• Nicholas Noe sur X : «» / X


    The crux seems to be that Israel (& possibly US) need a minimum of a verifiable, 100% real withdrawal of Hezbollah forces - & a substantial distance from the border. I thought a superficial deal perhaps could be made where Hezb acknowledges some kind of “re positioning”…and Israeli leadership gets to claim that they forced a withdrawal/new security paradigm post October 7 etc.

    In this, probably Hezbollah gains some internal wins (the fear of the Lebanese opposition(s) broadly) & declares another “divine victory.” Setting aside if Israeli
    body politic could actually accept this, it seems very unlikely that a deal could be reasonably monitored & that a real pull back would be admitted+effectuated by Hezbollah. Since a real pull back is what seems the minimum for Israel, the face saving option is unavailable

    As such, it’s very hard to see - even if there is a durable ceasefire in Gaza (a huge if) - how a deal can then be done here in Lebanon that derails this track towards prolonged conflict between Israel and Lebanon centered on Hezbollah and worse - a greatly expanded war.


  • Is Slop A.I.’s Answer to Spam? A Phrase Emerges for Bad Search. - The New York Times

    You may not know exactly what “slop” means in relation to artificial intelligence. But on some level you probably do.

    Slop, at least in the fast-moving world of online message boards, is a broad term that has developed some traction in reference to shoddy or unwanted A.I. content in social media, art, books and, increasingly, in search results.

    Google suggesting that you could add nontoxic glue to make cheese stick to a pizza? That’s slop. So is a low-price digital book that seems like the one you were looking for, but not quite. And those posts in your Facebook feed that seemingly came from nowhere? They’re slop as well.

    The term became more prevalent last month when Google incorporated its Gemini A.I. model into its U.S.-based search results. Rather than pointing users toward links, the service attempts to solve a query directly with an “A.I. Overview” — a chunk of text at the top of a results page that uses Gemini to form its best guess at what the user is looking for.

    The change was a reaction to Microsoft having incorporated A.I. into its search results on Bing, and it had some immediate missteps, leading Google to declare it would roll back some of its A.I. features until problems can be ironed out.

    But with the dominant search engines having made A.I. a priority, it appears that vast quantities of information generated by machines, rather than largely curated by humans, will be served up as a daily part of life on the internet for the foreseeable future.

    Hence the term slop, which conjures images of heaps of unappetizing food being shoveled into troughs for livestock. Like that type of slop, A.I.-assisted search comes together quickly, but not necessarily in a way that critical thinkers can stomach.

    Kristian Hammond, the director of Northwestern University’s Center for Advancing Safety of Machine Intelligence, noted a problem in the current model: the information from A.I. Overview is being presented as a definitive answer, rather than as a place to start an internet user’s research into a given subject.

    “You search for something and you get back what you need in order to think — and it actually encourages you to think,” Mr. Hammond said. “What it’s becoming, in this integration with language models, is something that does not encourage you to think. It encourages you to accept. And that, I think, is dangerous.”
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    For a problem to be targeted, giving it a name can prove helpful. And while slop is one option, it is still an open question of whether it will catch on with a mainstream audience, or end up in the slang dustbin with cheugy, bae and skibidi.

    Adam Aleksic, a linguist and content creator who uses the handle etymologynerd on social media, believes that slop — which he said has yet to cross over to a broader audience — shows promise.

    “I think this is a great example of an unobtrusive word right now, because it is a word we’re all familiar with,” Mr. Aleksic said. “It’s a word that feels like it’s naturally applicable to this situation. Therefore, it’s less in your face.”

    @etymologynerd More great discussion of this in Alan Metcalf’s book “Predicting New Words” #etymology #linguistics #language #memehistory #rizz #skibidi ♬ original sound - etymologynerd

    The use of slop as a descriptor for low-grade A.I. material seemingly came about in reaction to the release of A.I. art generators in 2022. Some have identified Simon Willison, a developer, as an early adopter of the term — but Mr. Willison, who has pushed for the phrase’s adoption, said it was in use long before he found it.

    “I think I might actually have been quite late to the party!” he said in an email.

    The term has sprung up in 4chan, Hacker News and YouTube comments, where anonymous posters sometimes project their proficiency in complex subject matter by using in-group language.

    “What we always see with any slang is that it starts in a niche community and then spreads from there,” Mr. Aleksic said. “Usually, coolness is a factor that helps it spread, but not necessarily. Like, we’ve had a lot of words spread from a bunch of coding nerds, right? Look at the word ‘spam.’ Usually, the word is created because there is a particular group with shared interests, with a shared need to invent words.”

    In the short term, the effect of A.I. on search engines and the internet in general may be less extreme than some would fear.

    News organizations have worried about shrinking online audiences as people rely more on A.I.-generated answers and data from Chartbeat, a company that researches internet traffic, indicates that there was an immediate drop in referrals from Google Discover to websites in the first days of A.I. overviews. But that dip has since recovered, and in the first three weeks of the overviews, overall search traffic to more than 2,000 major websites in the U.S. actually went up, according to Chartbeat.

    But as people become accustomed to A.I.’s increasing role in how the internet works, Mr. Willison, who identified himself as an optimist for A.I. when it is used correctly, thought that slop could become the go-to term for the lesser forms of machine-generated content.

    “Society needs concise ways to talk about modern A.I. — both the positives and the negatives,” he said. “‘Ignore that email, it’s spam,’ and ‘Ignore that article, it’s slop,’ are both useful lessons.”

    Benjamin Hoffman is a senior editor who writes, assigns and edits stories primarily on the intersection between sports, lifestyle and culture. More about Benjamin Hoffman

    #Spam #Intelligence_artificielle #Slop #Néologisme

  • Fabrice Riceputi @campvolant

    Les éditrices de @editionpassager et moi-même avons décidé de la gratuité de ce livre (pdf et epub) jusqu’au 7 juillet.
    Aux racines coloniales racistes et criminelles du #FN/#RN
    Le lien https://lepassagerclandestin.fr/catalogue/essais/le-pen-et-la-torture
    Que cela ne vous empêche pas de l’acheter en librairie si vous le pouvez


  • #Israele continua la guerra genocida: il cessate il fuoco rimane lontano.

    In questi giorni la guerra genocida protratta da Israele nei confronti della Striscia di #Gaza non si arresta, nonostante una rinnovata denuncia da parte delle Nazioni Unite contro il governo Netanyahu attraverso l’apertura di una commissione di inchiesta composta da investigatori indipendenti che accusa Israele di crimini contro l’umanità durante l’offensiva. Nonostante anche siano giornate […]

    #L'informazione_di_Blackout #hezbollah #libano #USA

  • L’homme qui aimait les vélos : Les mémoires d’un autophobe

    Voici un ouvrage de 1973 écrit par Daniel Behrman qui n’a pas laissé beaucoup de traces, mais dont le titre est plus qu’intriguant : « The man who loved bicycles : The memoirs Lire la suite...

    #Alternatives_à_la_voiture #Fin_de_l'automobile #Livres #autophobie #cyclistes #histoire #paris #témoignage #usa #Vélo

  • #Canonical Announce First #RISC-V Laptop Running Ubuntu

    Canonical has announced that it’s collaborating on a RISC-V laptop powered by Ubuntu. The 14-inch DC-ROMA RISC-V Laptop II is made by DeepComputing, a company formed by self-described “RISC-V pioneers” back in 2022, and based in Hong Kong. Their aim: develop and release all kinds of products to help drive development of the RISC-V ecosystem. It’s built around a SpacemiT K1 SoC, which has 8 64-bit RISC-V cores running up to 2.0 GHz. It supports the RVA 22 Profile and 256-bit RVV 1.0 standard for “high performance” & “powerful AI capabilities”. The 14-inch display pushes a FHD resolution at 60hz, […] You’re reading Canonical Announce First RISC-V Laptop Running Ubuntu, a blog post from OMG! Ubuntu. Do not reproduce elsewhere without (...)

    #Hardware #News #linux_laptops

  • Plastique, le grand emballement

    Depuis 30 ans, dans son labo de chercheuse et sur tous les terrains du monde, #Nathalie_Gontard explore et scrute l’univers du plastique. D’abord fascinée par les potentialités du matériau magique, elle l’a vu ringardiser les matières traditionnelles et envahir sournoisement la planète. Elle a découvert ses empreintes sur les plages, au cœur des sols et même dans la chair d’innombrables animaux. Inquiète, elle est allée chercher des matériaux cousins moins envahissants, puis a tenté de calmer l’appétit du monstre en le piégeant dans son propre recyclage.
    Mais aujourd’hui elle se rend à l’évidence : tous les recycleurs, tous les inventeurs de « nouveaux matériaux » ne suffiront pas à dompter la bête. Il faut supprimer la source du danger, couper le robinet de l’invention-inondation ! Les industriels et les décideurs politiques sont shootés à l’#innovation, les mains liées par leur croyance dans le progrès uniquement matériel ? À nous de nous mobiliser pour terrasser la créature ! À nous de trouver comment assurer notre confort sans déséquilibrer la petite planète dont nous sommes locataires. Ce qu’il faut, c’est reconnaître notre addiction pour ralentir notre consommation jusqu’au strict nécessaire. Un défi tout à fait accessible, et que ce livre incite à relever dès aujourd’hui.

    #plastique #livre

  • Il rigassificatore di Piombino va in #Liguria

    Nonostante il costante calo di uso del gas, Snam ha investito centinaia di milioni in nuovi rigassificatori. Che ora devono essere piazzati sulle nostre coste, con il rischio di danni ambientali significativi L’articolo Il rigassificatore di Piombino va in Liguria proviene da IrpiMedia.

    #Ambiente #Energia #Inquinamento #Mare

  • Méditerranée : 11 corps de migrants retrouvés au large de la Libye - InfoMigrants

    Méditerranée : 11 corps de migrants retrouvés au large de la Libye
    Par La rédaction Publié le : 10/06/2024
    Onze cadavres ont été récupérés par le navire de Médecins sans frontières (MSF), vendredi, au large des côtes libyennes. Ils avaient été repérés la veille par le Seabird, l’avion de surveillance de l’ONG allemande Sea-Watch.
    « Les équipes de MSF [Médecins sans frontières] ont été une nouvelle fois témoins du résultat des politiques européennes dévastatrices et sanglantes sur la migration et de la non-assistance aux personnes en Méditerranée ». Vendredi 7 juin, les corps sans vie de onze migrants qui étaient en pleine mer, à la dérive au large des côtes libyennes ont été récupérés par le Geo Barents, navire de l’ONG.
    Ces cadavres avaient été repérés plus tôt dans la soirée par le Seabird, l’avion de surveillance de l’ONG allemande Sea-Watch. « On ne sait pas si les corps découverts au large des côtes libyennes sont les victimes d’un naufrage inconnu jusqu’alors. Ce qui est sûr, c’est que nous survolons un charnier voulu par l’Europe », a déploré l’association sur X (ex-Twitter).
    Sea-Watch n’a eu d’autre choix que de demander l’aide du Geo Barents, les garde-côtes libyens ayant « ignoré » leur appel « demandant que les corps soient récupérés ». Proche de la zone, le Geo Barents s’est rendu sur place, « après une opération de recherche qui a duré plus de neuf heures ». Les humanitaires ont emballé les corps dans des housses mortuaires, avant de le transporter sur son zodiac qui sert d’ordinaire aux sauvetages.
    Le lendemain, les 11 corps, qui reposaient dans une chambre froide sur le pont du bateau, ont été transférés sur un navire des garde-côtes italiens, près de Lampedusa. Le Geo Barents, lui, continue sa route vers Gênes, port qui lui a été attribué par les autorités, avec des rescapés à bord. Ces deux derniers jours, l’équipage a en effet porté secours, lors de trois opérations, à 165 personnes en détresse en mer.
    (...)"Nous ne pouvons pas déterminer la raison de cette tragédie, mais nous savons que les gens continueront à emprunter des itinéraires dangereux dans une tentative désespérée de se mettre en sécurité, et l’Europe doivent trouver des voies sûres et légales pour eux, s’est insurgé de son côté MSF. Cette catastrophe doit cesser !".
    Plus de 900 morts depuis le début de l’année Ce week-end, un « corps flottant en mer » a également été « repéré et récupéré » par l’Ocean Viking de SOS Méditerranée. Le 28 mai, les sauveteurs de l’ONG allemande SOS Humanity avaient retrouvé le corps sans vie d’un bébé de six mois dans un canot de migrants à la dérive.
    L’année dernière, 3 155 migrants sont décédés ou ont été portés disparus après avoir tenté de traverser la Méditerranée pour rejoindre l’Europe, selon les derniers chiffres de l’Organisation internationale pour les migrations (OIM). Depuis janvier, 923 migrants sont décédés ou portés disparus.
    Selon les chiffres du ministère italien de l’Intérieur, les arrivées par la mer sur le territoire national ont considérablement baissé depuis le début de l’année : 21 792 personnes sont arrivées en Italie entre le 1er janvier et le 7 juin, contre 53 270 lors de la même période de 2023. La rédaction tient à rappeler que les navires humanitaires sillonnent une partie très limitée de la mer Méditerranée. La présence de ces ONG est loin d’être une garantie de secours pour les migrants qui veulent tenter la traversée depuis les côtes africaines. Beaucoup d’embarcations passent inaperçues dans l’immensité de la mer. Beaucoup de canots sombrent aussi sans avoir été repérés. La Méditerranée centrale reste aujourd’hui la route maritime la plus meurtrière au monde.


  • #tuxedo Working on #snapdragon X Elite Linux Laptop

    Linux laptop vendor TUXEDO has confirmed plans to release a Linux #arm laptop based on the Snapdragon X Elite SoC. It recently showcased a prototype of a new ARM notebook at Computex, the annual computer event in Taiwan. Powered by the Snapdragon X Elite and running an ARM port of their Ubuntu-based TUXEDO OS with the KDE Plasma desktop. This is the same chip that’s been in the (tech) #News a lot of late as it’s powering Microsoft’s new wave of Copilot+ PCs and laptops running Windows 11 ARM. Like Apple Silicon, the X Elite has CPU, GPU, NPU and […] You’re reading TUXEDO Working on Snapdragon X Elite Linux Laptop, a blog post from OMG! Ubuntu. Do not reproduce elsewhere without (...)

    #Hardware #arm_laptops #linux_laptops

  • Verbände und Gewerkschaften warnen vor Nullrunde beim Bürgergeld

    Ça y est, les liberaux préfèrent les producteurs d’armes aux pauvres concitoyens. Vole un petit peux le pauvres (qui sont nombreux) et tu gagnera beaucoup. Seulement ce petit peux c’est beaucoup pour les pauvres concernés. Les associations sociales et les syndicats exigent un recalcul des aides sociales et s’opposent à la non-augmentation proposée par le gouvernement national malgré l’inflation.

    4.6.2024 Kategorie Armut & Umverteilung

    Bündnis fordert kurzfristige Reform der Bürgergeld-Anpassung für 2025
    VdK-Präsidentin: „Die Regelsätze im Bürgergeld müssen dringend neu berechnet werden.”

    Ein Zusammenschluss aus 8 Wohlfahrts- und Sozialverbänden, Gewerkschaften und Erwerbslosengruppen hat sich mit einem Appell an den Bundesminister für Arbeit und Soziales, Hubertus Heil, und die Abgeordneten im Bundestag gewandt und vor den sozialen Folgen einer Nullrunde beim Bürgergeld gewarnt.

    Das Bündnis fordert eine kurzfristige Reform der Bürgergeld-Anpassung für 2025. Ansonsten drohe Bürgergeldberechtigten ein weiterer Kaufkraftverlust, mit dem sich die Armut von Millionen Erwachsenen und Kindern weiter verschärfen würde. Konkret wird gefordert, ausgehend vom geltenden Regelsatz in Höhe von 563 Euro die aktuellen Preissteigerungen zu berücksichtigen.

    Anders als oft behauptet sei das Bürgergeld auch in den vergangenen zwei Jahren nicht zu großzügig erhöht worden, so die Verfasser des Appells. Im Gegenteil: Aktuelle Analysen zeigen, dass Bürgergeldberechtigte 2021-2023 erhebliche Kaufkraftverluste erlitten haben. Bei einer alleinstehenden Person summieren sich diese Verluste auf bis zu 1012 Euro. Erst mit der Anpassung 2024 habe es eine Trendwende gegeben, wobei die aufgelaufenen Verluste nur zu einem kleinen Teil kompensiert würden.

    Verena Bentele, Präsidentin, Sozialverband VdK Deutschland:

    „„Zwar fallen die Preissteigerungen bei Lebensmitteln, Drogerieartikeln und Energie deutlich geringer aus als noch im vergangenen Jahr. Menschen, die mit dem Existenzminimum auskommen müssen, spüren sie dennoch jeden Tag. Die Nullrunde bei den Bürgergeld-Regelsätzen führt dazu, dass sich viele Menschen schlechter versorgen können. Daher müssen die Regelsätze dringend grundlegend neu berechnet werden. Der heutige Regelsatz spiegelt in keiner Weise wider, was für ein Existenzminimum notwendig wäre.”“

    Joachim Rock, Abteilungsleiter und zukünftiger Hauptgeschäftsführer des Paritätischen:

    „„Das Bürgergeld reicht schon heute nicht aus, um eine gesunde Ernährung, Mobilität und soziale Teilhabe finanzieren zu können. Die Regelsätze bestimmen die Lebensumstände von über sieben Millionen Menschen, die mit steigenden Kosten kämpfen, maßgeblich mit. Eine Nullrunde darf es deshalb nicht geben, sie widerspräche auch Vorgaben des Bundesverfassungsgerichts.”“

    Anja Piel, DGB-Vorstandsmitglied:

    „„Wir brauchen mehr Bezahlung nach Tarif, einen höheren Mindestlohn und beim Bürgergeld auch in Zukunft mindestens einen Inflationsausgleich. Denn das Preisniveau bleibt hoch und damit bleibt das Leben teuer. Auch wenn die Preise zuletzt weniger stark gestiegen sind, kommt man mit einem kleinen Einkommen kaum über die Runden. Es ist ungerecht, Menschen das soziale Netz Bürgergeld wegzureißen.““

    Michael Groß, Vorsitzender des Präsidiums der Arbeiterwohlfahrt:

    „„Ein anständiger Inflationsausgleich für die Ärmsten in unserer Gesellschaft ist eine Frage des Anstands und muss daher selbstverständlich sein. Was derzeit fehlt, ist der Mut für eine zukunftsorientierte Politik, die zuerst Ziele für eine gerechtere Gesellschaft formuliert und im zweiten Schritt mit den dafür nötigen finanziellen Mitteln tatsächlich auch hinterlegt. Wir müssen mit einer Reform der Schuldenbremse und der Stärkung der Einnahmenseite endlich Druck aus dem Kessel nehmen und einen Sozialstaat gestalten, der wirklich keinen zurücklässt.”“

    Maria Loheide, Vorständin Sozialpolitik, Diakonie:

    „„Schon vor der Inflation lag der Regelsatz weit unterhalb der tatsächlichen Bedarfe. Es hat zwei Jahre gedauert, bis mit den letzten Anpassungen die Inflationsfolgen weitgehend ausgeglichen wurden. Die Kaufkraft der Regelsätze darf nicht weiter sinken. Sonst werden immer mehr Menschen in Deutschland existentiell bedroht und können sich das Lebensnotwendige einfach nicht mehr leisten. Das kann ein Sozialstaat nicht einfach hinnehmen.”“
    Das Portraitfoto zeigt Julia Frediani.

    Telefon: 030 9210580-409 030 9210580-409 Mobil: 0175 6604730 E-Mail: j.frediani@vdk.de

    Gemeinsames Positionspapier
    Drohende Nullrunde bei den Regelsätzen abwehren – Kaufkraft erhalten. Stand : 4.6.2024

    #Allemagne #politique #libéralisme #social #austérité #armement #SPD #CDU #FDP

  • Israel’s Universities: The Crackdown
    Neve Gordon and Penny Green
    June 5, 2024
    New York Review of Books

    Last October, Palestinian students and academic staff in Israel faced unprecedented penalties for their speech. Now the repression persists.

    On April 18 Israeli police arrested the scholar Nadera Shalhoub-Kevorkian at her home in the Armenian Quarter of Jerusalem. Now sixty-three, she has researched the state repression of Palestinian children in East Jerusalem for decades, but the police’s arrival at her door was still a shock. They confiscated her cell phone, her computer, posters made by the nonprofit Defense for Children International, and multiple books by Mahmoud Darwish, and charged her with suspicion “of severe incitement against the State of Israel for statements made against Zionism and claims that Israel is currently committing genocide in Gaza.”

    Shalhoub-Kevorkian, a Palestinian citizen of Israel, is the Lawrence D. Biele Chair in Law at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem. (She is also a colleague of ours at Queen Mary University of London.) For six hours the police interrogated her about her academic articles and public statements she had made since October 7. They then shackled her wrists and ankles and took her to the Russian Compound, a detention center located near the Jerusalem city hall. She told Haaretz that a policewoman strip-searched her, cursed her, accused her of being part of Hamas, and told her to “burn” and “die.”

    A second officer took her to a cell, threw a mattress on the floor, and locked her in. “I was shivering with cold,” she remembered.

    I asked for a blanket, and they brought me one that smelled of garbage and urine and was also wet. I sat on the bed until morning, my ears and nose started to bleed, I threw up, washed my face, and went back to bed. I don’t know how something like this happens to someone my age. The light was very strong and there was noise. The cold was terrible, my teeth were chattering, even though the blanket smelled and was wet, in the end I covered myself with it because I couldn’t stand the cold.

    At a hearing the following morning, the state prosecutor asked the Jerusalem Magistrates Court to extend Shalhoub-Kevorkian’s detention. The judge, lacking evidence that she posed any danger, dismissed the request; she was released on bail. Since then, she told us in a recent conversation, she has been summoned for three further interrogations.

    Shalhoub-Kevorkian’s scholarship casts light on Israel’s degrading and inhumane treatment of Palestinian children and youth: according to Defense for Children International, in the decade leading up to the current Gaza war, close to a thousand children were killed and thousands incarcerated by Israeli soldiers and settlers; in 2019 alone, the UN reported, nearly 1,500 were maimed by Israeli forces. She calls such practices “unchilding,” a process of harsh subjugation. “Although I research these things,” she told Haaretz, “I never felt them on my flesh.”

    On October 26—by which point Israel had killed over seven thousand Palestinians in Gaza, of whom nearly three thousand were children—Shalhoub-Kevorkian signed and circulated a petition titled “Childhood Researchers and Students Calling for Immediate Ceasefire in Gaza.” The petition, which has now gathered 2,492 signatures from scholars around the world, demanded an immediate ceasefire and an end to “Western-backed Israeli genocide” and the “egregious violation of Palestinian children’s rights.”

    Three days later Hebrew University’s president, Asher Cohen, and its rector, Tamir Sheafer, sent Shalhoub-Kevorkian a letter. They were, they wrote, “astonished, disgusted and deeply disappointed” by her decision to sign the document—an act “not very far from crimes of incitement and sedition.” Israel’s actions in Gaza, they insisted, did “not come close to the definition of genocide.” Hamas’s massacre of October 7, on the other hand, met it “completely.” “We are sorry and ashamed that the Hebrew University includes a faculty member like you,” they concluded. “In light of your feelings, we believe that it is appropriate for you to consider leaving your position.”

    Members of the university community went on to disseminate the letter on social media, where Shalhoub-Kevorkian met with a barrage of hateful messages and violent threats. But everything she had said and done was within the law, and her tenure protected her from dismissal. In effect, the university’s leaders had resorted to bullying her into leaving.

    Shalhoub-Kevorkian decided to stay. The following March she was interviewed on the podcast Makdisi Street and made comments for which she was further targeted. She referred to Israel’s policy of withholding the corpses of Palestinians whom it had killed in military operations or who had died in custody—a practice widely documented by rights groups like B’Tselem and Human Rights Watch as well as in a series of Supreme Court cases since at least 1981. Later the conversation turned to the perception that Israel was using allegations of sexual violence committed by Hamas militants on October 7 to justify violence in Gaza. She denounced sexual abuse in no uncertain terms. “I will never approve it, not to Israelis nor to Palestinians and not in my name…. If a woman says she is raped I will believe her,” she said. “The issue is, is Israel allowing proper collection of evidence?…We don’t see women coming out and saying what happened, so women’s bodies are being used as political weapons.”

    Soon after a reporter on Israeli television mentioned these remarks, a member of the Knesset—Israel’s parliament—named Sharren Haskel called on Hebrew University to intervene. In a public statement in response, the president and rector reiterated that they were ashamed that Shalhoub-Kevorkian was on their faculty. Accusing her of “cynically” using free speech and academic freedom to “divide and incite,” they suspended her from all teaching responsibilities. They ended by declaring the institution a Zionist university, implying that it has no place for non-Zionist or anti-Zionist students, faculty, or staff. After a series of letters from faculty members—who argued that the president and rector had overreached their authority—and academics from abroad, the university’s leaders met with Shalhoub-Kevorkian and canceled the suspension on the grounds, Haaretz reported, that she had clarified her position about the rape charges. She was arrested three weeks later.

    What explains the intensity of the attacks against Shalhoub-Kevorkian? Her story underlines how fragile academic freedom can be when it comes under political pressure. It also offers a window into the assault that Palestinian students and staff in Israeli higher education have suffered since October 7. In the three weeks following Hamas’s attack, well over a hundred Palestinian students in Israel, nearly 80 percent of them women, faced disciplinary actions for private social media posts that supported the end of the siege on Gaza, celebrated the bulldozing of the Gaza border fence, expressed empathy with Palestinians in the Strip, or simply included memes about suffering Palestinian children. When word got out of arrests, investigations, suspensions, and expulsions, many Palestinian students and faculty stopped posting or sharing on social media. Shalhoub-Kevorkian’s treatment months later made it clear that this wave of repression had hardly abated.

    With the exception of a handful of mixed primary and secondary schools, which cater to about two thousand of Israel’s more than two million schoolchildren, Israeli universities are the only educational institutions where Palestinian and Jewish students meet. Over the years enrollment has risen among Palestinians, who make up twenty percent of the country’s citizens and currently comprise just over 16 percent of bachelor’s degree students, 11 percent of master’s students, and 8 percent of Ph.D. students. They have long been subject to disproportionate penalties for their speech. In her book Towers of Ivory and Steel, the anthropologist Maya Wind reports that in 2002, at the height of Israel’s military offensives in the West Bank, Palestinian students at the University of Haifa were suspended for peacefully protesting. At the time they comprised a minority of the student body, but between that year and 2010 they made up over 90 percent of the students summoned to disciplinary committees. Between 2010 and 2015 they remained three times as likely to be summoned as their Jewish peers.

    In 2007 the Knesset passed the “Students’ Rights Law,” which specifies that “an institution will establish and publicize, in accordance with the provisions of this law, a behavioral code for the behavior of applicants and students regarding their studies at the institution, including behavior during class and while at the institution’s facilities, as well as in the student dormitories.” Nowhere does the law give higher education institutions the authority to monitor and persecute students for their extramural statements or activities, including posts on private social media accounts. Yet many disciplinary committees have since overreached their authority to do precisely that.

    Even Palestinian students keenly aware of earlier periods of repression could not have anticipated just how widely universities would disregard such protections after Hamas’s attack. The suspensions began within days. By October 9 the human rights organization Adalah, which works with Palestinian citizens of Israel, had received a request to offer legal assistance to seven Palestinian students temporarily suspended from Haifa University. Unlike Shalhoub-Kevorkian, they were punished for posts shared among friends or on private social media accounts. The university’s rector, Gur Alroey, told Haaretz that their posts amounted to expressions of support for the attack. Elsewhere the Israeli media reported that he had sent the students a curt email: “In light of your statement on social media, and your support for the terrorist attack on the settlements surrounding Gaza and the murder of innocents, you are suspended from studying at the university until the matter is investigated.” Adalah, in a legal petition earlier this year, stressed that the students had “repeatedly made clear that they oppose violence against civilians.”

    Normally Adalah deals with a handful of student complaints a year. Now, however, it was inundated with dozens of requests for legal representation. It became clear that right-wing organizations like Im Tirtzu—which monitors faculty members as part of its “Know the Anti-Zionist Israeli Professor” project and according to a Jerusalem District Court ruling has “fascist characteristics” —were mining Palestinian citizens’ posts on social media. Soon Zionist students were assembling portfolios of their Palestinian classmates’ private accounts.

    At the Technion, Israel’s Institute of Technology, students circulated a PowerPoint presentation on WhatsApp and Telegram that included screenshots of social media posts alongside academic information about sixteen Palestinian students and brief explanations of the “offences” they committed. In the document, which was shared with us by Adalah, one student was outed for liking an Instagram image of a bulldozer breaching the fence surrounding Gaza. Zionist students at universities and colleges filed scores of complaints against their Palestinian classmates, who within days were subjected to investigations, disciplinary proceedings, suspensions, and expulsions, often without hearings. A number of institutions evicted accused students from their dormitories.

    On October 12 Israel’s minister of education, Yoav Kish, who chairs the country’s Council for Higher Education, issued a letter directing universities and colleges to “immediately suspend any student or employee who supports the barbaric terrorist acts experienced in the State of Israel, or who supports a terrorist organization, an act of terrorism, an enemy or an enemy state.” All such statements, he wrote, amounted to incitement to terrorism. “In cases where incitement is confirmed,” he went on, universities had to “issue permanent expulsions or terminations.” On October 17 Kish passed a resolution requiring universities to report to the council on how they had dealt with such students who “incite and support Hamas.” University leaders were outraged that the government seemed not to trust them.

    Some universities were flooded with complaints. A few set up screening committees to sift through social media posts and determine which students to suspend while a disciplinary committee deliberated whether the students in question could continue their studies. These committees, wittingly or not, also assisted their institutions in censoring students. Bar Ilan University tweeted that it had established a committee made up of academic, legal, and security experts to examine statements made by members of the university community that identified with terrorism or engaged in incitement or racism. The tweet included the rector’s email address, to which people could send complaints.

    AP Photo/Mahmoud Illean

    Nadera Shalhoub-Kevorkian appearing in court after her arrest on charges of incitement, Jerusalem, April 19, 2024

    “Within two weeks after the attack,” the attorney Adi Mansour, who works for Adalah, told us, “we found ourselves representing seventy-four Palestinian students in twenty-five institutions of higher education, including thirteen from Bezalel Academy of Arts and Design and the seven from the University of Haifa.” Several other students were represented by Academia for Equality or private lawyers. The vast majority were suspended, according to Mansour, for expressing solidarity with Palestinians in Gaza, demonstrating compassion for their suffering, or quoting verses from the Quran. In most cases the institution noted that as part of the procedure it had also sent the details of students under investigation to the police.

    Lubna Tuma, another attorney with Adalah, related to us that several students were arrested, interrogated, and even indicted for posting an image from October 7 of Palestinian children rejoicing on a captured military jeep. The students were stripped, searched, and humiliated. A twenty-three-year old Technion student told The Washington Post that, after posting a cooking video on October 8 with the caption “today we eat victory shakshuka,” she underwent three strip-searches and was woken up for roll call every hour of the night. Some were slapped and pushed; several alleged that the guards had exposed them to the cold, offered them food not “fit for animals,” moved them from facility to facility, and held them in closed-off rooms for hours on end before transferring them to grossly overcrowded cells. The same Technion student told PBS Newshour what had happened to other female students in her cell: “I had my hijab, but the other girls, they seized them from their bedrooms and did not allow them to put veils on their heads. Then they put garbage bags on their heads.”

    In another case, some sixty police officers stormed a student’s family home. At work when he learned about the raid, he went to the police station, where he was interrogated, then taken to Megiddo Prison and held in what lawyers described as “deplorable conditions.” After two weeks, he was released in the middle of the night. No charges were ever filed against him.

    Adalah’s lawyers accompanied university and college students to their disciplinary hearings. Tuma, who has gone to more than seventy disciplinary procedures during the past eight months, described them to us as farcical and draconian. In one case she represented a student who was suspended for sharing the Quranic verse “Their appointed time is the morning. Is not the morning near?” on October 7. In a reversal of the presumption of innocence, Tuma remembered, the judges expected the student to convince them that he did not support terrorism. They asked him why he had not shared posts condemning Hamas or demanding the return of Israeli hostages.

    The crucial offense, in many of the hearings, seemed to Tuma to be “hurting the public’s feelings.” But how, she asked, can you prove that the public’s feelings were hurt, particularly by posts shared only on private accounts with small groups of friends? And who, for that matter, is meant by “the public”? “In the imagination of most of the academic judges sitting on disciplinary panels,” she said, it “seems to denote only Israel’s Jewish citizenry.” Tuma recalled one hearing at Ben-Gurion University in which the disciplinary panel invited a student whose family members were killed on October 7 to prove that the post in question was hurtful.

    In some cases the disciplinary panels gave their verdict, only for right-wing students to take matters into their own hands. At Ben-Gurion, a panel decided not to suspend a Palestinian nursing student who shared a video clip denying some of the violence that took place on October 7. Instead the institution reprimanded her and asked her to volunteer for forty hours of community service. Students in a WhatsApp group responded to the verdict with a threat: “If she stays in this degree, no one will begin the year—the university will be turned upside down.”

    The university announced that it would appeal the panel’s decision, and according to Haaretz, the rector, Chaim Hames, sent the student an email, again using bullying rhetoric: “It seems wrong to me that you should return to school tomorrow as if nothing had happened. I recommend that you do not come to class tomorrow and that for the next few days, study by yourself in the library or anywhere else you see fit.” In the appeal, the student was found guilty and suspended for a term—but since all the courses in the nursing faculty are a year long, she was effectively suspended for twice that time.

    This was not the only or first appeal to popular justice. Already on October 16 the chairperson of the National Union of Israeli Students issued a letter suggesting that Palestinian students who allegedly supported terrorism be removed from universities and colleges. Not two weeks later, a group of Zionist students tried to break into the college dorms in the city of Netanya, shouting “death to Arabs” as police stood by. In January, a video clip circulated on Facebook showing students at Emek Yezreel Academic College draped in Israeli flags, standing on a classroom podium, declaring that they will “not sit in the same class with supporters of terrorism.” By Christmas, Palestinians were asking lawyers whether they could share images of Santa Claus standing amid the rubble in Gaza on social media. Many Palestinian students who could afford it started looking for alternative university options overseas.

    Individual faculty members have contributed to this hostile climate. In October a professor at Hebrew University posted a video, now taken offline, in which he compares Hamas to Nazis and advocates for a “Nakba 2” in Gaza. In an October 27 op-ed for the right-wing newspaper Makor Rishon, also now taken offline, Eviatar Matania, a political scientist at Tel-Aviv University, called for the complete destruction of Gaza City and the establishment of a park in its place. Neither professor was subjected to disciplinary action. But when, on October 14, twenty-five staff members at Haifa University wrote a letter criticizing the suspension of Palestinian students without due process, over 10,000 people signed a petition demanding that the staff be dismissed.

    Palestinian academic faculty are a small minority: they make up just 3.5 percent of the country’s university teaching staff, and they are almost always the only non-Jewish staff member in their academic departments. They too were targeted. On October 29 Arye Rattner, the president of Kaye Academic College of Education, sent a letter notifying the school’s staff that the college administration had received several complaints about social media from students and faculty members. “Management,” he wrote, “decided to act with a heavy hand and zero tolerance towards these cases,” including by expelling a student from her studies and firing an academic staff member. “Publications condemning the activities of IDF soldiers defending the State of Israel,” the president stressed, “will be met with zero tolerance.”

    Jewish faculty members were not entirely immune. On October 25 Yoseph Frost, the president of David Yellin Academic College for Education, summoned Nurit Peled-Elhanan, a renowned scholar who studies the portrayal of Palestinians in children’s Hebrew textbooks, to a disciplinary hearing. She was charged with sending messages on a staff WhatsApp group that criticized the conflation of Nazis with Hamas and invoked Jean-Paul Sartre’s discussion of anticolonial violence. To Frost, these WhatsApp notes evinced “understanding for the horrific act of Hamas” and “justification of their criminal act.”

    The disciplinary committee was satisfied with reprimanding Peled-Elhanan, but she resigned. “The values we used to know have long since been overturned,” she wrote in a Haaretz editorial explaining her decision:

    To say that [Hamas’s] attack and massacre occurred in a context, and that it was not an antisemitic pogrom born out of nowhere, is considered a more terrible crime than murder in this country…. Words have become dangerous and lethal bullets legitimate. People who use words are persecuted while murderers enjoy impunity. A person who burned an entire family to death is considered righteous, while anyone who dares to acknowledge the suffering of the residents of Gaza or the West Bank is denounced as a supporter of terrorism.

    In mid-November Achva Academic College, between Tel-Aviv and Beer-Sheva, fired a lecturer named Uri Horesh for two posts on his personal Facebook page: on October 7, he had changed his cover photo to one that says “Free Ghetto Gaza” in Hebrew; a week later, he posted a call to “end the genocide now” and “let Gaza live.” More recently Im Tirzu has been mining petitions signed by academic staff and sending the names to student groups, which then demand their universities fire the signatories. At Sapir College, located not far from the Gaza Strip, a lecturer named Regev Nathansohn signed a petition calling on the Biden administration to stop transferring arms and related funds to Israel. He was maligned as a supporter of terrorism, and wrote to the rector that he felt unsafe on campus. In response, he told us, the university approved an unpaid leave of absence for six months, though he had requested no such thing.


    On October 24 the Committee of Academic Freedom of the British Society for Middle Eastern Studies—which one of us, Neve Gordon, chairs—sent a letter to the presidents of every Israeli university stressing the importance of defending the rights of individuals to express views that others may find offensive or challenging. It also highlighted the institutional duty to care for Palestinian students under attack. Three college leaders replied by characterizing Israel as an island of civilization in the midst of barbarism. Six days later, BRISMES, as the professional association is known, sent President Frost, of David Yellin Academic College for Education, a letter charging that his interpretation of Peled-Elhanan’s text was prejudicial. Frost responded with a letter that said, among other things, “tread carefully.”

    The crackdown has clearly not subsided. On Monday the Knesset member Ofir Katz, the current coalition’s parliamentary whip, introduced a bill dedicated to “removing terror from academia.” It would, in the words of The Jerusalem Post, “force academic institutions to fire faculty members who make statements that negate Israel’s character as a Jewish and democratic state or support terror activities.” The faculty members in question, it stipulates, would not receive a severance package. Academic institutions that fail to comply would be financially sanctioned.

    The bill has the backing of the National Union of Israeli Students, which on Sunday, in a well-coordinated campaign, hung billboards on Tel Aviv’s Ayalon Highway bearing decontextualized quotes from Shalhoub-Kevorkian and Professor Anat Matar of Tel-Aviv University. Matar was singled out for publicly mourning the Palestinian political prisoner Walid Daqqa, who died in custody this past April after thirty-seven years in prison, despite having been diagnosed with cancer in 2022. His corpse is being withheld by the prison authorities.

    Adalah’s General Director, Hassan Jabareen, represented Shalhoub-Kevorkian this past April in the hearings on her detention. In his closing remarks, he stressed that all her comments, including her criticism of the military, fell under legitimate free expression. Her case, Jabareen noted, was unprecedented in several respects. It was the first time in Israel’s history that Section 144d of the Penal Code—the provision criminalizing public incitement and incitement to racism—had been “brought against an academic to extend her detention”; the first time that “an academic had been investigated by the police over scholarly articles published in English-language international journals”; and the first time that the police arrested someone in part for citing factual accounts of Israel withholding the bodies of dead Palestinians.

    Jabareen also stressed that 150 professors from the Hebrew University had signed an open letter condemning Shalhoub-Kevorkian’s detention. But there is little chance that a small group of dissenting scholars will stem the assault on freedom of speech within Israel’s higher education system. On the contrary, the events of the past seven months suggest just how closely the country’s universities are aligned with the imperatives of the state.

    Neve Gordon
    Neve Gordon is the author of Israel’s Occupation and coauthor, with Nicola Perugini, of Human Shields: A History of People in the Line of Fire, both published by University of California Press. (March 2024)

    Penny Green
    Penny Green is an expert on state crime and genocide. She is Professor of Law and Globalization at Queen Mary University of London and, with Tony Ward, coauthor of State Crime: Governments, Violence and Corruption and State Crime and Civil Activism: On the Dialectics of Repression and Resistance. (June 2024)

    Towers of Ivory and Steel: How Israeli Universities Deny Palestinian Freedom (Verso, 2024).
    #liberté_académique #Israël #répression #censure

  • Les #Voix_croisées - #Xaraasi_Xanne

    Using rare cinematic, photographic and sound archives, Xaraasi Xanne (Crossing Voices) recounts the exemplary adventure of #Somankidi_Coura, an agricultural #cooperative created in #Mali in 1977 by western African immigrant workers living in workers’ residences in France. The story of this improbable, utopic return to the Sahel region follows a winding path that travels through the ecological and decolonial challenges and conflicts of agriculture practices and sensing from the 1970s to the present day. One of the major actors of the movement, #Bouba_Touré, tells this story by plunging into the heart of his personal archives, which document the fights of farmers in France and in Mali, as well as those of immigrant workers, over a period of decades. The film is also a story about dialogues and transmission, friendships and cinematic geographies. Over the course of the film, different voices, enter the sound-scape to accompany Bouba Touré’s telling; they bring the tale of a forgotten memory toward a possible future sung by a polyphonic griot.

    #film #documentaire #film_documentaire #travailleurs_immigrés #coopérative_agricole #Somankidi #agriculture #retour_au_pays #fleuve_Sénégal #régularisation #sans-papiers #travailleurs_sans-papiers #travail #exploitation #logement #racisme #mal-logement #foyer #marchands_de_sommeil #conditions_de_vie #taudis #tuberculeuse #Fode_Sylla #lutte #grève_des_loyers #université_libre_de_Vincennes #L'Archer #Djiali_Ben_Ali #Association_culturelle_des_travailleurs_africains_en_France (#ACTAF) #manoeuvres #main_d'oeuvre_non_qualifiée #grève #Sahel #famine #1971 #sécheresse #Haute-Volta #aide_humanitaire #exode_rural #Larzac #récupération_des_sols #charité #luttes_de_libération #termites #Samé #aide_au_retour #luttes #arachide #travail_forcé #modernisation #mécanisation #graines #semences #endettement #Kayes #autonomie #femmes #genre #irrigation #radio #radio_rurale_Kayes #radio_rurale #permaculture #intelligence_collective


    A partir de 1h07’14, où l’on explique que les lois restrictives contre les migrations fixent les gens... alors qu’avant il y avait de la #migration_circulaire : beaucoup de personnes venaient en France 1-2 ans, repartaient au pays et ne revenaient plus jamais en France...
    #fermeture_des_frontières #sédentarisation #agroécologie

  • A #Lille, depuis 15 ans, un projet de « doublage » de la taille des rames de #métro est en réalisation SANS JAMAIS voir le jour.

    Comme je n’ai pas trouvé d’enquête complète et récente, je vais tenter ici de réunir au moins les articles qui permettent de se faire une idée.
    Peut être faut-il être sur d’autres réseaux sociaux pour avoir de l’info fraîche, mais je n’irai pas traîner la dedans, je fais ça ici.

    Info perso :
    Depuis 1 an, des actions techniques ont lieu régulièrement pour faire avancer le sujet.
    Il y a d’ailleurs eu un clash il y a 6 mois entre la MEL et #Alstom, dans les médias, ca se traduisait pas un éventuel procès et un blocage complet du projet. Mais en fait non.
    Par contre, le fait que ça n’avance pas... ça oui.
    Le fond du problème, ça serait la disparition des compétences qui étaient utilisées lors de sa réalisation dans les années 70-80.
    Il se disait aussi (mais depuis 30 ans) qu’un métro n’aurait jamais du être confié à un électronicien (Gabillard), mais plutôt à un.e automaticien. Que c’est ca qui casse tout.

    Et si on veut doubler ces rames, c’est que le besoin est pressant. La fréquence est déjà au max, le remplissage plus que saturé. Alors imaginez au quotidien... et cela depuis 10-15 ans.
    C’est toute la métropole et ses habitants qui en pâtissent.

    #transport_public #scandal #MEL #VAL

    • Et le tout sans parler des portiques ultra longs à s’ouvrir. De la présence de portiques, TOUT COURT. Et de l’apparition de plusieurs services de ticketing qui ont amené des modes de bipages différents et confusants.
      Sans compter non plus les tarifs en hausse constantes, les tarifications socio-humiliantes.
      Sans compter aussi, car c’est la même compagnie, les V’Lille en concurrence avec des fournisseurs privés de vélos, le tout sans augmentation des impôts alors que pourtant ces modes de transports biberonnent les commerces depuis des années.

  • Souriez, vous êtes observés

    Dans quelques jours commenceront les Jeux olympiques... et la plus importante expérimentation de contrôle social grandeur nature. Des centaines de caméras braquées sur la foule, en relation avec une intelligence artificielle, vont détecter en temps réel les comportements jugés suspects ou anormaux. L’intervention des forces de police pourra être immédiate. Un pouvoir totalitaire ne peut rêver mieux. Des explications et des vidéos...

    #JeuxOlympiques #surveillance #vidéosurveillance #libertaire #médias #contrôle #police

  • Électricité – Doublement du prix au mois d’août 2022 La CLCV porte plainte pour tromperie contre Ohm Énergie auprès du Procureur de la République (du 07/06/2024)

    La CLCV informe avoir porté plainte la semaine dernière auprès du Procureur de la République de Paris contre le fournisseur Ohm Énergie pour la hausse brutale et spectaculaire de ses prix en août 2022 et qu’elle considère comme susceptible de relever d’une pratique commerciale trompeuse.

    du 15/05/2024 :

    Le Médiateur de l’énergie a adressé mardi un « carton rouge » aux fournisseurs Engie, ENI, Ohm Énergie et Wekiwi pour avoir sous-évalué « délibérément » des mensualités pour « tromper les consommateurs sur le coût de leur énergie », et épingle le distributeur Enedis pour mauvais traitement des réclamations de ses clients.

    du 06/06/2024 :

    Ohm coupable d’avoir revendu un trop-plein d’électricité à prix d’or ?

    Ces pratiques datent de 2022. À l’époque, Ohm avait franchi la barre des 160 000 clients en promettant des tarifs défiant toute concurrence. Pour convaincre les futurs clients, le fournisseur s’était appuyé sur un démarchage commercial agressif, rappelle la CLCV. Sauf que les consommateurs ont reçu la douloureuse l’été suivant avec des factures augmentant jusqu’à 105% ! Le fondateur de Ohm Énergie avait alors mis en avant des prix de marché qui avaient explosé, l’obligeant à s’aligner. Si l’arrêt de certains réacteurs nucléaires et la guerre en Ukraine ont fait flamber la note, la plupart des fournisseurs avaient acheté de l’électricité en avance.
    Or certains, comme Ohm, avaient eu une stratégie inverse : multiplier les tarifs par deux, trois ou quatre pour faire fuir les clients et avoir plus de marge de manœuvre. Ainsi, l’électricité non vendue aux clients (partis) avait été ensuite revendue au prix fort sur les marchés. Comme Capital l’avait évoqué, Ohm aurait ainsi réalisé 44,3 millions d’euros de marges brutes. « Les éléments matériels à notre disposition nous amènent à estimer que tout ça avait été planifié des mois à l’avance », souligne François Carlier auprès du Parisien. Dans ce volet, la Commission de régulation de l’énergie (CRE) a mené son enquête, et selon Le Parisien, la culpabilité d’Ohm aurait été démontrée. Les ennuis pourraient ne faire que commencer…

    #énergie #électricité #dérégulation #libéralisation

    • L’information est tombée ce matin. Alors que les cours du gaz oscillent à des niveaux dix fois inférieurs au pic de la crise énergétique de l’été 2022, des millions de Français sont sur le point de voir leur facture exploser : au 1er juillet prochain (dans l’entre-deux tours de l’élection législative), le prix moyen de la facture de gaz va augmenter de 11,7 % en juillet. Encore un joli petit coup de pouce pour le Rassemblement national, qui n’en demandait pas tant.

  • Quando l’Italia scoprì i naufragi dei migranti

    Marzo 1997. Il mare di mezzo subisce le politiche repressive dell’Italia per chiudere i confini. La tragedia della #Kater_i_Rades si inserisce in una storia secolare di migrazione nell’Adriatico.

    Tutto sembra iniziare e finire con una polaroid. Agosto 1991, porto di Bari. Un peschereccio ha lanciato l’allarme alla Guardia Costiera di Brindisi:

    «C’è una nave stracarica di persone, viene verso l’Italia». «Quanti saranno?», chiede il controllo. «Una marea», risponde il peschereccio. La nave era la #Vlora, appena tornata in Albania dopo aver scaricato zucchero a Cuba.

    Il comandante della nave #Halim_Milaqi raccontò dell’assalto della folla di disperati allo sbando dopo la caduta del regime comunista, raccontò di essere stato costretto a levare l’ancora dal porto di Valona e a far rotta verso l’Italia.

    Il viceprefetto di Brindisi, #Bruno_Pezzuto, decise di dirottare la nave Vlora con i suoi ventimila passeggeri verso il porto di #Bari, pensando che le ore necessarie a un’imbarcazione così carica e lenta per raggiungere il capoluogo regionale potessero aiutare a organizzare soccorsi. Il resto è storia: lo sbarco sul molo troppo piccolo, ma più lontano dalla città; migliaia di persone ammassate allo #Stadio_della_Vittoria; i rimpatri; le tensioni tra l’amministrazione cittadina del capoluogo pugliese e il governo di Roma.

    Come se tutto quello che è accaduto, l’8 agosto 1991, fosse una sorta di trailer di quella che sarebbe diventata la narrazione tossica sulle migrazioni in Italia nei trent’anni seguenti. Una folla di senza nome, un affresco minaccioso, l’impressione dell’invasione. E delle frontiere che diventano letali.

    Il primo respingimento

    Ancora Italia-Albania, ancora lo stesso Adriatico, ma siamo nel 1997, il 28 marzo alle 18:57 per la precisione.

    La Kater i Rades, una motovedetta di piccole dimensioni, si dirige verso l’Italia. È carica di uomini, donne e bambini. In fuga dalle violenze che sono esplose in Albania dopo il crollo delle piramidi finanziarie che hanno messo sul lastrico tante famiglie.

    In Italia il dibattito politico è veemente: si teme un’altra “invasione” di migranti dall’Albania, il governo è sotto pressione e rafforza il pattugliamento nelle acque tra i due Stati. La Marina adotta anche manovre intenzionali per disturbare e interdire la navigazione di altri natanti civili.

    Una corvetta della Marina militare italiana, la Sibilla, avvista l’imbarcazione e inizia le manovre di “dissuasione”. Insegue la Kater i Rades, le gira intorno, la avvicina. Troppo. La tocca a poppa e in pochi minuti l’imbarcazione cola a picco nel Canale d’Otranto. I superstiti furono solo 34, i morti 57, in gran parte donne e bambini, 24 corpi non verranno mai ritrovati.

    Il processo per accertare le responsabilità dell’accaduto è molto lungo e alla fine gli unici responsabili del disastro risultano essere il comandante della Sibilla e l’uomo al timone della Kater.

    «Il naufragio della Kater i Rades costituisce una pietra di paragone per tutti gli altri naufragi a venire, non solo perché è stato l’esito delle politiche di respingimento e dell’isteria istituzionale che le ha prodotte. Non solo perché i termini della questione oggi sono i medesimi. Non solo perché, con totale cinismo o somma indifferenza, una forza politica di governo continua a parlare di blocchi navali nel Mediterraneo. Il naufragio della Kater i Rades è una pietra di paragone, perché, a differenza dei molti altri avvolti nel silenzio, è possibile raccontarlo», scrisse Alessandro Leogrande, nel suo libro inchiesta Il Naufragio, raccontando quello che viene ormai ricordato come la prima delle cosiddette tragedie del mare.

    Indietro nei secoli

    Eppure l’Adriatico è stato per secoli una rotta di migrazioni, del passato e del presente.

    La prima migrazione di massa è probabilmente sulla stessa rotta: ancora Albania-Italia. Tra il XV e il XVII secolo, provenienti da quelle regioni note come Epiro (oggi a cavallo tra Albania e Grecia), centinaia di migliaia di profughi si stabilirono in Italia. Dopo la caduta della resistenza all’avanzata dell’Impero ottomano, con la morte del comandante supremo Skanderbeg (l’eroe nazionale albanese Giorgio Castriota, morto nel 1468 combattendo gli ottomani, ndr), i civili che non volevano finire sotto l’egida del Sultano fuggirono verso la Puglia, passando l’Adriatico, fermandosi o continuando il loro viaggio fino a Calabria e Sicilia. Qui, dopo secoli, ancora oggi, conservano lingua e tradizioni dei loro antenati.

    E poi, durante la Guerra Fredda, piccole imbarcazioni di pescatori si mettevano al servizio – dietro compenso – di “viaggi” da una parte all’altra del confine tra Italia e Jugoslavia, in un senso e nell’altro. Verso le coste italiane fuggivano i nemici del socialismo e cioè nazionalisti, soprattutto croati, che volevano evitare i processi per aver collaborato con nazisti e fascisti. In Jugoslavia, invece, passavano militanti di sinistra italiani, ex partigiani che non avevano lasciato le armi o esponenti di movimenti extraparlamentari, che cercavano protezione o proseguivano verso l’allora Cecoslovacchia.

    Perché l’Adriatico, da sempre, per vicinanza e navigabilità, è una rotta quasi naturale dei movimenti umani, legali e illegali.

    Fino a pochi anni fa soltanto, ad esempio, una delle rotte migratorie più comuni era legata al porto greco di Patrasso. Migliaia di persone, che arrivavano in Grecia dal confine con la Turchia, per la maggior parte provenienti dall’Afghanistan e dal Pakistan, finivano in un accampamento informale all’ingresso del porto della città greca, vivendo in una tendopoli che ormai aveva assunto le dimensioni di una città fantasma.

    Bar e barbieri, piccoli ristoranti, negozi erano spuntati in tutto l’accampamento che arrivò a ospitare fino a duemila persone. Tendenzialmente tollerati dalle autorità e dai residenti, lentamente, vissero sulla loro pelle il cambio di narrazione sulle migrazioni, l’emergere dell’estrema destra (in particolare il movimento Alba Dorata), l’esasperazione dei residenti.

    Le tensioni aumentavano, ma decine di ragazzi continuavano a provare a partire, sempre nello stesso modo: aspettavano i camion che facevano manovra per entrare nel porto di Patrasso, provavano ad aprire il rimorchio e ci saltavano dentro. A volte riuscivano, altre no.

    Come nel caso di S.J., un migrante afghano di 24 anni, trovato morto nel garage del traghetto Cruise Europa della Minoan Lines il 6 settembre 2009, in rotta da Patrasso ad Ancona. Gli venne trovata in tasca una domanda per lo status di rifugiato politico in Grecia. L’autopsia stabilì che il giovane era morto per asfissia nella stiva, dove venne calcolato che la temperatura avesse raggiunto i 50 gradi percepiti. Nessuno ha mai tenuto il conto di quanti S.J. non ce l’hanno fatta.

    Pochi mesi prima, c’era stato il primo sgombero violento del campo, che si era poi ricostituito in più campi di dimensioni inferiori, ma che andarono incontro negli anni successivi allo stesso destino.

    La rotta adriatica

    Oggi quella rotta ha numeri poco significativi, ma ancora vengono registrati arrivi provenienti dai porti greci e albanesi a Bari, Brindisi, Ancona e Venezia.

    Una segnalazione di Global Initiative Against Transnational Organized Crime, ad esempio, raccontava nel 2021 come l’Albania fosse una base di partenza, ma non più per la popolazione locale.

    Il 9 gennaio 2021 un’imbarcazione con 55 migranti provenienti da Siria, Iran ed Egitto – tra cui donne e bambini – vennero salvati in mare al largo delle coste dell’Albania. Il motoscafo su cui viaggiavano, partito da Valona, ​​in Albania, era diretto in Italia e si era rotto. I piloti erano fuggiti e la barca andava alla deriva e perdeva carburante.

    La stessa segnalazione analizzava anche altri viaggi, che cominciano sulle coste sia dell’Albania sia del vicino Montenegro, ma con una modalità diversa rispetto al passato: non più grandi imbarcazioni, non più nascosti nei traghetti. Ma piccole barche, a volte addirittura a vela (facilmente scambiabili per imbarcazioni da turismo) per piccoli gruppi. Che potevano pagare cifre molto alte in cambio di un viaggio più sicuro.

    Il naufragio di Steccato di Cutro, che ha fatto almeno 180 vittime nel febbraio 2023, è il risultato di un viaggio simile. Il caicco inabissatosi, però, era partito dalla Turchia ed era diretto in Calabria. Un’ipotesi è che abbia evitato l’Adriatico perché, secondo le testimonianze di alcuni migranti e le informazioni fornite da una fonte di IrpiMedia, i trafficanti lo considerano troppo pattugliato, molto più delle coste calabresi.

    Oggi in alto Adriatico, la rotta migratoria più battuta è quella via terra. Ogni giorno, nel piazzale principale della stazione ferroviaria di Trieste, si possono incontrare le persone in viaggio sulla cosiddetta Rotta balcanica. Si calcola che siano state decine di migliaia le persone arrivate via terra dal 2015, con un incremento negli ultimi anni.

    Rispetto alle migrazioni via mare, invece, le novità degli ultimi anni in Adriatico, sono legate soprattutto a rotte di “ritorno”. Sempre più spesso, alle navi delle Ong che salvano in mare persone dalla rotta del Mediterraneo centrale, vengono assegnati porti in Adriatico, per ordine del governo italiano. Rispetto a questa pratica, dovuta alla nuova normativa italiana, le ong hanno emesso un comunicato congiunto nel quale accusano l’esecutivo di Roma.

    «Nel 2023, le navi di soccorso delle Ong sono state costrette a percorrere più di 150.500 km in più per raggiungere porti lontani, il che equivale a fare più di tre volte e mezzo il giro del mondo. Ciò significa centinaia di giorni trascorsi lontano dall’area di ricerca e soccorso, dove la vita delle persone è a rischio», denunciano le organizzazioni firmatarie.

    L’ultimo accordo

    C’è un’ultima polaroid che rischia di essere scattata, questa volta dall’altro lato dell’Adriatico. Rappresenta due centri di detenzione in territorio albanese per le persone migranti intercettate o soccorse in mare dalle navi italiane. Nel novembre 2023, infatti, l’Italia ha siglato un accordo con l’Albania che porterà alla nascita in territorio albanese di «strutture per effettuare le procedure di frontiera o di rimpatrio dei migranti non aventi diritto all’ingresso e alla permanenza nel territorio italiano».

    Secondo Amnesty International, l’accordo rappresenta una «violazione degli standard internazionali di ricerca e soccorso, riversa sofferenze aggiuntive su persone appena salvate dal mare, spesso traumatizzate per aver appena assistito all’annegamento di altre persone o bisognose di assistenza urgente» e mette «a rischio numerose vite umane».

    L’intesa tra i presidenti Giorgia Meloni e Edi Rama vale almeno 65 milioni di euro, il prezzo per la sola costruzione degli edifici, a cui vanno ovviamente aggiunti i costi di gestione, a carico sempre dello Stato italiano.

    Nel maggio 2024, mentre in Italia infuriavano le polemiche sui costi di queste strutture in rapporti ai reali risultati che dovrebbero raggiungere, in Albania la costruzione del centro per l’arrivo dei migranti via mare, nel porto della cittadina di Shëngjin, era praticamente conclusa, mentre quella del centro di detenzione nella località interna di Gjader, era ancora molto indietro.

    Ciò nonostante, nel corso di una visita in Albania il 5 giugno 2024, la presidente del Consiglio Giorgia Meloni ha dichiarato che «il complesso dei due centri per migranti in Albania sarà operativo dal primo agosto 2024». È un cerchio che sembra chiudersi, ancora una volta, a scapito dei diritti e delle vite umane.

    Gli impatti

    Decine di scatti, decine di movimenti tra le sponde, di traffici legali e illegali e di migrazioni. Movimenti che hanno avuto e hanno sempre un impatto, da entrambi i lati. Ci sono gli impatti sulle storie personali, quelle di chi è riuscito ad avere una nuova vita, di chi non è arrivato, di chi è arrivato e ha trovato altro.

    Come Hyso Telharaj, arrivato in Italia dall’Albania nel 1999 e ucciso pochi mesi dopo per essersi rifiutato di piegarsi ai caporali delle campagne pugliesi dove lavorava come bracciante.

    Ci sono poi impatti più ampi, la cui concretezza si può notare dopo giorni, mesi, anni. È l’impatto dei flussi economici provenienti dai traffici, che attraversano il mare di mezzo. Non c’è una mappa che descrive questi impatti: ci sono collegamenti, passaggi di denaro tra una città e un’altra, operazioni che svelano sistemi che vanno ben oltre i confini nazionali. Sono flussi che, a differenza di quelli di persone, non creano allarme sociale, ma creano cambiamenti reali, più o meno visibili.

    Ci sono i soldi del contrabbando di sigarette, che hanno avuto un impatto locale, garantendo un reddito a migliaia di pugliesi, e un impatto internazionale, con enormi quantità di denaro drenate verso i paradisi fiscali.

    E poi ci sono i traffici di stupefacenti che, attraverso il riciclaggio dei proventi in attività immobiliari e turistiche, hanno cambiato il volto di porzioni di costa su entrambe le sponde dell’Adriatico. Non solo. In Albania, hanno anche contribuito a falsare l’economia e a far salire i prezzi, a danno di chi in certi affari illegali non è coinvolto, ma ne paga comunque le conseguenze.

    Vale anche per i rifiuti tossici e le armi, che hanno avuto impatti devastanti sulla salute e anche sulla stessa vita degli abitanti dei luoghi di destinazione di questi flussi di merci illegali.

    L’Adriatico è una frontiera dove, fin dai tempi degli Imperi del Quattrocento, c’è una continua commistione tra interessi criminali ed economie legali. La globalizzazione ha accorciato le distanze del mondo ma ancora oggi non c’è nessuna cerniera che tiene insieme mondi diversi in uno spazio così ridotto: Oriente e Occidente; Europa dentro l’Unione europea, ed Europa fuori dall’Unione europea. Tutti bagnati dallo stesso mare di mezzo.


    #naufrage #asile #migrations #réfugiés #Albanie #réfugiés_albanais #Italie #Adriatique #Méditerranée #1997 #mer_Adriatique #histoire
    #28_mars_1997 #Sibilla #procès #justice #Cutro #Steccato_di_Cutro #Hyso_Telharaj

    • Il naufragio. Morte nel Mediterraneo

      «Il naufragio della Kater i Rades costituisce una pietra di paragone per tutti gli altri naufragi a venire, non solo perché è stato l’esito delle politiche di respingimento e dell’isteria istituzionale che le ha prodotte. Non solo perché i termini della questione oggi sono i medesimi. Non solo perché, con totale cinismo o somma indifferenza, una forza politica di governo continua a parlare di blocchi navali nel Mediterraneo. Il naufragio della Kater i Rades è una pietra di paragone, perché, a differenza dei molti altri avvolti nel silenzio, è possibile raccontarlo.»

      Alle 18.57 del 28 marzo 1997 una piccola motovedetta albanese stracarica di immigrati, la Kater i Rades, viene speronata da una corvetta della Marina militare italiana, la Sibilla. In pochi minuti l’imbarcazione cola a picco nel Canale d’Otranto. È la sera del Venerdì Santo. I superstiti sono solo 34, i morti 57, in gran parte donne e bambini, 24 corpi non verranno mai ritrovati. È uno dei peggiori naufragi avvenuti nel Mediterraneo negli ultimi vent’anni. Ma soprattutto è la più grande tragedia del mare prodotta dalle politiche di respingimento. La guerra civile albanese, che infuria da settimane, spinge migliaia di uomini, donne e bambini a partire verso le coste italiane in cerca della salvezza. La crisi del paese balcanico fa paura. In molti in Italia alimentano il terrore dell’invasione e prospettano la necessità del blocco navale. Così, tre giorni prima del naufragio, il governo italiano vara delle misure di controllo e pattugliamento nelle acque tra i due Stati che prevedono anche il ricorso a procedure di «harassment», ovvero «azioni cinematiche di disturbo e di interdizione». Prima dello scontro, la Sibilla insegue la Kater i Rades per un tempo che agli uomini e alle donne sulla carretta appare incredibilmente lungo. Il processo per accertare le responsabilità dell’accaduto è lunghissimo. Le indagini vengono ostacolate e intralciate, alcune prove scompaiono o non vengono mai recuperate. Alla fine, gli unici responsabili del disastro risultano essere il comandante della Sibilla e l’uomo al timone della Kater. Intanto in Albania, i sopravvissuti e i parenti delle vittime creano un comitato per ottenere giustizia. Alessandro Leogrande ha indagato a lungo sul naufragio del Venerdì Santo: ha incontrato i sopravvissuti e i parenti delle vittime, i militari, gli avvocati, gli attivisti delle associazioni antirazziste e ha girato per le città e i villaggi dell’Albania da cui sono partiti i migranti.


      #livre #Alessandro_Leogrande

  • Lecture d’un extrait du livre « Ceux qui appartiennent au jour » d’Emma Doude Van Troostwijk, paru aux Éditions de Minuit, en 2024.


    Une jeune femme d’origine néerlandaise revient voir sa famille de pasteur installée dans le presbytère d’un village en Alsace. Un grand-père atteint de pertes de mémoire. Un père en proie à un burn-out et un frère qui s’interroge sur son futur en tant que pasteur. La vulnérabilité masculine vue à travers le regard d’une jeune femme. Un premier roman sur l’héritage et la transmission, sur le présent de ce monde qui « brûle jusqu’au bout ». Un récit construit comme une espèce de jeu de patience, dont les fragments parsemés de mots néerlandais et français, compose avec pudeur une suite de tableaux d’observations décrivant les gestes du quotidien d’une famille se racontant des histoires pour ne pas oublier.

    (...) #Radio_Marelle, #Écriture, #Livre, #Lecture, #En_lisant_en_écrivant, #Podcast, #Art, #Poésie, #Littérature, #Mémoire, #Famille, #Religion, #Temps (...)



  • tomloprod/colority: Colority is a lightweight PHP library designed to handle color transformations, validations and manipulations with ease.

    Colority is a lightweight #PHP #library designed to handle #color transformations, validations and manipulations with ease.

    It allows you to instantiate concrete objects according to the color format (RGB, HSL, Hexadecimal) and convert from one format to another.

    Additionally, it lets you check if a background color meets the WCAG 2.0 #accessibility standard regarding the color contrast ratio in text and UI.

    Furthermore, it includes multiple functions such as the following:

    – Generate the best foreground color (white, black, or from a user-provided list) for a background color, ensuring the best possible contrast ratio. (important for improving text visibility on, for example, colored badges).
    – Generate a fixed color based on a string. Useful for generating a color associated with, for example, a username.
    – Allows you to obtain a random color similar to a given color.

    via https://blog.jetbrains.com/phpstorm/2024/06/php-annotated-may-2024

    • Pour Eric Hazan, changer le monde n’était pas un programme d’avenir mais un travail de chaque jour, par #Jacques_Rancière

      Ce n’est pas seulement qu’il s’intéressait à tout et que sa culture humaniste était bien plus vaste et profonde que celle de tant de clercs qui sourient d’engagements militants comme les siens. C’est que le monde pour lequel il se battait était celui de l’expérience la plus large et la plus riche et qu’il ne séparait pas le travail de la connaissance et les émotions de l’art de la passion de la justice. Cet homme indigné contre toute oppression aimait, plus que les crieurs, celles et ceux qui cherchent, inventent et créent.


    • Les éditions Agone. 18, boulevard de Paris 13003 Marseille

      Alors que se perpétue le dérisoire jeu de chaises musicales entre la poignée d’employés (très, très bien payés) qui fait tourner le marché de la concentration pour quelques millionnaires sinon milliardaires, un événement du sous-champ culturel du #livre mérite, lui, une place dans nos mémoires. Jeudi 6 juin, Éric Hazan est mort. Du « Monde » et « L’Humanité » à « Libération », en passant par « Télérama » et « Mediapart », la presse parisienne a donné, avec plus ou moins d’honnêteté, de dignité ou de platitude, le portrait du fondateur des #éditions_La_Fabrique. Rappelons ici sa place, centrale depuis vingt ans, dans la défense du métier d’éditeur. Et la critique à laquelle il a donné un titre : L’Édition sans éditeur – premier des trois livres de l’éditeur franco-américain #André_Schiffrin qu’Éric Hazan a édités et traduits en 1999. Alors que, plus que jamais, la concentration détruit l’édition dans l’indifférence générale – de l’État qui la soutient, des auteurs et autrices qui n’en tirent aucune conséquence aux journalistes qui l’accompagnent et aux libraires qui l’acceptent –, la lucidité d’Éric Hazan et sa manière si singulière, ferme et paisible, d’affirmer franchement les réalités les plus dures nous manquent plus que jamais.


    • Éric Hazan, des combats au cœur des livres - #Jean_Stern @orientxxi

      Éditeur et essayiste, Éric Hazan, qui vient de mourir à 87 ans, avait fondé La fabrique il y a 25 ans. Pionnier de l’édition indépendante en France, Hazan avait bataillé contre la mainmise des groupes financiers sur la vie éditoriale. La fabrique est aussi l’un des lieux majeurs de publication d’essais et d’analyses sur le judaïsme, le sionisme, Israël et la Palestine.

    • Traduction en anglais de l’article de Jacques Rancière paru sur Libé le 08/06/2024 :

      There is an infinitely reductive way of commemorating Eric Hazan, simply by saluting him as a courageous publisher and defender of the radical left, an unyielding supporter of the rights of the Palestinians and a man who, against the grain of his times, so believed in revolution that he devoted a book to the first measures to be taken on the morning after.

      He was certainly all these things, but we first need to register the essential point: in an age when the word ‘publishing’ conjures up empires of businessmen for whom everything is a commodity, even the most nauseating ideas, he was first and foremost a great publisher. This was not simply a matter of competence. It was much more a question of personality. And Eric was an exceptional personality: possessed of a mind curious about everything, a scientist by training and neurosurgeon in a previous life, but also a connoisseur of the arts and lover of literature; a city-dweller, sensitive to the living history of every stone in the street; an open and welcoming man with a radiant smile and eloquent handshake, eager to communicate his passions, to share his discoveries and convince others – without preaching – of what he considered to be the exigences of justice.

      I learnt from our first contact, just as La Fabrique was starting up, that he was no ordinary publisher. He had attended a few sessions of my seminar on aesthetics and wanted to better understand what I was doing and where it was heading. I sent him a short interview I’d done for a magazine published by friends of mine. A few days later, he told me that it was a book and that he was going to publish it. Which he did so effectively that this little volume, barely visible on a bookshelf, found its way around the world. I thereby discovered something surprising: a great publisher is one who can recognize you have written a book when you don’t know it yourself.

      Thus began a long collaboration punctuated by books whose titles alone prove that he was so much more than a publisher of revolutionary firebrands. Were that the case, what business would he have with exploring territories as remote from immediate political action as the landscape of eighteenth-century England, the dissolution of the traditional threads of narrative in the novels of Flaubert, Conrad or Virginia Woolf, the interweaving of time in the films of Dziga Vertov, John Ford or Pedro Costa, or the conception of the spectator implied by this or that installation of contemporary art? What, moreover, would lead him to publish a complete edition stretching to over a thousand pages of Walter Benjamin’s Baudelaire? And to immerse himself in Balzac’s Paris? It’s not only that he was interested in everything and his engagement with humanist culture was far broader and deeper than so many of the ‘clercs’ who smirk at militant commitments of his kind. It was because he fought for a world of the widest and richest experience, and did not separate the work of knowledge and the emotions of art from the passion of justice. This man – indignant against all oppression – loved, more than sloganeers, those who seek, invent and create.

      Changing the world was for him not a programme for the future but a daily task of adjusting our vision and finding the right words. And he understood that revolt is itself a means of discovery. In the work of the most radical authors he published, whether on feminism, decolonialism or pipeline sabotage, he discerned not only a cry of anger against the reign of injustice but also a project of research, a singular expression of the world we live in, and a new way of shedding light on it. Hence, he was careful to ensure that the most provocative titles appeared in booksellers’ windows adorned in such a way that made them precious objects.

      Is this why he chose the name La Fabrique? For connoisseurs of workers’ history, the name recalls Echo de la fabrique, the newspaper of the Lyonnais canuts during their revolt of the 1830s. No doubt it was important for it to evoke the memory of the great days of 1848 and the Commune. But the word ‘fabrique’ also associated this tradition of struggle with a whole conception of the publisher’s work: a radical departure from the logic of profit and its associated strictures of management; an artisanal love of craftsmanship that neglected no aspect of book production; but also an idea of the fraternal workshop where men and women would bring the product of their labours which, as they intertwined, would be transformed into something else: a shared wealth of experience, of knowledge and insight, the sense of a collective capacity to build a world different from the one that our masters and their intellectual lackeys present to us as the only, inescapable reality.

      Offering alternative cartographies of what is visible, of what takes place and what matters in our world: this is the concern that brought him together with so many authors of such different interests, ideas and sensibilities, all of which he respected equally without attempting to corral them into a common line. Because this great publisher was above all a free man who could only breathe in an atmosphere of freedom.

      Was it the thinning of this atmosphere that, alongside his illness, darkened his final days? Never have the causes for which he fought been so mockingly besmirched in theory, so blithely trampled underfoot in practice, as they are today. For a long time, Eric saw in the very ignominy of the powers that govern us a reason to hope for the coming revolution. Their world, he thought, is so decrepit that the slightest blow here or there is bound to bring about its collapse. This is the logic, perhaps a little too cursory, of good craftsmen and sons of the Enlightenment. They believe that rot causes buildings to crumble. Unfortunately, it is more like the glue holding the system together. And this imposes a long and painstaking task on those who first and foremost need air that is more breathable and more conducive to the preparation of other tomorrows. It is, in any case, a task for which his uncompromising resistance to baseness in every form will long serve as an example.

  • Netanyahu dit qu’Israël est « prêt » pour une opération « très intense » à la frontière libanaise

    Le nord d’Israël brûle. Avec le début de la période des chaleurs, la moindre roquette tirée par le #Hezbollah_libanais sur le territoire de l’État hébreu déclenche d’importants feux de forêt. Les pompiers israéliens ont comptabilisé près d’une centaine d’incendies depuis ce lundi. Le cabinet de guerre israélien s’est réuni ce mardi 4 juin dans la soirée alors que la confrontation entre #Israël et le Hezbollah dure depuis le début de la guerre à #Gaza et pourrait entrer dans une nouvelle phase.

    Le Liban, otage du Moyen-Orient

    Tandis que le Hezbollah menace d’entrer en guerre contre Israël, retour sur l’installation au pouvoir du mouvement chiite et sur son poids politique au pays du Cèdre. Une ascension qui fragilise l’équilibre entre les communautés religieuses et ethniques du #Liban.

    • @vanderling : il y a une règle à laquelle tu peux te fier facilement : quand Arte consacre un sujet au Hezbollah, tu peux être certain que ça va être du niveau de l’accident industriel en matière de journalisme.

      Je ne suis donc même pas allé consulter celui-là, mais normalement c’est immanquable. On va tendre le crachoir à des politiciens qui doivent leur position au fait d’être le fils d’un criminel de guerre de la guerre civile, à l’agitation sectaire à base de peurs confessionnelles, à leur participation au système de corruption généralisé de la classe politique libanaise et, évidemment, au soutien sonnant et trébuchant du royaume saoudien. Et on te les fait passer pour d’authentiques démocrates, modérés et sages, voire même laïcs, qui diraient tout haut ce que « tous » les Libanais pensent tout bas : le Hezbollah a pris le Liban en otage, le Hezbollah menace les autres communautés, c’est le Hezbollah qui attaque Israël, c’est le Hezbollah qui « interdit » à l’armée de défendre les frontières, le Hezbollah a perdu toute légitimité, les municipalités où le Hezbollah est élu s’appellent des « fiefs », etc.

    • Je le sais bien @arno , à vrai dire, non ! J’en sais plutôt rien ou pas grand-chose au sujet du Hezbollah, du Liban et du Proche-Orient en général.
      Si j’ai cessé de suivre et de m’intéresser à la guerre en Ukraine. (La norme étant qu’un conflit chasse l’autre. Cette spirale meurtrière me donne le tournis). Depuis l’attaque du Hamas du 7/10/23 et la répression sanglante tout azimut d’Israël. Je crois Rima Hassan quand elle dit que « Bibi » Netanyahou et son gouvernement sont pire que Poutine. Le conflit libanais étant plus vieux que moi de même que Hassan Nasrallah. Je me suis vite convaincu que cette guerre était sans fin, voire sans queue ni tête. Si j’ai collé le lien d’Arte.info, je ne l’ai pas regardé non plus. Du moins pas celui-là ; je regarde la télévision mais jamais en streaming de films ou docs de plus de 15’. Non, Arte a diffusé un autre doc sur l’actualité libanaise avec des déclamations belliqueuses de Nasrallah et l’historique du Hezbollah qui me l’on rendu presque sympathique.

      Le chef du Hezbollah libanais, le 3/11/23 [France 24]

      Je sais tes liens intimes avec le Liban en te suivant ici et l’actualité en ligne suivie de @kassem, @loutre, @gonzo en particulier sans compter les autres. Sache que quand j’étais jeune et con au début des années 90. Je rêvais d’aller à Beyrouth. Maintenant que je suis vieux et toujours aussi con, je pense que je vais me convertir à l’Ismaélisme.