• Sajid Javid clears England’s travel red list as Omicron takes hold | Transport policy | The Guardian

    Sajid Javid clears England’s travel red list as Omicron takes hold
    All 11 countries to be removed from list as concerns about importing variant diminish
    All 11 countries on England’s travel red list are to be taken off it from 4am on Wednesday, amid diminishing concern about Omicron cases being imported into the country.Given that the variant has already taken hold in the UK – making up a third of new infections in London – the health secretary, Sajid Javid, announced that mandatory hotel quarantine for those arriving from some southern African countries was set to end.Instead, all travellers arriving in England will be able to isolate at home. If double-vaccinated, they can be released with a negative PCR test taken within two days of arrival. If not they must stay at home for 10 days and get a test before day two and another on day eight or later.The red list was cleared at the end of October, but after the discovery of the Omicron variant in South Africa, 11 countries were put back on it. They were: Angola, Botswana, Eswatini, Lesotho, Malawi, Mozambique, Namibia, Nigeria, South Africa, Zambia and Zimbabwe.Omicron’s spread through the UK has been swift. The UK Health Security Agency said on Monday that the number of confirmed cases of the variant was 4,700, but estimated daily infections were about 200,000.Javid announced in parliament on Tuesday that the red list was being emptied, saying it had become “less effective in slowing the incursion of Omicron from abroad”. He said the requirement to get tested before departure would remain in place.He had hinted at the move in a statement to the Commons last week. Under pressure from Tory MPs who raised concerns about the aviation and tourism sectors, Javid said that because Omicron cases would probably spread quickly in the UK, there would be “less need to have any kind of travel restrictions at all”.As health restrictions are devolved, it will be up to the administrations in Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland whether to follow suit.Last week, EU leaders discussed easing similar curbs. Reuters reported a senior official as saying the travel ban was “a time-limited measure” but there were no immediate plans to lift it.The US has kept up its own travel ban, with the White House’s chief medical adviser saying action was taken when the country was “in the dark” about the variant, to give time to assess its threat.Some political leaders in southern Africa said the restrictions were unfair. Cyril Ramaphosa, the president of South Africa, said he was “deeply disappointed” by the action. According to the BBC, he said: “The only thing the prohibition on travel will do is to further damage the economies of the affected countries and undermine their ability to respond to, and recover from, the pandemic.”Akinwumi Adesina, the president of the African Development Bank Group, tweeted last week: “Now that Omicron has been found in many non-African and developed countries, why are travels from those countries not banned? Singling out African countries is very unfair, non-scientific and discriminatory.”


  • Coronavirus: UK lifts Omicron travel ban for 11 African nations | South China Morning Post

    Coronavirus: UK lifts Omicron travel ban for 11 African nations
    Countries on the UK’s travel red list include South Africa, Zambia and Botswana. Health Secretary Sajid Javid said the measure is less effective in slowing the incursion of Omicron from abroad as the new variant has already taken hold in Britain
    Britain will remove all 11 countries from its Covid-19 travel red list from Wednesday because there is now community transmission of Omicron, Health Secretary Sajid Javid told parliament.The British government added the southern African countries to its red list in late November, meaning that entry was only allowed to UK citizens or residents who then must quarantine in a hotel, in a bid to slow the spread of the new variant.“Now that there is community transmission of Omicron in the UK and Omicron has spread so widely across the world, the travel red list is now less effective in slowing the incursion of Omicron from abroad,” Javid said.
    UK’s PM Boris Johnson accused of ‘culture of disregard’ for Covid-19 rules
    13 Dec 2021“Whilst we will maintain our temporary testing measures for international travel we will be removing all 11 countries from the travel red list effective from 4am tomorrow morning.”Britain requires all inbound travellers to take either a PCR or a rapid lateral flow test a maximum of 48 hours before departure.Transport Secretary Grant Shapps said these testing measures would be reviewed in the first week of January.
    What do we know about the new coronavirus variant Omicron?“As always, we keep all our travel measures under review and we may impose new restrictions should there be a need to do so to protect public health,” he said on Twitter.The 11 countries which will be removed from the list are Angola, Botswana, Eswantini, Lesotho, Malawi, Mozambique, Namibia, Nigeria, South Africa, Zambia and Zimbabwe.


  • Variant Omicron : le Nigeria juge « discriminatoire » l’interdiction de voyage décrétée par le Royaume-Uni

    Variant Omicron : le Nigeria juge « discriminatoire » l’interdiction de voyage décrétée par le Royaume-Uni
    Abuja considère cette décision « injuste, inéquitable, punitive, indéfendable et qui n’est pas motivée par la science ou même le bon sens ».
    La décision du Royaume-Uni de placer le Nigeria sur sa liste rouge des pays dont les voyageurs sont interdits d’entrée sur son territoire pour empêcher la propagation du variant Omicron est jugée « discriminatoire » et « injuste » par Abuja. « Cette décision est injuste, inéquitable, punitive, indéfendable et discriminatoire. Elle n’est pas non plus motivée par la science ou même le bon sens », a déclaré à la presse le ministre de l’information du Nigeria, Lai Mohammed.
    Le gouvernement britannique a ajouté le pays le plus peuplé d’Afrique sur cette liste, qui compte pour l’heure dix pays africains, après l’annonce la semaine passée de la découverte de cas de variant Omicron au Nigeria. Le Royaume-Uni a lui détecté à ce jour quelque 160 cas du variant Omicron. Mais selon les autorités, la grande majorité des cas présentent des liens évidents avec des voyages récents en Afrique du Sud et au Nigeria.
    Lire aussi Le Nigeria et le Ghana détectent leurs premiers cas du variant OmicronAinsi, depuis lundi, les voyageurs en provenance du Nigeria sont interdits d’entrée au Royaume-Uni, à l’exception des ressortissants et résidents qui devront observer une quarantaine de dix jours à l’hôtel à leurs frais.« Nous espérons sincèrement que le gouvernement britannique réexaminera la décision d’inscrire le Nigeria sur la liste rouge et l’annulera immédiatement », a également ajouté le ministre nigérian. Il a également déclaré que les pays développés feraient mieux de s’assurer que les pays en développement comme le Nigeria aient un accès aux vaccins plutôt que d’imposer des restrictions sur les voyages.Le Canada a également banni les voyageurs en provenance d’Egypte, du Nigeria et du Malawi par peur d’une propagation du nouveau variant. La présence d’Omicron est désormais confirmée dans quelque quarante pays dans le monde, après avoir d’abord été détectée par l’Afrique du Sud.Fin novembre, une équipe de chercheurs sud-africains a annoncé avoir détecté un nouveau variant du Covid-19, baptisé Omicron. La réaction a été immédiate : de nombreux pays avaient fermé leurs frontières, mettant en quelques heures l’Afrique australe au ban du monde.Lundi, les présidents sud-africain Cyril Ramaphosa et sénégalais Macky Sall ont dénoncé l’attitude des pays riches à l’encontre de l’Afrique du Sud après la découverte du variant Omicron. « Isoler un pays qui a séquencé un nouveau variant et fait preuve de transparence est non seulement discriminatoire, mais aussi contre-productif, car c’est inciter les autres » à ne pas être transparents, a estimé Macky Sall dans son discours d’ouverture du Forum international de Dakar sur la paix et la sécurité en Afrique.


  • Covid-19 : la France impose un test négatif obligatoire à tous les voyageurs, vaccinés ou non, arrivant de pays situés en dehors de l’UE

    Covid-19 : la France impose un test négatif obligatoire à tous les voyageurs, vaccinés ou non, arrivant de pays situés en dehors de l’UE
    Les autorités sanitaires françaises ont recensé treize cas suspects de contamination par le variant Omicron du coronavirus SARS-CoV-2 sur l’ensemble du territoire français, a par ailleurs annoncé Gabriel Attal, mercredi, après le conseil des ministres.
    Face à la propagation du variant Omicron du nouveau coronavirus, Gabriel Attal, porte-parole du gouvernement, a annoncé un renforcement du protocole sanitaire pour les voyageurs internationaux, mercredi 1er décembre. Paris va imposer un test de dépistage négatif au coronavirus pour tout voyageur, vacciné ou non vacciné, provenant de pays extérieurs à l’Union européenne (UE), a-t-il dit. Ce test devra être de moins de quarante-huit heures pour les personnes vaccinées et de moins de vingt-quatre heures pour celles qui ne sont pas vaccinées, a-t-il déclaré à l’issue du conseil des ministres.Les autorités sanitaires françaises ont recensé treize cas suspects de contamination par le variant Omicron du SARS-CoV-2 sur l’ensemble du territoire français, a annoncé par ailleurs Gabriel Attal, lors du compte rendu du conseil des ministres. Selon lui, il est donc fort probable que des cas d’infection par ce nouveau variant identifié en Afrique du Sud soient déjà présents en France et identifiés dans les heures ou jours à venir.
    Le porte-parole du gouvernement a également expliqué mercredi que les vols avec dix pays de l’Afrique australe reprendront à partir de samedi avec un encadrement « drastique » qui ne permettra de voyager qu’aux Français, aux ressortissants de l’UE, aux diplomates et aux navigants. Ces dix pays sont l’Afrique du Sud, le Lesotho, le Botswana, le Zimbabwe, le Mozambique, la Namibie, l’Eswatini, le Malawi, la Zambie et l’île Maurice.
    Ces voyageurs subiront en outre un test de détection du SARS-CoV-2 à leur arrivée en France, suivi d’un isolement de sept jours en cas de résultat négatif et de dix jours si le résultat est positif. Dans les deux cas, l’isolement « sera surveillé par des forces de sécurité intérieure, et, en cas de non-respect de l’isolement, une amende de 1 000 à 1 500 euros » sera infligée, a ajouté M. Attal. Plus tôt dans la matinée, le secrétaire d’Etat aux affaires européennes, Clément Beaune, avait détaillé sur RTL un protocole européen « extrêmement renforcé », faisant actuellement l’objet de discussions entre les Vingt-Sept. Il devrait comprendre des restrictions déjà prises à l’encontre des pays « en liste rouge » lors des précédentes vagues de propagation du Covid-19 (« test à l’arrivée, test au départ et isolement »). « Nous irons sans doute encore plus loin », avait alors ajouté le secrétaire d’Etat, expliquant déjà que mêmes les personnes vaccinées devraient probablement se soumettre à un test pour voyager entre la France et ces pays d’Afrique australe.


  • Participations à l’#ordre
    Dossier coordonné par Guillaume Gourgues et Julie Le Mazier

    Ce numéro, dont vous trouverez ci-dessous la table des matières, regroupe des articles portant sur la #mobilisation de #volontaires, non professionnel·les, pour des #missions_de_sécurité ou de défense, qu’elle soit ou non tolérée, approuvée voire initiée par l’État. En explorant des contextes et des dispositifs différenciés, aussi bien au nord qu’au sud, et selon des méthodes et des approches théoriques plurielles, les articles montrent que loin de remettre en cause les prérogatives de l’État, la « participation à l’ordre » (et ses déclinaisons) constitue une #technique_de_gouvernement. Conçue pour retisser des liens sociaux, moraux ou politiques supposément défaits, en façonnant l’engagement, la « #civilité » ou le « #civisme », ou encore les #sociabilités_locales, elle vise à produire de « #bons_citoyens » ou de « #bonnes_citoyennes ». Entre logique gouvernementale et réappropriation des dispositifs par des participant·e·s à la recherche de rétributions matérielles et symboliques, cette #participation_à_l'ordre se présente comme un point nodal d’une forme de « #gouvernementalité_participative » en pleine expansion.

    « Introduction. Participations à l’ordre et participations conservatrices »
    Guillaume Gourgues, Julie Le Mazier

    « La #sécurité est-elle vraiment "l’affaire de tous" ? Les limites de la #participation_citoyenne en France dans un domaine typiquement régalien »
    Virginie Malochet

    « Quand la #gendarmerie devient participative : l’engagement des voisin·es dans les réseaux officiels de #vigilance en #France »
    Eleonora Elguezabal

    « La #surveillance a-t-elle une couleur politique ? Cercles de vigilance, capital social et compétition municipale dans des espaces périurbains en France »
    Matthijs Gardenier

    « Démocratiser le fusil. L’imagination composite d’une #citoyenneté_coercitive en #Ouganda »
    Florence Brisset-Foucault

    « #Policiers_vigilants et #vigilants_policiers. #Community_policing et division du travail policier en milieu urbain au #Malawi »
    Paul Grassin

    « Hiérarchies sociales, réforme morale et précarité économique au sein de l’#Oodua_People’s_Congress : de l’expérience vigilante radicale au travail de sécurité à #Lagos (#Nigeria) »
    Lucie Revilla

    « La certification d’un #citoyen_secoureur en #Chine contemporaine. Établir et représenter a posteriori la vertu d’un acteur au sein d’une arène de droit »
    Chayma Boda

    « Lecture critique. Participer à la modération sur les #réseaux_sociaux : définir, appliquer et contester les règles »
    Romain Badouard

    #revue #ordre_public

    ping @davduf

  • Plus de 200 000 personnes retournent au Zimbabwe tandis que la COVID-19 a un impact sur les économies régionales | Organisation internationale pour les migrations

    Plus de 200 000 Zimbabwéens sont rentrés chez eux au cours de l’année écoulée en raison des retombées économiques de la COVID-19 dans les pays où ils travaillaient.L’Organisation internationale pour les migrations (OIM) met à disposition du personnel infirmier pour aider les fonctionnaires zimbabwéens à effectuer des tests COVID-19. Les autres services comprennent des activités essentielles de communication des risques et de surveillance des maladies, de prévention et de contrôle de l’infection, de protection, d’eau, d’assainissement et d’hygiène (WASH) et d’aide à la réintégration.Mario Lito Malanca, chef de mission de l’OIM au Zimbabwe, a fait remarquer que le nombre de retours a dépassé les attentes, soulignant l’impact socioéconomique massif que le virus a eu dans les régions et qui nécessite un recentrage sur des solutions à long terme.« Sans ces mesures, nous verrons de nombreux migrants de retour s’enfoncer davantage dans la crise, recourir à des mécanismes d’adaptation négatifs et être éventuellement contraints de migrer à nouveau par des moyens irréguliers », a-t-il déclaré.Selon l’Organisation mondiale de la santé (OMS), plus de 1,9 million de personnes ont été testées positives à la COVID-19 en Afrique australe depuis mars 2020, et plus de 60 000 personnes ont perdu la vie. Les plus touchés étaient les trois principaux pays de destination des travailleurs migrants zimbabwéens : l’Afrique du Sud, le Malawi et le Botswana.
    Un sondage de l’OIM sur les migrants de retour a révélé que, dans la plupart des cas, la décision de rentrer était liée aux conséquences de la pandémie, notamment aux difficultés financières, à la faim et à la perte du logement, au manque d’accès à l’aide médicale, au soutien en matière de santé mentale, aux problèmes de documents d’identité et au risque d’agression dans le pays où ils travaillaient. Le sondage a également révélé que les migrants de retour ont des compétences professionnelles allant de la construction au commerce, en passant par l’agriculture, la restauration, la peinture et le travail domestique. Les directives du gouvernement zimbabwéen exigent que les migrants de retour aient un certificat COVID-19 négatif valable avant d’entrer dans le pays. Sans certificat valable, ils sont envoyés dans les centres de quarantaine provinciaux de Beitbridge, Plumtree et Chirundu pour attendre leur dépistage.Avec le soutien de l’OIM et de son Fonds pour le développement, le gouvernement du Zimbabwe s’engage avec ses voisins à conclure des accords bilatéraux pour s’attaquer aux facteurs d’incitation des retours, tout en mettant en place des mécanismes internes de réintégration socioéconomique par le biais de projets d’aide à l’emploi.


  • Making sense of silenced #archives: #Hume, Scotland and the ‘debate’ about the humanity of Black people

    Last September, the University of Edinburgh found itself at the centre of international scrutiny after temporarily renaming the #David_Hume Tower (now referred to by its street designation 40 George Square). The decision to rename the building, and hold a review on the way forward, prompted much commentary – a great deal of which encouraged a reckoning on what David Hume means to the University, its staff and students. These ideas include the full extent of Hume’s views on humanity, to establish whether he maintained any possible links (ideological or participatory) in the slave trade, and the role of Scotland in the African slave trade.

    Hume’s belief that Black people were a sub-human species of lower intellectual and biological rank to Europeans have rightfully taken stage in reflecting whether his values deserve commemoration on a campus. “I am apt to suspect the negroes and in general all other species of men (for there are four or five different kinds) to be naturally inferior to the whites. […] No ingenious manufactures amongst them, no arts, no sciences.” The full link to the footnote can be found here.

    Deliberations are split on whether statues and buildings are being unfairly ‘targeted’ or whether the totality of ideas held by individuals whose names are commemorated by these structures stand in opposition to a modern university’s values. Depending on who you ask, the debate over the tower fluctuates between moral and procedural. On the latter, it must be noted the University has in the past renamed buildings at the behest of calls for review across specific points in history. The Hastings ‘Kamuzu’ Banda building on Hill Place was quietly renamed in 1995, with no clarity on whether there was a formal review process at the time. On the moral end, it is about either the legacy or demythologization of David Hume.

    Some opposing the name change argue against applying present moral standards to judge what was not recognised in the past. Furthermore, they point to the archives to argue that prior to the 1760s there is scant evidence that Scots were not anything more than complicit to the slave trade given the vast wealth it brought.

    I argue against this and insist that the African experience and the engaged intellectual abolition movement deserves prominence in this contemporary debate about Hume.

    For to defend ‘passive complicity’ is to undermine both the Africans who rose in opposition against their oppression for hundreds of years and the explicit goals of white supremacy. For access to mass acquisition of resources on inhabited land requires violent dispossession of profitable lands and forced relocation of populations living on them. The ‘moral justification’ of denying the humanity of the enslaved African people has historically been defended through the strategic and deliberate creation of ‘myths’ – specifically Afrophobia – to validate these atrocities and to defend settler colonialism and exploitation. Any intellectual inquiry of the renaming of the tower must take the genuine concern into account: What was David Hume’s role in the strategic myth-making about African people in the Scottish imagination?

    If we are starting with the archives as evidence of Scottish complicity in the slave trade, why ignore African voices on this matter? Does the Scottish archive adequately represent the African experience within the slave trade? How do we interpret their silence in the archives?

    Decolonisation, the process Franz Fanon described as when “the ‘thing’ colonised becomes a human through the very process of liberation”, offers a radical praxis through which we can interrogate the role of the archive in affirming or disregarding the human experience. If we establish that the 18th century Scottish archive was not invested in preserving ‘both sides’ of the debate’, then the next route is to establish knowledge outside of a colonial framework where the ideology, resistance and liberation of Africans is centred. That knowledge is under the custodianship of African communities, who have relied on intricate and deeply entrenched oral traditions and practices which are still used to communicate culture, history, science and methods.

    To reinforce a point raised by Professor Tommy Curry, the fact that Africans were aware of their humanity to attempt mutiny in slave ships (Meermin & Amistad) and to overthrow colonial governance (the Haitian revolution) amidst the day-to-day attempts to evade slave traders is enough to refute the insistence that the debates must centre around what Scots understood about the slave trade in the 18th century.

    To make sense of these gaps in my own research, I have broadly excavated the archival records in Scotland if only to establish that a thorough documentation of the African-led resistance to Scottish participation in the slave trade and colonialism cannot be located in the archives.

    Dr David Livingstone (1813–1873), whose writing documenting the slave trade across the African Great Lakes galvanized the Scottish public to take control of the region to be named the Nyasaland Protectorate, would prove to be a redemptive figure in Scotland’s reconsideration of its role in the slave trade. However, in 1891, 153 years after Hume wrote his footnote, Sir Harry Hamilton Johnston (1858–1927), the first British colonial administrator of Nyasaland, would re-inforce similar myths about the ‘British Central African’: “to these [negroes] almost without arts and sciences and the refined pleasures of the senses, the only acute enjoyment offered them by nature is sexual intercourse”. Even at that time, the documented resistance is represented by Scottish missionaries who aimed to maintain Nyasaland under their sphere of control.

    Filling in the gaps that the archives cannot answer involves more complex and radical modalities of investigation.

    I rely on locally-recognised historians or documenters within communities, who preserve their histories, including the slave trade, through methodically structured oral traditions. The legacy of both the Arab and Portuguese slave trade and British colonialism in Nyasaland remains a raw memory, even though there are no precise indigenous terms to describe these phenomena.

    I have visited and listened to oral histories about the importance of ‘ancestor caves’ where families would conduct ceremonies and celebrations out of view to evade the slave catchers. These are the stories still being told about how children were hidden and raised indoors often only taken outside at night, keeping silent to escape the eyes and ears of the catchers. Embedded in these historical narratives are didactic tales, organised for ease of remembrance for the survival of future generations.
    Despite what was believed by Hume and his contemporaries, the arts and sciences have always been intrinsic in African cultural traditions. Decolonising is a framework contingent upon recognising knowledge productions within systems that often will never make their way into archival records. It centres the recognition and legitimization of the ways in which African people have collected and shared their histories.

    The knowledge we learn from these systems allows us to reckon with both the silence of archives and the fallacies of myth-making about African people.

    At very least, these debates should lead to investigations to understand the full extent of Hume’s participation in the dehumanization of enslaved Africans, and the role he played to support the justification for their enslavement.

    #Édimbourg #toponymie #toponymie_poltique #Ecosse #UK #Edinburgh #David_Hume_Tower #esclavage #histoire #mémoire #Kamuzu_Banda #colonialisme #imaginaire #décolonisation #Nyasaland #Nyasaland_Protectorate #histoire_orale #archives #mythes #mythologie #déshumanisation

    ping @cede @karine4 @isskein

    • Hastings Banda

      The #University_of_Edinburgh renamed the Hastings ‘Kamuzu’ Banda building on #Hill_Place in the 1990s. Whilst fellow independence leader and Edinburgh alumni #Julius_Nyerere is still regarded as a saint across the world, #Banda died with an appalling record of human rights abuses and extortion – personally owning as much as 45% of #Malawi’s GDP. There are no plaques in Edinburgh commemorating #Kamuzu, and rightly so.

      Banda’s time in Edinburgh does, however, give us a lens through which to think about the University and colonial knowledge production in the 1940s and ‘50s; how numerous ‘fathers of the nation’ who led African independence movements were heavily involved in the linguistic, historical and anthropological codification of their own people during the late colonial period; why a cultural nationalist (who would later lead an anti-colonial independence movement) would write ‘tracts of empire’ whose intended audience were missionaries and colonial officials; and how such tracts reconciled imagined modernities and traditions.

      Fellow-Edinburgh student Julius Nyerere showed considerable interest in the ‘new science’ of anthropology during his time in Scotland, and #Jomo_Kenyatta – the first president of independent Kenya – penned a cutting-edge ethnography of the #Kikuyu whilst studying under #Malinowski at the LSE, published as Facing Mount Kenya in 1938. Banda himself sat down and co-edited Our African Way of Life, writing an introduction outlining Chewa and broader ‘Maravi’ traditions, with the Edinburgh-based missionary anthropologist T. Cullen Young in 1944.

      Before arriving in Edinburgh in 1938, Banda had already furthered his education in the US through his expertise on Chewa language and culture: Banda was offered a place at the University of Chicago in the 1930s on the strength of his knowledge of chiChewa, with Mark Hana Watkins’s 1937 A Grammar of Chichewa: A Bantu Language of British Central Africa acknowledging that “All the information was obtained from Kamuzu Banda, a native Chewa, while he was in attendance at the University of Chicago from 1930 to 1932”, and Banda also recorded ‘together with others’ four Chewa songs for Nancy Cunard’s Negro Anthology. In Britain in 1939 he was appointed as adviser to the Malawian chief, Mwase Kasungu, who spent six months at the London University of Oriental and African Languages to help in an analysis of chiNyanja; an experience that “must have reinforced” Banda’s “growing obsession with his Chewa identity” (Shepperson, 1998).

      Banda in Edinburgh

      In Edinburgh, Banda shifted from being a source of knowledge to a knowledge producer – a shift that demands we think harder about why African students were encouraged to Edinburgh in the first place and what they did here. Having already gained a medical degree from Chicago, Banda was primarily at Edinburgh to convert this into a British medical degree. This undoubtedly was Banda’s main focus, and the “techniques of men like Sir John Fraser electrified him, and he grew fascinated with his subject in a way which only a truly dedicated man can” (Short, 1974, p.38).

      Yet Banda also engaged with linguistic and ethnographic codification, notably with the missionary anthropologist, T Cullen Young. And whilst black Edinburgh doctors were seen as key to maintaining the health of colonial officials across British Africa in the 19th century, black anthropologists became key to a “more and fuller understanding of African thought and longings” (and controlling an increasingly agitative and articulate British Africa) in the 20th century (Banda & Young, 1946, p.27-28). Indeed, having acquired ‘expertise’ and status, it is also these select few black anthropologists – Banda, Kenyatta and Nyerere – who led the march for independence across East and Central Africa in the 1950s and 60s.

      Banda was born in c.1896-1989 in Kasungu, central Malawi. He attended a Scottish missionary school from the age 8, but having been expelled from an examination in 1915, by the same T Cullen Young he would later co-author with, Banda left Malawi and walked thousands of miles to South Africa. Banda came to live in Johannesburg at a time when his ‘Nyasa’ cousin, Clements Musa Kadalie was the ‘most talked about native in South Africa’ and the ‘uncrowned king of the black masses’, leading Southern Africa’s first black mass movement and major trade union, the Industrial and Commercial Workers’ Union (ICU).

      Banda was friends with Kadalie, and may have been involved with the Nyasaland Native National Congress which was formed around 1918-1919 with around 100 members in Johannesburg, though no record of this remains. Together, Banda and Kadalie were the two leading Malawian intellectuals of the first half of the twentieth century and, in exploring the type of ‘colonial knowledge’ produced by Africans in Edinburgh, it is productive to compare their contrasting accounts of ‘African history’.

      In 1927 Kadalie wrote an article for the British socialist journal Labour Monthly entitled ‘The Old and the New Africa’. Charting a pre-capitalist Africa, Kadalie set out that the

      “white men came to Africa of their own free will, and told my forefathers that they had brought with them civilisation and Christianity. They heralded good news for Africa. Africa must be born again, and her people must discard their savagery and become civilised people and Christians. Cities were built in which white and black men might live together as brothers. An earthly paradise awaited creation…They cut down great forests; cities were built, and while the Christian churches the gospel of universal brotherhood, the industrialisation of Africa began. Gold mining was started, and by the close of the nineteenth century European capitalism had made its footing firm in Africa….The churches still preached universal brotherhood, but capitalism has very little to do with the ethics of the Nazerene, and very soon came a new system of government in Africa with ‘Law and Order’ as its slogan.” (Kadalie, 1927).

      Banda’s own anthropological history, written 17 years later with Cullen Young, is a remarkably different tale. Banda and Young valorise the three authors within the edited volume as fossils of an ideal, isolated age, “the last Nyasalanders to have personal touch with their past; the last for whom the word ‘grandmother’ will mean some actually remembered person who could speak of a time when the land of the Lake knew no white man” (Banda & Young, 1946, p7). Already in 1938, Banda was beginning to develop an idea for a Central African nation.

      Writing from the Edinburgh Students Union to Ernest Matako, he reflected: “the British, the French and the Germans were once tribes just as we are now in Africa. Many tribes united or combined to make one, strong British, French or German nation. In other words, we have to begin to think in terms of Nyasaland, and even Central Africa as a whole, rather than of Kasungu. We have to look upon all the tribes in Central Africa, whether in Nyasaland or in Rhodesia, as our brothers. Until we learn to do this, we shall never be anything else but weak, tiny tribes, that can easily be subdued.” (Banda, 1938).
      Banda after Edinburgh

      But by 1944, with his hopes of returning to Nyasaland as a medical officer thwarted and the amalgamation of Nyasaland and the Rhodesias into a single administrative unit increasingly on the cards, Banda appears to have been grounding this regional identity in a linguistic-cultural history of the Chewa, writing in Our African Way of Life: “It is practically certain that aMaravi ought to be the shared name of all these peoples; this carrying with it recognition of the Chewa motherland group as representing the parent stock of the Nyanja speaking peoples.” (Banda & Young, 1946, p10). Noting the centrality of “Banda’s part in the renaming of Nyasaland as Malawi”, Shepperson asked in 1998, “Was this pan-Chewa sentiment all Banda’s or had he derived it largely from the influence of Cullen Young? My old friend and collaborator, the great Central African linguist Thomas Price, thought the latter. But looking to Banda’s Chewa consciousness as it developed in Chicago, I am by no means sure of this.” Arguably it is Shepperson’s view that is vindicated by two 1938 letters unearthed by Morrow and McCracken in the University of Cape Town archives in 2012.

      In 1938, Banda concluded another letter, this time to Chief Mwase Kasungu: “I want you tell me all that happens there [Malawi]. Can you send me a picture of yourself and your council? Also I want to know the men who are the judges in your court now, and how the system works.” (Banda, 1938). Having acquired and reworked colonial knowledge from Edinburgh, Our African Way of Life captures an attempt to convert British colonialism to Banda’s own end, writing against ‘disruptive’ changes that he was monitoring from Scotland: the anglicisation of Chewa, the abandoning of initiation, and the shift from matriarchal relations. Charting and padding out ideas about a pan-Chewa cultural unit – critical of British colonialism, but only for corrupting Chewa culture – Banda was concerned with how to properly run the Nyasaland state, an example that productively smudges the ‘rupture’ of independence and explains, in part, neo-colonial continuity in independent Malawi.

      For whilst the authors of the edited works wrote their original essays in chiNyanja, with the hope that it would be reproduced for Nyasaland schools, the audience that Cullen Young and Banda addressed was that of the English missionary or colonial official, poised to start their ‘African adventure’, noting:

      “A number of important points arise for English readers, particularly for any who may be preparing to work in African areas where the ancient mother-right still operates.” (Banda & Cullen, 1946, p.11).

      After a cursory summary readers are directed by a footnote “for a fuller treatment of mother-right, extended kinship and the enjoined marriage in a Nyasaland setting, see Chaps. 5-8 in Contemporary Ancestors, Lutterworth Press, 1942.” (Banda & Young, 1946, p.11). In contrast to the authors who penned their essays so “that our children should learn what is good among our ancient ways: those things which were understood long ago and belong to their own people” the introduction to Our African Way of Life is arguably published in English, under ‘war economy standards’ in 1946 (post-Colonial Development Act), for the expanding number of British ‘experts’ heading out into the empire; and an attempt to influence their ‘civilising mission’. (Banda & Young, 1946, p.7).

      By the 1950s, Banda was fully-assured of his status as a cultural-nationalist expert – writing to a Nyasaland Provincial Commissioner, “I am in a position to know and remember more of my own customs and institutions than the younger men that you meet now at home, who were born in the later twenties and even the thirties…I was already old enough to know most of these customs before I went to school…the University of Chicago, which cured me of my tendency to be ashamed of my past. The result is that, in many cases, really, I know more of our customs than most of our people, now at home. When it comes to language I think this is even more true. for the average youngster [In Malawi] now simply uses what the European uses, without realising that the European is using the word incorrectly. Instead of correcting the european, he uses the word wrongly, himself, in order to affect civilisation, modernity or even urbanity.” (Shepperdson, 1998).

      This however also obscures the considerable investigatory correspondence that he engaged in whilst in Scotland. Banda was highly critical of indirect rule in Our African Way of Life, but from emerging archival evidence, he was ill-informed of the changing colonial situation in 1938.

      Kadalie and Banda’s contrasting histories were written at different times, in different historical contexts by two people from different parts of Nyasaland. Whilst Banda grew up in an area on the periphery of Scottish missionaries’ sphere of influence, Kadalie came from an area of Malawi, Tongaland, heavily affected by Scottish missionaries and his parents were heavily involved with missionary work. The disparity between the histories that they invoke, however, is still remarkable – Banda invokes a precolonial rural Malawi devoid of white influence, Kadalie on the other hand writes of a pre-capitalist rural Malawi where Christians, white and black, laboured to create a kingdom of heaven on earth – and this, perhaps, reflects the ends they are writing for and against.

      Kadalie in the 1920s looked to integrate the emerging African working class within the international labour movement, noting “capitalism recognises no frontiers, no nationality, and no race”, with the long-term view to creating a socialist commonwealth across the whole of Southern Africa. Britain-based Banda, writing with Cullen Young in the 1940s, by comparison, mapped out a pan-Chewa culture with the immediate aim of reforming colonial ‘protectorate’ government – the goal of an independent Malawian nation state still yet to fully form.


  • Coronavirus : plus de 400 personnes placées en quarantaine se font la belle au Malawi

    Plus de 400 citoyens du Malawi de retour d’Afrique du Sud, dont une quinzaine porteurs du nouveau coronavirus, se sont échappés de deux centres où ils avaient été placés à l’isolement ou en quarantaine, a-t-on appris mercredi 27 mai de source sanitaire. Un scénario qui s’est déjà produit à plusieurs reprises dans d’autres pays du continent et montre la difficulté de ce type de mise à l’écart pour prévenir l’expansion du Covid-19. Ces 441 ressortissants sont arrivés lundi soir à bord de bus à la frontière de leur pays, où 16 d’entre eux ont été rapidement testés positifs au Covid-19, a expliqué à l’AFP un responsable des services de santé pour le district de Blantyre, la capitale économique du pays. Les porteurs du virus ont été isolés, pendant que le reste des rapatriés était placé en quarantaine dans un stade de Blantyre, dans l’attente des résultats de leurs tests de dépistage, a ajouté Gift Kawaladzira. Mais « ils sont tous rentrés chez eux par leurs propres moyens », a-t-il regretté. « Les services sanitaires ont leurs coordonnées et vont commencer à les rechercher, a-t-il ajouté. Le danger, c’est qu’ils vont désormais se cacher des autorités. Si la plupart d’entre eux ont le Covid-19, alors nous avons un grave problème. »


  • Malawi to evacuate citizens from South Africa

    Malawi says it will repatriate its nationals from South Africa, following an upsurge in xenophobic violence.

    At least five foreigners, including a 14-year-old boy, have been killed in attacks in South Africa’s coastal city of Durban since last week.

    Some foreign-owned shops in the main city Johannesburg have shut amid fears that the violence could spread.

    Zimbabwe has also condemned the attacks, blamed on locals who accuse foreigners of taking their jobs.

    Tens of thousands of foreigners, mostly from other African states and Asia, have moved to South Africa since white-minority rule ended in 1994.

    At least 62 people died in xenophobic attacks that swept South Africa in 2008.

    Malawi is the only country which has so far decided to repatriate its citizens.

    Information Minister Kondwani Nankhumwa said the first group would return at the weekend.

    About 420 Malawians are reportedly living in refugee camps in Durban after fleeing the violence, he said.

    The BBC’s Raphael Tenthani reports from Blantyre that he received a call from a Malawian in Durban who said saw he some Malawians being killed - including a close friend who was burned alive.

    Mr Nankhumwa called on the African Union (AU) and the Southern African Development Community (Sadc) to intervene to help protect foreigners.

    “This is unfortunate coming at a time we are working on regional integration,” he said at a press conference.

    “We urge the government of South Africa to protect foreigners,” he added.

    At the scene: Milton Nkosi, BBC News

    Standing in the middle of a football field that has been turned into a refugee camp overnight in Durban’s Chatsworth township, one cannot help but feel ashamed of being South African.

    There are white and green tents dotted around housing destitute African migrant families who fled the violence meted out to them by their South African hosts.

    Two weeks ago locals began attacking and looting properties owned by fellow Africans, calling them “kwerekwere”, a derogatory word for African migrants.

    I did not even have to ask Memory Mahlatini, a Zimbabwean who works as a nanny, what happened to her because her story was written all over her face.

    Her eyes alone made me look down in shame as she explained how a group of South Africans came to her rented home last Monday evening just as they were preparing to sleep and demanded that they go back to where they came from.

    Fear and shame in South Africa

    In total, the violence has left about 5,000 foreigners homeless in Durban, the main city in South Africa’s KwaZulu-Natal province, local media reports.

    On Wednesday, the violence spread to the province’s second city, Pietermaritzburg, where foreign-owned shops were looted.

    Verulam, a town about 30km (18 miles) north of Durban, has been hit by similar violence.

    The government has ordered police to step up patrols to prevent the violence from escalating.

    The governing African National Congress (ANC) said in a statement that South Africans should “hang our heads in shame in the face of these misguided and misplaced assaults”.

    Zulu King Goodwill Zwelithini has been accused of fuelling xenophobia after he was widely quoted as saying at a meeting last month that foreigners should “please go back to their countries”.

    He denied being xenophobic and claimed he had been mistranslated.

    South Africa’s official unemployment rate stands at 24%, but some analysts believe that it is much higher.

    #réfugiés #asile #migrations #Malawi #Afrique_du_Sud #réfugiés_malawiens #renvois #rapatriement #expulsion

  • Je viens de mettre sur seenthis un rapport sur les passeurs dans la #Corne_de_l'Afrique, c’est ici :

    Je remets ici un tableau que j’ai trouvé dans le rapport. Il concerne le nombre de #morts / #décès de migrants dans cette région d’Afrique (en fait, ce tableau considère une région plus large que la Corne de l’Afrique). Je peux me tromper, mais je n’ai jamais vu passer cette info avant.
    Voici le tableau :

    #mourir_aux_frontières #statistiques #chiffres #Soudan #Libye #Egypte #Yémen #Somalie #Ethiopie #Tanzanie #Erythrée #Mozambique #Kenya #Afrique_de_l'Est #Zimbabwe #Djibouti #Malawi

    Les trois tableaux sont construits un peu bizarrement, car tout le rapport est basé sur des questionnaires, et je n’ai pas le temps de trop regarder la méthodo, mais je mets ici dans le cas où de bonnes âmes de seenthis ont envie de voir un peu plus clair... Le rapport c’est par ici : http://regionalmms.org/images/briefing/RMMS%20BriefingPaper6%20-%20Unpacking%20the%20Myths.pdf

    cc @reka @simplicissimus

  • DELTA DRONE : Drones pour la Paix : Rocketmine (Groupe Delta #Drone) retenu par l’UNICEF pour un important projet #humanitaire de #cartographie au #Malawi - EasyBourse


    Rocketmine, filiale sud-africaine du Groupe Delta Drone (EPA : ALDR), devient le partenaire de l’UNICEF (Fonds des Nations Unies pour l’Enfance) pour un vaste programme de cartographie dans le cadre du projet « Drones pour la Paix » au Malawi. Ce programme prévoit le survol et la cartographie de 21 000 Ha / mois dans tout le pays, destiné à améliorer les efforts de l’UNICEF pour identifier les zones à haut risque d’inondations. Il correspond à un contrat d’un montant de 300 000 US dollars.

    Les mauvaises conditions météorologiques, comme les inondations provoquées par de fortes pluies, engendrent de véritables obstacles qui retardent l’acheminement de l’aide humanitaire et des médicaments au Malawi. Alors que le pays est victime d’une pandémie latente relative au virus HIV, les jeunes mères et les femmes enceintes attendent parfois jusqu’à 2 mois avant de pouvoir faire réaliser un test HIV à leurs bébés. Il résulte de cette situation dramatique que la moitié des enfants séropositifs décède avant l’âge de 2 ans.

  • Dans le sud du #Malawi, dans les camps d’« #initiation_sexuelle » pour fillettes

    Les hyènes du Malawi, ou le terrible « apprentissage » du sexe (1/5). Les familles envoient leurs filles à peine pubères dans des camps de « vacances » pour qu’elles apprennent « les choses de la vie ».

    #femmes #filles #viol #culture_du_viol

  • Il Malawi sopravvive grazie all’energia solare

    shutterstock_61601245In Africa è in atto una vera e propria rivoluzione energetica volta a sancire il passaggio definitivo dall’energia fossile a quelle rinnovabili. In Malawi, l’apporto di energia solare riesce a combattere la siccità garantendo il sostentamento di milioni di abitanti altrimenti destinati alla fame.


    #Malawi #énergie_solaire

  • British government uses aid money to back oil in UNESCO site

    British officials are using aid money to support oil drilling in a World Heritage Site in Africa, according to an Energydesk investigation.

    Government documents, obtained through freedom of information (FOI), reveal that the Foreign Office pledged thousands of pounds in aid to support drilling in Lake Malawi, where the UN warns that a spill could wreck the fragile ecosystem.

    UK oil company Surestream has a stake in two oil blocks overlapping the lake, while United Arab Emirates firm RAK Gas holds the rights to explore in the UN protected zone itself.

    UN environmental agency UNESCO warned in a previous statement that: “An accidental spill anywhere in the lake would pose a potentially severe risk to the integrity of the entire ecosystem, including the aquatic zone and shoreline of the property.”

    #pétrole #site_protégé #Malawi

  • Mining and Human Rights in #Malawi | HRW

    When she eventually learned that they were digging coal, she hoped it would bring development to the village and some benefits such as job opportunities and healthcare infrastructure for her and her family. Instead, the mining company cut the community’s existing drinking water supply by destroying the water pipes running through the mining area. They left the community with a few boreholes and river water for drinking and domestic use. Nagomba used to have access to tap water near her house. Since the pipes were destroyed, she has had to make the strenuous hike down to the river about four times a day to fetch water. She worries that the river may be polluted from the mine, and she is uncertain if water from the river is safe to drink.

    #extraction_minière #droits_humains #eau #pollution

  • HCR | Le HCR commence le transfert des demandeurs d’asile mozambicains au Malawi

    Une importante opération de transfert gérée par le HCR, visant à améliorer les conditions de vie de près de 10’000 demandeurs d’asile mozambicains, a commencé au sud du Malawi, a déclaré vendredi l’Agence des Nations Unies pour les réfugiés (HCR).

  • Le HCR plaide en faveur du respect du droit d’asile pour les Mozambicains arrivés au Malawi

    Le nombre de Mozambicains ayant fui au Malawi continue de croître. Le HCR appelle toutes les parties à respecter leur droit à demander l’asile dans un contexte de pressions pour les expulser vers leur pays d’origine.

  • Using drones to save lives in Malawi - BBC News

    The drone used in the test is less than a metre long and is programmed to travel along a designated route, passing predetermined way points, which are plotted using an app.

    No pilot is necessary, instead it requires a health worker with a password and a GPS signal on their mobile phone. At the swipe of a button the vehicle is airborne.

    It has already been certified as safe by Malawi’s defence ministry, which has approved an air corridor for the drone’s use.

    But in the months ahead, the team from the Silicon Valley will run tests to measure the drone’s resilience, cost effectiveness and efficiency.

    “You put a payload box and a fresh battery on the drone,” says Ms Santana, as she demonstrates how the device can carry up to 1kg (2.2lb) of dried blood samples in a compartment tucked under a battery. “You then open the app and select the location, you swipe and you hit take off.”

    As the drone makes its maiden flight in Malawi in front of a group of invited guests, villagers lined the edge of a nearby maize field.

    #drones #santé #sida #Malawi #transport

  • #Malawi’s #Zomba_Prison_Project and the spectacle of the exotic

    As the 2016 Grammy Awards draw near tonight, hundreds of Malawians wait in anticipation. This is because a group from Zomba, Malawi — The Zomba Prison Project — has been nominated for an award in the category for Best World Music Album, earning the first ever nomination for an artist representing the country. The band was […]

    #MUSIC_PAGE #Grammys #Ian_Brennan

  • Millions Face Food Shortages as El Niño Fuels Africa’s Worst Drought in Decades | VICE News

    Southern and eastern Africa are in the grips of a historic drought blamed on #El_Niño that has put millions at risk of starvation, devastated croplands, and dried up rivers across the region.

    The World Food Program estimates that up to 14 million people are facing hunger due to failed crops, skyrocketing commodity and food prices, and the lowest levels of precipitation in 35 years. Among the worst affected areas are #Malawi, #Madagascar, and #Zimbabwe.

    #sécheresse #Afrique #indifférence