fell below 50 percent after 2015, which creates a completely different situation. While all of them face intersecting forms of visible and invisible violence making border crossing even more dangerous and lethal for women, we know that women on the move are more than what they are reduced to, and that they bear a power and a strength that no border is able to defeat.

    Also, more and more women are active in the Search and Rescue initiatives as well as in our Alarm Phone team. In the Alarm Phone we are even a majority. We decided to write in a very subjective way and what we ended up with is a patch-work of different stories in various styles and tones. We hope that this report empowers others to raise their voices as well and to become more visible with all their great expertise.

    We dedicate this report to all women and LGBTQI+ who are struggling for their survival in the refugee camps all around the world in times of the Coronavirus under life-threatening conditions. The only option to end this suffering is freedom of movement as a basic global right for all. We will continue this struggle.

    In March 2018, the Alarm Phone published the last report that was dedicated to the specific situation of women at sea.

    From now on, we will try to publish a report every year about the special situation of women and LGBTQI+ on the move.
    Daily struggles of women on the move in the Western Mediterranean. Alarm Phone activists report
    March 8, 2020 in Tangier

    The Women’s Day demonstration gather on March 8, 2020 at 10am in front of Cinema Riff at Grand Socco in Tangier. Moroccan feminists, Sub-Saharan women for freedom of movement, single mothers, and a few Europeans come together. A Samba group is drumming, there is a lively exchange between the different groups, purple-coloured cloths – the symbolic colour of March 8 – are handed out, banners are rolled out, contacts are exchanged – the atmosphere is great. About 800 women come together. This makes an impression in the northern Moroccan metropolis, because the voices are loud and determined with slogans like ‘Solidarité avec les femmes du monde entier!’ ‘Raise your voice, seize your rights’ in Arabic and French starts the demonstration and runs along the big boulevard to the Place de Nación. Passers-by and journalists follow with interest. One thing is already clear at this early hour: the march is empowering, and this in a place that has been marked by the worst police repression for several months.

    Julia and Pauline* participated during this march with the women’s group of Alarm Phone.

    Julia: “Sub-Saharan women are too tired, we suffer all kinds of violence, violence through the Moroccan security, through the Moroccan compatriot. Even Moroccan women have their difficulties. In their households, in their homes, in their surroundings. There are too many cases and there is evidence too. Women do not have a loud voice towards the men in uniform. They don’t open the doors and they don’t listen to us, we’re always there in moments of distress. That’s why we raised our angry shouts. I hope that our message is sent to the Moroccan authorities. We want peace and we have the right to live.”

    Pauline: “We women are brutalised in the house and we have no right to express ourselves. But we as women have to express ourselves, also in the media, so that the people through us understand what is really going on in the field. This is violence in everyday life. But we women want equality.
    March 8 was an opportunity to express ourselves. Because as we walked, there were many people who followed us. We fought, we sent messages. We gave ourselves the right to speak out and we said no to violence against women. We demanded our right to free expression and free movement!”

    Here Pauline’s speech, which unfortunately could not be presented on Women’s Day:

    Me, I am Pauline.

    I am an activist who is concerned about the rights of migrants in Morocco, especially in Tangier, but this struggle is not easy with the new policy of the Moroccan authorities, because we suffer repression by the police and deportation to southern cities and sometimes to the Algerian border. So, we as activists, we are calling for our rights and the rights of migrants.

    As Morocco has signed international conventions on the right of asylum and freedom of movement, the Moroccan authorities are asked to respect international law and not to be the gendarmes of the European Union. It is a bad policy to block migrants in Morocco, neither work nor residence permit, and to prevent migrants from their liberty in order to avoid illegal immigration. But Morocco must try to review its state policies and open the borders so that people can move freely. So that Sub-Saharan migrants can also go to earn a living in Europe as the Europeans can come here and earn their living in Africa. So we simply ask for freedom of movement for everyone and their well-being.

    Thank you very much.

    Stories of Struggles with the Boumla

    After the demonstration, we are together, the friends of the Alarm Phone: Pauline, Carla, Fatou, Co and Julia in Tangier. We tell and listen to each other’s stories about the Boumla (Wolof: police). As Alarm Phone has often reported, persecution, racism, violence and deportations are part of the daily life of black communities in Morocco, especially in the Tangier region. The women describe how they face discrimination on a daily basis and what strategies they have developed against repression.

    Fatou: We stopped the deportation in Rabat

    “Me and Pauline were with friends. We saw the police and we knew they’d take us even though we had papers.

    I said: ‘No, I’m not leaving, I have my passport and I have my residence permit.’ They slapped me and took me to the police station. They told us they’d take us to Tiznit. When we got to Rabat, we told ourselves we had to do something. If not, we’ll end up in Tiznit and it’s far from Tangier. So we revolted together to annoy them. We started to shout, shout with force. The Moroccans, they started to get irritated. And we shouted shouted shouted shouted… and they said “safi, safi safi safi safi” (Arabic: enough). We stopped and we got out in Rabat.”

    Pauline: I didn’t accept it

    “I wanted to talk about the violence I suffered as a woman in Morocco. The police came many times to catch me and take me south. I didn’t accept it, because I don’t know anyone there. At that time, I had my own restaurant in the Medina (Arabic: city). The police sent me to the police station. When I left there, I saw a lot of people and I told myself that if I didn’t do something, they would send me south, to Tiznit. I told the officer that I was sick. He said, ‘No, you’re not sick, you’re going to go out to the bus with the others.’ The bus was already there in front of the door. I was afraid of being deported to Tiznit, because I couldn’t afford to go back to Tangier.

    So, I went to the toilet. I had the second day of my period, so I took off the cotton. I threw it away and went out. There was a lot of blood coming out, it got on my pants, everything was spoiled. I said to the Chief of Police, ‘Look, I’m sick.’ But he said, ‘No, you’re not, get in line…’ That was when I opened my legs. He was surprised and said: ‘Okay, okay, okay.’ He gave me a ride home. So, I went back to work.”

    Julia: The hospital instead of the deportation to Tiznit

    “The last attempt to deport me was in 2019. The Moroccan police came to our house very early in the morning. They wore Kagouls outfits as if we were criminals in our own house. I had lost my residence permit, because I couldn’t renew it. They took us to Tiznit. We couldn’t resist. We were on the road from 8 in the morning until 11 in the evening, without food, water or anything. 2km before reaching to Marrakech I told myself that I had to find a possibility to go down there, because at least it was a city I knew. Just before I got there, I made a lot of noises and had a crisis, they got scared and called an ambulance to pick me up. I really wasn’t sick, I had nothing, it was just a trick so they could release me. So I made gestures, I stopped breathing. In the ambulance they gave me an oxygen mask. When I got to the hospital, they put me on a bench with a mask, by the time they went to find a doctor I took off everything and I ran away…”
    Aurore Boréale, based in Rabat: Only by fighting together can we can have real progress

    Since the dawn of time, human beings have been on the move, looking for green pastures, a milder sky, a better elsewhere or simply out of curiosity. That leads us to the conclusion, that the desire to see what’s on the other side has always been there, and, which leads us to conclude that migration is a phenomenon inherent to living beings. I would even say vital.

    The most shocking thing today is to see how migration has become demonised and criminalised everywhere. Leaving has become anathema, to the point where barriers are being erected everywhere. Means that are being used to hinder freedom of movement, are becoming more and more dramatic every day are being used to hinder freedom of movement, to sort out who is eligible or not. Let us take the case of Morocco: on the one hand, due to its geographical location it is considered the gateway to the Eldorado by many Africans, and also Syrians, Bangladeshis and Filipinos rush to Morocco hoping to live a better life on the other side of the Mediterranean, or perhaps simply to settle there.

    On the other hand, however, while non-dark-skinned migrant communities may enjoy more tranquillity and are not often subject to the most blatant forms of discrimination, the same does not hold true for the black African migrant community in Morocco. The case that interests our report is that of women.

    If yesterday it was rare to see women taking to the migration routes, today that is no longer the case and women migrate as much as men. Today, more women take the routes, swallowing the fear that arises, facing cold, hunger, danger, and closing their ears to not hear about all kinds of violence.

    Today the women are leaving too. But what about the daily life of these women once they have settled in Morocco? A country which, despite progress and openness in terms of women’s rights, remains a country where women do not enjoy practically any of the rights granted to them by law or the constitution. A country where women still remain the inferiors, the subordinates, or simply things belonging to men, to satisfy their impulses or their egos. Basically, I would say, a country where women are not truly free to be who they want to be.

    Migrant women in Morocco have to deal with all this, and additionally with the fact that they are black women. Thus, they are perceived in the collective consciousness of Moroccans as women of little value, of light morals, prostitutes, or beggars: The black woman at the bottom of the ladder that people with an atrophied mentality have decided to create. For some of the migrant brothers or for some chairman’s prey single migrant women’s bodies are there to be exploited when promising them the journey to the Eldorado.

    And they are left to their fate as soon as these men have found more attractive prey. Thus, many women find themselves single mothers, with children whose fathers don’t give a damn, or don’t even want to know. Because of the hard reality, some women find themselves in a relationship and move in with the first one who could offer her a roof over her head, food on her plate, in order to reach the basic comforts. Sometimes it turns out well, sometimes it turns out very problematic. Migrant women who work in private homes are also subject to exploitation, even physical abuse, non-payment of wages that are insignificant compared to the work they do. We can also talk about the difficulty to be respected in public health centres, complications, late care or lack of care on discriminatory and racist grounds. They remain on the margins.

    What I find most appalling is that even in some militant associations, where women are under-represented, they are given less responsibility and no real decision-making power. They are infantilised, or just given a place to serve as a showcase to obtain grants from organisations that take the status of women seriously. Once the grant is awarded, these women are side-lined, without any decision-making power, bullied and subjected to everything that men have decided without them having a say.

    There are organisations, such as UNHCR., Caritas, and CEI (Comité d’Entraide Internationale), which provide assistance to migrant women. But here again, there is the eternal question of eligibility, the unhealthy hierarchy of suffering, the categorisation of migrants. They are classified according to their suffering, according to how they arrived in Morocco, and the migrant who arrives by plane is often not entitled to this little help: “You can’t help everyone”, unless you have a story that holds up, a lie that is worth telling, or if you pretend to be someone you are not.

    I have seen people who really needed help but were not given it, because they did not meet the criteria for it. I know people who died as a result. And even when help is given to these women, it is not free. In one way or another, they remain like prisoners of the organisations, spied upon even on their most intimate affairs. That is the price that has to be paid.

    There are a few women’s associations such as La voix des femmes de Hélène Yalta, the Collective of Migrant Women in Morocco (COFMIMA) and ARCOM, which try as best they can to fight for the status of migrant women in Morocco. But a real struggle for the rights of migrant women, for women’s empowerment, is almost non-existent. The urgency, the need, the survival cries out too loud… It is in dispersed groups, individually that the great majority of women fight. Can we hope for real progress or evolution by fighting in dispersed groups? No, not at all.

    With your courage you can do this work
    Interview with Leonie

    Although the situation in Tangier is becoming more and more difficult for Sub-Saharan travellers, a group of women has been formed, who are active with the Alarm Phone there. We spoke with Leonie, who is new to the group. She has been living in Morocco for 5 years.

    Leonie, why do you take part in the Alarm Phone?

    L: It was a good brother who introduced me to the group. He told me that there is a network of activists, and he said: “I see that you with your courage, you can do this work.”

    Have you already worked here in Morocco in solidarity activities?

    L: I am in almost all the associations in Tangier that bring together migrants. When there is a meeting or a small activity, they invite me. I am almost always present.

    Alarm Phone is a network of activists who help migrants who are already on the water, so that they don’t lose their lives in the water. In case of distress we guide them.

    Can you explain the situation of migrants here in Morocco?

    L: In Morocco it is not easy for migrants. Whether you are regularised or not. It’s very tense. Life is no sugar for us. I myself have suffered the consequences. They’ re breaking your door down. At two o’clock in the morning the soldiers are here, they don’t warn you, they don’t ask if you have papers or not. To your surprise you jump out of your sleep and they break your door down.

    They come home like thieves. They don’t even try to find out if you have papers. You are supposed to say, ‘But sir, I have papers’.

    Once they arrived at my house, I was washing myself around 3am, last summer, so in 2019. The man opened the bathroom and I said, ‘But sir, I’m showering.’ He said: ‘That’s not my problem.’ I said: ‘When you came in, did you ask me if I’m legal or not? You come in my house, but I have my house contract, I have my papers. You want to come in the shower? If you put your head in the bathroom again, I’ll throw the water on you!’ And that’s how he left the toilet.

    It hurts, it’s frustrating. Every year like this, they treat us like animals as if we’re not human. Really, it’s disgusting.

    And as women you don’t have the right to speak up, especially in front of the authorities, they don’t consider you. It hurts you, it stays in your heart. And morally, you don’t have the right to express yourself! That’s the suffering of women here. We’re trying to talk to human rights and women’s rights associations.

    In the work of Alarm Phone – What are the demands?

    L: Alarm Phone demands that borders are open. If someone wants to go out of a country that the person passes freely without being caught and without being violated. This is the demand of Alarm Phone: Freedom of movement!
    Hayat, killed at the border by the Moroccan Navy in September 2017

    In order to prevent the young people from setting out at all, armed force is used in Morocco: On September 25th 2017, the Navy shot and

    killed 19-year-old student Hayat Belkacem from Tétouan. Three men were injured, some of them seriously.

    The four of them, along with 21 other young Moroccans*, had set off from Martil Beach in a “Go-Fast” (speedboat) in the direction of Spain. The Navy wanted to stop the travellers; when the boat started, they opened fire. The hashtag 126102877 #Quiadonnélordre: Who gave the order? went viral afterwards and contradicted the version of the Navy, which allegedly only fired warning shots.

    For days, before Hayat’s death, hundreds of young people had been flocking to the beaches in the north after Spanish videos of successful arrivals in Spain were posted on the Internet. Moroccan security forces had blocked the young Moroccans* from accessing the beaches of northern Morocco. In response, hundreds of young Moroccans* demonstrated in Martil and demanded ‘l’harga fabor’ – their right to free passage: https://youtu.be/ICahwzMzbdM

    After the death of Hayat, people in many cities, including many Ultras, took their anger to the streets. In Tétouan, the people chanted ‘We will avenge you, Hayat!’ as well as ‘We will renounce the Moroccan passport!’ and ‘Viva España’: https://youtu.be/EyXfV-fMoBg

    A student was subsequently sentenced to two years in prison, claiming that his call for protest via Facebook had allegedly insulted the nation of Morocco and called for an uprising. Other young people have also been accused, many of whom are still minors.
    Central Mediterranean: Women on the move
    The invisible struggles

    It is difficult to write about women who cross the Central Mediterranean. It is difficult because, in first place, we don’t want to write ‘about’ women on the move. We would love to write ‘with’ them about their experiences, to use this platform to make their voices heard. However, their stories are often kept invisible, as is the violence they experience on a daily basis. Too often, women crossing the Central Mediterranean route just appear to us as a number communicated by the person who speaks on the phone. A number that we try to clarify several times, to then quickly report it into an email to the authorities or into a tweet: “We were called by a boat in distress, on board there are 60 people fleeing from Libya including 3 children and 8 women, two of them are pregnant”. We rarely hear their voices. Communication with people in distress in the Central Mediterranean is brief and fragmented: it starts with a distress call through a satellite phone, it ends with a satellite phone being thrown into the water. And then silence. A silence that can mean many things, but that too often does not carry good news. This communication through an unstable connection does not allow us to get in touch again, to ask for details, to ask for their names and testimonies once they make it to Europe or when they are returned to violence and war in Libya. And this is how, painfully, the powerful voices of women on the move get lost, and their presence remains fixed in a dry and uncertain number.

    Of course, we often know what is beneath those numbers, and here we could write stories of violence, slavery and torture in Libya. We also know that many women are fleeing not only war or poverty, but also gendered-based violence, forced marriages, harassment due to their sexuality. We could write about their pregnancies, and about the rapes behind them. We could write about what it means to be a mother and to embark on a precarious rubber dinghy holding your child’s hand in the hope that the sea will be less violent than the Libyan camp or the homes they left behind.

    The borders of Europe amplify the violence women flee from, but security measures, surveillance and criminalisation of people’s movement are often legitimised under the flag of combatting human trafficking. With one hand Europe pretends to give protection: it portrays border controls as humanitarian acts to protect ‘vulnerable women’ from ‘bloodthirsty’ traffickers. With the other hand Europe pours money and resources into creating stronger borders, organises trainings and signs deals and agreements to limit freedom of movement, thus fuelling border violence.

    Depicted as vulnerable victims in need of protection, discourses of women’s protection and vulnerability are often used by European member states to put a humanitarian face to the violence they inflict through their border policies.

    While all these intersecting forms of visible and invisible violence make border crossing even more dangerous and lethal for women, we know that women on the move are more than what they are reduced to, and that they bear a power and a strength that no border is able to defeat. This is what we would love to write about, and this is what we learn from the testimonies and experiences collected here.
    Women on the phone

    In a few situations, we talked to women in distress who called the Alarm Phone, and since then, when the communication is difficult, we ask the people on the phone to let us talk to a woman on board.

    As Alarm Phone, we talk to people during their journey. For us they are voices in distress that we try to comfort, with difficulty. We ask for their GPS coordinates and they try to read us numbers. It’s hard to be on the phone with people who could drown any moment and to ask them to read numbers. They just want to tell you that the sea is too big and the boat is too small. They want to tell you that they don’t want to go back to Libya, that they’d rather die at sea. They ask us to help. They tell us that they’re sick, that they won’t make it, that there’s water in the boat, lots of water, too much water. They ask why we haven’t arrived yet, and why we keep asking for numbers. And how do you explain that you’re not at sea, but in England, or France, or Germany? How to explain that you called for help but that European authorities aren’t answering your requests, and are letting them die at sea? How do you explain that the only thing we can do is to write down these numbers, and that because of these numbers their lives might be rescued?

    More than once, a chaotic situation where communication seemed impossible and where we feel that we will never be able to clarify the GPS coordinates of the boat, was solved by simply talking to a woman, as it was reported by a shift team: “they passed the phone to a woman, she speaks clearly, she is calm. She listens carefully and she understands how to find the GPS coordinates on the phone. She spells out the numbers: ‘North, 34 degrees, 22 minutes…’ She is confident and she explains the situation. She said that there are sick people on the boat and that there is little fuel left. We keep regular contact, she knows what she has to do and how to continue.”

    It is in these volatile moments, in these few exchanges and in the courage that we hear in their voices, that the invisible struggles of women on the move in the Central Mediterranean become visible. Their voices become weapons against the brutal border regimes, a weapon, on which the lives of 100 fellow travellers depend. We wish we could hear more of these voices, and that we could talk to them and hear their voices beyond distress situations, as we did with Daniella and Abeni, who are still in Tunisia, or as we did with Kobra, who managed to reach Germany.

    Trapped by the UNHCR
    Speaking to Daniella, Tunisia

    Daniella comes from the English-speaking part of Cameroon. The war has been escalating since 2016. Her husband has been murdered and she also lost her mother in that war. She belongs to a politically marked family as part of the opposition. She left the country in October 2017. Since she left, she didn’t hear from the rest of her family.

    She crossed Nigeria, Niger, Algeria and Libya before crossing the border to Tunisia. She was arrested at Ben Guerdane, where her fingerprints were collected. She was in facilities of the Red Crescent and the UNHCR in Medenine, and then taken to the Ibn Khaldun centre in August 2018. She was registered with UNHCR and underwent 4 interviews, in which she was asked the same questions, trying to ‘trap her’ on dates. Her request was denied. She was told she could very well go back to the English-speaking part of Cameroon: “But if you go to this area as a francophone, you are in danger because people will think you’re a spy.”

    During her stay at the centre, Daniella often organised sports activities such as football games, which did not please the UNHCR. She was also very active, taking part in the various demonstrations organised by the refugees and asylum seekers of the centre to protest against their living conditions and to denounce the practices of the UNHCR.

    Since UNHCR rejected her asylum application, she no longer receives food coupons. She decided to leave the centre after being pressured by UNHCR to make room for others. “It’s their strategy, they embarrass you to make you go away”. Today she lives in a small apartment with two other people. She says she doesn’t have the courage to appeal UNHCR’s decision. It has been 11 months since she left the centre.

    The crossing from Tunisia costs about 1000 Euros. She intends to attempt the crossing. Their group of 14 people is ready. The smuggler asked them to wait until the weather improves, saying it’s only a matter of a couple of days. It’s already been two weeks that they’re waiting for the weather to get better to cross the border. A month ago, migrants have been intercepted. They are not imprisoned unless they are found to be smugglers.

    She also crossed the ditch; it is about three metres deep. There was no water at the bottom, but there was mud. To climb, some men helped her, braiding clothes to hoist her up. The desert is full of aggressive dogs. She had to walk for a long time with her baby and a friend from the Ivory Coast before she came across the military. The military knew their number, they had to identify their group well in advance (they asked where the men were, looking for a group of 18 people). The soldiers were equipped with huge searchlights sweeping across the desert. After you cross the ditch, there’s a barbed-wire fence three meters high. Crossing this border costs about 300 Euros.
    Intercepted to Tunisia
    Interview with Abeni, Tunsia

    Abeni left Nigeria in 2017. She lived in a southern province. Her husband’s father was killed and her husband was threatened, so the family had to flee the country.

    She arrived in Tunisia in May 2017 while she was 6 months pregnant with her first child. Her boat ran out of petrol and was rescued by the Tunisian authorities and handed over to IOM. They were taken to Medenine by bus to an IOM shelter that shut down in March 2019. She remained in this centre for one year and asked to see UNHCR, but for one year she was only offered the voluntary return. It wasn’t until a year later that she was able to go to a UNHCR centre.

    She went to Zarzis with her husband for the UNHCR interview. Her husband, who only speaks Ikâ, was given a translation by phone. A few months later they received a negative response from UNHCR, telling them that the events that they had raised could not be verified on the net, and that it was a family problem.

    She says that few Nigeriens are accepted, with the exception of single women with children (one of whom has been relocated). They appealed against this decision by filling out a form, without an interview, but were again given a rejection. The UNHCR gave them three days to leave the centre, along with her two daughters, aged two years and six months. This happened one year ago. They refused, were able to stay but they no longer have food coupons and no more help from the UNHCR.

    When she talks to the staff, they pretend to ignore her. UNHCR has not renewed their cards. They have stopped paying for medical expenses, while the baby has to go to hospital regularly. The Doctor said it was because he was suffering from the cold. Her husband tries to work but there are no opportunities in Medenine. He went to Sfax but he got himself arrested and imprisoned for two days for not having papers. Without documents, they have no freedom of movement. The second baby wasn’t registered in Tunisia. UNHCR refused to accompany them.

    Her husband wants to go back to Libya to attempt the crossing, but she doesn’t want to and stayed in Tunisia. The UNHCR still wants to kick the family out of the shelter but can’t do it due to the current coronavirus pandemic.
    We felt welcome
    Kobra’s testimony, rescued by the Ocean Viking in September 2019

    My name is Kobra. I am 18 years old and I come from Somalia. I want to tell you the story of my rescue in the Mediterranean Sea on September 2019. I don’t know how to find the words to describe the suffering I went through, and I don’t want to remember what happened before I left Libya. I also never want to forget the moment, after nearly two days at sea, when we finally saw a small sailing-boat on the horizon that ended our suffering.

    We were full of fear, because finally our phone, our only connection to the world, had stopped functioning and water was rapidly entering the boat. It was a miracle when we finally found this sail-boat. We were about 45-50 people in a blue rubber boat, and seven of us onboard were coming from Somalia. One pregnant woman was traveling with her 1-year-old child and her husband. She is now doing well because she was transferred to Germany after the rescue.

    I never learned how to swim, so the idea of the boat flooding was a possible death sentence to me.

    I have a video a friend took on the boat and you can see the expressions of relief and happiness in everyone’s faces when we spotted the sailboat. There are no words to describe how you feel when you realize that your journey across the sea is over. It was a German sailboat, which was too small to take us on board. They came to us and asked us, if we could speak English. They then told us that they would call for the OCEAN VIKING a big rescue ship to come and take us on board. They gave us jackets and life-vests, because the weather was getting rougher and colder.

    Later, when it was dark, it started raining and the waves got bigger. The small German boat took us to OCEAN VIKING which took us aboard. There were already other people with them who had been rescued earlier that day. Even the rescuers seemed so happy that we were all safe. They had doctors on board and they gave us medical treatment, since my pregnant friend and I had had vomited a lot. I had a heavy allergic reaction on my skin as well because the sea irritated my skin condition after being exposed to the salt for so long.

    On the OCEAN VIKING we found another pregnant woman, whom I think was from Nigeria. She was brought by a helicopter to Malta because she was very close to delivering her baby. The crew later made an announcement to tell us when the baby was born in Malta.

    We were on the OCEAN VIKING for one week because no country wanted to take us in. This time was difficult, but it was much better than what we experienced before. The crew was always with us and they tried to support us however they could. We had enough food. We had a doctor whenever we felt sick. They even gave us clothing. We felt welcome.

    Finally, Lampedusa decided to take us in. When we finally left the boat after such a long time at sea it was not as warm of a welcome. We received food only after being forced to give our fingerprints and we were brought to a dirty place with barbed wire. I could not stay in Italy; the conditions were so poor. Today I struggle to live in Germany with the fear of my fingerprints on record and that I will be deported back to Italy.

    I will never forget the good people on these ships, who welcomed me before I arrived in Europe. They will stay in my memory. Maybe, one day I will meet them again. Until then I want to encourage them to continue what they are doing and I send them all my greetings.

    SAR Solidarity
    Letter from an Alarm Phone activist to an amazing woman of the SAR world in January 2020

    The past 5 days were crazy, my dear friend. We never met, but I have read the stories that you wrote on board of the rescue ship. Nine boats in distress fleeing from Libya called the Alarm Phone, and for the first time in a long time, all the boats that called Alarm Phone from the Central Mediterranean where rescued to Europe, more than 650 people in 5 days. This was not just about luck. It was about the incredible efforts of the people out there doing everything they could to rescue these boats, despite European authorities’ efforts to let them sink without trace. These were efforts mostly by women. Wonderful, fierce, kind, fearless women like you. In the past, I have mostly have dealt with men at sea and it was difficult. These 5 days were joyful instead.

    L., she crossed the Mediterranean up and down 3 times in 72 hours without ever sleeping, just following the GPS coordinates that we had received from the people in distress, which we also forwarded to the authorities and to the rescue ships. After sending an email, I would call the bridge. Again and again, for 72 hours. I would call the bridge telling her, “L.! There is a boat in distress again you need to be quick”. I never heard moment of discomfort in her voice. Even under that pressure, she was trying to create little cracks of softness, of love, of solidarity, of laughter. When I hear her voice on the phone, saying “my boat will head to the target with full speed”, I picture her behind the wheel of this massive boat carrying 400 people, flying above the sea as if it was weightless. I cannot find the words to describe the love and respect I feel towards her when I read her emails to the authorities, defying their orders, placing herself and ‘her boat’ against the orders given by some Colonel of the Armed Forced of Malta, or of some Commander of the Libyan Navy. I think there are no words in this world to express the magnitude of certain actions.

    On the phone, we tell the people in distress that they have to stay strong and keep calm, that they have to trust us, that they cannot give up. We tell them “rescue is coming for you my friend, don’t worry”. When you’re out at sea, lost in the darkness.

    Then Luisa and ‘her boat’ arrive, to the rescue, after hours of darkness and uncertainty. After hours when they thought they had been abandoned by everyone, and that they had been forgotten in a sea that is too big, on a boat that is too small. After so many hours of exhaustion, there is certain magic in the moment when we can tell them “make light, with a telephone, don’t use flames – make yourself visible.” There is magic in the few words spoken by voices broken by panic and excitement “we see a boat, it’s red”, and in an email of few words from the rescue ship we read “we see an intermittent light coming from the sea, we believe it is the rubber boat”. I imagine this little light shining above a sea that is a cold, dark, liquid cemetery. A sign of life, of resistance, of struggle. Not just of despair.

    Then silence. One second you are head and body in the Mediterranean, the next you are in silence and you realise that hours have passed. From this side of the phone we do not know what happens in this silence. It’s a feeling that makes you feel completely detached from reality.

    Waking up reading the stories you write about these rescues, my dear friend, I always cry. Reading your descriptions of the rescue, reading the stories of the people who were on board, it makes it all real, it fills the void of these silences.

    Reading your stories makes me think of all the witches of the sea like you, like L., like the women of Alarm Phone and the women crossing the Mediterranean, who relentlessly struggle together in this hostile sea. The Morganas of the sea, the few little lights in this darkness, sparks that are reflected by the waves, as magic as fairies and as fierce as witches.

    I cannot stop being inspired by all these women, who cannot be stopped, contained, tamed. So yes, it is hard work also for all of us, and many people think we are crazy for doing this work, but we know that we are not the crazy ones, and that we are part of a brigade of amazing witches who believe that the real craziness is looking away. Thank you.
    From the crossing of the Aegean Sea to the struggle for women rights. Women on Lesvos
    All women against Moria

    Most women have already endured hardship even before they get into a boat to cross the Mediterranean Sea. But the journey is far from being over once they reach the shore. Many of them find themselves in overcrowded refugee camps, such as Moria on the Greek island of Lesvos, where the authorities are overwhelmed with numbers and unable or unwilling to provide the most basic needs such as clean water, electricity, shelter, medical care and security. It is a harsh environment where the strongest rules and violence is part of everyday life which leads to an existence dictated by constant fear. In this rough environment, solidarity is a vital tool for survival, especially among women.

    On January 30th 2020, approximately 450 women and children gathered in Mytilene, the capital of Lesvos, to protest the horrific living conditions in the camp and the dramatic increase of violence– including several fatal stabbings that had taken place within the previous weeks. The protest was organized by a group of about 15 Afghan women, and their goal was to draw attention to the dire situation. It was both a cry of despair as well as a powerful and loud manifestation of female solidarity when women of all ages and different nationalities took to the streets and blocked the traffic for several hours.

    “All women against Moria“, “Women in solidarity“, “Moria is a women’s hell“ and “Stop all violence against women“ was written on some of the many signs. The crowd chanted “Assadi“ (farsi: freedom) with raised fists. Several women said that it was the first time they had participated in a demonstration, but they showed great confidence during negotiations with the police or when giving media interviews. An elderly Afghan woman explained that she had focussed on caring for her family all her life but the hellish situation in Moria had given her no choice but to join the demonstration.

    Many women kept their faces hidden behind hijabs, voluminous scarves, and surgical face masks to conceal their identity. In the past, well placed rumours had been circulating that political involvement and contact with the press would lead to immediate deportation and repression by the Greek authorities. Taking this into account, 450 protesters is an astonishing number. Even more so considering the difficulties a trip from Moria to the islands capital, Mytilene, includes. For example, people have to cue for several hours to be able to get into one of the few busses. It has been reported that bus drivers had to push people away with sticks to be able to close the door. If you did make it onto the bus, you would miss your meals for that day as you weren’t able to stand in the food line. We also heard reports that a larger number of women were prevented from leaving the camp to join the demonstration by the authorities and police forces.

    No flyers, no Facebook group, no official announcement. News of the women-only-protest was spread by word of mouth. The success of the demonstration was a surprise to many, especially the police, who initially showed up with only 10 riot-cops. After the protest, 9 female volunteers were taken to the police station, where their identity cards were checked. Their sneaking suspicion is that they were the ones organising the women’s protest. The officials seemed to be unable to grasp the idea that women from Moria could organise efficiently. The women’s role in the camps traditionally has been to calm the male-dominated unrests rather than taking part in them or even initiating them. But times are desperate and increasingly women are discovering their political voice. They are finding strength in female cooperation. There had been an all-women sit-in last October after the tragic death of a woman in a gas explosion in the camp. Assemblies, empowerment workshops, networking and practical support are less visible and yet essential aspects of the politicisation of women.

    Experiences of crossings and life in Moria

    Again this year, with the increase in the number of people arriving on the island and the non-reaction of the Greek and European authorities, the conditions in Moria have only gotten worse and worse. When you talk with the women living there, their daily life comprises of fear, no rest, long lines, attacks, power cuts… but also solidarity amongst each other, survival strategies and the struggle to be able to decide about their own lives. There are the stories of three women, F, N, and J.

    F left Iran: “Unfortunately, in Iran members of my family did not have identity cards. We couldn’t go to school. We just had to work. My older sister and I worked as tailors in a basement. I started working when I was 12 years old. I have a passion for education. Finally, this year my sister and I decided on leaving in search of something better. Finally, my parents accepted. So, we started our travels. During our journey we tolerated several difficulties. Upon arrival to Lesvos, we slept two nights on the streets because we had to wait until Monday for when the offices of Moria opened. Finally, we could get a tent.”

    N and J arrived on the island of Lesvos by boat last December crossing over from Turkey. Both are living in Moria today. For J “each person has their own way to experience and to bear the crossing of the Mediterranean Sea”. She had to pay 450 USD to the person who organised the crossing and was told: ‘In 4 days we will come to pick you up at 23 o’clock at the hostel.’

    She tells us her story: “…they put us in a covered pick-up truck, we were a lot and really squeezed together. Four hours later we arrived in a very dark place. They put us in an abandoned house without any water or food all day long until 7 pm. Then we walked 5 hours up and down in the Turkish hills. Finally, we arrived on the shoreline. They inflated the dinghy in front of us. We left close to midnight. 1.5 hours later the Turkish coastguards stopped us on the sea and they brought us back to Turkey. We were 29 people on board. When they released us we went back to Izmir. I didn’t have any strength anymore. The smugglers told me ‘you have to leave.’ Two days later we tried again. Same group, same way. Five hours of walking again. And again, we couldn’t reach Greece. The big boats came close to our rubber boat to make big waves and they were yelling at us to leave and go back to Turkey. This time we spent one week in the police station. The third time, we arrived in Greek waters and called the Greek Coastguard, that came to pick us up. But we had to throw away our personal belongings because the boat was filling up with water. There was complete disorder on board, no organisation. After we had called them for the first time, we still waited three hours until they came to pick us up.”

    N spoke about how “the fear comes when you’re at sea. You didn’t know who your neighbour was, but you held their hand. We started to pray. On the open sea the water was coming inside the boat. Each one was calling for God in his own way. I didn’t want to go on the boat, but they pushed me. The kids were in the middle. Me as well. I closed my eyes. We landed without any police, only fishermen. It was raining. I was wet and we had to wait 15 minutes more for the bus. What gave us our hope back, was this woman, who gave us chips and sent her kids to say hello to us. They let us on the bus and we sat there until the morning without giving us anything”

    J described her situation after being registered in Moria: “I didn’t have any tent in which to sleep. I slept from tent to tent. They kick you out of the tent when you cough too much. The few that we had, they would steal it. I was scared to be stabbed, mainly during the night and someone would do it just to take your phone. The worst is that the authorities don’t let us leave the island.”

    https://alarmphone.org/wp-content/uploads/sites/25/2020/04/aegean2-1-768x1024.jpeg

    Your whole life is waiting in line

    For the refugees, lines are running a big part of their daily and social lives. As N and I were talking over some tea, N had to leave us to go stand in line for food. Very often they have to miss a workshop, a class, a commitment, or a friends-gathering to go stand in line for a basic necessity. Sometimes it gets so late that people have to return to their tents in Moria, even if they did not receive what they had been standing in line for all day. And the day is done. J told us that: “In the morning, when you wake up, the first thing that you have to do is line-up. We line-up for every basic need. We pee in buckets since the toilets are too far away and we have to wait in line to use them. It’s infernal to wait and the belly burns. During the night especially, the toilets are too far to reach. And the toilets are dirty, so you easily get itchy. The Moria medical tent usually gives paracetamol to calm the itchiness down… To take a shower is the same. You wait in the cold, and sometimes when you arrive the shower is clogged”. N added: “You have to stand in line, but you know that someone can come and stab you for your phone while you wait. It has happened a few times since I have been here, and people have died just waiting. I am scared when I have to go stand in line. One time, they didn’t clean the floor and we had to line up standing on the blood of a guy who was stabbed. I was so scared, it was horrible.”

    F also described the situation in a letter: “When you get up you must stand in a line for breakfast, lunch, diner, toilet, shower: for everything! You wait about 2.5 hours in each line. Your whole life is waiting in a line. We have only two places for doctor’s visits, which is not enough for thousands of people. Again, you have to wait in a line. Only the people that go at 4 o’clock in the morning have the opportunity to be checked. If you have a cold, standing in a line outside is bad for your health. You will get worse. If you have a headache, cold, flu or pain in your back or leg… it doesn’t matter. Doctors just give you painkillers and tell you to drink water.”

    Z, is an underaged Afghan girl, who lives in the jungle of Moria with her family. She wrote the following in a letter: “There is a toilet but at night it’s so hard to go to the toilet because we have to cross a small bridge and we can’t’ see anything because there is no light. I am under 18 and they don’t give me food because my mother is not here and when my father got sick, I was given the task to wait in line for food for the family but they didn’t give it to me because I am a minor. Life here is so hard: washing clothes, caring for my little sister, my brother and father. It’s so hard for me. I miss my mum.”

    Living in Moria is like living in jail. You are constantly living in fear. “Inactivity makes people go crazy. You will pass 6 months here without realising it”. You have nothing to do, nothing that you can do to be a part of civil society. The lines are dehumanising. People become a ticket, a plate, a bottle of milk, a croissant or a bag of clothes,” J explained.
    Self-organisation and a daily life strategy

    For N solidarity is important: “We also have to accept each other and the situation. I cannot eat too late, but when the electricity comes back at 2 am, I cannot prevent the others to talk, to eat and to cook. So, I put my earphones on and cover my eyes. In any case, I don’t sleep well. I refuse to take the medication that they give me to sleep, because we know that boys spend the nights in the alleys. With the canvas walls of the tents, you can feel the people passing by close to you and your head, and I want to be awake in case something happens. To eat warm and cooked food, we have to prepare the food before the electricity comes on. The last time, my tent’s mates put the potatoes in the pan and everything was ready, but they had only 10 minutes of electricity. So they had to wait, but when the power came back the food was not good anymore. As they were hungry, they added some milk. I don’t know how they ate it.”

    N continues: “In my tent we are 7 people plus a little girl. We sleep on the floor and each one puts their stuff around their sleeping place. We keep the middle of the tent open to cook and sit, and eat together. It is important to show solidarity, so I said to the women that we have to protect each other and when one of us has to go stand in line early in the morning, some of us go with her until daylight comes. Also, the women in my tent dance and sing, do braids, and find time to do what they want, and that’s strengthening for me.”

    J talked about solidarity concerning food: “The food in Moria is disgusting and gives you diarrhoea, meaning you then have to go stand in line for the toilets. Can you imagine! We collect money, around one euro per person, and we give it to the person, who cooks for the day. Every day it is a new person.”

    When women cross the sea, and even before then along the journey, they often have different experiences than men and are exposed to greater danger. Being on the move is a difficult situation, but being on the move and being a woman puts you in an even more vulnerable position. Specific issues related to gender discrimination and racism are being reported by the women on Lesbos that we were talking to:

    The women that we talked to speak about racism against black people within the hotspot, but also in the city. For example, a woman told us that in one supermarket, whenever a black person enters, a guard will follow that person around. She also told us that black women are often offered money in the street for sexual services. Prostitution is undoubtedly happening a lot, there lacks public information or data about this invisible side of this kind of unbearable situation on the island. It is clear, however, that human traffickers take advantage of the overcrowded and unsafe situation in Moria and that people are doing business with women and kids. And since the administration is overwhelmed, people can wait up to three months to be registered and to be able to benefit from the “cash programme for refugees”. Three months without any money.

    As we are writing this report, and just a few weeks before the international women’s day, there are five women locked-up in different police stations on Lesbos. They were arrested after trying to leave the island without proper papers. They have been arrested as part of a pilot project to see if this idea for a new law can be implemented: The new law indicates that a person who has been arrested must stay detained until the end of the asylum application. This would mean that all asylum seekers, who can be arrested for any illegitimate reason, would have to wait in detention.

    Having daily contact with women living in Moria, you can see how solidarity starts with their everyday basic needs and continues with the provision of psychosocial human support in an effort to protect each other’s security, rights, and sanity in the face of the dire situations they face every day.
    LGBTQI+ people on the move

    We don’t want to overlook women’s experiences of discrimination and the needs of different vulnerable groups, but considering this report is about gender-based discrimination and violence, the situation of LGBTQI+ people on the move has to also be mentioned.

    This report uses the acronym LGBTQI +: it is used to refer to people who identify as lesbian (L), gay (G), bisexual (B), trans (T), intersex (I), queer (Q) and + for all the different expressions and intimate relation with (no)gender identity and sexual definition: non-binary, asexual, aromantic, etc.

    Those who are LGBTQI+ face an even more difficult reality because they cannot always count on the national solidarity networks. And even when these resources are mobilized, it is often at the cost of important precautions so as not to be identified as LGBTQI+. Housing in camps and collectives of LGBTQI + people with other non-LGBTQI+ in asylum accommodations can cause anxieties regarding being mis-identified or ‘outed’ unwillingly (for their sexual orientation or gender identities). This is especially the case for trans people in accommodation facilities who find themselves living in single-sex housing that does not correspond to their gender identity. Because most of the time the authorities mis-gender trans persons, using the sex that is written on their official papers. Later on, when it comes to the asylum request, LGBTQI+ people fear that information about their sexual orientation or gender identity might start to circulate within the communities. This produces a lot of hesitations concerning what to say in front of the court, causing sorrow and fear because a large part of the LGBTQI+ people particularly pay attention not to reveal the reasons for their presence in Europe.

    From the perspective of Alarm Phone, writing about LGBTQI+ people on the move during the situations they encounter while the crossing on sea is difficult, because of course people also try and hide their identity in situations of close confinement, because it is a risk of discrimination and violence is very high. We can hardly provide a general analysis about people on the move because there is only partial knowledge available. Statistics are often binary and queer people are not mentioned.
    Lesvos LGBTQI+ refugee solidarity

    This is taken from a text that was published by members of the group in 2019

    As another deadly winter sets in, Moria prison camp on Lesvos is over its capacity by the thousands and growing fuller every day. In these conditions, LGBTQI+ refugees are particularly at risk of exposure, violence, and death.

    With homosexuality still illegal in 72 countries, it is obvious why many LGBTQI+ people became refugees. Many of us fled from home because we had to hide our gender identities. When we arrive on Lesvos, expecting safety, we are shocked to find the same issues continue for us here. Homophobic harassment and violent attacks are frequent and severe: by fellow residents as well as by the police and camp guards.

    We know some LGBTQI+ people that have been beaten and even hospitalised from homophobic and transphobic attacks. All have had to repress their identity, living cheek by jowl among communities which replicate the persecution they fled in the first place.

    “When I was in the boat, a beautiful cry came. We’re starting a new life. We were just throwing all our troubles into the sea. I wasn’t scared. I just read the Qur‘an and cried. I sat in the boat, my hand was in the sea along the way.”

    “I left Morocco because for 30 years I was insulted, persecuted and beaten by the community, the police and my family, but on Lesvos I found the same thing.”

    “In the early days in Moria, I was systematically raped. I‘ve seen the most difficult conditions, but I‘ve never seen such a horrible place.”

    “These people are looking at you like you’re rubbish. Like you smell. On the street, on the bus. I don’t know how to explain this. Even when you are on the street, you feel ashamed, like there is shit on you.”

    “If we can’t dress up the way we want, if we can’t do our make-up, why come to Europe?“

    “And together we will change the world, so that people will never have to come out again!”

    We did not flee our homes only to continue to hide and live in fear. We won’t be silenced. We won’t be ignored. We will shout it from the rooftops: we are gay, we are lesbian, we are women, we are men. We are here. We are all migrants. We want our freedom we won’t wait ‘till it‘s given to us. We ask those that hear us to fight alongside us, wherever you are.

    Queer solidarity smashes borders!

    https://alarmphone.org/en/2020/04/08/struggles-of-women-on-the-move
    #femmes #résistance #migrations #réfugiés #asile #lutte #luttes #femmes_migrantes #Tanger #Maroc #solidarité #Rabat #invisibilité #Tunisie #Méditerranée_centrale #Ocean_Viking #Mer_Egée #Moria #Lesbos #Grèce #attente #LGBT #genre

    ping @karine4 @isskein @_kg_

  • AYS Daily Digest 08/04/20

    https://medium.com/are-you-syrious/ays-daily-digest-08-04-20-will-working-restraints-now-be-lifted-so-that-refu

    Police violence against asylum seekers is on the rise amidst the corona lock-down and often occurs in the context of patrols for movement restrictions. Three recent cases have been collected by anti-fascist groups in Greece. Two of them took place in Athens, another on Samos. On Samos, a man from Cameroon who was waiting with other people in a queue outside of a super market was checked for his documents of movement based on racial profiling. The police reacted brutally when it turned out he did not have all the required documents. They started to beat him, tried to push him into a police car and later forced him to sign a document in Greek, which he did not understand. No copy has been given to to him.
    In all three cases a criminal complaint has been filed against the police officers.

    *

    According to eyewitnesses, four people tried to set an abandoned building on Lesvos on fire in which refugees are living. The building is near a LIDL supermarket in the area of Kara Tepe. The aggressors halted their plans when they realized that people were in the building, but threatened to come back.

    *

    A sixteen-year-old Afghan boy has been stabbed to death in Moria by a young adult. The boy lived with members of his family in a tent outside the main camp of the Moria Identification Centre. After his death became known, fights broke out amongst teenagers, leading to the injury of four youngsters.
    This event is tragic. But if we consider the circumstances the people and especially the kids live under in Moria, it is a wonder that there aren’t more escalations of violence. Every death in Moria is Europe’s responsibility. Europe is responsible for the overcrowding, the fact that unaccompanied minors stay with no protection, and that mental health issues are not being properly treated

    #Covid-19 #Migration #Migrant #Balkans #Grèce #Lesbos #Moria #Samos #Violence #Xenophobie

  • Are You Syrious (AYS)
    AYS Daily Digest 07/04/20

    https://medium.com/are-you-syrious/ays-daily-digest-07-04-20-luxembourg-and-germany-agree-to-take-in-small-numb

    AYS Daily Digest 07/04/20

    FEATURE Luxembourg and Germany are finally going to take in some children suffering in Greece’s island camps.
    Germany is going to take in 50 and Luxembourg will take in…12. There are at least 5,500 unaccompanied minors currently in Greece. A group of countries decided last week to collectively bring in 1,600 of these unaccompanied children, but COVID-19 has slowed this process.
    Luxembourg is the first country escort any these children; their 12 being on Lesvos and Chios currently. Their relocation will happen sometime next week. At least 5,488 unaccompanied children will remain living in horrid conditions afterwards.

    #Covid-19 #Migration #Migrant #Balkans #Grèce #Camp #Luxembourg #Allemagne #Enfant #mineursnonaccompagnés #Lesbos #Chios #transfert

    *

    3rd day of hunger strike in Moria Prison
    On April 5th, the prisoners in Moria’s pre-removal detention centre went on strike for their immediate removal. No Border Kitchen Lesvos explains:
    “These days governments across the world have been releasing people with short sentences from prison, while the Greek state continues to insist that no migrant detainees will be released. The men here in the prison are held in administrative detention and have committed no crime. They are detained only because of their status. Some because of their nationality, some because their asylum claim was rejected, some because they tried to leave the islands, some even because they signed up for supposed “voluntary return”. Many of those with rejected claims haven’t even had the opportunity to apply for asylum, because of recent legal changes discriminating against people who don’t speak the colonialist language of the country they fled from. They are awaiting deportation to Turkey, despite there being no deportations scheduled for the foreseeable future.”

    #Moria #Camp #Expulsion #Turquie #Grèvedelafaim #Asile #Retourvolontaire

    *

    Migration Minister’s page says medical staff is recruited for detention centres:

    “today began(…) recruitment of emergency staff(…), lasting three (3) months to meet the extraordinary needs of the Reception and Identification Centers and Temporary Supply and Supply Structures for Hosting Services. A total of 150 people will be hired at the KYT of #Lesvos, #Chios, #Samos, #Leros and #Kos, as well as at the Structures of #Malakassa and #Sintiki” and #Evros #prison #outpost.
    “new arrivals from March 1 have not been taken to the Reception and Identification Centers of the Islands but in separate quarantine areas, however there are difficulties to do so(…). So far, the Ministry has not received a positive response from the municipalities for hotel rentals for the removal of vulnerable groups from the KYT to the islands. “The European Commission has offered to cover hotels for the most vulnerable for a short time now due to the crisis, we have a written response from the local municipality that it refuses to use hotels to get the most vulnerable out of #Moria. What some are calling for a mass decongestion of Moria, that is, for 15,000 people to come from Moria to mainland Greece amid the crisis of the corona (…).there are no 15,000 vacancies in the hinterland and if there were they would be in structures like Ritsona. And in the end, it is not a given which place is safer “, the Minister stressed.

    **

    #Ritsona #camp has been in lock down for 5 days now
    …no asylum seeker in or out since at least 23 out of 2,700 people living in the camp have tested positive for COVID-19.
    The 23 people who tested positive for the virus continue to live with their families, who most likely will contact it soon, and none of them show any symptoms of the virus as of yet. Therefore, they are said to feel discriminated by the tests and are refusing to move to the camp’s designated quarantine areas.
    All 23 persons are from African nations, which is unfortunately increasing acts of #racism in the camp. One of the residents said that the other refugees are avoiding African nationals.
    Testing has stalled in the camp because the medical professionals can only go in to conduct the tests with police, but fewer police are willing to enter now.

  • Les réfugiés abandonnés à leur sort alors que la COVID-19 se répand en Grèce

    https://www.wsws.org/fr/articles/2020/04/08/rltd-a08.html

    Près de 42.000 réfugiés entassés dans des camps de détention surpeuplés et exposés aux maladies restent coincés dans les îles grecques alors que la pandémie de COVID-19 se propage dans toute la Grèce. Les réfugiés qui n’ont accès ni à de l’eau et du savon – en raison du manque de soins de santé de base – sont entassés dans des quartiers d’habitation surpeuplés dans les camps des îles de Lesbos, Chios, Kos, Samos et Leros, des lieux de propagation parfaits pour le virus.

    Pourtant, le gouvernement de droite du parti Nouvelle Démocratie (Néa Dimokratía – ND) continue de bloquer le transfert des réfugiés des îles vers la Grèce continentale, permettant ainsi au virus de potentiellement infecter – sinon même tuer – des milliers de personnes.

    Le nombre de décès dus à la COVID-19 en Grèce est passé à 73 lundi, avec un total de 1735 cas confirmés. Selon le quotidien Kathimerini, la pression économique causée par la pandémie pourrait entraîner des réductions de salaire pour les travailleurs du secteur public, et peut-être un chômage massif dans les semaines ou les mois à venir, tandis que le ministre des Finances Christos Staikouras a récemment déclaré qu’« aucune question de ce genre n’est en cours de discussion, étant donné que nous attendons un retour à la normale prochainement ».

    Réfugiés syriens provenant de la Turquie à leur arrivée par bateau à Lesbos, en Grèce, en septembre 2015 (AP Photo/Petros Giannakouris)
    Le système de santé grec peut à peine suivre le nombre de tests nécessaires pour contenir le virus, sans parler du traitement des personnes infectées. Les années d’austérité de l’Union européenne (UE), appliquées par le précédent gouvernement de pseudo-gauche de Syriza (Coalition de la gauche radicale), ont ravagé le système de santé publique grec.

    Tentant de se laver les mains du désastre social grandissant, Alexis Charitsis, un représentant de Syriza, accuse le gouvernement ND de « concentrer sa rhétorique entièrement sur la responsabilité personnelle des citoyens » et que cela « ne peut et ne doit pas éclipser la responsabilité du gouvernement de soutenir immédiatement le système de santé ». Il ajoute : « le laisser-aller, l’inefficacité et les interventions sont clairement une question de volonté politique ».

    Syriza a jeté les bases de la politique anti-réfugiés du gouvernement ND avec sa campagne brutale ponctuée d’attaques de la police antiémeute et d’évacuations forcées, ainsi qu’avec la création de camps de concentration. En 2016, le gouvernement de Syriza a négocié avec l’UE et la Turquie un accord établissant la Grèce comme le camp de prisonniers de l’UE pour les réfugiés à sa frontière sud. Il a ensuite contraint tous les réfugiés entrant en Grèce par des voies « irrégulières » – ceux qui effectuent le dangereux voyage en bateau de la Turquie à la Grèce – à être expulsés vers la Turquie. Autrement dit, la plupart des réfugiés.

    Le gouvernement ND poursuit et renforce ces politiques anti-réfugiés. Des réfugiés sont abattus par la police grecque et sont victimes de violences fascistes, tandis que le gouvernement autorise la poursuite de la pratique des refoulements illégaux forçant les bateaux de réfugiés à rebrousser chemin lorsqu’ils approchent du littoral grec.

    Le gouvernement utilise le nombre limité de tests de la COVID-19 disponibles ainsi que la menace croissante du virus sur la population grecque de souche comme raisons pour laisser les réfugiés piégés dans l’enfer des camps dans lesquels la pandémie peut se propager comme un feu de forêt. Des centaines, voire des milliers de réfugiés, y compris des enfants et des personnes âgées, risquent de mourir.

    La pandémie s’est déjà propagée dans les îles grecques. À Lesbos, où vivent quelque 20.000 personnes dans le tristement célèbre camp de détention de Moria, conçu pour accueillir 3000 personnes, une femme de 40 ans revenant d’un séjour en Égypte et en Israël a été confirmée positive à la COVID-19 il y a plus de deux semaines et placée en quarantaine.

    Le nombre limité de tests effectués en Grèce indique qu’il est très possible que la COVID-19 se répande sans avoir été détectée à Lesbos et sur d’autres îles. C’est là un cauchemar imminent pour les personnes entassées dans les camps de réfugiés. La COVID-19 pourrait facilement être propagée par les nouveaux arrivants qui pourraient également contracter le virus de réfugiés asymptomatiques. Le manque d’espace signifie que 120 personnes récemment arrivées à Lesbos n’ont pas encore trouvé d’abri sur l’île, toujours en attente d’être placées dans des cabanes séparées des autres.

    La semaine dernière, il a été révélé que 20 réfugiés ont été déclarés positifs à la COVID-19 au camp de Ritsona sur le continent qui abrite 2300 réfugiés et se trouve à environ 70 kilomètres au nord d’Athènes. Le camp est maintenant fermé pour deux semaines, la police étant sur place pour faire respecter la loi et préparer le terrain pour d’éventuelles attaques contre les réfugiés.

    Des tests sont effectués et l’Organisation internationale pour les migrations (OIM) s’occupe des réfugiés sur place. Dimanche, le gouvernement a été contraint de placer en quarantaine un deuxième camp de migrants sur le continent. Après qu’un homme de 53 ans ait été testé positif à la COVID-19, le camp de Malakasa, situé à 40 kilomètres au nord d’Athènes, a été fermé pour deux semaines et est également gardé par la police qui attend des renforts.

    Ritsona et Malakasa ont l’avantage de se trouver sur le continent, ce qui les rapproche des ressources indispensables plus présentes dans les grandes villes comme Athènes, par opposition aux camps situés sur les îles grecques. Mais avec tant de réfugiés contraints de vivre dans des quartiers surpeuplés, les camps sont confrontés à la possibilité d’une épidémie rapide.

    La commissaire européenne aux affaires intérieures, Ylva Johansson, a demandé au gouvernement ND de déplacer les réfugiés présentant le plus grand risque de contracter la COVID-19 – les personnes âgées et les enfants – des camps insulaires surpeuplés vers la Grèce continentale.

    « Nous travaillons avec les autorités et le gouvernement grecs pour convenir d’un plan d’urgence afin de réduire autant que possible le risque dans les points chauds surpeuplés des îles, déclare Johansson. Cela pourrait inclure de déplacer les personnes les plus vulnérables des camps surpeuplés vers d’autres zones dans les îles. »

    Mais comme le rapportent nombre d’ONG et groupes de réfugiés, il n’y a pratiquement pas de tests disponibles pour les réfugiés. Alors il est donc presque impossible de déterminer qui, dans les camps, peut être positif ou non.

    En faisant du surplace, le gouvernement ND met en danger des milliers de réfugiés.

    Au cours des dernières semaines, les groupes de défense des droits de l’homme ont demandé au gouvernement ND d’agir de toute urgence, un groupe déclarant : « Des milliers de personnes, y compris des personnes âgées, des malades chroniques, des enfants... des femmes enceintes, des nouvelles mères et des handicapés sont piégés dans des conditions déplorables et dangereusement surpeuplées sur les îles en pleine pandémie de COVID-19. »

    Jan Egeland, secrétaire général du Conseil norvégien pour les réfugiés, déclarait il y a plus de trois semaines déjà : « Nous devons agir maintenant... Lorsque le virus frappera des zones surpeuplées dans des endroits comme l’Iran, le Bangladesh, l’Afghanistan et la Grèce, les conséquences seront dévastatrices. »

    Les conditions dans les camps font qu’il est presque impossible pour les réfugiés de se protéger de la pandémie.

    George Makris, médecin et coordinateur de Médecins sans Frontières en Grèce, a qualifié de « tragiques » les conditions sanitaires et en matière d’eau dans le camp de Moria à Lesbos et dans d’autres camps, ajoutant : « La transmission du virus ne peut pas y être contenue. Nous l’avons déjà dit à plusieurs reprises dans le passé dans le contexte d’autres épidémies de maladies infectieuses comme la méningite et la rougeole. Notre message est simple... de la même façon que les autorités sanitaires disent que tout rassemblement de masse doit être interdit, il faut également éviter tout confinement de masse. »

    Gerald Knaus, l’un des principaux architectes de l’accord de 2016 conclu entre l’UE, la Grèce et la Turquie ayant entraîné le retour forcé de milliers de réfugiés en Turquie, a déclaré que les réfugiés pourraient être mis en sécurité dans quelques semaines.

    Interviewé sur DW.com alors que le bilan humain dévastateur de ses politiques devient de plus en plus évident avec la pandémie, Knaus a déclaré : « Il faut évacuer des îles 35.000 réfugiés aussi vite que possible et les transporter en Grèce continentale. Vous pouvez également vite disposer de 15.000 lits supplémentaires dans des camps de tentes temporaires. L’Organisation internationale des migrations (OIM) est en mesure de construire de telles installations en quelques semaines.

    « Un total de 10.000 personnes de plus peuvent être hébergées dans des hôtels en Grèce qui sont maintenant vides. Enfin, 10.000 autres personnes peuvent facilement être hébergées dans des endroits déjà pris en charge par l’UE – des endroits où les réfugiés reconnus sont actuellement hébergés. Si des pays comme l’Allemagne pouvaient accueillir rapidement ces réfugiés reconnus, ils créeraient immédiatement des places pour les familles venant des îles. Cela enverrait également un signal fort aux Grecs pour leur faire comprendre qu’ils ne sont pas seuls. »

    La réalité est que l’Allemagne, première puissance de l’UE, a joué un rôle essentiel dans l’élaboration de la politique du bloc en matière de réfugiés et porte une responsabilité centrale dans la terrible situation des réfugiés et des immigrants emprisonnés dans les îles grecques.

    Le rôle de l’UE, du gouvernement ND, de Syriza et des gouvernements capitalistes du monde entier dans la facilitation des attaques contre les réfugiés et dans la propagation incontrôlée de la COVID-19 montre clairement l’urgence pour la classe ouvrière d’intervenir et de faire passer la vie des gens avant les profits.

    La propagation de la COVID-19 en Grèce est grossièrement exacerbée par les politiques socio-économiques de ND au gouvernement et de Syriza. La défense des réfugiés en Grèce doit être prise en charge par la classe ouvrière grecque et internationale, en opposition aux politiques de ND et de Syriza qui représentent les intérêts de la classe moyenne supérieure et de l’élite financière.

    (Article paru en anglais le 7 avril 2020)

    #Covid-19 #Migration #Migrant #Balkans #Grèce #Camp #Lesbos #Chios #Kos #Samos #Leros #îlesgrecques #transfert #continent #Moria #Ritsona #Malakasa #confinementdemasse

  • ‘We are here to die, or to obtain freedom’: Hunger strike in Moria pre-removal detention centre

    The prisoners detained in Moria pre-removal detention centre (PRO.KE.K.A) in Lesvos have been on hunger strike since 5th April 2020. The #PRO.KE.K.A hunger strikers demand their immediate release to avoid the disastrous consequences of a virus outbreak in the prison.

    According to the hunger strikers, ‘All the world’s prisons have released the prisoners… we decided to die or freedom.’ The police in charge of the detention centre have responded with ridicule, intimidation and violence. A police special forces unit has been stationed in PRO.KE.K.A for at least 24 hours, harassing and threatening the detainees. According to one detainee, ‘They took out prisoners to interrogate one of them who received a beating … They want to know why we do this.’ Four detainees sewed their mouths closed in protest, however after a few hours doctor was called to come and remove the thread by force.

    The Greek state insists that no migrant detainees will be released. This is despite the announcement of a release of prisoners with low sentences remaining and a global release of prisoners during the Coronavirus pandemic. A court determined that those held in a closed camp in northern Greece should remain detained because they were a ‘flight risk’. Instead, the Greek government has increased detention of migrants, turning refugee camps into effective prisons where access to appropriate medical care, hygiene, water, and the ability to maintain social distance are tragically impossible. The hunger strike in Moria PRO.KE.K.A is not the first in Greece after the corona outbreak. On 3rd April, detainees in Drama’s Paranesti detention camp went on hunger strike after being served inedible food. One detainee reported: ”70 riot police entered the camp last night and beat everybody with batons, five people are in critical condition and rumours one is dead.”

    The men in Moria PRO.KE.K.A are held in administrative detention and have committed no crime. They are arrested only because of their status. Many of the detained are held only because of their nationality, coming from countries where statistically less than 25% are recognized as refugees. The claims of many are rejected without even receiving an asylum interview on the basis of ‘non cooperation’ simply because no appropriate interpreter could be found. Also held in Moria PRO.KE.K.A are those who broke the territorial restriction on the islands, people with a second rejection on their asylum claim awaiting deportation to Turkey, as well as those who have signed up to voluntarily return, despite there being no deportations scheduled in the foreseeable future.

    Legal monitors have described conditions in Moria PRO.KE.K.A as ‘inhuman and degrading treatment’. Detainees report regular incidents of police violence and harassment, for which nobody is held to account. This includes beatings, isolation, and collective punishment in the form of lack of access to food and telephones, which are a lifeline inside the centre as they provide access to legal support and a link to family and the outside world. Prisoners are routinely denied access to medical care and psychological support. Detainees regularly report lack of access to staff, denial of vital medicine, and a refusal to take those with serious conditions to the public hospitals. The imprisonment of alleged minors and survivors of torture and war is common. Single Syrian men are ruled ‘inadmissible’ for asylum and are held pending deportation to Turkey, which is considered a ‘safe third country’ for Syrian nationals under the EU-Turkey deal.

    The situation inside has reached crisis point after the implementation of New Democracy’s new asylum law. Since New Democracy was elected, there has been an increasing focus on rejections and deportations. People have been deported despite pending asylum cases. Those in Moria PRO.KE.K.A have no hope as their fellow detainees are deported without having set one free foot in Greece. On 6th January 2020 a 31-year-old man was found hanged in his cell after being placed in an isolated cell. Since then, there have been several suicide attempts. In one case, a man attempted suicide and was deported the following day. In more than one case, suicide attempts were preceded and followed by police violence and harassment.


    Food line in Moria camp: Even people who live in the open part of Moria camp have to queue in close quaters for hours.

    https://dm-aegean.bordermonitoring.eu/2020/04/08/we-are-here-to-die-or-to-obtain-freedom-hunger-strike-in-
    #grève_de_la_faim #Moria #Lesbos #asile #migrations #réfugiés #résistance
    ping @luciebacon

    • D’après les informations du site enoughisenough14 (https://enoughisenough14.org/2020/04/10/lesvos-forced-stop-of-hunger-strike-in-moria-prison-after-police-b) les grévistes de la faim du centre de détention (l’équivalent de CRA) de Moria ont été obligés d’arrêter leur grève, suite à une répression policière brutale. Voir le communiqué de
      No Border Kitchen Lesvos ci-dessous, où ils mentionnent également une grève de la faim à un autre centre de détention avant expulsion situé au nord-est de la Grèce, à Paranesti, près de la ville de #Drama (https://borderlandscapes.law.ox.ac.uk/location/drama-paranesti-pre-removal-detention-centre). Toujours d’après le site enoughisenough14 au #Paranesti (https://enoughisenough14.org/2020/04/10/greece-riot-police-and-brutal-repression-against-migrant-hunger-strikers-are-paranesti-detention-centre-in-drama/#more-69812) pre-removal Center une grève de la faim commencée le 3 avril aurait été très durement réprimée par des forces spéciales de la police anti-émeute, avec une férocité particulière ; il y aurait eu des actes qui relèvent de la torture. Merci à Odile Hélier d’avoir transmis ces informations. Si quelqu’un/une dispose d’informations supplémentaires, merci de relayer.

      –----

      No Border Kitchen Lesvos

      13 h ·

      Forced Stop of Hunger strike in Prison after police brutality.
      After three days of hunger strike the prisoners in Moria were forced to eat again. There have been several concerning allegations of police violence during the week, which people told to there friends on the fence. What exactly happened inside the prison we don’t know yet, because police have blocked prisoners’ communication channels with each other and with the outside world.

      Special-forces police units where present for the duration of the strike and different kind of police violence was reported. There were detainies removed from their cells for interrogation and at least one of them was beaten.

      The prisoners went on hunger strike with the demand for freedom and to be heard but police do everything they could to prevent this. They were not alone - in Paranesti detention centre, police also violently suppressed a hunger strike.

      The abortion of this hunger strike shows the determination of the state and its attack dogs to supress the voices of the people that are incarcerated in detention centres, pre removal centres and prisons worldwide. We must not forget, that the a hunger strike is the last resort if all other possibility’s of protest have been stripped from you. By committing to this, people have to against their survival instinct, because it’s the only option they have left. Now, because of the extreme violence perptuated against them this is also lost to them.

      We demand a world free of prisons. A world free of police brutality and uniforms. A world where no human can be incarcerated for the being born in the “wrong” country, the colour of their skin or their sexual orientation. We demand not only the immediate closure of Moria, but will fight for an end to a system that requires exclusion, prisons and violence to exist.

      We demand freedom of movement for all.

      –-> Reçu par Vicky Skoumbi via la mailing-list Migreurop, le 11.04.2020

  • Germany to take in 50 refugee children from Greek islands

    https://www.infomigrants.net/en/post/23949/germany-to-take-in-50-refugee-children-from-greek-islands

    Germany will take in fifty unaccompanied minors from the Greek islands next week. Critics say this is too little, too late, given that tens of thousands of migrants and refugees remain in the overcrowded camps.

    The German interior ministry announced on Tuesday that the federal cabinet was set to approve the transfer of 50 unaccompanied minors to Germany on Wednesday.

    The children and teenagers will be brought to Germany “in the following week if possible,” the ministry said. After their arrival, they will be quarantined for two weeks and then send to different states across the country.

    In an interview with German TV stations RTL and n-tv on Wednesday, German Foreign Minister Heiko Maas said that Germany would take in a total of 350 to 500 minors over the next few weeks. He also said that Germany and Luxembourg were currently the only countries within the European Union (EU) willing to take in refugees and migrants from Greece.

    Earlier on Tuesday, Luxembourg had announced that it would take in 12 unaccompanied minors from the islands of Lesbos and Chios.

    According to Maas, Germany and Luxembourg will try to carry out a charter flight together next week.

    Plans to relocate refugees stalled by coronavirus

    In early March, the three governing parties in Germany had agreed on taking in between 1,000 and 1,500 foreign minors that were particularly vulnerable (i.e. either seriously ill or under the age of 14 and without their families) from Greece.

    Also in early March, several EU states had announced that they would take in a total of 1,600 vulnerable refugees from the Greek island camps. Eight other EU countries had agreed to take in underage refugees and migrants from the Greek islands, according to a recent statement by the German interior ministry. These countries were France, Portugal, Ireland, Finland, Croatia, Lithuania, Belgium and Bulgaria. But due to the ongoing coronavirus pandemic, these countries’ relocation plans seem to have been largely suspended.

    Critics: government not doing enough

    Several opposition politicians and activists in Germany criticized the German government’s handling of the situation in Greece, saying that taking in just 50 minors was far too little.

    Claudia Roth, a prominent member of the Green Party, said the interior ministry’s plans were “long overdue” and only amounted to a drop in the ocean.

    Günter Burkhardt, the head of the Pro Asyl NGO, said that the camps in Greece should be completely evacuated to prevent an outbreak of COVID-19 - the respiratory disease caused by the novel coronavirus.

    Erik Marquardt, a migrants’ rights activist, Green Party politician and member of the European Parliament, tweeted: “Germany wants to evacuate 50 children. On Lesbos alone this will mean that the government coalition will sacrifice 19,950 people … They are bringing 80,000 workers to Germany to harvest asparagus but fail to (help) a few thousand people in mortal danger. What a sad embarrassment.”

    arquardt in his statement referred to the fact that an estimated 20,000 people live in the Moria camp on the Greek island of Lesbos. Germany recently announced it would bring in 80,000 foreign farmworkers for the harvest, in spite of various border closures across the EU.

    Camps extremely overcrowded

    Experts and migrant rights activists have long been worried about the situation on several Greek islands, where tens of thousands of migrants are sill living in overcrowded camps. The situation is particularly dire on Lesbos. The Moria camp there was built for no more than 3,000 people – yet around 20,000 migrants and refugees currently live in and around the camp.

    The Greek government has put the migrants camps on partial lockdown to prevent a potential coronavirus outbreak, but many believe that these measures are insufficient to protect the residents.

    In Greece, there have been 1,832 confirmed coronavirus cases and 269 deaths, according to John Hopkins University (as of midday on Wednesday, CEST). There have been no confirmed cases of COVID-19 in camps on the Greek islands thus far. But there has been at least one case on Lesbos among the island’s native population, and there have also been outbreaks at two camps on the Greek mainland.

    With AFP, dpa, epd, KNA, Reuters

    #Covid-19 #Migration #Migrant #Balkans #Grèce #Lesbos #moria #camp #ilesgrecques #Allemagne #Transfert #mineurs

  • Greece confirms first coronavirus case in migrant camp

    https://www.ft.com/content/cee3c95d-f2cd-4529-828f-637a1a9ab380

    Greece has confirmed the first case of coronavirus in a migrant camp on the mainland, as public health workers warn of a humanitarian disaster if the highly contagious disease takes hold in the overcrowded settlements.

    On Tuesday, an asylum seeker who had been living in a camp outside Athens tested positive for the virus after giving birth at a clinic, the first recorded case among an estimated 60,000 refugees and migrants living in camps on the eastern Aegean Islands and remote areas of mainland Greece.

    It is not clear where the woman contracted the virus.

    Migrants describe a climate of fear as they live packed together with little water, sanitation or information about the coronavirus crisis that is raging across Europe. 

    “What hope do we have of defending ourselves from corona? ” said Ahmad, on the phone from a camp under lockdown in northern Greece. He shares his small living space with five other men, his cooking facilities with dozens of people, and his camp recently had no running water for 10 days. 

    Six people have also tested positive for coronavirus on the Greek island of Lesbos, home to the 20,000-strong Moria camp that activists say is particularly ill-equipped to handle an outbreak.

    Residents have been ordered not to leave the camp, even to collect their monthly stipend in the nearby town as police step up patrols on the roads nearby.

    “There are areas in the Lesbos camp […] where there is one water point for 1,300 people. There is one toilet for 167 people. And there is one shower for 200 people,” says Apostolos Veizis, head of mission in Greece for Médecins Sans Frontières (MSF), or Doctors without Borders. “So when we call for people to stay home, this is the paradox: what home?”

    Public health experts say the situation is not only a humanitarian failure, it risks undermining the fight against the pandemic in Europe. 

    “Either we include everyone in this strategy, or we strategically fail. Not including these populations is a recipe for failure for our whole society,” said Karl Blanchet, a public health professor and director of the Geneva-based Centre for Education and Research in Humanitarian Action.

    Human Rights Watch and MSF are calling for the immediate evacuation of overcrowded island camps. Sea Watch, a search and rescue group, has proposed that decommissioned cruise ships could house those who have been evacuated. 

    The European Commission says the risk of a coronavirus outbreak in the migrant camps is “of concern to us and to the Greek authorities” and is seeking to speed up the transfer of people from Greek islands — which host some 41,000 in camps — to the mainland. 

    Athens has also announced measures to improve screening and limit groups or visitors, measures Mr Dr Veizis said would do little good given the already unhygienic, overcrowded conditions.

    Meanwhile, despite coronavirus being spread by close human contact, other countries in south-east Europe have been accelerating moves to corral migrants into camps.

    Editor’s note

    The Financial Times is making key coronavirus coverage free to read to help everyone stay informed. Find the latest here.

    Migrants have been forced into makeshift settlements in Serbia, Bosnia and Herzegovina. In Serbia some migrants said they had no access to disinfectants or gloves and that camps were under military guard. In some camps, those with a fever said they were left among the camp population while others were whisked into isolation. Some anxious residents wondered whether a coronavirus outbreak had begun.

    “The scariest thing is we have no idea who might be sick and who isn’t,” said Mohammed, living in Serbia’s Sombor camp.

    Many Balkan states appeared to be trying to push migrants across their borders and into Serbia, where the migrant population in its camps climbed from 5,000 to 8,000 in just a few weeks.

    “They [other Balkan states] have taken note of Serbia’s relatively open stance and are pushing migrants into their territories as they try to get rid of migrants in this Covid-19 crisis period,” said Stefan Lehmeier, the deputy director of International Rescue Committee in Europe, “I’m not sure what governments intend to do — the migrants cannot make themselves disappear.”

    #Covid-19 #Migration #Migrant #Balkans #Grèce #Camp #Lesbos #Moria #Bosnie-Herzégovine #Serbie

  • En Grèce, les migrants enfermés subissent en plus le coronavirus

    https://reporterre.net/En-Grece-les-migrants-enfermes-subissent-en-plus-le-coronavirus

    Sur l’île grecque de Chios, un des « hotspots » imaginés par Athènes et les institutions européennes afin de faire face à l’afflux migratoire depuis 2015, des abris de fortune s’étalent à perte de vue et des montagnes d’ordures s’accumulent. La menace du coronavirus fait désormais craindre un désastre sanitaire à huis clos.

    Chalkeio, île de Chios (Grèce), reportage
    Vial, le camp de réfugiés de l’île de Chios, est planté là, au milieu des champs d’oliviers. La capitale de l’île (qui porte le même nom qu’elle) est à une dizaine de kilomètres. Il faut rouler, longer le petit aéroport de l’île, dépasser les luxueuses villas dont les hauts murs de pierre protègent les citronniers et les orangers des vents violents. D’ici, on ne voit pas la mer. Seulement les montagnes rocailleuses. Des abris de fortune s’étalent à perte de vue. À hauteur des premières tentes, un homme attend, assis sur le bord de la route. Il lève un doigt vers le ciel, poing fermé, et l’accompagne d’un « Fuck Vial ».

    Le camp est un labyrinthe aux dédales de chemins boueux. Il faut sans cesse enjamber des rigoles rudimentaires creusées dans la terre orange. Ceux qui sont coincés ici s’y repèrent avec facilité. Des familles entières s’entassent et survivent, coûte que coûte, dans des abris de deux à trois mètres carrés. Sous les bâches, la chaleur étouffante succède déjà au froid rude de l’hiver. Partout, des montagnes d’ordures s’accumulent. Elles ne sont plus ramassées depuis des mois. Lorsque le vent tombe, la réalité revient en plein visage, ça pue la pisse et l’ammoniaque, la pourriture et le désespoir. Une réalité qui remplace peu à peu le rêve d’Europe. « Il faut rester alerte, tout le temps. Surtout ne pas s’oublier, ne pas oublier qui tu es et quels sont tes objectifs, pour ne pas mourir ici », résume Aram, dans un anglais précis. Elle a seulement 20 ans et a quitté Mossoul en octobre. Elle est accompagnée d’un autre Irakien, plus âgé qu’elle. Un ami de sa sœur. Ils étaient au collège ensemble, se sont retrouvés par hasard en Turquie. Depuis, ils ne se quittent plus.

    Si l’enfer avait un visage, Vial pourrait en être le reflet. Ils sont plus de 6.000 à s’entasser ici sur quelques hectares, un immense bidonville à ciel ouvert siglé UNHCR — l’agence de l’ONU chargée des réfugiés. « La capacité originale n’était que de 1.100 places », précise Louisa [*], responsable dans une organisation internationale. Et d’ajouter : « Jusqu’à août 2019, la situation était loin d’être bonne, mais cela se calmait par rapport aux arrivées massives de 2015. Mais, à partir de septembre, l’an dernier, les arrivées sont reparties à la hausse. Le camp est totalement saturé, c’est une honte que les gens soient traités ainsi. »

    « Certains sont sur l’île depuis deux ans, on les laisse croupir ici »
    En cause, la situation en Syrie, qui pousse inlassablement des millions de personnes à l’exode, mais aussi la crise économique qui touche la Turquie. Sans compter les lois promulguées en Grèce par le gouvernement de droite de Kyriákos Mitsotákis — élu en juillet 2019 — afin de restreindre au maximum les mouvements des nouveaux arrivants vers le continent, désormais réservés à de très rares cas de « vulnérabilité ». Résultat : les « hotspots » imaginés de concert avec la Commission européenne afin de fixer l’afflux migratoire débordent de toutes parts. Moria, le camp de Lesbos — une autre île proche de la Turquie, au nord de l’île de Chios —, compte plus de 20.000 personnes en attente de traitement de leur demande d’asile. Rien qu’en 2020, plus de 10.000 personnes ont tenté la traversée, selon l’UNHCR. En première ligne, les îles grecques les plus proches, dont Chios. Par temps dégagé, on aperçoit au loin les côtes turques. Des réseaux de passeurs prennent entre 800 et 1.000 dollars pour les envoyer vers les îles à la nuit tombée, souvent leurs dernières économies.

    Abdullah jure avoir réussi au bout de la dixième fois. « Mon histoire est celle de tous les gens ici. » Ce Syrien de 31 ans, originaire de Damas, est arrivé il y a cinq mois à Vial après quatre ans passés en Turquie et quatre années à fuir les combats dans son pays. Cinq mois sans que sa demande d’asile soit enregistrée. « Certains sont sur l’île depuis un, voire deux ans, on les laisse croupir ici en dépit du droit international et de la Convention de Genève », confirme Louisa. Et de s’emporter : « Les gens ici sont privés de leurs droits les plus basiques : ils devraient avoir accès aux soins, à l’éducation… » La femme d’Abdullah, enceinte d’un deuxième enfant depuis quatre mois, n’a toujours pas pu voir de médecin. Sa mère, elle, est toujours à Idlib, en Syrie, en proie à de violents affrontements entre le régime de Damas et la Turquie. La situation ? Il la connait. Des nouvelles de là-bas ? Aucune.

    Les institutions ne sont pas pour autant absentes du camp. Au cœur des abris de fortune se dresse un immense bâtiment de tôle entouré de barbelés et gardé par des hommes en armes. C’est dans cette usine de recyclage désaffectée que cohabitent 80 employés du gouvernement grec, de l’Union européenne et des organisations internationales. Frontex, Europol, le service d’asile grec et son équivalent européen, l’Easo. Mais aussi l’UNHCR, des médecins et des psychologues. Sans oublier la douzaine de policiers antiémeutes détachés en permanence afin de gérer les bagarres quasi quotidiennes. « C’est toujours la même histoire, deux ou trois personnes commencent à se battre et ça finit en affrontement général entre communautés : jets de pierres, tentes brûlées, etc. Les policiers usent de grenades lacrymogènes pour calmer tout le monde », résume Louisa. Elle ajoute : « Encore la semaine dernière, ça a dégénéré entre des Somaliens et des Palestiniens. Dix-sept personnes ont été condamnées à quatre ans de prison sans avocat ni traducteur… »

    En attendant un enregistrement ou le résultat de leur procédure de demande d’asile, les exilés, livrés à eux-mêmes, organisent leur survie. Ils se regroupent naturellement entre communautés. Les Syriens sont les plus nombreux, suivis des Afghans. Mais on trouve aussi des Somaliens, des Kurdes, des Palestiniens, des Yéménites, des Guinéens ou des Togolais. Bien que les autorités distribuent tous les jours à chaque personne 1,5 litre d’eau et trois repas sous forme de barquette, c’est le système D qui prime. Certains sacs poubelles débordent de rations alimentaires encore intactes. « Personne n’y touche tellement c’est infâme, on a peur de tomber malade », s’énerve Abdullah. Cette nourriture vient du continent, l’armée grecque a décroché le contrat d’approvisionnement. « C’est évident que certains s’enrichissent », glisse Louisa.

    Même s’il n’y a pas encore de cas de contamination, le coronavirus rend la vie encore plus dure
    Chaque réfugié reçoit une carte de crédit de l’UNHCR, avec une allocation d’en moyenne 80 euros par mois. Argent vite dépensé en ville pour du riz, des pâtes, de l’huile et autres produits de première nécessité. Dans le centre-ville de Chios, impossible de ne pas remarquer ces allers-retours permanents des exilés qui ne quittent jamais leur petite pochette bleue plastifiée contenant leurs papiers, de peur de se les faire voler. Paradoxalement, l’afflux migratoire a fini par constituer un secteur économique pour la petite île. « Entre les travailleurs des ONG, les envoyés du gouvernement, ceux des institutions européennes : les réfugiés deviennent une économie. Tous ces gens louent des voitures, des appartements… » confirme Louisa. L’essentiel de l’activité des taxis rouges du centre-ville, par exemple, consiste à emmener et ramener les réfugiés de Vial jusqu’à la place centrale de Chios.

    Pour autant les relations avec les insulaires sont loin d’être harmonieuses. Des histoires de vol, des ordures disséminées… ont rapidement empoisonné la cohabitation avec les habitants du village tout proche, Chalkeio. Lorsque l’île s’est embrasée, début mars, à la suite de l’annonce par Athènes de la construction d’un nouveau camp fermé, des barrages ont été érigés sur l’unique route menant au camp pendant presque une semaine. L’irruption du coronavirus a rendu permanent cet état de siège. Bien qu’aucun cas n’ait encore été détecté à Chios, les ONG et les organisations caritatives qui portaient à bout de bras la vie des réfugiés ont drastiquement réduit leur activité. Entre le retour au pays des volontaires internationaux et les mesures de confinement imposées le 23 mars par Athènes, la situation fait craindre un drame sanitaire.

    Louisa confirme la présence minimale des ONG et des organisations humanitaires : « Le gouvernement a annoncé mercredi 25 mars que les services de traitement des demandes d’asile allaient être mis en pause » et que les mesures de restriction dureraient au moins jusqu’au 21 avril. Difficile, sur place, de communiquer les gestes barrière aux réfugiés. « Ils n’ont pas vraiment conscience de la situation », explique Louisa. Si on a un cas, ils vont fermer tous les accès au camp… On est en train de mettre en place des systèmes pour continuer à travailler à distance si ça arrive notamment via WhatsApp. »

    #Covid-19 #Migration #Migrant #Balkans #Grèce #Chios #Camp #îlesgrecques #Vial #Hotspot #Moria #Lesbos #Asile #Chalkeio

  • L’île de Lesbos, l’enfer des réfugié・es en pleine pandémie

    https://radioparleur.net/2020/04/08/lesbos-coronavirus-grece-migrations

    Le camp de Moria sur l’île grecque de Lesbos a cinq ans déjà. Il devait accueillir 2200 personnes exilées. Il compte aujourd’hui plus de 19 000 habitant.es. Une catastrophe humanitaire qui s’aggrave encore avec la pandémie. Avec ses invité・es, Radio Parleur vous emmène dans ces îles, auprès de ces réfugié・es que l’Europe refuse d’accueillir.

    #Covid-19 #Migration #Migrant #Balkans #Grèce #Moria #Lesbos #îlesgrecques # Camp

  • SUR LES ÎLES GRECQUES

    Lesbos : une traînée de poudre qui n’en finit pas
    http://cqfd-journal.org/Lesbos-une-trainee-de-poudre-qui-n

    Actes de haine, incendies criminels, refoulement de bateaux vers la Turquie, enfermement arbitraire et brutalité aveugle : ces dernières semaines, les événements dramatiques se sont succédé à une vitesse folle du côté de l’île de Lesbos, à la frontière maritime orientale de la Grèce. Passé le choc ou l’effroi, ils apparaissent pour ce qu’ils sont : une forme exacerbée du rejet systémique et de la violence que vivent, chaque jour, les exilé·es cherchant asile en Europe.

    Aux frontières, la violence première est celle de l’État – ou plutôt des États. Au cours des dernières semaines, elle s’est déployée en Grèce et ailleurs par la répression des mouvements sociaux, une dramaturgie géopolitique funeste et une violation des droits humains plus furieuse encore qu’à l’ordinaire.

    Le ton était donné dès le début du mois de février. Aux protestations des demandeurs et demandeuses d’asile contre leur confinement dans l’insalubre et surpeuplé camp de Mória, sur l’île de Lesbos, le gouvernement grec répondait par du gaz lacrymogène, des coups de matraque et des arrestations. Il réaffirmait dans la foulée sa volonté de construire des centres de rétention fermés sur trois des îles où l’Union européenne (UE), depuis 2016, parque les exilé·es.

    Pour cela, l’État s’est réservé le droit de saisir les terres des municipalités récalcitrantes. La recette répressive s’est étendue aux habitant·es de Chios et Lesbos, qui virent arriver en catimini des dizaines de bataillons de flics anti-émeutes. La riposte des insulaires fut immédiate : manifestations, affrontements de jour comme de nuit, grève générale. La lutte a fini par payer, quoique provisoirement : les condés ont été rappelés par Athènes et les travaux suspendus.

    Manœuvres cyniques
    C’est dans ce contexte explosif que le président turc Erdogan, porté par son élan militariste en Syrie, a orchestré un coup d’éclat destiné à faire pression sur l’UE : en ouvrant ses frontières et en y acheminant des milliers d’exilé·es, il pouvait être certain de déclencher la panique sur un continent où ceux-ci sont jugé·es indésirables [1].

    Le stratagème n’est pas nouveau. La politique d’externalisation des frontières menée par l’UE, par laquelle celle-ci délègue à des États tiers ses basses manœuvres, transforme les vies humaines en monnaie d’échange. De même, la réplique agressive du gouvernement grec ne fut qu’une prolongation, dans des proportions massives, de pratiques courantes aux frontières gréco-turques : refoulement, séquestration, coups, vols, humiliations à l’encontre d’hommes, de femmes et d’enfants, pris·es dans des jeux politiques cyniques d’États criminels.

    Les témoignages de personnes forcées de se déshabiller à la frontière terrestre par des hommes cagoulés puis refoulées vers la Turquie apparaissent comme une forme paroxystique du dénuement auquel les exilé·es sont exposé·es dès leur entrée en Europe. Outre sa manifestation matérielle (interdiction de travailler, surveillance et confinement, dépendance vis-à-vis des autorités), ce dénuement recouvre tous les aspects personnels et sensibles des êtres, artificiellement réduit·es à l’identité de « demandeurs d’asile ».

    Mais même ce statut a été retiré à celles et ceux qui sont entré•es en Grèce après le 1er mars : malgré l’illégalité de la mesure, aucune demande d’asile n’y est plus acceptée jusqu’à nouvel ordre. Désormais, les réfugié·es sont arrêté·es à leur arrivée, enfermé·es (certain·es pendant près de dix jours à l’intérieur d’un navire militaire), puis transporté·es vers des centres de détention.

    Impunité des groupes fascistes
    La violence qui suit celle de l’État, car justifiée et encouragée par elle, s’exprime par les actes de haine qui ont rythmé les mois de février et mars à Lesbos. Le renfort apporté aux groupes fascistes locaux par des militants d’autres pays d’Europe – Allemands, Français, Irlandais – fut permis par l’impunité dont jouissent leurs exactions. Des bandes d’hommes armés de barres de fer purent contrôler et intimider réfugié·es et bénévoles pendant plusieurs semaines sans que les flics ne bronchent.

    L’apogée de la violence fasciste eut lieu le jour même où le gouvernement grec annonça son refus d’accepter de nouvelles demandes d’asile. Sept voitures transportant des médecins, des infirmiers et des infirmières bénévoles furent attaquées et leurs vitres brisées. Dans la soirée, un camp désaffecté, qui avait accueilli jusqu’à janvier dernier des migrant·es après leur traversée en mer, fut incendié.

    Le dimanche 1er mars encore, des dizaines de citoyen·nes repoussaient à coups de pied et d’insultes une embarcation charriant hommes, femmes, enfants et bébés. Cette insoutenable scène est à l’image de ce qui s’est déroulé au large des îles de la mer Égée, où les gardes-côtes helléniques et ceux de l’agence européenne Frontex ont attaqué ou laissé à la dérive des personnes en détresse [2]. En définitive, les discours et les gestes des chargé·es de l’ordre (flics, politicien·nes, fonctionnaires…) légitiment et attisent les flambées de haine. Une des dernières en date – l’incendie criminel d’une école autogérée par des réfugié·es, le 7 mars – est sans équivoque – tout comme le nom de l’établissement calciné : « École de la Paix ».

    Avec les cendres, les tensions sont retombées à Lesbos. Les mesures prises par le gouvernement grec pour limiter la propagation du virus Covid-19 ont vidé les rues. Les allées du camp de Mória sont, elles, plus bondées que jamais. Depuis le 17 mars, plus personne n’est autorisé à en quitter l’enceinte. Les fameux « gestes barrières » promus à travers le continent y sont irréalisables. Se laver les mains, quand il n’existe qu’un robinet d’eau courante pour 1 300 personnes ? Pratiquer la distanciation sociale, là où 20 000 personnes cohabitent dans (et aux abords) d’un espace conçu pour 3 000 ? Rien n’est prévu en cas de propagation du virus à Mória, ou dans les autres camps de la mer Égée.

    La plupart des ONG ont quitté l’île de Lesbos. Seule une poignée de médecins, d’infirmiers et d’infirmières alertent, au côté des habitant·es des camps, sur l’urgence qui se joue aux frontières. Leurs appels restent, pour le moment, lettre morte.

    #Covid-19 #Migration #Migrant #Balkans #Grèce #refoulement #îlesgrecques #Lesbos #Moria #Asile #Chios #Lesbos #Turquie #Frontière #Camp #Groupesfascistes

  • Migration.Europe : aux frontières, les exilés exposés au Covid-19

    https://www.lecourrierdelatlas.com/migration-europe-aux-frontieres-les-exiles-exposes-au-covid--237

    Dans la lutte contre le Covid-19, la fermeture des frontières européennes devient un alibi pour mieux refouler les personnes migrantes.

    Confinement forcé

    Dénoncés depuis plus de quatre ans par toutes les organisations de défense de droits de l’homme, les hotspots, notamment ceux des îles grecques, sont surpeuplés.

    Si cela posait déjà problème avant la pandémie de Covid-19, déjà pour des raisons sanitaires, aujourd’hui ces conditions de vie dans les camps, comme celui de Moria sur l’île de Lesbos, deviennent dangereuses.

    Le collectif Migreurop rappelle que depuis le 22 mars dernier, un confinement forcé des exilés dans ces camps a été décidé par les autorités grecques.

    Une décision problématique pour Migreurop : « Leur surpopulation [des camps, ndlr] rend la prévention de la propagation du virus pratiquement impossible, malgré les efforts des exilés qui s’auto-organisent ».

    Refoulements

    Outre le confinement dans des conditions inappropriées pour les exilés déjà présents sur le territoire européen, le combat contre la pandémie est pris en excuse pour un durcissement de la fermeture des frontières européennes occasionnant de nombreux refoulements :

    « Les refoulements sous-traités aux garde-côtes libyens continuent de plus belle, tout comme ceux exécutés par les autorités grecques ou chypriotes. Les actes de violence à l’égard des exilé·e·s se multiplient également tout au long de la route des Balkans ».

    Un durcissement visible même à l’intérieur de l’UE selon Migreurop : « les autorités françaises par exemple continuent de refouler vers l’Italie, alors que ce pays est actuellement l’un des épicentres de la pandémie ».

    #Covid-19 #Migration #Migrant #Balkans #Grèce #Hotspot #Moria #Lesbos #Confinement #Refoulement

  • Επαναπροωθούν πρόσφυγες στα νησιά με ειδικές θαλάσσιες σκηνές

    Η « Εφ.Συν. » φέρνει στη δημοσιότητα βέβαιες, καταγεγραμμένες περιπτώσεις παράνομων επαναπροωθήσεων προσφύγων από θαλάσσης προς την Τουρκία από το Λιμενικό, με ειδική μάλιστα διαδικασία : αφού εντοπίζονται στη στεριά, τοποθετούνται σε σχεδίες που μοιάζουν με πλωτές σκηνές και αφήνονται μεσοπέλαγα στα τουρκικά ύδατα για να τους « ξεβράσει » το κύμα προς την ακτή.

    Πυκνώνουν τα περιστατικά παράνομων επαναπροωθήσεων προσφύγων και μεταναστών από τα νησιά στην Τουρκία, την ώρα που καταγράφεται μια διαστροφική ποιοτική αναβάθμιση των μεθόδων που χρησιμοποιούνται και οι οποίες εκθέτουν σε κίνδυνο για τη ζωή τους δεκάδες ανθρώπους.

    Η « Εφ.Συν. » κατάφερε να ταυτοποιήσει συγκεκριμένα πρόσωπα προσφύγων και φέρνει σήμερα για πρώτη φορά στη δημοσιότητα αποκαλυπτικά ντοκουμέντα, που όχι μόνο αποδεικνύουν τις επαναπροωθήσεις, αλλά δείχνουν ότι αυτές υλοποιούνται πλέον με ειδικές ναυαγοσωστικές σχεδίες, οι οποίες μοιάζουν με σκηνές πάνω στη θάλασσα.

    Οπως διαπιστώνεται, οι αρχές και κυρίως το Λιμενικό, αφού εντοπίσουν τους πρόσφυγες είτε στη στεριά σε κάποια απόκρημνη ακτή είτε μεσοπέλαγα, τους επιβιβάζουν σε αυτές τις ναυαγοσωστικές σχεδίες, τα επονομαζόμενα liferafts, και στη συνέχεια τους αφήνουν εντός τουρκικών χωρικών υδάτων, ώστε να παρασυρθούν από τα κύματα μέχρι να εντοπιστούν από σκάφη της τουρκικής ακτοφυλακής.

    Από τη Σάμο, πίσω

    Στη Σάμο, την 1η Απριλίου αυτόπτες μάρτυρες στις οχτώ το πρωί διαπίστωσαν την αποβίβαση μιας βάρκας με αρκετά άτομα στην παραλία Μουρτιά στην ανατολική πλευρά του νησιού. Το περιστατικό κάλυψε ο διαχειριστής της τοπικής ιστοσελίδας aegaio.blogspot.com Ιωάννης Νέγρης, ενώ ένας ακόμη κάτοικος της περιοχής ήταν παρών. Οι μετανάστες βγήκαν στην ακτή, έσκισαν τη βάρκα τους, έβγαλαν μερικές φωτογραφίες « και άρχισαν να κινούνται προς την πόλη, αφού καμία αρχή δεν ήταν στο συμβάν », σημειώνει ο κ. Νέγρης, που διαθέτει και το ανάλογο φωτογραφικό υλικό.

    Οπως περιγράφει, ο ίδιος επικοινώνησε με το λιμεναρχείο και έμαθε ότι ήδη είχε ξεκινήσει ένα πλωτό για να τους παραλάβει.

    « Από εδώ και πέρα ξεκινούν τα περίεργα », σημειώνει και περιγράφει το πώς στη συνέχεια οι άνθρωποι αυτοί « εξαφανίστηκαν » ! « Γύρω στις 12 το μεσημέρι, δέχομαι τηλέφωνο από αστυνομικό που μου λέει « μάθαμε ότι βγήκαν μετανάστες, μας ενημέρωσε η Υπατη Αρμοστεία, αλλά δεν τους βρίσκουμε.

    Μήπως επειδή είναι Ψευταπριλιά μάς κάνουν πλάκα ; ». Του απαντώ αρνητικά και κλείνει το τηλέφωνο », υποστηρίζει ο κ. Νέγρης. Στη συνέχεια γύρω στις 2.10 το μεσημέρι της ίδιας ημέρας, έμαθε τελικά ότι οι πρόσφυγες, τον αριθμό των οποίων υπολογίζει σε περίπου 25, παρελήφθησαν από ένα φουσκωτό που έφυγε προς άγνωστη κατεύθυνση.

    Σύμφωνα με αυτόπτη μάρτυρα που εντόπισε ο κ. Νέγρης, το φουσκωτό κατευθύνθηκε πίσω από ένα βουνό στην άκρη του κόλπου και μετά χάθηκε. Στη συνέχεια, ο ίδιος επικοινώνησε με το νοσοκομείο και συγκεκριμένα με τον διοικητή του, ο οποίος δήλωσε ενήμερος για το περιστατικό. Ωστόσο από το λιμεναρχείο τον διαβεβαίωσαν ότι αυτοί οι μετανάστες δεν υπάρχουν και ότι κανένα τέτοιο περιστατικό δεν έχει καταγραφεί !

    Το φωτογραφικό υλικό όμως που έδωσε στη δημοσιότητα ο κ. Νέγρης, όπως και ακόμα μία κάτοικος, πιστοποιεί όχι μόνο την άφιξη αλλά και την ταυτοπροσωπία ορισμένων εξ αυτών, που διακρίνονται σε ανάλογο υλικό το οποίο δημοσιοποίησε την επόμενη ημέρα η ακτοφυλακή της Τουρκίας. Φωτογραφίες τόσο από την περισυλλογή των προσφύγων μέσα από τη θάλασσα, επιβαινόντων πλέον σε liferaft, όσο και μέσα από την ακταιωρό που μετέφερε τους ναυαγούς !

    Συγκεκριμένα παρατηρούμε και στις δύο φωτογραφίες πρόσφυγες να κρατούν τα ίδια αντικείμενα (χαρακτηριστική η κόκκινη βαλίτσα της φωτογραφίας), να φορούν τα ίδια ρούχα, όπως η κόκκινη φόρμα παντελόνι που φοράει ο ένας, το τζιν μήκους ⅔ που διακρίνεται να φορά μια κοπέλα αφρικανικής καταγωγής και πολλά ακόμη στοιχεία, όπως παπούτσια κ.ά.! Στοιχεία που οδηγούν στο ασφαλές συμπέρασμα ότι οι ίδιοι άνθρωποι, που αποβιβάστηκαν το πρωί της 1ης Απριλίου στη Μουρτιά της Σάμου, φωτογραφήθηκαν σε σκάφος του λιμενικού της Τουρκίας την επόμενη ημέρα. Οπως αποδεικνύεται, η περίπτωση της Σάμου δεν είναι και η μοναδική, ούτε κάτι που συνέβη ευκαιριακά με πρωτοβουλία κάποιου χαμηλόβαθμου αξιωματικού που ενδεχομένως εκμεταλλεύτηκε τη συγκυρία.
    Μαρτυρίες και για Χίο

    Ενδεικτική είναι η μαρτυρία για ένα ύποπτο περιστατικό που σημειώθηκε στη Χίο στις 23 Μαρτίου. Εκεί αρχικά έγινε γνωστό ότι στην περιοχή των Καρδαμύλων κατέφτασε βάρκα με 40 πρόσφυγες, γεγονός που κατέγραψε ο τοπικός Τύπος και επιβεβαίωσε το λιμεναρχείο. Στη συνέχεια όμως από το λιμεναρχείο υποστήριζαν ότι οι συγκεκριμένοι είχαν φύγει από τη ΒΙΑΛ και πήγαν στα Καρδάμυλα, σκηνοθετώντας -υποτίθεται- την αποβίβασή τους με σκοπό να ξεγελάσουν τις αρχές και να ενταχθούν στους νεοεισερχόμενους μετά την 1η Μαρτίου, ώστε να καταφέρουν να αποχωρήσουν αμέσως για κάποια κλειστή δομή στην ηπειρωτική χώρα.

    Σύμφωνα όμως με μαρτυρία ενός πρόσφυγα που διαμένει στη ΒΙΑΛ, ανάμεσα σε αυτούς στα Καρδάμυλα ήταν και ο αδελφός του, ο οποίος ενημέρωσε για την άφιξή του στέλνοντας φωτογραφίες. Ο τελευταίος αμέσως ειδοποίησε τουλάχιστον δύο αλληλέγγυους, στους οποίους προώθησε και τη φωτογραφία με την παραλία. Η μία εκ των αλληλέγγυων στη συνέχεια μαζί με τον πρόσφυγα από τη ΒΙΑΛ έφτασε στα Καρδάμυλα, εκεί όπου η αστυνομία τούς απαγόρευσε την προσέγγιση στην παραλία.

    « Στη συνέχεια δεν υπήρξε καμία επικοινωνία και την επόμενη ημέρα ο νεοεισερχόμενος έστειλε από κινητό τρίτου ατόμου μήνυμα ότι είχε μεταφερθεί στο Τσεσμέ και από τότε αγνοούνται τα ίχνη του », δήλωσε στην « Εφ.Συν. » μέλος της ομάδας αλληλεγγύης. Οπως έγινε γνωστό, ο πρόσφυγας κατέληξε σε φυλακή της Τουρκίας, ενώ το κινητό του έχει κατασχεθεί από το Λιμεναρχείο Χίου. Ανάλογο περιστατικό σημειώθηκε και στα Γρίδια κοντά στον οικισμό των Νενήτων στη Χίο, όπου ομάδα προσφύγων κατέφτασε στην ακτή και ντόπιοι φωτογράφισαν την άφιξή της.

    Πάλι όμως το λιμεναρχείο ισχυρίστηκε ότι επρόκειτο για προσπάθεια σκηνοθετημένης άφιξης. Ωστόσο η ακτοφυλακή της Τουρκίας την επομένη, 26/3, έδωσε στη δημοσιότητα φωτογραφίες από τη διάσωση 21 ανθρώπων έξω από το Τσεσμέ, πάλι σε liferaft, μεταξύ τους 12 παιδιά και πέντε γυναίκες. Οπως μάλιστα έγινε γνωστό, στο liferaft όπου είχαν στριμωχτεί, υπήρχε δεμένο και ένα μικρό φουσκωτό σκάφος όπου είχαν στοιβάξει τις αποσκευές τους.
    Εν κρυπτώ

    Αξίζει να αναφερθεί ότι το Λιμεναρχείο Χίου ουδέποτε έδωσε στη δημοσιότητα κάποια σύλληψη για την υποτιθέμενη μεταφορά των προσφύγων από τη ΒΙΑΛ στα Καρδάμυλα (απόσταση 40 και πλέον χιλιομέτρων), ενώ και στο δεύτερο περιστατικό που συνέβη την πρώτη μέρα περιορισμού της κυκλοφορίας, θεωρείται απίθανο να μην τους αντιλήφθηκε κάποιος κατά τη διαφυγή τους από τη ΒΙΑΛ και την πορεία τους περίπου 10 χιλιόμετρα μέχρι την ακτή, όπου εντοπίστηκαν από ντόπιους. Να σημειωθεί ότι υπάρχουν και άλλες παραλίες σαφώς πιο κοντά στη ΒΙΑΛ που θα μπορούσαν να επιλέξουν οι πρόσφυγες, αν όντως ήθελαν να σκηνοθετήσουν την άφιξή τους.

    Συνολικά εννέα περιπτώσεις διάσωσης προσφύγων σε liferaft έχει δώσει στη δημοσιότητα το λιμενικό της γειτονικής χώρας, με πρόσφυγες που βρέθηκαν να πλέουν χωρίς καμία δυνατότητα ελέγχου της πορείας τους, μια και αυτές οι φουσκωτές σχεδίες στερούνται μηχανή ή όποιο άλλο προωθητικό μέσο ή και πηδάλιο.

    Πρόκειται για περιπτώσεις όπου σκάφη της ακτοφυλακής της Τουρκίας μαζεύουν ναυαγούς από liferaft σε ακτογραμμή μήκους 170 ν.μ. Και συγκεκριμένα από το Δικελί ανατολικά της Λέσβου έως και την πόλη Ντάτσα (Datça) βόρεια της Σύμης, εκεί όπου τα περιστατικά διάσωσης προσφύγων σε liferaft είναι πυκνά. Το πρώτο καταγράφηκε στις 23 Μαρτίου, όταν η τουρκική ακτοφυλακή στις 5.25 μ.μ. μάζεψε από liferaft συνολικά 31 άτομα, που δήλωσαν ότι το πρωί της ίδιας ημέρας είχαν αποβιβαστεί στη Σύμη. Το δεύτερο στη Σύμη και τρίτο χρονικά σημειώθηκε στις 27/3, σχεδόν μία ώρα μετά τα μεσάνυχτα, με τον ίδιο τρόπο, με 10 διασωθέντες.

    Επαναλήφθηκε τέταρτη φορά στις 29/3 και ώρα 23.40 πάλι στην Datça με 18 άτομα. Το πέμπτο καταγεγραμμένο περιστατικό σημειώθηκε στην πόλη Didim της δυτικής Τουρκίας απέναντι από το Φαρμακονήσι, με την τουρκική ακτοφυλακή να διασώζει από liferaft εννέα πρόσφυγες.

    Το έκτο και το έβδομο περιστατικό σημειώθηκαν έξω από το Δικελί, απέναντι από τη Λέσβο, στις 31 Μαρτίου όπου μέσα σε λίγα λεπτά στις 01.21 και 01.38 περισυνελέγησαν συνολικά 39 άνθρωποι. Το όγδοο ήταν αυτό της Σάμου την 1η Απριλίου, όπου οι πρόσφυγες μεταφέρθηκαν στο Αϊδίνι της Τουρκίας, ενώ το ένατο και πιο πρόσφατο σημειώθηκε στις 4 Απριλίου με τον εντοπισμό ενός liferaft με 15 άτομα έξω από το Αϊβαλί. Τα στοιχεία για τους αριθμούς των διασωθέντων, για την τοποθεσία και την ώρα προέρχονται από τη ΜΚΟ Aegean Boat Report, ενώ οι φωτογραφίες από το τουρκικό λιμενικό.

    https://www.efsyn.gr/ellada/koinonia/238226_epanaproothoyn-prosfyges-sta-nisia-me-eidikes-thalassies-skines

    –------

    –-> Commentaire de Vicky Skoumbi, reçu via mail, le 08.04.2020 :

    Absolument terrifiant : une nouvelle méthode de refoulement maritime extrêmement dangereuse est pratiquée au moins depuis le 23 mars par les garde-côtes grecs

    Plusieurs cas de refoulement maritime de réfugiés par une méthode extrêmement dangereuse : ils sont renvoyés vers la Turquie sur des canots de sauvetage gonflables dits #liferaft.

    Le Journal de Rédacteurs révèle des refoulements maritimes illégaux de réfugiés vers la Turquie par les garde-côtes, avec une procédure spéciale : une fois repérés à l’endroit où ils ont débarqués, les réfugiés sont placés sur des radeaux de survie qui ressemblent à des tentes flottantes et sont laissés à la dérive dans les eaux turques afin de le courant les emporte vers la côte turque.

    Cette méthode employée déjà pour repousser des dizaines de personnes est non seulement illégal mais extrêmement dangereuse : dans la mesure où ces radeaux de sauvetage n’ont ni machine ni gouvernail ils dérivent hors contrôle et mettent en danger la vie de ceux qui s’y trouvent.

    Le reportage photographique de Efimerida tôn Syntaktôn permet identifier des visages spécifiques des réfugiés en train de débarquer ; les mêmes visages se retrouvent sur les radeaux de sauvetage spéciaux, qui ressemblent à des tentes, ces liferafts à la dérive.

    Il s’avère que les autorités, et en particulier les garde-côtes, après avoir localisé les réfugiés sur terre, soit sur une ligne côtière escarpée soit au milieu de la mer, les obligent de monter à bord de ces radeaux de sauvetage, ces soi-disant radeaux de sauvetage, puis les laissent dans les eaux territoriales turques, afin qu’ils soient emportés par les vagues jusqu’à ce que les navires des garde-côtes turcs les repèrent.

    Les mêmes personnes, avec des vêtements et des objets caractéristiques, apparaissent sur des photos prises le 1er avril à Samos et le lendemain sur un bateau de la garde côte turque.

    Au total, neuf cas de sauvetage de réfugiés sur des liferafts ont été rendus publics par les garde-côtes turques, les réfugiés naviguant sans aucune possibilité de contrôler leur trajectoire, car ces radeaux gonflables ne sont dotés ni de machine, ni d’autre moyen de propulsion, ni de gouvernail.

    Les données sur le nombre de personnes secourues, l’emplacement et l’heure proviennent de l’ONG Aegean Boat Report, tandis que les photos de garde-côtes turcs. Pour voir le reportage photo Efimerida tôn Syntaktôn (https://www.efsyn.gr/ellada/koinonia/238226_epanaproothoyn-prosfyges-sta-nisia-me-eidikes-thalassies-skines)

    Voir aussi la page FB de Aegean Boat Report :
    https://www.facebook.com/AegeanBoatReport/posts/805700453286394?__tn__=-R

    #migrations #asile #réfugiés #refoulement #push-back #refoulements #push-backs #Mer_Egée #Grèce #Turquie #frontières #life_raft #liferafts #life_rafts #orange

    ping @luciebacon @isskein @karine4

    • More images published by @ABoatReport
      this morning: a floating deportation camp.

      https://twitter.com/itamann/status/1265202422177320960?s=03

      –---

      Tents at Sea: How Greek Officials Use Rescue Equipment for Illegal Deportations

      Back in 2013, Australia introduced strange new machinery in its campaign against unauthorized migration: a dozen bright-orange and windowless life vessels, shaped like missiles. These were equipped with navigational systems, air conditioning, and an engine. Each vessel, asylum seekers said, was given “just enough fuel” to reach Indonesia. When they washed ashore in February 2014, Indonesian locals were initially unsure what they were looking at. It was a piece of new deportation infrastructure, designed to launch migrants intercepted at sea back to where they had come from.

      In the shadow of the coronavirus pandemic, Greek authorities have put in place comparable deportation machinery. In at least 11 incidents since March 23, migrants have been found drifting in orange, tent-like inflatable life rafts without motors or propellants and that cannot be steered. Members of the Turkish Coast Guard reported these apparitions, but Greek authorities neither explained nor documented them. Images of these life rafts, fluorescent triangular structures afloat between black sea and dark sky, looked strange enough to seem superimposed. Relying on testimony and footage we obtained from multiple sources, including asylum seekers in the area, our investigation verifies this latest show of violence at the Greek-Turkish maritime border.

      Far from Australia’s flashier orange vessels from five years back, these are more modest structures. Importantly, the Greek life rafts have appeared in a very different maritime environment: compared to the oceans surrounding Australia, the Aegean Sea is a relatively placid and narrow body of water. Yet like the Australian vessels, these too have been put in place by State authorities, in an organized way, violating fundamental rules of international law. The two sets of deportation craft share visible similarities and are each used in dangerous ways, shedding light on the legal and moral risks that states are now willing to take, just to keep out unwanted populations.

      Maximum Deterrence

      On Nov. 27, Greek Member of Parliament Kyriakos Velopoulos, leader of the right-wing Greek Solution party, appeared on a popular TV talk show on ERT, a Greek state-owned public broadcaster. He advanced a policy first adopted by the United States in Guantanamo Bay, where Haitian asylum-seekers were detained long before 9/11, and later expanded upon by Australia: open-air detention of asylum seekers on “uninhabited” islands. For those whose applications are rejected, Velopoulos suggested unilateral pushbacks to Turkey: Greek authorities should simply remove arriving migrants from the country and send them back to where they came from. Holding photos of the oblong orange vessels Australia had used, he explained: “This here … is a raft made by the Australian government … with food, actual food, and it never sinks.” An interviewer gasped: “There’s a humanitarian aspect to it!”

      The relevant background to Velopoulos’s suggestions goes back to 1990, when the Dublin Convention introduced a system whereby asylum seekers must remain in the first European Union member State they access and have their requests processed there. This created an enormous and unjust burden on states at the “external borders” of the EU, such as Greece.

      The latest version of this arrangement, the Dublin III Regulation, was adopted in 2013. In June 2015, the EU further exacerbated the disproportionate role given to Greece in “migration management”: with the announcement of the “hotspot” approach, several Aegean islands became locations for asylum-seeker screening, with departures to the mainland prohibited. By August, the flow of refugees from conflicts in the Middle East and Africa, particularly the Syrian civil war, began to surge, generating a crisis within the EU as Member States argued over how to handle the arrivals.

      The influx of migrants generated a legal challenge to the Dublin rules, but the Court of Justice of the European Union upheld them in a 2017 ruling. In the meantime, in 2016, the EU and Turkey issued a joint statement saying Turkey would prevent unauthorized migrants from leaving its territory, in return for as much as 6 billion euros from the EU. Refugees and migrants thus became a bargaining chip that Ankara continuously used in its diplomatic wrangles with Brussels.

      Earlier this year, as Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan pressed for Western approval of his military operation against Syrian and Russian forces in northern Syria, he intensified his exploitative bargaining. On Feb. 29, he declared that the country would no longer prevent migrants from reaching Europe.

      As thousands of migrants gathered at the Turkish-Greek border, seeking to enter, Greek Prime Minister Kyriakos Mitsotakis warned in a tweet, “Once more, do not attempt to enter Greece illegally – you will be turned back.” On March 1, the Greek government issued an emergency decree suspending asylum applications. According to Human Rights Watch, the Greek National Security Council announced that unauthorized migrants would be immediately returned, without registration, “where possible, to their countries of origin or transit,” such as Turkey. As in other countries in the Mediterranean basin, which also resorted to emergency measures, the ongoing coronavirus pandemic has provided a convenient pretext for cracking down on migrants.

      Adrift on the Aegean

      According to a report from the Turkish Coast Guard, the first of at least 11 alleged pushback incidents involving life rafts occurred on March 23. One of the Turkish Coast Guard’s March 23 reports on “irregular migration” stated that the Guard had rescued 31 Syrian asylum seekers found floating in a life raft off the coast of Muğla’s Datça district in the Aegean Sea. The raft in question can clearly be seen in a press release photograph published by the Coast Guard about the incident.

      The refugees contacted the Consolidated Rescue Group, a grassroots organization run by Arabic-speaking volunteers who operate an emergency hotline for migrants in distress. In a statement obtained by the group and forwarded to us, the asylum seekers rescued on March 23 said they landed on the Greek island of Symi on March 22, at approximately 6 am. At certain points, the island is less than 8 km (or 5 miles) from the Turkish shore. The next day, the Greek authorities forced them onto “a small raft that looked like a tent and was orange in color” and left them to drift.

      “Up until then, we had no idea that this was what they are going to do,” one of those on board, a construction worker (name withheld for security reasons) from the southeastern outskirts of Damascus, told us in a follow-up interview over WhatsApp.

      The Greek Coast Guard had brought them to the main port of Symi and boarded them onto a ship: “They told us they would take us for a Corona test, and then we would be given our belongings back and transferred to Athens,” he said. Instead, after two hours onboard the Greek Coast Guard vessel, the authorities forced them down into a small raft: “They put everyone in … children, women, elderly, and young people. They didn’t leave anyone in the ship,” he said, telling us that they were left to drift “for over three hours,” until they were eventually rescued by the Turkish Coast Guard.

      He provided us with video footage that he recorded of the group’s arrival on the island of Symi, as well as footage recorded from inside the raft, while awaiting rescue (see below).

      The Greek government’s daily public statistics of arrivals contains no record of their arrival on the Greek island or their deportation to Turkey.

      A series of similar incidents were reported by the Turkish Coast Guard in the following days. On March 27, the Coast Guard reported rescuing 10 migrants (eight Palestinian, two Egyptian, consisting of 3 men, 2 women and 5 children) in a “life raft” off the coast of Muğla’s Datça district (the Turkish version is written as “Can Salı”). Again, photographs accompanying the Coast Guard’s official press release show people being rescued from a tent-like raft. According to the Turkish Coast Guard’s statements, the migrants had been “pushed back towards Turkish territorial waters by Greek Coast Guard.”

      The next day, on March 28, nine Syrians (4 men, 2 women and 3 children) rescued were reported found in a “life boat” off the coast of Aydın’s Didim district, again with clear photographs of the distinctive tent-like raft accompanying the Guard’s report.

      We interviewed a Kurdish couple from Hasaka, Syria, who were among the group. According to the couple, on the morning of March 27, “around 7 or 8 a.m.,” they arrived on the Greek island of Farmakonisi. Unlike the larger Aegean islands of Chios, Lesvos, Samos, and Kos, where refugees most commonly arrive, Farmakonisi is an uninhabited island and a military base. There are no camps or reception facilities for asylum seekers.

      The couple told us they were held by the army in terrible conditions. They described being “treated like animals, … [t]he army took our phones, money, clothes, and documents then threw them into the sea. Around 3 a.m., they took us toward the sea border. Then they made us take a boat shaped like a square tent, 2 meters wide. Then we were rescued by the Turkish Coast Guard.”

      Again, on March 29, the Turkish Coast Guard reported rescuing 18 migrants (7 men, 4 women and 7 children) at 11:40 p.m. The Coast Guard issued a press release, complete with clear photos of the migrants being rescued from a life raft.

      This is consistent with statements from migrants claiming to have been among those rescued. We interviewed a Syrian man who provided us with photographs of his arrival on Rhodes on March 27. The man told us he arrived with a group of 18 people: seven Palestinians, six Syrians and five Iranians, including children and a pregnant woman. After arriving on Rhodes, the man and the rest of the group were held by the Greek police on the roadside from 7 a.m. until 3 p.m.

      “The weather was really cold and they did not let us light a fire to warm the women and children who were with us,” he said. The group was then transferred to the port by bus: “They gave us two tents, without anything in them. We were under full surveillance,” he added.

      “They [Greek authorities] were suspicious that we had corona, so we wrote a sign that none of us has corona so that we could reassure them, hoping they would treat us in a humane way,” he said. “But this changed nothing.”

      The group stayed in the makeshift camp for 2 1/2 days, until the night of March 29. He said that was when “a military van with army officers transferred us to the port and handed us over to the Greek Coast Guard.”

      They were on board the Greek Coast Guard boat for about one hour: “Then they switched off the engine of the boat and made us go down, in the middle of the sea, in a rubber boat shaped like a tent.” They were left to drift for what he describes as approximately two hours, when they were intercepted by the Turkish Coast Guard:

      When the Turkish Coast Guard found us and took us to the Turkish land, they registered our information and transferred us to the police station. They split us in half. One half was Syrians and Palestinians and the other half is the other nationalities. For us, we were detained for like 15 days and after that we were released without any rights as refugees, such as having a Kimlik [Temporary Protection Identification Document].

      Without the proper registration, he explains, he is now hiding from the Turkish authorities as he fears being forcibly returned to Syria, where he fled.

      Contravening International Rules

      “Shaped like a tent,” as migrants repeatedly describe them, the life rafts the Greek Coast Guard appears to be employing to expel migrants are, in fact, designed for emergency evacuation in the case of shipwreck. They are manufactured not for transportation, but for rescue in case of a boat or ship sinking, to keep survivors afloat and alive until assistance arrives. They are not equipped with an engine or other propellant, cannot be steered, and provide minimal protection from the elements.

      As Paul Crowley, a former captain for the Royal National Lifeboat Institution in Ireland, explained to us, such life rafts are never to be deployed “for any other reason other than to preserve life if no other option is available. It would contravene any internationally recognized standard to take people from a non-life-threatening location, either land or vessel, and place them in a raft.”

      As far as the law goes, these returns risk violating the international standard of non-refoulement. This principle is at the centerpiece of international refugee protection, and prohibits returns of asylum seekers to any place where they may suffer persecution, torture, or inhuman and degrading treatment. The returns also violate Greece’s obligations under human rights law, including the prohibition of torture and inhuman and degrading treatment, and the right to life (see Articles 3 and 2, respectively, of the European Convention on Human Rights). Inasmuch as these violations constitute a “widespread or systematic attack” directed against a “civilian population,” they may raise concerns under international criminal law. Evidence continues to surface that these days, when it comes to the treatment of migrants, the Greek authorities violate fundamental edicts of international law unabated.

      While the use of rescue equipment for deportations appears to be a new development, pushbacks on the Aegean are not. On March 23, United Nations Special Rapporteur on the human rights of migrants Felipe González Morales stated that he is “very concerned about the reported pushbacks of asylum seekers and migrants” by Greek authorities at both land and maritime borders. He also referenced recent violence committed by Greek authorities against those seeking to aid migrants in the Aegean Sea area. The Germany-based human-rights monitoring organization Mare Liberum (“The Free Sea”) told us that a more common tactic of the Greek Coast Guard is to remove the engines of migrants’ boats and leave them to drift. Likewise, reports of the Turkish Coast Guard resorting to violence have arisen since Turkey’s implementation of the 2016 deal with the EU. Examples reported to the authors by migrants and NGO workers include driving rings around boats and throwing stones to stop boats from leaving Turkish waters.

      Clearly both countries have geostrategic motives for their treatment of migrants related to their fraught relationships with the EU – including aid money and various benefits for their own citizens. Often, it seems like the two countries are playing a violent game of ping-pong across the Aegean with migrant bodies.

      An Iraqi refugee whom we interviewed over WhatsApp — we will refer to as “Hatim” for safety reasons — told us that he has been pushed back to Turkey by Greek authorities on three occasions since July 2019. Hatim and his family fled to Turkey in 2014, when ISIS took over their home city of Mosul. They were selected for resettlement in the United States, and had just finished their first interview when Trump’s January 2017 Executive Order interrupted the program. On the night of April 1, 2020, he and his family made four separate attempts to reach the Greek island of Chios. On the last attempt, their rubber dinghy, carrying approximately 40 people, entered Greek territorial waters and was intercepted by the Greek Coast Guard. The Coast Guard confiscated the fuel from their boat and returned them to Turkish waters, leaving them to drift.

      The systemic nature of such violations by the Greek authorities was recently highlighted by whistleblowers working under Frontex, the European border enforcement agency. In early March, the crew of a Danish patrol boat participating in “Operation Poseidon,” an EU maritime border patrol mission coordinated by Frontex, revealed that the Hellenic Coast Guard has explicit orders to stop migrant boats from crossing the sea border between Turkey to Greece. The Danish unit had refused to obey a pushback order from Operation Poseidon headquarters. Since then, NGOs Alarmphone and Mare Liberum have documented a series of pushbacks by Greek authorities along the Greece-Turkey border, including in the Aegean, that have become increasingly visible and severe.

      Most notably, Greek newspaper EFSYN reported an incident involving 26 migrants whose arrival on Mourtia Beach on the Greek island of Samos April 1 was documented by a resident. The arrival was not reported by the Greek authorities. In fact, government statistics recorded no new arrivals to Samos on that date.

      However, photographs taken by the Samos resident (and reproduced in EFSYN’s reporting) show the deflated dinghy and newly arrived migrants heading away from the shore. One member of the group is distinguished by bright red trousers while another carries a red duffle bag. EFSYN published photographs obtained from the Turkish Coast Guard of the same group who had arrived on Mourtia Beach aboard a Turkish Coast Guard boat after their rescue later that day, noting the marked similarities in the appearance, clothing and baggage of the migrants in the two sets of photographs. On the same day, the Turkish Coast Guard reported rescuing 26 migrants (found with a life raft) on the shore near Kuşadası national park, in a location that cannot be reached by land. According to the Turkish Coast Guard, the migrants said they had landed on Samos, were rounded up by the Greek Coast Guard and left to drift in the raft.

      On May 12, EFSYN published a video of a life raft like the ones pictured above (but without the cover) being dragged by a Greek Coast Guard boat off the southeast coast of Samos. The video was originally published by the Turkish Coast Guard on April 29, at which time it announced rescuing 22 people found drifting off the coast of Aydin province, bordering the Greek island of Samos. According to Bellingcat’s recent investigation into the incident, the group of 22 migrants rescued on April 29 (pictured in the video) had, in fact, arrived on Samos the previous day, on April 28.

      Most recently, a video surfaced on YouTube appearing to show the Turkish Coast Guard rescuing a group of 30 migrants aboard two life rafts. According to Turkish records and reports, including photographs, the Coast Guard rescued 30 migrants in two life rafts on May 13, consisting of 13 Congolese, eight Syrians, five Bangladeshis and three Palestinian nationals, along with a Lebanese national. The rescue occurred off the coast of the district of Menderes in Turkey’s İzmir province.

      On May 15, yet another group of migrants were rescued by the Turkish Coast Guard after being found in these distinctive life rafts. This group of 25 migrants also reported having been repelled by Greek authorities, again with photographic evidence.

      The Tent and the Missile

      Australians eventually replaced their orange lifeboats with fishing boats, although the intention was the same – pushing migrants away from Australian shores. But there was something chillingly memorable about that episode. It embodied the often-hypocritical moral stance of liberal democracies regarding strangers in need: a willingness to engage in extreme measures, even violence, to enforce borders, coupled with an emphasis on efficiency and a pretense of safety.

      While the Australian deportation vessels appear to have been custom-made and reportedly were purchased for $40,000 AUD each (about $25,000 USD), the Greek life raft “tents” are considerably more modest. They are the kind of equipment a yacht owner might purchase online for around $2,000. Under the 1974 Safety of Life as Sea Convention, maritime vessels are required to have such protective gear available. The Hellenic Coast Guard has now repurposed them for the opposite ends – putting people in danger.

      The Greek orange rafts seen in pictures appear to be a model manufactured by a Greek company called LALIZAS, which specialize in rescue equipment. A November 2019 LALIZAS newsletter includes an article entitled “24 hours in a LALIZAS Liferaft: Mission accomplished!” It describes a training in which members of Greece’s Hellenic Rescue Team and Hellenic Air Force carried out a simulated “‘actual’ case of emergency” by relying on a LALIZAS life raft and its food and survival equipment for a full 24 hours (see the story on the LALIZAS website here, and official video of the simulation, here). The life raft in question, code named “MEDUSSA” for the simulation, appears identical to those in many of the images of the tent-like rafts migrants have been rescued from while adrift in the Aegean.

      According to the Greek government’s procurement records available online, it purchased the life rafts for the Greek Navy in 2017. Several government ministries appear to have contracts with this company.

      The Australian life raft most closely resembles a missile. Its very image conveys the omnipotence of a regional superpower. By using such a machine, Australia effectively said to those attempting unauthorized maritime entry, “We will shoot you away.” To be sure, this missile is not fired at the migrants. It’s as if they become part of its ammunition; shot back at Indonesia’s shores, they are expected to crawl out of the shell once the missile crashes on one of the country’s countless atolls.

      Compared to the grandeur of the Australian missile-like object, and its mechanical cruelty, the Greek tent-like raft is a poignant symbol of inhumanity. Set adrift on the Aegean, its disquieting quality emerges from the fact that it becomes a kind of metaphor for the refugee’s condition. Asylum seekers describing it had often used the Arabic word ḵēma (خيمة), which is the tent one would use in a camp (and typically not a home, even if that too is a tent). It echoes the word mūẖym, which means refugee camp. No fuel is rationed to reach a destination, and the expectation appears to be that the life raft will simply drift across the relatively narrow waterway.

      The act of putting migrants to sea in inflatable tents is in line with the broader EU contemporary response to the “refugee crisis” – rejection and abandonment. This is, at least, how asylum seekers protesting at Moria camp, on the Greek island of Lesvos, see it: “We have been abandoned here,” said one asylum seeker on April 22.

      Like the Australian example, the tent too is an instrument of deterrence: “We will shoot you away” is replaced with a threat of an even more perilous exile on water. This aspect, however, does not make the Greek use of the life rafts any better than the Australian display of technological might. Both are utilized to perform what is almost an act of murder, but ultimately not quite there.

      https://www.justsecurity.org/70309/tents-at-sea-how-greek-officials-use-rescue-equipment-for-illegal-depo

      –-> #camps_flottants #camp_flottant

    • A terrifying video of a push-back in the Aegean sea; men, women –two of them pregnant- and children abandoned at sea on a liferaft by the greek coast-guards

      https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=VKsEHZKGsSE&feature=emb_title

      –—

      Le reportage complet du quotidien grec Efimerida tôn Syntaktôn:

      Επαναπροώθηση με ελληνική σφραγίδα

      Ένα ακόμα περιστατικό παράνομης επαναπροώθησης που σημειώθηκε στις 25 Μαΐου στο Αιγαίο, στη θαλάσσια περιοχή ανοιχτά της Λέσβου, έρχεται στη δημοσιότητα για να επιβεβαιώσει την σύνδεση της χρήσης σχεδιών τύπου liferafts, με τις ελληνικές λιμενικές αρχές.

      Όπως είχε αποκαλύψει πρόσφατη έρευνα που δημοσιεύτηκε στον ιστότοπο justsecurity.org από τους δρ. Itamar Mann και Niamh Keady Tabal, και παραθέτει στοιχεία και για παράνομες επαναπροωθήσεις, το Ελληνικό Δημόσιο συνεργάζεται στενά με την ελληνική εταιρεία LALIZAS, σωστικές συσκευές της οποίας προμηθεύτηκε και το Πολεμικό Ναυτικό, σύμφωνα με αρχεία αναρτημένα στη Διαύγεια, το 2017.

      Η έρευνα συζητήθηκε διεθνώς και ανάγκασε τον επικεφαλής της Frontex Φαμπρίς Λεγκέρι να παραδεχτεί τις ελληνικές παράνομες επιχειρήσεις επαναπροώθησης.

      Το βίντεο που δημοσιοποιεί σήμερα η « Εφ.Συν. » εξετάστηκε από την ερευνητική ομάδα Disinfaux, η οποία συμμετείχε στην έρευνα του justsecurity.org. Στο βίντεο διακρίνεται καθαρά πάνω στη σχεδία η επιγραφή LALIZAS ISO-RAFT. Διακρίνεται επίσης ο σειριακός αριθμός και η ημερομηνία κατασκευής της σχεδίας, βάσει της διαθέσιμης ανάλυσης (ISO 96-50-1, LALIZAS ISO-RAFT, Date of Manufacture 10/2016 Serial Number 161012174). Το προϊόν με αυτά τα χαρακτηριστικά διαφημίζεται στην ιστοσελίδα της εταιρείας.

      Σε άλλο απόσπασμα του βίντεο φαίνονται σε κοντινή απόσταση οι άλλες 3 παρόμοιες πλωτές σχεδίες, γεγονός που συνάδει με τα διαθέσιμα στοιχεία για το περιστατικό της 25ης Μαΐου, όπως είχε δημοσιευτεί το ίδιο πρωί, από τη Τουρκική Ακτοφυλακή.

      Ελληνικές σχεδίες

      Ανήκε η συγκεκριμένη σχεδία στον επίσημο εξοπλισμό του Πολεμικού Ναυτικού ή άλλων ελληνικών δυνάμεων ; Πώς βρέθηκε καταμεσής του Αιγαίου ως μέσο επαναπροώθησης προς την Τουρκία προσφύγων που είχαν βρεθεί σε κίνδυνο ; Τι αναφέρουν τα πρωτόκολλα διάσωσης για όσους βρίσκονται σε κίνδυνο στη θάλασσα ;

      Τα βίντεο τραβήχτηκαν από πρόσφυγα πάνω στη σχεδία την ώρα της επαναπροώθησης. Σε ανάρτησή του στα μέσα κοινωνικής δικτύωσης περιγράφει τις δραματικές στιγμές που έζησε αυτός και άλλοι περίπου 70 πρόσφυγες στις 25 Μαΐου, από τη στιγμή που έπεσαν στα χέρια του Λιμενικού μέχρι που τους εγκατέλειψε, και βρέθηκαν να πλέουν αβοήθητοι πάνω σε τέσσερις σχεδίες στη μέση του Αιγαίου. Παρέμειναν εκεί, ανάμεσά τους πέντε παιδιά και δύο έγκυες. Ένας τους είχε καταφέρει να κρύψει το κινητό του τηλέφωνο και κατάφεραν να καλέσουν το τουρκικό Λιμενικό, το οποίο τους εντόπισε.

      Η « Εφ.Συν. » επικοινώνησε με τον πρόσφυγα που ανάρτησε το βίντεο. Όπως αναφέρει, σκάφος της ελληνικής ακτοφυλακής έκανε μανούβρες γύρω από τη βάρκα στην οποία αρχικά επέβαιναν οι πρόσφυγες. « Όλοι οι φίλοι μου έκλαιγαν, ούρλιαζαν, ζητούσαν βοήθεια από το λιμενικό. Άντρες που φορούσαν στρατιωτικές στολές, και είχαν όπλα, πήραν τη μηχανή της βάρκας και μας είπαν : "Είμαστε εδώ για να σας βοηθήσουμε, θέλουμε να σας μεταφέρουμε στο καμπ της Μόριας" », λέει χαρακτηριστικά.

      Τους επιβίβασαν στο σκάφος του λιμενικού και αφού έλεγξαν τη θερμοκρασία τους με θερμόμετρα, τους χτύπησαν και τους αφαίρεσαν τα προσωπικά τους αντικείμενα. « Μας πήραν τα πάντα : χρήματα, τσάντες, τηλέφωνα », λέει. Αφαίρεσαν από το σκάφος του λιμενικού την ελληνική σημαία, τους οδήγησαν μεσοπέλαγα και τους επιβίβασαν σε τέσσερα liferaft. Τους ανάγκασαν να ανέβουν είκοσι άτομα σε κάθε σχεδία, ενώ η -βάσει προδιαγραφών- χωρητικότητά της είναι για 12 άτομα. Η εταιρεία LALIZAS δεν έχει στον κατάλογο της παρόμοιου τύπου liferaft με χωρητικότητα άνω των 12 ατόμων. Επισημαίνει επίσης πως οι τέσσερις τσάντες από τις οποίες έβγαλαν τα πλωτά ήταν χρώματος πορτοκαλί, όπως διαφημίζεται και το προϊόν στο site της LALIZAS.

      « Δεν έδωσαν σωσίβια στους ανθρώπους που δεν είχαν, και όταν εγώ ζήτησα από έναν λιμενικό να μου δώσει το τηλέφωνό μου για να επικοινωνήσω τουλάχιστον με την τουρκική ακτοφυλακή μου απάντησε "έλα και πάρ’ το", δείχνοντάς μου τα γεννητικά του όργανα », αναφέρει ο πρόσφυγας, ο οποίος θέλει να κρατήσει την ανωνυμία του.

      Τους περικύκλωσαν για 15 περίπου λεπτά και μετά τους εγκατέλειψαν. Ένας από τους επιβαίνοντες κατάφερε να κρύψει το κινητό του τηλέφωνο και έτσι κατάφεραν να καλέσουν την τουρκική ακτοφυλακή η οποία τους μετέφερε σώους στην Φότσα της Σμύρνης.

      « Δημοσιοποιώ αυτό το βίντεο για να δείξω στην Ευρωπαϊκή Ένωση, την Ύπατη Αρμοστεία και το Ευρωκοινοβούλιο, τα αποτελέσματα των αποφάσεων τους για το προσφυγικό », καταλήγει στην ανάρτησή του. Την ίδια στιγμή, ο Διεθνής Οργανισμός Μετανάστευσης (ΔΟΜ), η Ύπατη Αρμοστεία, και αρκετοί φορείς ζητούν απαντήσεις και τη διεξαγωγή έρευνας για τις καταγγελλόμενες επαναπροωθήσεις και μαζικές απελάσεις προσφύγων και μεταναστών στην Τουρκία.

      https://www.efsyn.gr/ellada/dikaiomata/247726_epanaproothisi-me-elliniki-sfragida

      #Norvège

    • Greece Suspected of Abandoning Refugees at Sea

      An investigation by DER SPIEGEL and partners has revealed that the Greek Coast Guard intercepts refugee boats, puts the migrants in life rafts, tows them toward Turkey and then abandons them to their fate. What do German troops in the area know about the practice?

      Europe is just a few kilometers away, recalls Amjad Naim, when the men in masks show up. It’s the morning of May 13 and the Palestinian is sitting in an inflatable boat, having paid migrant smugglers in Turkey for the trip. Naim can already see the Greek coast, and with every second, he is getting closer and closer.

      Naim wasn’t alone in the boat. They were a group of at least 26 people and they had almost reached the island of Samos. Naim remembers hearing a helicopter, and then all hell broke loose. For the next several hours, those on board would be afraid for their lives.

      The men in the masks approached in a large vessel, says Naim, adding that he remembers seeing the Greek flag and several dinghies. And then, he says, the masked men went on the attack.

      They fired shots into the water, he says, snagged the migrants’ inflatable raft with a grappling hook and destroyed the motor, thus stopping the boat. The men then took the migrants on board their vessel, Naim says, adding that he started crying and hid his mobile phone in his underwear.

      There are videos that prove that Naim really was on his way to Samos. The images show a young man with closely cropped hair and a smooth-shaven face. The motor of the small inflatable boat hums in the background as Naim smiles into the camera. He is originally from the Gaza Strip in the Palestinian Territories, where he studied law and got married. His wife is waiting for him in the Netherlands. Naim blows a kiss into the camera.

      The next images of Naim are shaky — a 55-second clip made by Naim that clearly documents a crime. The footage shows him and the other refugees on two inflatable life rafts. The Greek Coast Guard had put them off of the ship and onto the rafts. The square-shaped platforms are little more than wobbly rubber rafts.

      In the video, a Greek Coast Guard ship, 18 meters (59 feet) long, is dragging the rafts back toward Turkey. An additional ship stands by. Water can be seen pouring into Naim’s raft.

      Then, as can be seen in the video, the Greek Coast Guard unties the tow rope, leaving the refugees to their fate in the middle of the sea. Sitting in a rubber raft that has no ability to maneuver on its own.

      It is possible that Naim’s experience could be an isolated incident. It is conceivable that the Greek sailors simply lost their patience or that that particular ship was crewed by an especially nasty group. But that is not the case. Naim is apparently just one victim among many. There is a system behind the tactics he was exposed to. In a joint investigation with Lighthouse Reports and Report Mainz, DER SPIEGEL has forensically analyzed dozens of videos and compared them with geodata in addition to speaking with numerous eyewitnesses.

      https://cdnstatic.secure.spiegel.de/SP/2020/26/OPQWeKYm-32438806.mp4

      The material shows beyond doubt: In the eastern Aegean, European values are being sacrificed in the name of protecting its external borders.

      Masked men, almost certainly Greek border control officials, regularly attack refugee boats in the area. In one case on June 4, the inflatable boat belonging to the masked men can be clearly identified as a Greek patrol boat. It belongs to Greek Coast Guard ship ΛΣ-080.

      After the refugee boats are intercepted, the Greeks, apparently, frequently put the migrants in inflatable life rafts, tow them toward Turkey and then leave them to their fates. In most cases, they are dragged ashore after several hours by the Turkish Coast Guard.

      The actions taken by the Greeks are a clear breach. It has long been known that Greek Coast Guard personnel delay rescue attempts and perform aggressive maneuvers. Now, though, they are actively putting the lives of migrants at risk and they are using life-saving equipment to put people in danger.

      Images of migrants on orange life rafts have been appearing for weeks on Facebook and Instagram. NGOs like Aegean Boat Report, Josoor and Alarm Phone have also spoken with refugees and reported their experiences - and since March 23, activists have documented a number of incidents. The Turkish Coast Guard has also published images of the orange life rafts. But Naim’s video is the first to document beyond doubt a Greek Coast Guard vessel towing life rafts toward Turkey and then abandoning the refugees on the open sea.

      These so-called pushbacks represent both a violation of international law and of the European Union’s Charter of Fundamental Rights. Asylum seekers have a right to have their cases heard on an individual basis and countries are not permitted to bring them back against their will to a place where their safety is not guaranteed.

      Itamar Mann, a lawyer at the University of Haifa and member of the Global Legal Action Network, believes pushbacks could also have criminal consequences. From a legal perspective, such operations, he says, are a kind of torture, with refugees experiencing inhumane treatment and humiliation.

      When contacted, the Greek Coast Guard denied the accusations and claimed that its personnel does not wear masks. They also said they obey all applicable laws. Delays in rescuing the refugees, they said, were due to the Turkish Coast Guard because they only accompany refugee boats if they are traveling in the direction of Greece. The Greek officials, they said, only locate the refugee boats and then inform the Turkish Coast Guard as quickly as possible.

      They claimed that they cooperated with the Turkish Coast Guard in the May 13 incident. In their statement, the Greek Coast Guard did not specifically address the video showing the pushback.
      Caught in the Middle

      Prime Minister Kyriakos Mitsotakis has been in office since last July, and since then, he has taken several steps to ensure that fewer refugees arrive in Greece. He had temporarily suspended the right to asylum and shortened the deadline for appeal in asylum cases. Furthermore, during his tenure, border guards on the Maritsa River between Turkey and Greece have apparently used live ammunition against refugees, likely killing at least one. His government has considered blocking refugee boats with barriers at sea.

      His government refers to the practices as “active surveillance.” In fact, though, they are abandoning refugees on the high seas.

      There is a reason for this new degree of brutality: Since the end of February, Turkish border guards are no longer stopping refugees on their way to Europe. Indeed, President Recep Tayyip Erdogan has even arranged for refugees to be bused to the Greek border, where they were pushed back by Greek border guards. Erdogan’s intention is to ratchet up the pressure on the European Union, with Brussels and Ankara currently trying to hammer out a new refugee deal.

      The cynical game seen on the banks of the Maritsa River is now being repeated in the Aegean. The Turkish and Greek Coast Guards are pushing refugee boats into the territorial waters of the other, with the migrants themselves getting caught in the middle. In such a situation, those wanting to cross the Aegean need quite a bit of luck.

      Omar, a young man from Afghanistan, had lost almost all hope for such luck on the morning of June 4, floating in a boat between the Greek island of Lesbos and the Turkish coast. Omar, whose name has been changed for this story, wasn’t alone: A total of 31 men, women and children were on board.

      Turkish and Greek vessels had repeatedly pushed the migrants back. In one video, a dinghy can be seen that doubtlessly belongs to the Greek Coast Guard. Masked men, says Omar, had pushed their motor into the water, which is why to refugees were hanging off the back of the refugee boat and kicking, doing all they can to propel the boat to European soil. The scene was captured on video.

      Omar is desperate. He makes a final video, posting it to a refugee group on Facebook. In the video, he speaks into the camera for a good six minutes. “Please help us,” he pleads. “We have a right to live.”

      Perhaps it was this video that saved Omar’s life. Activists shared it on Facebook and just a short time later, a Turkish liaison officer on the supply ship Berlin told German soldiers of the vessel in distress. The ship is part of a NATO mission and was located off Lesbos. Using a tender, the Germans took the refugees ashore.

      A subsequent press release from the Bundeswehr, as the German military is called, noted that the refugees’ lives had been in danger, which is why the commander intervened. A small boat unable to maneuver on its own: It must have seemed rather strange to the soldiers. The press release made no mention of an attack on the refugee boat.
      German Officials Pulled Into the Chaos

      The episode shows, though, just how deeply German officials have been pulled into the chaos on the Aegean. It also raises the question as to whether the Germans know of the assaults and of the lifeboats - and whether they tolerate the pushbacks or are perhaps even involved.

      Around 600 border guards are helping the Greeks monitor activity on the Aegean, all part of the Frontex operation Poseidon. And the mission hasn’t always been free of conflict. In March, a Danish Frontex crew refused to carry out an illegal pushback.

      Behind closed doors, Frontex may already have admitted that it is aware of the brutal tactics involving the lifeboats. European Parliamentarian Dietmar Köster, a member of European Parliament from the German Social Democrats (SPD), says that Frontex head Fabrice Leggeri confirmed the incidents in a meeting with him. Though Köster is certain of his understanding of that meeting, Frontex says there was a misunderstanding, adding that Frontex headquarters has received no reports about pushbacks.

      Luise Amtsberg, a Green Party spokesperson on migration policy, doesn’t believe it. The waters around Samos are not endless, she told Report Mainz and DER SPIEGEL. “Pushbacks cannot take place completely without the knowledge of the other units in the area.”

      And there are indications that German officials might know of the pushbacks. In the port of Samos, the German Coast Guard ship Uckermark is anchored. On May 13, on the day that Amjad Naim was on his way to Samos, the Germans identified a refugee boat on their radar, according to information provided by the German Federal Police when contacted.

      In all probability, it was Naim’s boat. There is no evidence that there were any other refugee boats heading for Samos on that day. The Greek Coast Guard also confirmed that a ship and a helicopter belonging to the Germans had spotted a boat that day. They say it was in Turkish waters when first seen.

      The Germans alerted the Greek Coast Guard by radio, and the Greeks then took charge of the situation, according to a written statement. The statement notes that the Germans were “not involved” in any other measures related to the incident and insists that the Germans have no knowledge of the lifeboat episode.

      The German Coast Guard has provided no comment as to why no refugees arrived on Samos that day or what happened to the refugee boat that was spotted. And they apparently aren’t particularly interested, either.

      Even if Frontex was not actively involved in the operation, they bear some of the responsibility, says the lawyer Itamar Mann. Frontex, he believes, must draw a line and even withdraw from the mission if need be.

      After the Germans apparently saw his boat and after the Greeks abandoned him to his fate on the high seas on May 13, Amjad Naim floated around for several hours. The sky was almost cloudless, and the sun was beating down, as can be seen in the videos. The refugees had nothing to eat or drink.

      The lifeboat soon began to spin in circles, Naim says, with some of the passengers becoming nauseous and others fainting. Turkish and Greek ships, he says, simply ignored them. “It was awful,” Naim says.

      It was only after several hours that a Turkish Coast Guard vessel arrived to collect them. Men in white protective equipment helped the refugees off the lifeboat and took their temperatures. Naim then had to remain in quarantine for more than two weeks - in a nasty camp full of filth and mosquitoes, he says.

      Naim is now allowed to move freely in Turkey, but still feels trapped. He says: “I can’t go forward and I can’t go back.”

      https://www.spiegel.de/international/europe/videos-and-eyewitness-accounts-greece-apparently-abandoning-refugees-at-sea-

    • ‘Catastrophe for human rights’ as Greece steps up refugee ‘pushbacks’

      Human rights groups condemn practice as evidence reviewed by the Guardian reveals systemic denial of entry to asylum seekers.

      At about 1am on 24 August, Ahmed (not his real name) climbed into a rubber dinghy with 29 others and left Turkey’s north-western Çanakkale province. After 30 minutes, he said, they reached Greek waters near Lesbos and a panther boat from the Hellenic coastguard approached.

      Eight officers in blue shorts and shirts, some wearing black masks and armed with rifles, forced the group – more than half women and including several minors and six small children – to come aboard at gunpoint. They punctured the dinghy with knives and it sank. “They said they would take us to a camp,” said Ahmed. “The children were happy and started laughing, but I knew they were lying.”

      Through the course of the night, Ahmed, a 17-year-old refugee from Eritrea, alleges that Greek officers detained the group, confiscating possessions and denying them access to toilets and drinking water. By morning, they were dispatched into a liferaft in Turkish waters. It was too small, and videos taken by Ahmed, who hid his phone, show some people were forced to swim. The Turkish coastguard confirmed it intercepted the raft at 1:20pm.

      The event described by Ahmed, who fled conflict in Eritrea after his father died, was one of seven times that he says he has been pushed back by the Hellenic coastguard. The use of these “pushbacks” has surged since March according to an investigation by the Guardian, and experts say it has become an overt policy of Greece’s rightwing New Democracy government, which came to power last year.

      Interviews with five victims of pushbacks, 10 NGOs working across the Aegean Sea including Human Rights Watch, Josoor and the Aegean Boat Report, and a tranche of videos reviewed by the Guardian reveal an organised and systemic practice of denying entry to asylum seekers.

      Next week a coalition of charities including Human Rights Watch and the Border Violence Monitoring Network will publish an open letter condemning the practice of pushbacks and calling for the Greek government and the European Commission to take action against those involved. A draft of the letter seen by the Guardian calls for “disciplinary and criminal sanctions” to be brought against those “found to have engaged in such illegal acts”.

      International law experts say these activities are in breach of international law including the convention relating to the status of refugees and the European convention on human rights. “What you are seeing is the illegal collective expulsion of refugees from Greek territory,” said Satvinder Juss, a professor of human rights and international refugee law at King’s College London. “It’s a catastrophe for human rights.”

      Often pushbacks involve teams of unidentified men in black uniforms who intercept boats of refugees that have arrived in Greek waters and forcibly return them to Turkish waters, either leaving them to drift after engines have been destroyed or in separate liferafts. In some cases, victims have arrived on Greek land before being returned by authorities to the open seas, after actively threatening them with beatings, gunshots and by creating large waves with fast boats. In one case, refugees were left on a tiny island between Greece and Turkey for two days without food before being rescued.

      AlarmPhone, an NGO that operates a telephone line and social media network for refugees in distress, said it observed a substantial increase in reports of pushbacks since the pandemic, recording 55 cases between March and August. The Greek Helsinki Monitor said it submitted a report to the supreme court, naval court and military appeals court of Greece claiming nearly 1,400 people were pushed back between March and July, though the true number is believed to be far higher.

      Minos Mouzourakis, legal officer at Refugee Support Aegean, is currently working on landmark legal cases at the European court of human rights that date back to 2014, when eight Afghan children and three women died after their vessel sank near the island of Farmakonisi during a reported pushback. “This is a regrettable resurgence of those older tactics,” said Mouzourakis.

      In December 2019, Greece said it was predicting up to 100,000 asylum seekers to arrive on its islands from Turkey in 2020. But as of 31 August, there have been 8,860 sea arrivals, according to UNHCR. Stella Nanou, the agency’s Greek representative, acknowledged the “credible accounts” of pushbacks and called on Greece to “guarantee and safeguard the rights of those seeking international protection”.

      Kyriakos Mitsotakis, the Greek prime minister, has taken several official steps to ensure fewer refugees arrive, temporarily suspending the right to asylum, shortening the deadline for appeal in asylum cases, extending fences along the land border with Turkey and is considering installing floating barriers at sea. But the government has described accusations of illegal pushbacks as “fake news” from unreliable sources.

      “Pushbacks are inherently violent, not only physically but mentally,” said Amelia Cooper, advocacy and communications officer for Lesbos Legal Centre, which is documenting pushbacks and providing legal support to survivors. “Survivors are aware that these expulsions, and the abuses that they entail, are constitutive of both the European border and the EU’s political context with Turkey.”

      When contacted, the ministry of maritime affairs and insular policy said its operations were in accordance with international law and that the agency has been subject to “systematic targeting by a portion of the mainstream media, NGOs and other social networking platforms, which tend to promote the relevant actions in a single dimensional and fragmentary way”.

      But documents seen by the Guardian reveal a German navy supply vessel called the Berlin, which heads Nato’s Standing Maritime Group 2 in the Aegean region, observed a boat with refugees being forced into Turkish sea territory by Greek authorities on 19 June and 15 August. The findings came in response to parliamentary questions by Left party MP Andrej Hunko.

      After being detained in Turkey, Ahmed was released and has since slept in a park in the city of İzmir. “I don’t care if I die,” he said. “I don’t have a choice to go back. But I am losing hope.”

      https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2020/sep/27/catastrophe-for-human-rights-as-greece-steps-up-refugee-pushbacks

    • Migrants accuse Greece of pushing them back out to sea

      Shortly after reaching the Greek island of Lesbos, a group of Afghan migrants say, their hopes for a new life in Europe were cut short when Greek authorities rounded them up, mistreated them, shoved them into life rafts and abandoned them at sea.

      Associated Press journalists on a Turkish government-organized coast guard ride-along were aboard the patrol boat that picked up the 37 migrants, including 18 children, from two orange life rafts in the Aegean Sea on Sept. 12. Two other media organizations on similar government-organized trips in the same week witnessed similar scenes.

      “They took our phones and said a bus will come and take you to the camp,” Omid Hussain Nabizada said in Turkish. “But they took us and put us on a ship. They left us on the water in a very bad way on these boats.”

      Turkey, which hosts about 4 million refugees, accuses Greece of large-scale pushbacks — summary deportations without access to asylum procedures, in violation of international law. It also accuses the European Union of turning a blind eye to what it says is a blatant abuse of human rights.

      The Turkish coast guard says it rescued over 300 migrants “pushed back by Greek elements to Turkish waters” this month alone. Citing what they say are credible reports, international rights groups have called repeatedly for investigations.

      Greece, which lies on the EU’s southeastern border and has borne the brunt of migration flows from Turkey, denies the allegations and in turn accuses Ankara of weaponizing migrants.

      In March, Turkey made good on threats to send migrants to Europe, declaring its borders with the EU open. In what appeared to be a government-organized campaign, thousands headed to the Greek border, leading to scenes of chaos and violence. Turkey’s border with EU member Bulgaria was largely unaffected. Greece shut its frontier and controversially suspended asylum applications for a month.

      Greece’s coast guard says Turkey’s coast guard frequently escorts migrant smuggling boats toward Greece, and has provided videos to back its claims. It says under a 2016 EU-Turkey deal to stem migration flows, Turkey has an obligation to stop people clandestinely entering Greece.

      Greek coast guard spokesman Lt. Cmdr. Nikolaos Kokkalas said its patrols regularly detect boats and dinghies carrying migrants trying to enter Greece illegally, and “among them many times there are also inflatable rafts such as those described” by the AP.

      The life rafts are standard safety equipment on recreational boats, designed to keep passengers safe if they must abandon ship. They generally have no means of propulsion or steering.

      “It must be underlined that in most of the cases, the presence of the Turkish coast guard has been observed-ascertained near the dinghies incoming from the Turkish coast, but without it intervening, while in some cases the dinghies are clearly being accompanied by (Turkish coast guard) vessels,” Kokkalas said in a written response to an AP query.

      Uneasy neighbors Greece and Turkey have been at loggerheads for decades over several territorial issues, and asylum-seekers have found themselves caught up in the geopolitical conflict.

      Tension between the two countries rose dramatically this summer over eastern Mediterranean maritime boundaries, leading to fears of war.

      Both sides deployed warships as Turkish survey ships prospected for gas in waters where Greece and Cyprus claim exclusive economic rights. EU leaders are to discuss imposing sanctions on Turkey for its actions, in an Oct. 1-2 summit. Turkey has repeated its threat to send migrants into the EU if sanctions are imposed.

      The persistent allegations of pushbacks of migrants are the latest manifestations of these tensions.

      Human Rights Watch has accused Greece of summarily returning migrants across land and sea borders with Turkey, citing interviews with asylum-seekers.

      Other rights groups and refugee organizations, including the U.N. refugee agency, have repeatedly called on Greece to investigate what they say are credible reports and testimony of such expulsions occurring.

      “UNHCR is particularly concerned about the increasing reports, since March 2020, of alleged informal returns by sea of persons who, according to their own attestations or those of third persons, have disembarked on Greek shores and have thereafter been towed back to sea,” the agency said in August.

      UNHCR Assistant High Commissioner for Protection Gillian Triggs, reiterating the call for an investigation, said that “with our own eyes on Lesbos, it was quite clear no boats were coming through” recently.

      Earlier this month, Greece’s Shipping Minister Giannis Plakiotakis said Greek authorities prevented more than 10,000 people from entering Greece by sea this year. He would not elaborate on how.

      Former Migration Minister Ioannis Mouzalas pressed for details from the current minister, Notis Mitarachi, in parliament Sept. 21, saying this appeared to violate Greek and international law. He asked directly whether the government carries out pushbacks.

      The four Afghans on the life rafts seen by AP said they reached Lesbos from Turkey’s western Canakkale province on the night of Sept. 11-12, and were caught by Greek law enforcement during daylight.

      One of them, Nabizada, said police hit him while forcing him into the raft.

      “They didn’t say, ‘there are children, there are families, there are women.’ … People don’t do this to animals. The Greek police did it to us,” said the 22-year-old. He said he left Kabul in 2017 and crossed to Turkey via Iran, aiming for Europe.

      Zohra Alizada, 14, said police took their phones and money, put them in the rafts and left. She was traveling with her parents and two siblings after living in Kars, in eastern Turkey, for over four years. She said the migrants called the Turkish coast guard for help.

      Her father, Mohammad Reza Alizada, said Greek authorities inflated the rafts “and they threw us like animals inside.”

      The AP was not able to independently verify their accounts.

      The Turkish coast guard, clad in protective equipment against COVID-19, took them aboard after checking them for fever. Another Turkish coast guard vessel was already in the area when the patrol boat carrying the AP crew arrived.

      Turkish Foreign Minister Mevlut Cavusoglu raised the allegations against Greece in an August news conference with his German counterpart.

      He said Turkey has shown through government and media reports that Greece is pushing back refugees at sea, adding that “there have been numerous articles published.”

      “How do sinking boats in the middle of the Aegean Sea or sending them to Turkey by pushbacks fit international rights and universal values?” Cavusoglu said.

      Greece denies sinking smuggling boats. Kokkalas noted the Greek coast guard had rescued 3,150 migrants in about 100 incidents this year.

      An independent Norway-based watchdog says it has documented at least 50 cases since March of migrants being put into life rafts and left adrift.

      “They are not going into these life rafts willingly. They are forced,” said Tommy Olsen of the Aegean Boat Report, which monitors arrivals and rights abuses in the Aegean.

      He said his group had no information about the rafts the AP saw, but that it was consistent with similar reports.

      “Usually you save people from life rafts,” Olsen said. “You don’t put them on life rafts and leave them.”

      https://apnews.com/article/virus-outbreak-turkey-aegean-sea-greece-europe-61c54ec57c121026f4891d567f31b

    • Les vrais crimes, ce sont les refoulements et les violations des droits humains par le gouvernement grec

      Lundi, la police grecque a publié un communiqué de presse concernant l’enquête criminelle menée à l’encontre de 33 personnes appartenant à quatre ONG différentes et deux “ressortissants de pays tiers”. A la suite de cette enquête, une procédure pénale a été engagée pour délit de constitution et participation à une organisation criminelle, espionnage, violation des secrets d’Etat et facilitation de l’entrée sur le
      territoire (1). Bien que le communiqué de presse ne nomme pas les ONG ou les individus, plusieurs médias ont déclaré qu’Alarm Phone faisait partie des groupes visés (2). Pour l’instant, nous nous abstenons de commenter publiquement l’enquête en cours. Nous voulons plutôt mettre en évidence les véritables crimes qui ont lieu en ce moment-même !

      Les refoulements, les violences graves comme les coups, les vols et les coups de feu, la non-assistance, le fait de forcer les réfugié.e.s à monter dans des radeaux de sauvetage et de les laisser dériver en pleine mer. Ces crimes sont perpétrés par des corps qui appartiennent de manière manifeste à l’État grec. Nous ne sommes pas les seul.e.s témoins de cette évolution alarmante. Plusieurs acteurs ont publiquement fait état de ces actions illégales menées par les garde-côtes grecs en mer et les gardes-frontières sur terre : le HCR, le Conseil grec pour les réfugiés, Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch et d’autres organisations de défense des droits humains, des ONG et des médias. (3)

      Il en va de même pour la situation à Moria, qui est également mentionnée comme étant l’un des secrets d’État dans le communiqué de presse de la police grecque. Ce n’est pas un secret mais un fait public que, avec les fonds et le soutien européens, Moria est devenu le symbole de la politique migratoire de l’UE dont le but est la dissuasion, foulant aux pieds la dignité et les droits humains.

      Les violations des droits humains ont atteint un niveau inédit en mer Égée depuis le début du mois de mars. Cette escalade en termes de violations s’est accompagnée d’actes de répression contre les ONG et
      toutes sortes de structures de solidarité pour les réfugié.e.s et les migrant.e.s. Il est évident que l’État grec veut éliminer les témoins des crimes contre l’humanité qu’il commet quotidiennement. Il est évident qu’il est gêné par notre activité : rien que cette année, Alarm Phone a été témoin et a documenté de nombreux cas de refoulements et de graves violations des droits humains. (4)

      Il faut noter que depuis la création d’Alarm Phone il y a six ans, notre relation avec les garde-côtes helléniques n’a jamais été aussi compliquée qu’elle ne l’est aujourd’hui. Depuis octobre 2014, nous avons
      transmis environ 1 975 cas de personnes en détresse aux garde-côtes grecs et à d’autres autorités grecques. À plusieurs reprises, nous avions constaté que les garde-côtes faisaient de leur mieux pour porter secours le plus rapidement possible. Nous avions établi une communication rapide et efficace qui avait conduit à des opérations de sauvetage, ce qui était crucial à une époque où nous recevions jusqu’à
      23 appels par jour de bateaux en détresse dans la mer Égée, et ce qui est toujours aussi crucial aujourd’hui.

      Au tout début de notre projet, nous nous étions ouvertement adressé.e.s à tous les garde-côtes, leur expliquant le rôle et l’objectif d’Alarm Phone. Dans cette lettre d’octobre 2014, nous avions déclaré “Nous espérons que grâce à notre travail, nous pourrons vous soutenir dans votre tâche quotidienne qui consiste à sauver la vie des migrant.e.s. Dans le même temps, nous dénoncerons vigoureusement tout échec à mener à bien cette mission. Nous espérons que vos institutions accepteront à la fois notre contribution et la responsabilité que nous exigeons, qui est demandée à toutes les institutions publiques”. C’est ce que nous avons fait et continuerons à faire avec détermination.

      L’augmentation des violations des humains et des refoulements n’est pas un phénomène isolé, concernant uniquement la route entre la Grèce et la Turquie. A Alarm Phone, nous constatons également une tendance à la multiplication des refoulements illégaux de Malte et de l’Italie vers la Libye et la Tunisie en Méditerranée centrale, ainsi que de l’Espagne vers le Maroc en Méditerranée occidentale.

      Nous appelons celles et ceux qui sont solidaires avec les personnes en migration à sensibiliser et à protester contre les crimes contre l’humanité qui sont perpétrés quotidiennement en mer Égée. Chaque
      réfugié.e qui est repoussé.e, chaque personne qui est laissée dans un bateau en mauvais état, chaque enfant qui n’est pas secouru dans une situation de détresse est une raison suffisante pour se lever et élever la voix. Nous ne nous laisserons pas réduire au silence !

      (1)http://www.astynomia.gr/index.php?option=ozo_content&lang=%27..%27&perform=view&id=97610&Itemid=25

      (2) par exemple
      https://vimapress.gr/telos-sti-drasi-evropaikon-mko-pou-diefkolynan-tin-diakinisi-metanaston-ap

      (3) Rapport sur les refoulements :
      UNHCR :
      https://www.unhcr.org/news/briefing/2020/6/5ee33a6f4/unhcr-calls-greece-investigate-pushbacks-sea-land-borders-turkey.html

      Greek Council of Refugees :
      https://www.gcr.gr/en/news/press-releases-announcements/item/1028-the-new-normality-continuous-push-backs-of-third-country-nationals-on-the-e

      Amnesty International :
      https://www.amnesty.org/en/documents/eur01/2077/2020/en

      Human Rights Watch :
      https://www.hrw.org/news/2020/08/21/greece-still-denying-migrant-pushbacks

      New York Times :
      https://www.nytimes.com/2020/08/14/world/europe/greece-migrants-abandoning-sea.html

      The Guardian :
      https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2020/sep/27/catastrophe-for-human-rights-as-greece-steps-up-refugee-pushbacks

      CNN :
      https://edition.cnn.com/2020/09/17/europe/greece-migrants-turkey-intl/index.html

      (4) Alarm Phone sur les refoulements en mer Egée en 2020 :
      https://alarmphone.org/en/2020/03/04/escalating-violence-in-the-aegean-sea/?post_type_release_type=post

      https://alarmphone.org/en/2020/05/14/push-backs-the-new-old-routine-in-the-aegean-sea/?post_type_release_type=post

      https://alarmphone.org/fr/2020/10/01/les-vrais-crimes-ce-sont-les-refoulements-et-les-violations-des-droits-h

    • Migrants : Athènes lance une guerre en eaux troubles contre les ONG

      Après une enquête policière grecque menée avec de faux exilés infiltrés, des humanitaires opérant à Lesbos sont menacés de graves poursuites pénales. A l’aide d’accusations les assimilant à des passeurs, les autorités tentent de contrer la dénonciation des refoulements secrets de réfugiés vers les côtes turques.

      « Ne vous méprenez pas, ils veulent juste nous faire peur, pour nous forcer à nous taire », martèle Aegean Boat Report dans un long post publié en tête de sa page Facebook. Spécialisée dans les sauvetages en mer, l’ONG norvégienne n’a pas tardé à réagir aux accusations formulées la semaine dernière par la police grecque et confirmées ce week-end. Au moins 33 humanitaires (parmi lesquels figurerait une Française), tous membres de quatre ONG internationales opérant sur l’île de Lesbos, seraient menacés de poursuites pénales après une enquête menée pendant trois mois, non seulement par la police, mais aussi par les services de renseignement et le contre-terrorisme grec.Les noms des organisations et des humanitaires concernés n’ont pas été divulgués pour l’instant. Mais de nombreux indices, notamment une perquisition réalisée début septembre sur un bateau amarré à Lesbos, indiquent que les quatre ONG concernées ont toutes en commun de se consacrer au sauvetage en mer des migrants ou réfugiés qui tentent la traversée depuis les côtes turques.
      Mère d’Hercule

      Ce n’est pas la première fois que le gouvernement grec s’attaque à ceux qui tentent de secourir les naufragés, en les assimilant à des passeurs. Mais cette fois-ci les accusations sont particulièrement graves : les humanitaires ciblés sont non seulement accusés de « violation du code de l’immigration », mais également de « constitution d’organisation criminelle », d’« espionnage » et de « violation de secrets d’Etat ».

      Bien plus, ils auraient été piégés, selon les révélations du ministre grec des Migrations, Notis Mitarakis, dimanche, sur la chaîne de télévision Skai. Les charges contre eux auraient ainsi été recueillies lors d’une opération secrète baptisée « Alcmène » (du nom de la mère du héros antique Hercule), qui aurait notamment permis aux services grecs d’envoyer deux faux migrants à Izmir en Turquie puis sur une plage d’où ils auraient contacté par la suite les lanceurs d’alerte des ONG vouées au sauvetage des embarcations en détresse.

      En l’absence d’autres éléments concrets, l’ampleur de l’opération qui a monopolisé tant de services, passant même par une infiltration en Turquie alors que les relations entre les deux pays sont actuellement très tendues, révèle surtout combien les autorités grecques sont déterminées à faire la guerre aux humanitaires déployés sur les îles.

      A la télévision, le ministre grec l’a d’ailleurs confirmé, accusant le gouvernement précédent d’avoir laissé « les lieux d’accueil des réfugiés sous le contrôle des ONG », alors que la droite conservatrice revenue au pouvoir en juillet 2019, s’est, elle, aussitôt employée à « surveiller le rôle des ONG dans les flux d’immigration clandestine ».

      Depuis son élection, le gouvernement du Premier ministre, Kyriakos Mitsotakis, n’a eu de cesse de stigmatiser les ONG régulièrement accusées de profiter de la situation explosive créée sur les îles grecques où les flux de réfugiés venus des côtes turques n’ont jamais réellement cessé, malgré le deal conclu entre l’Europe et la Turquie en mars 2016. Seule différence notable : les candidats à l’asile sont désormais contraints d’attendre sur place l’examen de leurs dossiers, créant un goulot d’étranglement dans des camps insalubres et surpeuplés. Sans les ONG qui remédient aux carences de l’Etat grec et à l’indifférence de l’Europe, la situation serait bien pire. Mais elles sont une cible facile sur laquelle se défoulent mécontents et aigris, alimentés par un discours populiste. Il fait mouche auprès des populations locales des îles de plus en plus exaspérées par ces abcès de misère qui sont venus se greffer durablement dans leur voisinage.
      Acteurs dubitatifs

      A Lesbos, depuis un an, les humanitaires ont ainsi vu régulièrement leurs voitures vandalisées, des inscriptions hostiles peintes en rouge sur les murs des maisons où ils résident. Les révélations sur « l’opération Alcmène » n’ont fait qu’attiser ce climat d’hostilité notamment sur les réseaux sociaux. Mais à Lesbos, les humanitaires ont également entendu un autre message : la police n’a-t-elle pas affirmé avoir, dans le cadre de son enquête, piraté des conversations sur les applis régulièrement utilisées par les ONG ?

      Il n’en fallait pas plus pour déclencher une certaine méfiance, le sentiment d’être surveillé en permanence. Sous couvert d’anonymat, nombreux sont pourtant les acteurs locaux qui restent dubitatifs face aux accusations de l’enquête policière. « On ne peut jamais exclure qu’un humanitaire ait fait une bêtise, en marge de la légalité mais toutes ces révélations ne tombent pas par hasard », estime ainsi l’un d’eux, pointant la coïncidence entre la divulgation de ces accusations et celles qui se multiplient contre le gouvernement lui-même. Et dont les humanitaires impliqués dans le sauvetage en mer seraient devenus les témoins gênants.

      Depuis plusieurs mois, Athènes se contente en effet de qualifier de « fake news » l’inquiétante multiplication des refoulements (« push back ») observés notamment par les ONG qui scrutent les eaux séparant la Grèce et la Turquie et dénoncent régulièrement ces refoulements forcés, et secrets, vers les côtes turques. Des pratiques totalement illégales puisqu’elles concernent des candidats à l’asile repérés alors qu’ils se trouvent déjà dans les eaux grecques, voire après avoir accosté sur les îles.
      Bateau perquisitionné

      « Depuis mars, 7 300 réfugiés ont été victimes de push back orchestrés par les autorités grecques en mer Egée », tweetait jeudi le compte du navire Mare Liberum. Dédié aux sauvetages en mer et affrété par l’ONG allemande Sea-Watch, le Mare Liberum est justement ce bateau perquisitionné le 5 septembre par la police grecque. Laquelle affirme y avoir notamment trouvé des cartes avec des indications topographiques précises et des data concernant le profil et l’origine des candidats à l’exil. A priori, rien de très choquant s’agissant d’une ONG qui se donne pour mission de secourir des naufragés. Mais ces « preuves » seraient venues conforter les accusations selon lesquelles les humanitaires concernés auraient « au moins depuis début juin » contribué à faire passer « près de 3 000 personnes » en Grèce avec la complicité de « réseaux d’immigration clandestine ».

      Pourtant, la plupart des ONG impliquées estiment n’avoir rien à se reprocher et refusent de se laisser intimider. « Nous ne resterons pas silencieux », souligne ainsi Alarm Phone dans un communiqué publié jeudi sur son site. L’ONG, qui serait elle aussi visée par l’enquête policière, rappelle également que depuis six ans, son central d’appels a toujours cherché à collaborer avec les gardes-côtes en leur indiquant la position des embarcations à la dérive. Mais ces derniers mois, cette collaboration est devenue « plus compliquée », constate également Alarm Phone qui s’inquiète de la « recrudescence des violations des droits de l’homme en mer Egée ». Face à ces dérives, l’Europe a pour l’instant réagi plutôt mollement. « La présidente de la Commission européenne, Ursula von der Leyen, affirme qu’elle n’a pas les moyens d’enquêter. Pourtant, l’équipage d’un navire allemand qui fait partie des forces de l’Otan a admis avoir assisté à trois push back en mer Egée », observe-t-on au Legal Center de Lesbos, une association qui apporte un appui juridique aux réfugiés, et a également publié en juillet un rapport sur ces refoulements forcés.

      Dans l’immédiat, le silence de Bruxelles semble encourager Athènes à renforcer sur tous les fronts son offensive contre les humanitaires. La semaine dernière, les autorités locales annonçaient ainsi la fermeture du centre d’accueil de Pikpa, l’un des rares lieux décents pour les réfugiés à Lesbos, géré depuis 2012 par des bénévoles.
      Ancien camp militaire

      Sur les réseaux sociaux, un mouvement de solidarité s’est aussitôt créé autour du hashtag #SavePikpa. Mais si les autorités persistent, que deviendront la centaine de réfugiés accueillis à Pikpa, souvent des familles considérées comme vulnérables ? Iront-elles rejoindre les sinistrés du camp de Moria, entièrement réduit en cendres dans la nuit du 8 au 9 septembre, et qui tentent désormais de survivre dans un ancien camp militaire, où quelques milliers de tentes ont été installées à la va-vite ? « Trois semaines après l’ouverture de ce nouveau site, il n’y a toujours pas de douche », s’insurge un humanitaire, conscient qu’il faudra de plus en plus d’énergie pour résister à l’hostilité des autorités.

      Les tentatives de blocage ne se limitent pas hélas à la Grèce. En mars, le navire Mare Liberum s’était vu privé de son pavillon de navigation par le ministère allemand de la Marine. Une façon un peu radicale de limiter ses opérations de sauvetage. Mais vendredi, l’équipage exultait sur Twitter : la justice allemande venait de lui donner raison contre le ministère, considérant que le retrait du pavillon « était contraire à la réglementation européenne ». Une première victoire, en attendant d’autres batailles.

      https://www.liberation.fr/planete/2020/10/07/migrants-athenes-lance-une-guerre-en-eaux-troubles-contre-les-ong_1801701

    • HUMAN RIGHTS GROUPS DEMAND THAT GREECE INVESTIGATE PUSHBACKS AND VIOLENCE AT ITS BORDERS

      Members of Greece’s parliament should urgently establish an inquiry into all allegations of unlawful returns of migrants to Turkey by law enforcement officers and others, 29 human rights and humanitarian aid organizations said in an open letter released today. These returns are carried out mainly through pushbacks and collective expulsions and are often accompanied by violence.

      Parliament should exercise its oversight authority to investigate the allegations of these illegal acts by state agents and proxies on Greece’s sea and land borders with Turkey. The parliament’s inquiry should examine whether any illegal acts identified are part of a de facto government policy at odds with international, European, and Greek law.

      Over the years, nongovernmental groups and media outlets have consistently reported the unlawful return, including through pushbacks, of groups and individuals from Greece to Turkey by Greek law enforcement officers or unidentified masked men, who appear to be working in tandem with border enforcement officials.

      Reports from 2020 recorded multiple incidents in which Greek Coast Guard personnel, sometimes accompanied by armed masked men in dark clothing, unlawfully abandoned migrants – including those who had reached Greek territory. They abandoned the migrants at sea, on inflatable vessels without motors; towed migrant boats to Turkish waters; or intercepted, attacked, and disabled boats carrying migrants.

      Nongovernmental organizations and the media have also reported persistent allegations that Greek border guards have engaged in collective expulsions and pushbacks of asylum seekers through the Evros land border with Turkey.

      On June 10, the International Organization for Migration (IOM) said it was “closely monitoring” the situation at the Greek border and reported receiving “persistent reports” of migrants being arbitrarily arrested in Greece and pushed back to Turkey. The IOM said that Greece should investigate.

      On August 21, the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) said it was “deeply concerned by an increasing number of credible reports indicating that men, women, and children may have been informally returned to Turkey immediately after reaching Greek soil or territorial waters in recent months,” and urged Greece to refrain from such practices and to seriously investigate these reports. The agency had released a statement making similar calls on June 12.

      On July 6, during a debate at the European Parliament’s Committee on Civil Liberties, Justice and Home Affairs (LIBE) on fundamental rights at the Greek border, the European Commissioner for Home Affairs, Ylva Johansson, said those incidents should be investigated. In its new Pact on Migration and Asylum, presented on September 23, the European Commission recommended to member states to set up an independent monitoring mechanism, amid increased allegations of abuse at the EU’s external borders. But no such system has been instituted.

      Confronted during a CNN interview with an August 14 New York Times article documenting pushbacks, Prime Minister Kyriakos Mitsotakis said: “It has not happened. We’ve been the victims of a significant misinformation campaign,” suggesting instead that Turkey was responsible.

      Greek lawmakers should conduct a prompt, effective, transparent, and impartial investigation into allegations that Greek Coast Guard, Greek police, and Greek army personnel, sometimes in close coordination with uniformed masked men, have been involved in acts that not only violate the law but put the lives and safety of displaced people at risk.

      Any officer found to have engaged in such illegal acts, as well as their commanding officers and officials who have command responsibility over such forces, should be subject to disciplinary and criminal sanctions, as applicable. The investigation should seek to establish the identity and relationship of the masked men and other unidentified officers to law enforcement and take steps to hold them to account. The investigation should cover events surfaced in 2019 and 2020, the groups said.

      The following quotes may be attributed to members of the groups involved:

      “Despite government denials, over the years many witnesses and victims have told us about pushbacks from land and sea that put migrants’ lives at risk,” said Eva Cossé, Greece researcher at Human Rights Watch. “Parliament should step up now and do all it can to put an end to this life-threatening practice.”

      “The continued failure to address the serious allegations of pushbacks and violence against people on the move at Greece’s borders can no longer be tolerated,” said Adriana Tidona, migration researcher at Amnesty International. “We call on the Greek parliament to exercise its powers in the interest of all those who have been harmed by these actions and to ensure that there is no repetition.”

      “Over the years, we have filed a score of complaints about or related to pushbacks at Greece’s borders, including deaths, that Greek prosecutors seem to ignore,” said Panayote Dimitras, spokesperson for the Greek Helsinki Monitor. “Greece needs to act quickly to set up an independent border monitoring mechanism to investigate violations, as proposed by the European Commission, and end these abuses once and for all.”

      “The right to seek asylum must be upheld at all times,” said Josie Naughton, chief executive officer of Help Refugees. “The Greek parliament should urgently conduct an inquiry to examine the well-documented and illegal practices of pushbacks and mass expulsion, which endanger the lives of men, women, and children seeking asylum in Greece.”

      “We have documented the pushback of more than 1,150 asylum seekers from Greek territory in the past three months alone,” said Natalie Gruber, spokesperson for Josoor. “These are not isolated incidents but systematic violations of national, EU, and international law that the parliament cannot shrug off as fake news anymore.”

      “Greek authorities are systematically expelling migrants, including those who have reached Greek territory, and abandoning them in open water,” said Amelia Cooper from Legal Centre Lesvos. “The Greek parliament should not only open an investigation of these events, but must also decree and enforce – immediately – the cessation of illegal collective expulsions at all Greek borders.”

      “In order to break with the current failures to hold member states like Greece accountable for their pushbacks and rights violations at borders, the European Commission must step up its efforts and quickly put in place an appropriate monitoring mechanism,” said Marta Welander, executive director at Refugee Rights Europe. “Such efforts must also involve civil society, NGOs, and national human rights institutions to ensure that available evidence is taken seriously and leads to timely investigation and redress.”

      “The protection of the borders, of vital importance in itself, can be in compliance with international law and human rights standards,” said Antigone Lyberaki, SolidarityNow’s general manager. “The Greek parliament has both the means and a constitutional obligation to oversee and investigate the alleged infringement of international human rights obligations by the Greek state.”

      “As a child protection organization, Tdh Hellas is particularly worried about the fact that among those reported to have been violently expelled across EU borders are children, including babies,” said Melina Spathari of Terre des hommes Hellas. “The Greek government should stop such acts and try instead to address the chronic gaps in the reception and protection system for families and unaccompanied children.”

      https://legalcentrelesvos.org/2020/10/06/human-rights-groups-demand-that-greece-investigate-pushbacks-and-

    • On reparle des life rats dans cet article du Monde :
      Refoulements en mer Egée : les recensements erronés ou mensongers de #Frontex

      En croisant les données de JORA avec des rapports d’associations ou encore des comptes rendus des gardes-côtes turcs, il apparaît que, dans 22 cas au moins, qui représentent 957 migrants, ceux-ci ont été retrouvés dérivant en mer dans des canots de survie gonflables, sans moteur. D’après des photos que Le Monde et ses partenaires ont pu authentifier, ces canots, de couleur orange, correspondraient à des modèles achetés par le ministère de la marine grec, via un financement de la Commission européenne. Ce qui tendrait à prouver que les migrants ont accédé aux eaux grecques avant d’être refoulés illégalement.

      https://seenthis.net/messages/958454

    • A Family With Several Small Children Left Drifting in a Life Raft Outside Lesvos

      Friday night, November 4, a boat carrying approximately 25 people arrived close to #Kalo_Limani, #Lesvos north west.

      After arriving people fled to the Woodson in several groups in the surrounding area to hide from Greek authorities, fearing that if they were found they would be illegally returned to Turkey.

      Saturday morning at 07.00 Aegean Boat Report was contacted by several groups hiding in the hills around Kalo Limani, they all asked for assistance so that they could be taken to camp and be able to apply for asylum.

      They provided documentation on their presence on the island, pictures, videos and location data left no doubt that the groups was on Lesvos.

      We tried to provide them with the necessary means, so that they themselves could act, this to try to prevent them from being pushed back. The groups explained that they were part of a bigger group, but the total number of people in the boat they arrived with seemed unclear. From pictures and videos provided we were able to identify approximately 25 people.

      Due to the fact that it’s weekend, the newly arrived refugees had problems finding an organization who responded on the phone, even do they were given numbers who usually works, but then mostly only on weekdays.

      After 10 hours one of the groups was able to get response, and late on Saturday night, 7 people was located, 3 woman (2 pragment) 3 men and 1 child was eventually found and taken to the quarantine camp in Megala Thermi, Lesvos north.

      During the time organizations was not responding, several cars without license plates was observed in the area, and later driving from the area, if there were refugees inside these cars is unknown, but after now knowing that over half the group is missing, it’s highly likely.

      Sunday morning, November 6, 3 more people from this group made contact, and was in the afternoon taken to camp in Megala Thermi. A total of 10 people had been found, but as many as 15 more people seemed to be missing from this group.

      On Saturday night, November 5, a life raft was found drifting outside Dikili, Turkey carrying 9 people.

      From pictures and videos that they had sent while still on Lesvos the previous day, there is no doubt, these 9 people was from the group that arrived the previous day in Kalo Limani, Lesvos north west.

      So the question is how did they end up drifting in a Greek manufactured life rafts outside Dikili, Turkey?

      By now everyone knows the answer to this, but still Greek authorities continues to deny any involvement, as if these people suddenly had decided to go back, found a life raft and paddled back to Turkey. Not a very plausible explanation but this is what the Greek authorities wants you to believe.

      Since March 2020, we have registered 1.807 pushback cases in the Aegean Sea, performed by the Hellenic coast guard, involving 48.083 men, women and children: 636 of these cases was performed by using rescue equipment/life rafts, 16,620 people have so far been left drifting in 986 life rafts in the Aegean Sea

      We understand that organizations working on the islands is working under extremely difficult conditions, and that they are doing their best, in a very difficult situation to try to prevent people from being pushed back after they arrive on the island.

      When that is said, we can’t help stressing the fact that to have phones only operational on weekdays within office hours, puts vulnerable people, who usually arrives after dark, also on weekends, in an extremely dangerous situation.

      When people arrive it’s usually only a matter of time before they are located by authorities, so time is of the essence. When these vulnerable people are trying to make contact with organizations on the ground for over 10 hours, without getting any response, anyone understand that there is a huge potential for improvements.

      When these organizations do not want to cooperate with organizations not working locally on these issues, we must urge them to at least give vulnerable people arriving, who are in grave danger of being beaten, robbed and illegally deported, a way on reaching them, and not only on weekdays within working hours.

      We must also add that people on the move are extremely grateful for the assistance these individuals and organizations have provided, and we know that things are more difficult and complicated than it might seem standing on the outside looking in. We try to fend for those who contact us as a last cry for help, when something seems to be not working properly, or at times not at all, it’s our responsibility to point this out. We can’t tell desperate people who contact us that we can’t help them, because we can, and we will.

      https://aegeanboatreport.com/2022/11/16/a-family-with-several-small-children-left-drifting-in-a-life-raft-
      #Lesbos

    • Another Magic Trick, This Time 104 People “Disappeard”

      After hours drifting due to lack of fuel and engine failure, they were finally rescued by a vessel from the Greek coast guard. The Greek coast guard vessel, a Lambro Halmatic 60, started to tow the boat toward Kalamata, over 800 nautical miles away. This is well documented by videos and pictures taken by the refugees while being towed.

      At this point, in any normal situation, one should assume that the people onboard were safe, and that they would be taken to the nearest port of safety in accordance to international laws and the law of the sea, but the situation in Greece these days is nothing but normal. After being towed for more than 20 hours, they closed in on the port in Foinikounta.

      At this point this large vessel carrying 104 people (not 110 as we initially reported), a broken engine and without fuel, magically disappeared.

      According to a statement from the Hellenic coast guard’s press office, people onboard cut the rope and ‘eloped’, ‘probably heading for Italy’. This was, of course, not their initial response when asked about this “rescue operation”. At that point, they said there was no incident in this area, a strange answer when asked about a rescue operation that had been going on for more than 20 hours, involving more than 100 people.

      The following day, when we reported on this case, and it was obvious to everyone that it had in fact had been a rescue operation, their story changed.

      When a journalist from Efsyn contacted them asking questions they cooked up an alternative explanation: the people had run away. This was not the brightest explanation but for some reason – maybe desperation or stupidity – the coast guard seemed to believe it was plausible.

      I don’t know what is worse, that they were stupid enough to put out such ridiculous explanations, or that they thought people were so stupid that they would believe them.

      Let us just say one more time: the boat had no more fuel. Its engine was broken. And the captain – the only one who knew how to drive the boat – had taken off the previous night.

      They had willingly been towed for more than 20 hours, almost 70 nautical miles, but when they were nine km from safety of the port in Foinikounta, they magically fixed the engine, produced fuel from sea water, trained a new captain, and ran for Italy…

      This is what we wrote on Monday 31 October:

      “A boat carrying approximately 104 people, mostly Afghan families, on its way from Turkey to Italy, ended up in disaster in Ionian Sea, inside Greek waters, 80 nautical miles from Kalamata.

      The group contacted the Italian coast guard, after giving them their location the group was told to contact Greek coast guard, since they were in Greek waters.

      Saturday afternoon, 29 October at 18.00, they connected with Greek rescue services, and around midnight a vessel from the Greek coast guard, a Lambro Halmatic 60 N/Γ SAR-516 arrived at their location.

      Shortly after the vessel from the Hellenic coast guard started towing the boat with all passengers onboard, towards Greek mainland, no food or water was provided, even though they asked since they had run out the previous day, and there were many small children onboard.

      The boat was towed for more than 20 hours, people onboard was hungry and thirsty, nothing was provided from the coast guard, no food, no water and no information.

      People onboard was very concerned on where the coast guard was towing them, scared that they would be pushed back to Turkey. No information was provided, but from locations received we reassured them that they were being towed towards mainland Greece.

      At 20.00 the boat was closing in on the port of Foinikounta, and they told us that the rope had been cut, and that three boats were approaching. Through live location we could follow movement towards land, moving up from the port to the main road and moving west at the roundabout, after 550 metres, the movement stopped.

      After this point all connection was lost with the group, from Google Maps we can see a building above the road, what structure this is we do not know. Last location received from the phone was from a small shed down from the road, a place that under no circumstances could house more than 100 people.

      People rescued in this area are usually taken to Kalamata, why this group was not taken there and instead taken to port in Foinikounta, we don’t know.

      We usually get a bit suspicious when all of a sudden connection is lost, and when we try to get information from the Hellenic Coast Guard, they say they have no information. This could of course only be a coincidence, lack of information sharing within HCG, we will try to follow up on this in the coming days.

      Information received from the boat carrying more than 100 people can’t be mistaken. We can clearly see the vessel from HCG towing the boat, new locations received every 30 minutes from the boat shows without any doubt that they were in Greek waters, and they were taken to Foinikounta.

      So far HCG haven’t confirmed any rescue operation in this area, and there is no information in Greek press, even do this rescue operation has been ongoing for over 20 hours.”

      This was all we knew at this point, and yes we were worried. Several things didn’t add up, so what really happened to this large group of people, men, women and children, who had by all accounts been rescued by the Greek coast guard?

      On Tuesday 1 November, the Greek newspaper Efsyn published an article about the disappearance of this boat. In their article they cover many questions related to this case.

      One of the stranger things in this case is the movement of the mobile phone sending out live location on WhatsApp to Aegean Boat Report.

      This phone sent out location data over one hour after last communication with its owner, and the last thing he said was ‘three boats are here, they cut the rope that connected with our boat’. The time was 20.05(EET) and there have been no more messages sent from this phone since then.

      According to the press office of the Hellenic coast guard there was no contact between the coast guard and the people onboard before they allegedly cut the rope and drove off.

      So how can we explain that the location signal, sending out relatively accurate location data, moved towards land? We follow the movement over approximately 30 minutes, while the phone moved 9km towards land, someone had to have taken this phone to the port, but who, if not the owner himself?

      Let’s just pretend, for argument’s sake, that the geolocation signal sent from the phone was corrupted somehow, bad reception or disturbance of some kind sending out wrong location data. it’s then strange that this corrupted location signal would move through the streets of Foinikounta like it was driving a car, not jumping all over the place but only exactly where the streets were, and ending up in an old shed close to the main road.

      We could suggest that someone, not the owner himself, took the phone from the owner, 10km from land, transported the phone to land and hid it in this old shed, but why? Why would anyone do such a thing?

      What really happened is actually quite obvious, especially when we have proof that without a doubt shows that the Hellenic coast guard press office deliberately lied to a member of the Greek press, in an futile attempt to cover up crimes committed by the coast guard, on direct orders from the Greek authorities.

      The Greek coast guard vessel, a Lambro Halmatic 60, N/Γ SAR-516, which had towed the rescued boat carrying 104 people for more than 20 hours, 70 nautical miles, stopped towing 9km from port in Foinikounta, between the islands of Sapientza and Schiza, at 19.49 on Sunday 31 October.

      This location was not an accident. It’s a perfect location, protected by the elements between the islands, hidden from the eyes of the public behind the island of Ag.Marina. From land, people couldn’t see anything, even lights.

      This operation was well planned, they had more than 20 hours to set everything in motion, a large coast guard vessel was sent to the area to execute orders from the authorities: remove everyone by all means possible.

      From information provided by the refugees, we know that three boats approached them after they had stopped 9km from port in Foinikounta, from pictures taken by the refugees onboard, we can see headlights from the boats approaching in the dark.

      At this point masked men entered the boat, people onboard were told they would be transported to port by smaller vessels in groups. The refugees understood what was going to happen, some of the men resisted, and were severely beaten. At this point all hell broke loose. The masked men were screaming and shouting, children were crying out of fear, seeing their parents being beaten by commandos in front of them, threatened at gunpoint. No-one was spared, even elderly women were beaten.

      Everyone was forced to give up all their belongings, also money and phones, before they were forced onto the smaller boats, the only thing they had left in life were the clothes on their backs.

      Their belongings were taken to port by a boat from the local coast guard, and this is why the phones geolocation data showed the phone moving towards port: the phones were not turned off. The phone we received data from continued to send out information until it was turned off, or destroyed, in a small shed on land.

      The group of 104 people, families, men, women and children, was forced onto a larger coast guard vessel, placed outside in the cold in the dark. They were told to shut up and look down, anyone disobeying was immediately beaten with batons.

      Close to midnight, the large vessel from the Greek coast guard headed back out to sea, toward Turkey, there was no doubt about what was going to happen. For the next 24 hours these people were held captive on a Greek coast guard vessel, against their will, while they were transported almost 600km towards Turkey.

      The vessel stopped several times out at sea during the day, as if waiting for something. They waited so they could carry out their crimes under cover of darkness. Close to midnight, the vessel slowed down and eventually stopped

      There had been little activity on the lower deck during the day, but now officers started to inflate life rafts on the side of the boat. They inflated the rafts and removed the orange cover that usually protects people inside them from the elements in the open sea.

      Why this was done might have something to do with the fact that the manufacturers name is printed on the outside of the cover, and the manufacturer doesn’t see this as good advertisement.

      Lalizas, which manufactures these rafts, is a Greek company from Piraeus, and has a contract to provide the Greek coast guard with rescue equipment.

      This could explain why people are left in these rafts without the usual protection from the elements: to protect the reputation of their Greek supplier, not the people whom these rafts was made to protect.

      Since March 2020, we have registered 1,742 pushback cases in the Aegean Sea, performed by the Hellenic coast guard, involving 46,443 men, women and children: 615 of these cases was performed by using rescue equipment/life rafts, 16,092 people have so far been left drifting in 952 life rafts in the Aegean Sea, and most of these rafts are found without the protective cover.

      In the dark, people were forced to climb down and into these rafts. Those who refused, or were scared, were beaten until they complied, thrown down into the raft, or both.

      People were terrified, children screaming, but there was no mercy. Eventually everyone had been forced into the rafts, five in total, and the Greek coast guard vessel left and headed back toward Greek waters. 104 people, families, men, woman and small children, were left helplessly drifting in the dark in five life rafts outside Datça, Turkey.

      They had no means to call for help, all their phones had been taken by the Greek coast guard. After several hours, at 04.10, the Turkish coast guard found and rescued 104 people from five life rafts drifting outside Datça, Turkey.

      From pictures and videos received while onboard the boat towed towards Greece by the Greek coast guard, compared to pictures and videos from the time they were rescued by Turkish coast guard outside Datça, there is absolutely no doubt: it is the same group.

      We later received pictures allegedly showing bruises after people had been beaten by Greek officers onboard the coast guard vessel, or after being thrown down in the rafts.

      In most countries in Europe an incident like this would have made a national and international outcry. A huge investigation would have been carried out. Not in Greece.

      There is no longer any rule of law in Greece, any investigations into similar incidents, even obvious cases like this, would always have the same outcome: no proof of any wrongdoing whatsoever.

      So why has this madness been allowed to continue for years in Greece? Why have Europe and the EU looked the other way, while a European country, an EU member, has systematically, in an industrial scale, violated international law, European law and international human rights?

      The Greek government refers to what it is doing as ‘border management’, to protect the European border from ‘invaders’. But invasions are carried out by people with weapons, not by families, men, women and children seeking protection from war and persecution.

      The Greek authorities assure everyone that they follow international laws, and are not pushing back refugees in the Aegean Sea, when it’s obvious for anyone to see that they are.

      But still, the EU is sitting on its hands, letting this continue, even supporting the Greek government in its crimes.

      European values and human rights seem only to apply to European, white Christian people. Must we conclude that the EU feels that the rest are expendable, and have no human value?

      Push-backs are happening every single day in the Aegean Sea, and the Greek government will continue this inhuman practice, systematically violating people’s human rights, until Europe once again decides to put human rights on the agenda.

      If the EU were serious about the values for which it claims to stand, it would immediately launch infringement proceedings against Greece. The fact that they have done nothing at all, makes it appear that those values mean nothing, and that the laws and rights it claims to promote and protect are only for the white: the rest can be cast to the waves.

      And people wonder why refugees takes these extremely dangerous journeys from Turkey to Italy in overcrowded boats, in stead of going to Greece. The result of the Greek war on refugees, blessed and financed by EU, are drowning people, not because they are drowning on their way to Greece, but because they are trying to avoid Greece.

      https://aegeanboatreport.com/2022/11/04/another-magic-trick-this-time-104-people-magically-disappeard

  • Coronavirus strands refugee children
    A number of EU member states want to take in refugee children stuck in Greece. However, Luxembourg Foreign Minister Jean Asselborn now says the coronavirus pandemic has made that impossible.
    https://www.dw.com/en/coronavirus-strands-refugee-children/a-52864442

    Although the river has run dry, its bed is overflowing: Plastic bags, cardboard and plastic bottles extend as far as the eye can see. A young child, maybe six years old, wades through the garbage. Here, in the so-called “jungle,” where makeshift huts crush up against one another and children play in the filth, the squalor of the Moria refugee camp is on full display.

    This hot spot, located on the Greek island of Lesbos, has been the scene of Europe’s largest humanitarian crisis for years now. A camp originally designed to temporarily shelter 3,000 people, it is now the cramped home of more than 20,000.

    The situation is not much better on other islands in the Aegean. In all, some 42,000 refugees and migrants are currently stuck on Lesbos, Chios and Samos, and many have been there for more than a year. Now, the coronavirus pandemic threatens to make the situation even worse.

    Just recently, Germany and a number of EU member states, including France and Luxembourg, declared their willingness to take in those in most desperate need of help: Vulnerable, unaccompanied minors and children.

    The European Commission estimates that 1,500 unaccompanied children and minors are currently on the Greek isles. Last Friday, EU interior ministers pledged they would be distributed among a “coalition of willing” EU member states within a week.

    Water cannon, tear gas and smoke bombs

    But that willingness is not only humanitarian in nature, it is also pragmatic. The EU was forced into action when Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan decided to open his country’s borders with Greece two weeks ago, sending thousands of refugees rushing toward Europe.

    Greek security forces overwhelmed by the sheer number of refugees demanding entry into Europe answered with water cannon, tear gas and smoke bombs. It was reported that at least two people were killed by Greek bullets, something the government in Athens denies. Images of standoffs were quickly broadcast around the world, putting the EU under pressure to do something about the situation.

    But the new COVID-19 coronavirus pandemic has changed everything, with EU member states enhancing border controls or closing borders altogether in an attempt to stem the spread of the virus. That was also the reason the United Nations refugee agency UNHCR and the International Organization for Migration (IOM) gave for the temporary suspension of activities at their Refugee Resettlement Program. Thus, for the moment no safe haven can be found for those refugees in especially dire straits — that includes safe haven in Germany.

    Read more: Opinion: In Greece, refugees are painted as the enemy

    Asselborn: ’It’s not up to us’

    The program for taking in unaccompanied children was not supposed to be affected by the situation, at least according to European Commission spokesperson Adalbert Jahnz. He claimed, albeit in vague terms, that the process would go on as planned, but suggested that respecting and navigating the many different steps EU member states had taken to stop the spread of the virus was taking up a lot of time and making it impossible to set out a clear timeline for the transfer of children from Greece.

    Jahnz went on to say, “However, I assure you that intense discussions are going on as we speak and preparations are currently underway.” Another spokesperson for the Commission, which has agreed to play a coordinating role in the project, told DW the COVID-19 pandemic will likely have an effect on the process.

    Germany’s Interior Ministry was vague as well, saying only that the European Commission is currently assessing what level of coordination is possible right now in light of the situation. On Wednesday, a statement was released saying the COVID-19 pandemic would “not have any effect on our efforts.” Still, speaking with DW on Thursday, Luxembourg’s Foreign Minister Jean Asselborn conceded that his country would not be taking in refugee children for now.

    Refugees pushed from both sides of the Turkey-EU border
    “It’s not up to us, to Greece, or the UNHCR. In terms of security and health, it is simply impossible to guarantee humane conditions for taking in people during these difficult times,” said Asselborn. He said Luxembourg and other EU member states would do all they could in the meantime to prepare for the children to be transferred as soon as possible.

    Boris Cheshirkov, a spokesperson for UNHCR Greece, understands that coronavirus will slow the process, but urged the EU to push on with preparations regardless so that they can start transferring children as soon as the time comes.

    Refugee camps under quarantine

    Many aid organizations have warned that catastrophic sanitary conditions at refugee camps make it imperative to get people there to safer lodgings where they can better protect themselves from illness.

    In Germany, celebrities and politicians started online petitions to do just that under the names #WirHabenPlatz (We Have Space) and #LeaveNoOneBehind — so far 80,000 people have signed the appeals.

    Those behind the campaigns point to the miserable living conditions at the camps — something DW journalists have frequently documented — pointing to the fact that hundreds of refugees at Moria, for instance, are forced to share just one toilet. It is also almost impossible to bathe at the camps and even the most basic hygienic precautions, such as washing one’s hands, cannot be taken.

    Human hand cleaning a door handle
    HANDS OFF! WHAT CAN WE TOUCH DURING THE CORONAVIRUS OUTBREAK?
    Contaminated door handles
    Current research says the coronavirus family of viruses can survive on some surfaces, like door handles, for an average of four to five days. Like all droplet infections, SARS-CoV-2 can spread via hands and frequently touched surfaces. Although it hasn’t previously been seen in humans and therefore hasn’t been studied in detail, experts believe it spreads similarly to other known coronaviruses.

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    They also note that there is a severe shortage of doctors at the camps to help with those who may become infected. There is simply no way for the more than 20,000 people crammed into the bursting facility to isolate themselves to avoid contracting the virus.

    Hoping to stop an explosion of infections, the Greek government has put its camps under quarantine. Residents are only allowed to leave the camps during the day, and then only in small numbers.

    It remains to be seen if that will be enough, though EU Commissioner for Home Affairs Ylva Johannsson is convinced it is. On Thursday, she tweeted that she is working “to make absolutely sure that the health of asylum seekers and migrants in camps on EU territory is being protected.”

    #Covid-19 #Migration #Migrant #Balkans #Grèce #Moria #Camp #Enfants #Mineurs #Relocalisation #Lesbos

  • MSF: Moria refugee camp ’an ideal breeding ground for a rapid spread’ of coronavirus

    https://www.dw.com/en/msf-moria-refugee-camp-an-ideal-breeding-ground-for-a-rapid-spread-of-coronavirus/a-52824830

    The aid agency Doctors Without Borders is extremely concerned about the threat that the new coronavirus presents to the overcrowded Moria refugee camp on the Greek island of Lesbos. DW spoke with MSF’s Florian Westphal.

    Greek officials are shutting camps for displaced people nationwide to visitors for two weeks in an effort to prevent the spread of the new coronavirus. Florian Westphal is the chairman of the German branch of Doctors Without Borders. He spoke with DW about fears that the coronavirus might spread in the Moria refugee camp on the Greek island of Lesbos.

    How big is your fear that the coronavirus could wreak even more havoc in the Moria camp?

    Florian Westphal: We’re extremely concerned about the threat the coronavirus presents to the more than 20,000 people living in the Moria camp at the moment. This is a camp that was designed for 3,000 people. So it is more than six times over capacity, and many people are living very cramped together. Some five- to six-person families are living on 3 square meters (32 square feet). That’s a catastrophic situation regarding water and sanitation. Unfortunately, this is an ideal breeding ground for a rapid spread of the virus.

    What is your biggest fear?

    Our biggest fear is that the people are simply not in the position to take the precautions they need to take: In some areas of the camp, there is one water station for up to 1,300 people. The conditions are very cramped. There’s no soap; it’s impossible for the people to take the most basic hygienic precautions. And that’s what’s worrying because that means they cannot do anything to stop the spread of the virus if it were to arrive in the camp.

    What do you hear from your staff on the ground? Are there any precautions yet?

    Our colleagues on the ground report that there is apparently discussion around a sort of an emergency rescue plan, or a crisis response plan, but we don’t know what that would look like yet. Generally at Moria, medical care is totally insufficient. There are not enough medics in the camp. We have no idea for the time being how that could be resolved.

    From your perspective, does the Greek government have proper emergency planning for the Moria camp yet?

    We have heard that they do. And we’ve certainly started talking with them about that. But the latest information I have doesn’t really indicate that there have been very concrete plans as to what they would do if — say in the next couple of hours — we have a confirmed case. That is just something we have to assume and live with as a risk.

    Do you think the coronavirus might already have arrived and just not been tested for yet?

    That’s always a possibility. We know that one local Greek woman has tested positive. In this crisis, because of this threat, there is only one solution, I think: The European Union must now do everything possible to evacuate these people as quickly as possible. The Moria camp on Lesbos is not a place where you can handle a potential corona threat, and the action needs to come now.

    What advice is your staff passing on to the residents of the Moria camp?

    It is difficult. We all know the advice about how we should protect ourselves against the spread of the virus. But how can you do that there? We tell people “keep a safe distance, wash your hands frequently, use disinfectant,” but these things are not available in the Moria camp. That’s why people need to be evacuated. That’s the only solution and the only way to handle the risk.

    In Germany, we hear that elderly people and those with chronic respiratory infections are the most vulnerable. Who is most vulnerable in the camp?

    Many people there are very vulnerable anyway. There are very sick children there who are suffering from chronic diseases such as epilepsy or diabetes. Others have severe mental health issues, and we have adults, too, who have been traumatized — through violence in their countries of origin or while fleeing to Greece. So it is difficult to predict. But, in principle, all these people are extremely vulnerable to yet another health threat.

    You run a hospital outside the Moria camp. What is your biggest challenge?

    The biggest challenge right now is the one that it’s always been, which is that we’re dealing with a crisis, especially a mental health crisis, that we’ve rarely seen before anywhere in the world. Children are committing self-harm, young children are talking about suicide. They stop eating, stop speaking. We can treat them for the moment at the hospital, but then they always have to go back to where they came from, and that makes them sick. That problem was there before the corona threat, but this threat on top of it is making our work even more difficult.

    There is a shortage of water in the camp. So how can people wash their hands and adhere to basic hygiene?

    The lack of water in the Moria camp is really dramatic. You have to remember it is located in the wild, in an olive grove. In some parts of the camp, people have built shelters from plastic sheeting. Up to 1,300 people are using a single source of water. Sanitation is a huge problem. Up to 160 people on average are having to use one toilet. That is unhygienic. Protecting yourself against the corona virus is almost impossible in these conditions.

    Read more: DW examines new migration tension between EU, Turkey

    What would you say to people who wonder why their countries should provide refuge to people currently on Lesbos if the island has become a breeding ground for the virus?

    The people of Lesbos are just as entitled to our care, health care and our help as anyone is in Germany, anyone walking down a Berlin street. These people are in extreme need: They are human beings. For a continent that keeps claiming that it is so committed to humanitarian values, the simple fact that, for years now at Moria, the EU has been basically walking all over these humanitarian values — that is not an excuse for inaction. The obligation to act is the same as it would be for everyone else who is threatened by this virus .

    What does the EU need to do?

    Our main demand to the European Union is very clear: You must start now to evacuate these people from Moria. Moria is not a place where they can be treated and protected against a possible outbreak of the coronavirus.

    #Covid-19 #Migration #Migrant #Balkans #Grèce #Moria #Camp #Ilegrecque #Lesbos

  • Coronavirus: Urgent appeal for evacuation of Greek refugee camps

    Moria, on the island of Lesbos, is Europe’s biggest camp for displaced people. It was designed for 3,000 people but houses 20,000. Given the coronavirus, evacuating it is paramount, migration expert Gerald Knaus says.

    How do you keep social distance in a sprawling, totally overstretched refugee such as Moria, which was already a health hazard before the coronavirus made landfall in Greece? How do you regularly wash your hands when there is not enough water and soap?

    For most people living in any of the overcrowded camps on the Greek islands, following the measures recommended to prevent the spread of the coronavirus simply is not possible.

    Read more: Moria ’an ideal breeding ground for a rapid spread’ of coronavirus

    DW spoke to migration expert Gerald Knaus, who is a co-founder of the think tank the European Stability Initiative. Knaus was the architect of the European Union’s refugee deal with Turkey signed in March 2016. However, he says that that deal is now “gone.”

    DW: The European Union wants to start the relocation of 1,600 unaccompanied minors to willing EU member states this week — is this a sufficient step?

    Gerald Knaus: Under normal conditions, it makes sense to focus on the most vulnerable, such as unaccompanied minors. However, these are not normal conditions and the emphasis should be on whatever can help the largest number of vulnerable people. There are tens of thousands of vulnerable people on the Greek islands, many of them children, and all of them should be evacuated. Children with parents are no safer than unaccompanied minors. The question is how to move 35,000 people from the islands to the mainland fast.

    Knaus was key in developing a refugee and migration deal between the EU and Turkey

    Because of the coronavirus?

    Yes. We are facing a still preventable, well-announced and devastating humanitarian crisis on the islands. Conditions have been terrible for a long time, but if you add that some in these hotspots will at some point catch the virus, under conditions in Lesbos where 20,000 people can’t separate, can’t wash their hands, and with only six intensive care beds on the island — it is obvious why we must act.

    The coronavirus entered a Dutch submarine recently, and everyone was put in social isolation right away. What are we waiting for in Lesbos? This is not only in the interest of the refugees but of Greece and the European Union as a whole. To defeat the virus we need to tackle the weakest links in our health care systems.

    How could such a relocation to the Greek mainland work?

    The very basic first step is that the Greek government tells its European partners that it wants to do this. If the Greek government is thinking, “we’ll sit this out, we’ll risk it,” then nobody can help.

    It is clear now that there will be no returns from the islands to Turkey in the coming months. The borders are closed. This means those who are now on the islands will stay in Greece. Many in Greece understand that this is a time bomb: it is like repeating a large-scale mass event, every day. I hope any moment now the Greek prime minister will call other prime ministers in Europe and say, “We must solve this, and we need support.” Then, of course, others in the EU must be ready — and that requires starting a debate on what to do, now.

    You are taking part in this debate and you have presented a proposal.

    It’s actually clear what needs to be done and what can be done. You have to evacuate 35,000 refugees as quickly as possible from the islands to the Greek mainland. You could quickly have 15,000 additional beds in temporary tent camps. The International Organization of Migration (IOM) is capable of building these within a few weeks. Another 10,000 people can be accommodated in now-vacant Greek hotels. Finally, 10,000 people could easily be accommodated in places already paid for by the EU — places where recognized refugees are hosted right now. If countries like Germany could take in these recognized refugees quickly they would create space for families from the islands immediately. This would also send a strong signal to the Greeks that they’re not alone.

    But in European countries strongly affected by the coronavirus, politicians might find it very difficult to convince the public to take in refugees right now.

    It is clear only some countries will participate. In Germany, people are aware that there is space in refugee centers today. And if you transfer recognized asylum-seekers you know who they are. Let’s say Germany offers to bring in 5,000 of them from the mainland. We know their identity. We know they deserve protection. We are talking about a relatively small number. Germany moved 170,000 Germans back from abroad in the past week. This could be done while ensuring health standards. It would be the kind of European solidarity that people would still remember decades from now.

    It is in a moment of crisis where we show that we will defend values like human dignity and the refugee convention, that solidarity with European partners will still be defended under pressure.

    Watch video01:44

    Coronavirus catastrophe looms over Lesbos refugee camp

    What is the status of the EU-Turkey refugee deal given the pandemic? You were the mastermind behind it four years ago.

    It’s gone. We had an agreement in 2016. That worked for four years, benefitted Syrians in Turkey and brought down numbers of arrivals and deaths sharply. It never worked on the islands, however, and the assistance the EU promised to Turkey was to be allocated for four years. This happened, and the money was all allocated to projects by the end of 2019. This was the key interest for Turkey from the statement. But there was no follow-up. Then, at the end of February 2020, Ankara did the opposite of what it had committed to and moved migrants to the Greek land border. With this the 2016 statement was history.

    So what now? If the EU wants renewed cooperation, we need a new mutual engagement, a new statement. There are talks at this moment between the European Commission and Turkey. But these suffer from two basic problems: The European Commission is not putting more money on the table. This must change, but it will only change if EU member states back this strongly. And secondly, Turkey is not realistic. It wants to discuss things now that the EU will not resolve quickly in this crisis. Turkey needs to be realistic; the EU needs to be realistic. Everybody loses without cooperation. All benefit from helping refugees where they are, and from reducing irregular migration. Greece and the European Union should continue to uphold the right to claim asylum.

    The interview was conducted by DW’s Birgitta Schülke.

    https://www.dw.com/en/coronavirus-urgent-appeal-for-evacuation-of-greek-refugee-camps/a-52967371

    #Covid-19 #Migration #Migrant #Balkans #Grèce #Moria #Camp #Relocalisation #Accordgrecoturc #Lesbos