• Migration : « Inscrivons l’obligation d’identification des défunts anonymes dans le droit européen »
    https://www.lemonde.fr/idees/article/2023/08/30/migration-inscrivons-l-obligation-d-identification-des-defunts-anonymes-dans

    Migration : « Inscrivons l’obligation d’identification des défunts anonymes dans le droit européen »
    Tribune. Le 9 août, quarante et une personnes ont été portées disparues au large des côtes de Lampedusa (Italie). Les témoignages des quatre survivants nous permettent de savoir que l’embarcation était partie des côtes tunisiennes avec quarante-cinq passagers, dont trois enfants. Cette énième tragédie vient s’ajouter à la longue liste des drames survenus en mer ces dernières années. Elle survient près de dix ans après le naufrage du 3 octobre 2013, là encore au large de Lampedusa, l’une des plus grandes tragédies maritimes du XXIe siècle.
    Dans la nuit du 13 au 14 juin, le naufrage d’une embarcation au large des côtes grecques a entraîné la disparition de plusieurs centaines de personnes. En raison de l’absence de renflouage de l’épave et d’examens médico-légaux, l’identité des hommes, femmes et enfants disparus dans cette tragédie ne sera pas formellement établie.
    Cette absence de collecte de données post mortem ainsi que l’absence d’activation de procédures de collecte de données ante mortem des proches des disparus soulèvent de nombreuses questions éthiques et juridiques. Elles entravent en effet la possibilité pour les proches des défunts de faire leur deuil en l’absence de corps, ou d’engager les démarches administratives habituelles en cas de décès, démarches qui nécessitent précisément un certificat de décès.
    Au cours des décennies 2000 et 2010, les disparitions anonymes au sein et aux portes de l’Europe ont significativement augmenté. Ce phénomène est intimement lié à la dangerosité croissante des migrations transfrontalières, et notamment des traversées par voies maritimes. Au-delà des disparus en mer, dont l’identité précise demeure bien souvent inconnue, il faut reconnaître la hausse des disparitions anonymes sur le territoire européen. Nous observons l’arrivée croissante, dans nos services médico-légaux de Paris et de Milan, de corps sans aucun élément d’identité et pour lesquels la prise en charge ne fait pas l’objet d’un protocole. Si ce protocole existe pour les victimes de catastrophe, il est rarement appliqué aux morts du quotidien.
    Une telle réalité s’inscrit dans un contexte plus général où les sciences médico-légales ont fait des progrès significatifs, notamment en ce qui concerne le prélèvement, le croisement et l’archivage des données morphologiques, biométriques et génétiques. La mise en œuvre d’efforts concertés à l’échelle européenne permettrait d’appliquer le cadre législatif qui donnerait une chance à ces corps anonymes d’être un jour identifiés.
    En inscrivant dans le droit européen une obligation étatique d’identification des défunts anonymes, imposant la collecte de données scientifiques ante mortem auprès des proches (photographies, radiographies, matériel clinique et génétique) et la comparaison avec les données post mortem recueillies lors d’autopsies complètes sur les corps anonymes, il nous serait ainsi possible de mettre en place et de consolider des bases de données biométriques contenant les caractéristiques et profils génétiques afin de maximiser les chances d’identifier les corps anonymes.
    En réponse à l’onde de choc suscitée par le naufrage du 18 avril 2015, l’Italie avait pris l’initiative de renflouer l’épave du chalutier située à 400 mètres de profondeur, afin de permettre à des travaux d’identification des quelque mille victimes d’être engagés. Cette initiative n’a pas été reconduite lors des naufrages successifs et, dans un silence relatif, nos sociétés se sont habituées à ce que des hommes, des femmes et des enfants puissent disparaître sans laisser de trace et sans que leurs proches soient dûment informés.
    Alors que nous nous préparons à commémorer les 10 ans de la tragédie du 3 octobre 2013, il nous semble nécessaire de transformer l’émotion en action. Nous appelons à un engagement collectif pour mettre en œuvre les efforts nécessaires afin d’accélérer et de garantir la recherche d’identité des défunts anonymes, rendant ainsi à leurs familles les proches disparus qu’elles recherchent encore. Cela ne peut se faire sans un nouvel effort législatif à l’échelle de l’Europe.
    Charles Autheman, consultant international spécialisé dans les droits humains ; Cristina Cattaneo, professeure titulaire en médecine légale à l’institut Labanof, université de Milan ; Tania Delabarde, anthropologue légiste, Institut médico-légal de Paris ; Bertrand Ludes, professeur de médecine légale, directeur de l’Institut médico-légal de Paris

    #Covid-19#migrant#migration#france#italie#mediterranee#mortalite#corps#donnéesbiometriques#identité#migrationirreguliere#sante

  • Le naufrage d’un bateau de migrants fait quatre morts au large de l’île de Lesbos, en Grèce
    https://www.lemonde.fr/international/article/2023/08/28/le-naufrage-d-un-bateau-de-migrants-fait-quatre-morts-au-large-de-l-ile-de-l

    Le naufrage d’un bateau de migrants fait quatre morts au large de l’île de Lesbos, en Grèce
    Aucun détail ni sur les conditions du naufrage ni sur l’identité des personnes n’a été publié pour l’instant par les autorités.
    Le Monde avec AFP
    Quatre personnes ont péri, lundi 28 août, dans le naufrage d’une embarcation de migrants, au large de Lesbos, île de mer Egée. Dix-huit autres personnes auraient survécu, ont déclaré les gardes-côtes grecs, après avoir secouru le bateau en difficulté. Un des patrouilleurs « a repéré et secouru vingt-deux étrangers au large de l’île de Lesbos dont quatre » étaient morts, a signalé la police portuaire dans un bref communiqué.
    « Ils ont tous été transférés au port de Mytilène », chef-lieu de Lesbos, passage habituel de migrants venant des côtes occidentales proches de la Turquie, ajoute le document. Aucun détail, ni sur les conditions du naufrage ni sur l’identité des personnes, n’a été publié pour l’instant par les autorités.
    La police portuaire grecque, avec l’aide de l’agence européenne de surveillance des frontières, Frontex, patrouille régulièrement dans la zone maritime dans l’Est de la mer Egée, en face de la Turquie, d’où de nombreux migrants tentent de passer en Grèce à destination, souvent, de l’Europe occidentale. Malgré de nombreuses opérations de sauvetage, par les autorités grecques, des embarcations en difficulté, de nombreux naufrages ont lieu dans cette zone faisant souvent des victimes. Les autorités grecques sont souvent accusées par des médias et ONG des droits humains d’avoir procédé à des refoulements illégaux de migrants vers les eaux turques afin de limiter le nombre d’arrivées sur le sol grec.

    #Covid-19#migrant#migration#grece#lesbos#turquie#frontex#traversee#mortalite#routemigratoire#sante#ue#mediterranee

  • #Frontex wants to do things differently on the Mediterranean : ’The ambition is zero deaths, otherwise you’re not worth a damn’

    (INTERVIEW FRONTEX DIRECTOR IN DUTCH NEWSPAPER : Volkskrant / 9 augustus 2023 / Deepl translation from dutch)

    After fierce criticism over illegal pushbacks, a soured culture and failures in the recent shipwreck in Greece, the new boss, Hans Leijtens, is trying to bring order to Europe’s border surveillance agency Frontex.

    by Peter Giesen

    On the internet, you can buy a ’Fuck Frontex’ T-shirt for three tens. For activists, Frontex, the European border protection agency, is the symbol of what they see as a cruel and repressive European migration and asylum policy that forces refugees and migrants to make the life-threatening crossing of the Mediterranean.

    Frontex is growing fast because Europe considers the surveillance of its external borders important. By 2027, there should be 10 thousand Frontex border guards, while its annual budget will be €1 billion. But Frontex is also under fire. In 2022, the agency found itself in crisis after a scathing report by Olaf, the European Union’s anti-fraud agency. According to Olaf, the culture at its headquarters in Warsaw had soured. Moreover, Olaf confirmed what media and human rights organisations had been saying for years: Frontex was involved in illegal pushbacks, ’pushing back’ refugees and migrants without giving them the chance to apply for asylum. Information about this was covered up at headquarters. The director of Frontex, Frenchman Fabrice Leggeri, had to resign.

    His successor is Dutchman Hans Leijtens (60), previously commander of the Royal Netherlands Marechaussee (typ., military police / border guards), among others. He took office in March 2023 to bring order, improve culture in Warsaw and ensure Frontex improves the rights of refugees and migrants. Frontex must change, he says, in his boardroom in a shiny, post-communist tower block in a Warsaw suburb.

    Are you on a charm offensive?
    ’No, I wouldn’t put it that way. The biggest mistake I could make is to suggest that we are already there, that there is no problem. In fact, there is. People should expect us to adhere to professional standards. That transcends respecting the law. It is also about the question: how do you deal with migrants? But I don’t expect to be taken at my word. Words are empty if they are not followed by actions.’

    So no more pushback under your leadership?
    ’I can’t say that because I don’t have everyone on a string.’

    Surely in the past it has often been the case that a country like Greece sent migrants back, while Frontex looked the other way?
    ’No, I dispute that. We never looked the other way.’

    But according to Olaf, Frontex deliberately directed a plane to another area so it did not have to witness Greek pushbacks.
    ’I don’t know, that was before my time. The Olaf report was not about the pushbacks themselves, but how Frontex handled the information about them. Olaf said: there was manipulation, there was unauthorised behaviour by managers, people were put under pressure.’

    You say: incidents are always possible, but Frontex must deal with them decently.
    ’We have to be very transparent, even when we have made mistakes. We have to win trust. You don’t get that, you earn it. When I was commander of the Marechaussee, I fired an average of 50 people every year.
    Not because I liked it, but because I saw things that could not be done. I set that example to show that there are consequences when things go wrong.’
    On a screen in Frontex’s situation room, a tanker sails across the Mediterranean. The eyes of Europe’s border surveillance are in Warsaw. Planes, drones and cameras take images of the Mediterranean, the Balkans and other border areas 24 hours a day. In Warsaw, they are viewed and analysed.
    In case of incidents - such as a ship in distress or a suspicious transport - local authorities are alerted. On 14 June, for example, Frontex staff were the first to spot the trawler Adriana in trouble off the coast near Greek Pylos. They alerted the Greek coastguard, but it waited a long time before intervening. Eventually, the Adriana sank, drowning an estimated 750 migrants and refugees.

    The EU Ombudsman will investigate Frontex’s role in the disaster. Shouldn’t you have put more pressure on Greece so that the Greek coastguard would have acted more quickly?
    ’A plane of ours saw the ship, but had to turn back because it ran out of fuel. Then we were sent by Greece to another incident, south of Crete, where eighty people were floating around on an overcrowded ship. These were later rescued by the Greeks. When that was under control, we still flew to Pylos, but by then the ship had sunk.’

    You do not feel that Frontex made mistakes.
    ’If I had that feeling, I would have said it earlier. But I’m not going to say anything now, because the investigation is in the hands of the Ombudsman.’
    In the past, Frontex has often defended itself by pointing the finger at member states, especially Greece. National coastguards were guilty of pushbacks, not Frontex itself. But if member states systematically violate the fundamental rights of migrants, Frontex can withdraw from that country. Last month, Frontex’s fundamental rights officer, who monitors compliance with the fundamental rights of refugees and migrants, advocated a departure from Greece. His advice was based in part on a reconstruction by The New York Times in May 2023, which showed how the Greek coast guard put a group of migrants on Lesbos in a boat and handed them over to the Turkish coast guard.

    You have not followed that advice as yet. Why not?
    ’The fundamental rights officer approaches this issue from the point of view of fundamental rights. He does not look at the rest: what would that mean for the effectiveness of our operation? We have people there, we have planes, they would then have to leave.’

    This could also put human lives at risk, you said in the European Parliament. But how long can you continue working with Greece without becoming jointly responsible for violating fundamental rights?
    ’I said to the Greek minister responsible: you do have to deal with something called credibility. I think we are slowly approaching a point where we have to say: okay, but that credibility is a bit under strain now. We are now really talking very intensively with the Greeks. I do need to see results. Because otherwise credibility and even legality will come under pressure.’

    If Greece does not mend its ways, withdrawal is possible?
    ’Definitely.’

    According to French newspaper Le Monde, Frontex’s management board, which includes member states, tacitly supported Greece on the grounds that Greeks do the dirty work and stop migrants.
    ’It’s not like everyone is nodding there. Discussions about the legitimacy and legality of performances take place there too.’

    But aren’t you running into a tension? On the one hand, you have to respect fundamental rights of migrants; on the other, EU member states want to get migration rates down.
    ’This is often seen as a kind of competing interest, but it is not. It’s not that you want or are allowed to stop people at all costs. There are just rules for that.’

    What do you think of the deal between the EU and Tunisia?
    ’If we don’t get guarantees that fundamental rights will be respected, it will be very complicated for us to work with Tunisia. With any country, for that matter.’

    According to Human Rights Watch, you do cooperate with Libya. Boats carrying migrants are intercepted by the Libyan coast guard, following a report from Frontex, Human Rights Watch said. This is how migrants were brought back to a country that is not safe even according to Frontex itself.
    ’We only pass on the positions of ships that are in trouble. If that is in the Libyan search and rescue zone, we pass that on to Libya. That is also our duty, otherwise we would be playing with human lives. Other cases are not known to me.’

    Human Rights Watch gives an example of an NGO rescue ship, the Sea Watch, that received no signal, even though the Libyan coast guard was notified.
    ’If a ship is in trouble, only the government departments are informed. Only if a ship is in immediate danger of sinking, a mayday call goes out to all nearby ships. That is simply how it is regulated, not only in Europe, but in international maritime law.’
    The debate about rescuing migrants in the Mediterranean has become highly politicised in recent years. Aid agencies are blamed for their ships acting as ’ferry services’ to Europe, while Frontex and national coastguards are seen by some as the heartless face of ’Fortress Europe’. The reality is nuanced, Italian figures, among others, show. In 2022, when migrants arrived by sea, 54 per cent were rescued by coastguards, and 14 per cent by NGO vessels. Frontex was involved in almost 24 thousand rescues from January to June 2023, according to agency figures.
    ’Rescuing people at sea is not a migration issue. Of course it is triggered by migration, but the moment people are at sea, it doesn’t matter what their status is. Then you just have to rescue them. I also think the NGO ships make an important contribution because they save a lot of lives. I don’t think anyone should be against that.’

    Zero deaths on the Mediterranean is your ambition, you have said.
    ’Maybe that is impossible, but I do think you have to have that ambition, otherwise you are not worth a damn.’

    Reçu via la mailing-list Migreurop, le 17.08.2023

    Le lien vers l’article (#paywall) :
    https://www.volkskrant.nl/nieuws-achtergrond/frontex-wil-het-anders-gaan-doen-op-de-middellandse-zee-de-ambitie-is-nul

    #mourir_aux_frontières #morts_aux_frontières #migrations #réfugiés #frontières #Méditerranée #mer_Méditerranée #ambition #zéro_morts #Hans_Leijtens #push-backs #refoulements #transparence #droits_fondamentaux #interview #droits_humains #crédibilité #légitimité #légalité #ONG #sauvetage

  • L’Italie a immobilisé trois navires de sauvetage de migrants en quarante-huit heures
    https://www.lemonde.fr/international/article/2023/08/23/l-italie-a-immobilise-trois-navires-de-sauvetage-de-migrants-en-quarante-hui

    L’Italie a immobilisé trois navires de sauvetage de migrants en quarante-huit heures
    Deux des trois bateaux ont violé une loi récente obligeant les ONG à regagner un port choisi par les autorités italiennes entre chaque sauvetage.
    Les autorités italiennes ont ordonné l’immobilisation de deux navires de sauvetage de migrants en raison de la violation d’une nouvelle législation controversée, ce qui porte le total à trois en quarante-huit heures, ont annoncé, mercredi 23 août, les ONG concernées. L’organisation espagnole Open Arms dit s’être vue infliger une amende de 10 000 euros et le navire portant son nom a été saisi mardi, l’équipage ayant ignoré les instructions des autorités lui enjoignant de ne pas procéder à deux opérations de secours en Méditerranée. L’ONG allemande Sea-Eye annonce faire l’objet d’une amende de 3 000 euros et son navire Sea-Eye 4 a été immobilisé après avoir procédé à trois opérations de secours, qui ont, selon elle, permis de recueillir 114 personnes. Les deux navires ont violé une loi récente obligeant les navires d’ONG à regagner un port choisi par les autorités italiennes entre chaque sauvetage.Lundi, l’Aurora, de l’ONG allemande Sea-Watch, avait été saisi en vertu d’une autre disposition de cette loi, pour avoir débarqué des migrants dans un port non choisi par les autorités italiennes.
    Cette nouvelle législation a été adoptée cette année par le gouvernement de Giorgia Meloni, cheffe de file de l’extrême droite, dans le but de faire baisser le nombre d’arrivées, bien que les migrants recueillis à bord des navires d’ONG ne représentent qu’une fraction du total. Plus de 105 000 migrants sont arrivés en Italie depuis le début de l’année, soit plus du double par rapport à 2022 sur la même période, selon les chiffres du ministère de l’intérieur. Plus de 2 000 migrants ont en outre trouvé la mort en tentant de traverser la Méditerranée depuis janvier, selon l’ONU.
    Open Arms a précisé que son navire se dirigeait vers le port de Carrare, choisi par les autorités italiennes, quand l’équipage a pris connaissance d’un appel de détresse d’Alarm Phone, un numéro utilisé par les migrants rencontrant des difficultés lors de leur traversée. Cette alerte « concernait deux bateaux en péril au sud de [sa] position », a-t-il déclaré. L’information a été confirmée par l’avion de surveillance d’une ONG. En l’absence de réponse immédiate des autorités italiennes à cet appel de détresse, l’équipage du navire d’Open Arms explique avoir respecté le droit maritime international en procédant au sauvetage. Le navire a ensuite reçu l’ordre « d’abandonner les recherches et de continuer vers le port choisi, étant donné que les autorités avaient pris la situation en main », mais sans fixer de délai, selon Open Arms.
    Le bateau a donc poursuivi sa route et recueilli 132 personnes vendredi, lors d’une opération de deux heures « au cours de laquelle aucun navire des autorités ne s’est présenté, confirmant une fois de plus que ces gens étaient laissés à la dérive ». Le bateau s’est ensuite rendu à Carrare, où il a été saisi. Selon Sea-Eye, le Sea-Eye 4 a été saisi dans le port de Salerne (Sud) pour « avoir procédé à plus d’une opération de sauvetage », jeudi et vendredi. « Si nous ne l’avions pas fait, il y aurait eu des morts », assure Gorden Isler, un responsable de l’organisation, dans un communiqué. La législation italienne est « contraire au droit international, qui oblige un capitaine à secourir les gens en détresse en mer », relève-t-il.

    #Covid19#migrant#migration#italie#ONG#droit#politiquemigratoire#mortalitite#traversee#migrationirreguliere#routemigratoire#mediterranee#postcovid#sante

  • « La politique migratoire européenne transforme les pays du sud de la Méditerranée en garde-frontières »
    https://www.lemonde.fr/afrique/article/2023/08/16/la-politique-migratoire-europeenne-transforme-les-pays-du-sud-de-la-mediterr

    « La politique migratoire européenne transforme les pays du sud de la Méditerranée en garde-frontières »
    Tribune. Alors que l’Union européenne vient de signer avec la Tunisie le Partenariat stratégique global et cherche à l’inciter à accueillir les réfugiés renvoyés par l’Europe en échange de la somme de 250 millions d’euros et d’un soutien financier de 900 millions d’euros conditionné à la conclusion d’un accord de prêt avec le Fonds monétaire international (FMI), le pays traverse une crise socio-économique exacerbée par une montée des violences contre les Africains noirs présents sur son territoire, notamment dans la ville de Sfax. En effet, depuis le 3 juillet, et suite à l’assassinat d’un Tunisien par trois ressortissants présumés d’origine camerounaise, la Tunisie connaît un déferlement de violences contre les Africains noirs. Actes xénophobes, agissements racistes, discours haineux et différentes formes d’agressions mettent en péril l’intégrité physique et morale des expatriés subsahariens. A ce sujet, les médias, les ONG et autres acteurs de la société civile, ainsi que des citoyens tunisiens s’exprimant via les réseaux sociaux, tirent la sonnette d’alarme sur une véritable violation des droits humains.
    Ont été documentés : des expulsions de familles entières de leur domicile – dont des femmes enceintes et des enfants –, des interpellations, refoulements et arrestations arbitraires, des agressions physiques et verbales, des vols d’effets personnels et de documents d’identité, des attaques directes et virtuelles sur les réseaux sociaux et jusqu’à des déportations de centaines de personnes – dont certaines avec une situation en règle ou des demandeurs d’asile – vers les frontières tuniso-libyennes désertiques sans aucune forme d’assistance, à une période de l’année particulièrement éprouvante en raison des chaleurs torrides et des pénuries d’eau.
    Plusieurs communiqués, tribunes et pétitions ont été signés par nombre d’organisations, d’intellectuels, de militants et d’acteurs de la société civile dans les médias internationaux afin de dénoncer cette situation insoutenable. Des collectes de fonds ont été lancées pour venir en aide aux victimes de ces évènements. Nous rejoignons toutes ces prises de parole et tenons à manifester notre plein soutien et notre solidarité envers les cibles de ces agissements. En tant que chercheurs et citoyens provenant de Tunisie, d’Allemagne et de France, nous nous engageons pour une Méditerranée qui corresponde à un espace d’échanges, de libre circulation et de diversité. A la place de cela, la politique migratoire européenne transforme les pays du sud de la Méditerranée, et notamment la Tunisie, en garde-frontières, tout en favorisant l’exode des cerveaux vers l’Europe, à un moment où le pays a besoin de ses compétences pour faire face aux différentes crises qu’il connaît.
    L’intention d’expulser des personnes et familles vulnérables dans un pays tiers, contre leur gré, est inadmissible en soi. Les expulser en Tunisie à un moment où cette dernière traverse des difficultés importantes sur tous les fronts met en péril l’un des derniers pays stables dans la région. N’est-ce pas notre but d’atténuer les effets de cette crise et de travailler à ce que personne ne soit plus dans l’obligation d’émigrer ? A ce que la circulation devienne un choix au lieu d’une nécessité, dans un monde où les deux rives de la Méditerranée coopéreraient avec un souci d’égalité grâce à des conditions économiques et sociales plus équitables ? Dans ce cas, l’Union européenne doit veiller à mieux soutenir la stabilité de la société tunisienne et à envisager des coopérations effectives et pérennes, dans l’intérêt à la fois de la Tunisie et des Européens.
    Signé par les membres suivants du projet de recherche trinational de l’Office franco-allemand pour la jeunesse (OFAJ) « Transmed : penser la Méditerranée ensemble – Transmediterrane Jugendpolitik » : Nour Bchini (université de La Manouba) ; Baraa Ben Dhif (université Mahmoud-Al-Materi/Labo’Démocratique) ; Ichrak Ben Hammouda (université Paris-3 Sorbonne nouvelle & université de La Manouba) ; Anna Damon (université d’Aix-Marseille) ; Azyza Deiab (Universität des Saarlandes) ; Karima Dirèche-Slimani (université d’Aix-Marseille) ; Nicole Fischer (Universität des Saarlandes et université Paris-3 Sorbonne nouvelle) ; Farah Hached (université Mahmoud-Al Materi/Labo’Démocratique) ; Louna Hassaini (université d’Aix-Marseille) ; Franck Hofmann (Universität des Saarlandes) ; Fatma Pia Hotait (Universität des Saarlandes) ; Mélina Joyeux (université d’Aix-Marseille) ; Mario Laarmann (Universität des Saarlandes) ; Mariem Maarfi (université de La Manouba) ; Fabian Meinel (Centre franco-allemand de Provence) ; Ines Mejri (université Mahmoud-Al-Materi/Labo’Démocratique) ; Markus Messling (Universität des Saarlandes) ; Freddy Ndi (Universität des Saarlandes) ; Line Perrin (Universität des Saarlandes) ; Sihem Sidaoui (université de La Manouba) ; Julian Wendlinger (Universität des Saarlandes).

    #Covid-19#migrant#migration#tunisie#UE#politiquemigratoire#mediterranee#routemigratoire#partenariatstrategiqueglobal#droit#vulnerabilite#expulsion#postcovid

  • #Pantelleria, arrivati più di 150 migranti nelle ultime 24 ore

    Sono 161 i migranti sbarcati o soccorsi in mare nelle ultime 24 ore al largo di Pantelleria. Quasi tutti tunisini, tra loro una decina di donne, e 35 minori, dei quali 27 non accompagnati. A intervenire sono state le unità della guardia costiera.

    L’ultimo soccorso in mare stamattina, a bordo di una unità in difficoltà c’erano 13 uomini, 3 minori e una donna. Si tratta di sbarchi e viaggi autonomi, non ci sono scafisti, persone che lasciano la Tunisia a bordo di mezzi di fortuna, gommoni o barche, in un caso addirittura in mare è stato soccorso un migrante che navigava in solitaria su di un barchino. Trattenuti nel centro di accoglienza dell’Isola, gli ultimi sbarcati nelle prossime 48 ore verranno trasferiti, con il traghetto di linea, al centro di identificazione di contrada Milo a Trapani.

    Nell’ultimo anno, durante tutto il 2022, a Pantelleria il numero dIe migranti giunti sull’isola ha superato quota 6 mila.

    Intanto domani una imbarcazione Ong dovrebbe giungere in porto a Trapani con a bordo 78 migranti soccorsi nel Mediterraneo. Si attende l’ufficialità dal Viminale.

    Frattanto si è tenuta stamane dinanzi al gup del Tribunale di Trapani, giudice Samuele Corso, l’ulteriore udienza del procedimento relativo all’indagine sui cosiddetti “taxi del mare”. Si tratta dell’inchiesta che nel 2017 portò la magistratura trapanese a sequestrare la nave Juventa della Ong tedesca Jugend Rettet. L’udienza preliminare ha come imputati 21 persone, componenti di equipaggi di altre due Ong, Medici Senza Frontiere e Save the Children. Nell’udienza di oggi le difese hanno proseguito a proporre al giudice eccezioni preliminari, le ultime odierne hanno riguardato la richiesta di nullità dell’avviso conclusione indagini, in quanto la discovery degli atti all’epoca depositati avrebbe mostrato l’assenza di documenti giudiziari e prodotti successivamente. Il prossimo 14 aprile toccherà ai pm Agnello, Mucaria e Sardoni, replicare a queste eccezioni.

    L’udienza preliminare va avanti da oltre un anno, mentre si attende il responso della Cassazione sulla competenza territoriale del Tribunale di Trapani. Il giudice Corso infatti alla precedente udienza ha deciso di trasmettere gli atti alla massima Corte, questo dopo altre eccezioni delle difese. Se venisse accolta una parte del procedimento verrebbe trasmesso non ad uno ma a diversi Tribunali coincidenti con i porti dove sono stati sbarcati i migranti soccorsi da queste tre Ong nel periodo compreso tra il 2016 e il 2017.

    https://livesicilia.it/pantelleria-arrivati-piu-di-150-migranti-nelle-ultime-24-ore
    #île #Italie #routes_migratoires #asile #migrations #réfugiés #Méditerranée #île_de_Pantelleria

  • Naufrages en Méditerranée : avec plus de 2 000 morts depuis le début de l’année, le bilan de 2022 est déjà dépassé
    https://www.lemonde.fr/les-decodeurs/article/2023/08/10/naufrages-en-mediterranee-avec-plus-de-2-000-morts-depuis-le-debut-de-l-anne

    Naufrages en Méditerranée : avec plus de 2 000 morts depuis le début de l’année, le bilan de 2022 est déjà dépassé
    EN GRAPHIQUES - Le nombre de migrants morts ou disparus en mer Méditerranée recensés depuis le début de l’année 2023 est déjà supérieur aux bilans sur douze mois des quatre années précédentes.
    Par Dorian Jullien
    Samedi 5 août, deux embarcations de migrants ont fait naufrage au large de l’île de Lampedusa (Italie), en mer Méditerranée. La mort d’une femme et celle d’un enfant âgé de 2 ans ont été confirmées, et une trentaine de victimes sont portées disparues, tandis que cinquante-sept personnes ont survécu. Cette traversée tragique s’ajoute aux tentatives mortelles relayées par la presse quasi quotidiennement.
    Le centre d’accueil de Lampedusa est déjà saturé, avec environ 2 500 migrants pour 600 places, selon la Croix-Rouge italienne, en raison de l’intensification des arrivées de demandeurs d’asile. En Italie, principale porte d’entrée en Europe, le Haut Conseil des Nations unies pour les réfugiés (HCR) estime que 90 763 migrants sont arrivés entre janvier et août 2023, soit presque autant que les 105 131 enregistrés sur l’ensemble de l’année 2022. Pour le seul mois de mars 2023, l’UNHCR a décompté 13 267 entrées en Italie, contre 1 358 sur la même période de l’année précédente.
    Un bilan 2023 déjà équivalent aux quatre années précédentes
    Depuis la crise migratoire européenne de 2014-2015, l’Organisation internationale pour les migrations (OIM) tient un recensement des migrants morts, portés disparus et survivants au cours de leur migration. Sont comptés « les migrants morts aux frontières extérieures des Etats ou au cours du processus de migration vers une destination internationale, quel que soit leur statut juridique ». Sont exclus les morts dans les camps de réfugiés, pendant les expulsions, ceux résultant de l’exploitation du travail ou d’un retour forcé dans le pays d’origine, ainsi que les morts de personnes déplacées au sein de leur pays d’origine. Par définition, le décompte de l’OIM est donc probablement sous-évalué. Le bilan reste pourtant vertigineux : en neuf ans, plus de 27 000 personnes ont payé de leur vie leur tentative de passage vers l’Europe.
    27 364 morts et portés disparus recensés en mer Méditerranée depuis 2014
    Données collectées de différentes sources par l’Organisation internationale pour les migrations (organisation liée aux Nations unies)
    Après un pic en 2016, avec plus de 5 000 morts, le nombre de migrants morts ou portés disparus en mer Méditerranée s’est stabilisé autour de 2 000 à partir de 2018, avant de connaître une baisse en 2020 en raison de la pandémie de Covid-19. Mais, après seulement sept mois, le bilan 2023 est déjà plus lourd que ceux des quatre années passées.
    La Méditerranée centrale : cette route part des côtes d’Afrique du Nord et finit en Italie, ou à Malte dans une moindre mesure. Historiquement, c’est celle dont proviennent le plus d’arrivées, selon le HCR, mais c’est aussi la plus risquée. L’OIM chiffre à 4,78 % le taux de mortalité en 2019, soit 1 migrant sur 21 qui meurt lors d’une tentative de traversée.La Méditerranée occidentale : il s’agit de la voie entre le Maroc et l’Espagne, en traversant le détroit de Gibraltar ou en posant pied à Melilla ou Ceuta, les deux enclaves espagnoles situées sur le continent africain. Le taux de mortalité est estimé à 1,67 %. La Méditerranée orientale : c’est la route qui relie la Turquie à la Grèce, principalement. Ce passage fut la première route empruntée en 2015, après la crise syrienne : selon le HCR, 856 723 personnes sont arrivées de la Turquie en Grèce cette année-là. Cette route est désormais moins empruntée. En 2019, le taux de mortalité y était de 0,05 %, selon l’OIM. Un chiffre possiblement sous-estimé, selon l’organisation, qui reconnaît un manque d’exhaustivité des données et des biais temporels.
    La Méditerranée occidentale est la route privilégiée, aussi la plus mortelle, pour les migrants qui tentent de rallier l’Europe
    Dans près de deux tiers des cas, l’OIM n’est pas en mesure de retracer la région d’origine des personnes mortes ou portées disparues en mer. Parmi les victimes dont l’origine géographique est connue, la plus grande partie provient d’Afrique subsaharienne. Ce sont les migrants de ces pays qui sont depuis plusieurs semaines victimes de violences (délogements, violences physiques, expulsions et abandons dans le désert…) commises par les autorités tunisiennes. Plus de 6 000 migrants morts ou portés disparus en mer Méditerranée sont originaires d’Afrique subsaharienne

    #Covid-19#migrant#migration#OIM#europe#afriquesubsaharienne#HCR#mortalite#traversee#migrationirreguliere#mediterranee#routemigratoire#postcovid

  • Hautes-Alpes : un migrant retrouvé mort entre #Briançon et #Montgenèvre

    Une enquête a été ouverte par le parquet de Gap. Une autopsie du corps devrait être pratiquée dans les prochains jours.

    Un migrant a été retrouvé mort lundi matin par un vététiste sur la route militaire des #Gondrans, entre Briançon et Montgenèvre, a appris BFM DICI.

    Le corps de la victime a été découvert face au sol sur cette piste, accessible aux randonneurs ainsi qu’aux véhicules de type 4x4, qui mène au #fort_de_Gondrans.

    Une autopsie prévue dans les prochains jours

    Selon les premières constatations, la victime était un jeune homme. Des techniciens en identification criminelle se sont rendus sur place pour effectuer des prélèvements ADN et des analyses afin d’identifier la victime.

    « Une autopsie sera rapidement pratiquée », a indiqué Florent Crouhy, le procureur de la république de Gap. « Une enquête en recherche des causes de la mort a été ouverte et confiée à la brigade de recherches de Briançon. »

    Selon les informations de BFM DICI, aucune trace de lutte ou de violences n’a été constatée par les techniciens en identification criminelle. Seules des écorchures sur les genoux de la victime ont été observées.

    https://www.bfmtv.com/bfm-dici/hautes-alpes-un-migrant-retrouve-mort-entre-briancon-et-montgenevre_AN-202308

    #décès #morts #morts_aux_frontières #frontière_sud-alpine #Alpes #Hautes-Alpes #migrations #asile #réfugiés

    #Fort_des_Gondrans :
    https://patrimoine.hautes-alpes.fr/home/fiche/3158

    –—

    ajouté au fil de discussion sur les morts à la frontière des Hautes-Alpes :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/800822

    lui-même ajouté à la métaliste sur les morts aux frontières alpines :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/758646

    • Hautes-Alpes : le corps d’un jeune migrant retrouvé par un vététiste entre Montgenèvre et Briançon

      Une personne, probablement originaire d’Afrique du Nord, a été retrouvée morte ce lundi 7 août sur la route militaire des Gondrans. Une enquête en recherche des causes de la mort a été ouverte par le procureur de Gap.

      Un jeune migrant a été retrouvé mort ce lundi matin par un vététiste sur la route militaire des Gondrans, entre Montgenèvre et Briançon (Hautes-Alpes), à quelques kilomètres de la frontière italienne. L’information de BFM Dici a été confirmée à La Provence par le procureur de la République de Gap, Florent Crouhy.

      La victime a été découverte face au sol sur cette piste, accessible aux randonneurs ainsi qu’aux véhicules de type 4x4, qui mène au fort de Gondrans. « Il s’agit d’une piste carrossable, a précisé le procureur. Ce n’est pas un terrain escarpé, dangereux. »

      Selon les premières constatations, la victime était un homme âgé entre 20 et 25 ans, de type nord-africain, vêtu de vêtements pas à sa taille.

      Des techniciens en identification criminelle se sont rendus sur place pour effectuer des prélèvements ADN et des analyses afin d’identifier la victime.
      « Hypothermie, crise cardiaque… toutes les hypothèses sont envisagées ».

      « Une autopsie sera rapidement pratiquée, a indiqué Florent Crouhy. Une enquête en recherche des causes de la mort a été ouverte et confiée à la brigade de recherches de Briançon. »

      Aucune trace de lutte ou de violences n’aurait été constatée par les techniciens en identification criminelle. Seules des écorchures sur les genoux de la victime ont été observées. « Hypothermie, crise cardiaque, toutes les hypothèses sont envisagées. En tout cas, à cette heure, personne n’a signalé sa disparition » a ajouté le procureur.

      https://www.laprovence.com/article/region/62547295827161/hautes-alpes-le-corps-dun-jeune-migrant-retrouve-par-un-vetetiste-entre-

    • Un migrant retrouvé mort par un cycliste dans les Alpes

      Pendant l’été, de nombreux migrants traversent chaque année à pied la frontière franco-italienne au niveau du col de Montgenèvre.

      Un migrant a été retrouvé mort lundi matin dans les Hautes-Alpes, sur une route entre Briançon et Montgenèvre, a indiqué ce mardi le procureur de Gap, confirmant une information de BFM DICI.

      Le corps a été retrouvé par une personne circulant en VTT sur la route militaire des Gondrans, une piste accessible aux randonneurs ainsi qu’aux véhicules tout-terrain. Le procureur de la République de Gap, Florent Crouhy, a précisé à l’AFP que la mort de ce jeune adulte semblait « assez récente » et que « le corps ne portait pas de trace de violences ou de lutte ».

      Point de passage clandestin

      Des techniciens en identification criminelle se sont rendus sur place lundi pour effectuer des prélèvements ADN et des analyses, notamment afin d’identifier la victime. « Une autopsie sera pratiquée ces prochains jours », a ajouté le procureur, qui a ouvert une « enquête en recherche des causes de la mort », confiée à la brigade de recherches de Briançon.

      Pendant la saison estivale, de nombreux migrants traversent chaque année à pied la frontière franco-italienne au niveau du col de Montgenèvre pour atteindre Briançon, l’un des principaux points de passage de clandestins entre les deux pays depuis 2017.

      https://www.ledauphine.com/faits-divers-justice/2023/08/08/un-migrant-retrouve-mort-par-un-cycliste-dans-les-alpes

    • Mort d’un migrant dans les Alpes : « L’autopsie n’a pas permis de déterminer les causes de la mort »

      Un vététiste a découvert un homme mort sur la route militaire des Gondrans, une piste carrossable, entre Briançon et Montgenèvre. Il pourrait s’agir d’un migrant. L’autopsie a « confirmé l’absence de cause traumatique ». Le parquet de Gap a ouvert une enquête.

      n homme a été découvert mort ce lundi 7 août au matin, a indiqué le procureur de la République de Gap Florent Crouhy, confirmant une information de BFM D’Ici. C’est un vététiste qui a fait la découverte sur cette piste carrossable de la route militaire des Gondrans, accessible aux 4x4, entre Briançon et Montgenèvre. Elle est régulièrement utilisée par les randonneurs et vététistes, donc très fréquentée l’été. La victime pourrait être un migrant.

      Une enquête en recherches des causes de la mort a été ouverte par le parquet de Gap et confiée à la brigade de recherches de la gendarmerie de Briançon. Des techniciens en identification criminelle se sont rendus sur les lieux afin d’effectuer les constatations d’usage. Le procureur indiquait ce mardi 8 août dans la journée que, « les techniciens en identification criminelle de la gendarmerie n’ont relevé aucune trace de lutte ou de violences sur le corps. Les causes de la mort sont inconnues mais non suspectes et certainement pas d’origine traumatique ».

      Une autopsie a été pratiquée dans la journée. Le procureur de Gap déclarait, dans la soirée, qu’« elle n’a pas permis de déterminer les causes de la mort. Elle a toutefois confirmé l’absence de cause traumatique. Des expertises anatomopathologiques et toxicologiques seront réalisées en complément ». L’identification du jeune défunt est toujours en cours.
      Du côté des associations, ce mardi 8 août dans la soirée, aucune disparition de personne exilée n’était signalée.

      https://www.ledauphine.com/faits-divers-justice/2023/08/08/une-personne-decouverte-decedee-sur-la-piste-des-gondrans

    • Le corps d’un exilé découvert à la frontière franco-italienne : « On se retrouve confronté aux mêmes tragédies »

      Le parquet de Gap a annoncé le décès d’un jeune homme dont le corps a été retrouvé le long d’une route au-dessus du col de Montgenèvre, non loin de Briançon, à la frontière entre la France et l’Italie. La route est régulièrement empruntée par les personnes migrantes. Ce nouveau drame intervient alors que les traversées sont en hausse et les Terrasses solidaires, principal lieu d’accueil sur la commune, sont saturées.

      Une personne migrante a été retrouvée morte lundi 7 août dans les Alpes françaises, sur les hauteurs du col de Montgenèvre, non loin de Briançon, a indiqué ce mardi le parquet de Gap à l’AFP. Il s’agit d’un jeune adulte, dont la mort semblait « assez récente » et dont « le corps ne portait pas de trace de violences ou de lutte », a précisé le procureur de la République de Gap, Florent Crouhy.

      Une « enquête en recherche des causes de la mort » a été ouverte. Des prélèvements ADN et des analyses ont été effectuées lundi, afin d’aider à l’identification de la victime. « Une autopsie sera pratiquée ces prochains jours », a ajouté le procureur auprès de l’AFP.

      Le corps du jeune homme a été retrouvé par un cycliste en VTT sur la route militaire des Gondrans. « Pas étonnant » qu’il s’agisse là des lieux du drame, commente Agnès Antoine, de l’association Tous Migrants : il s’agit de l’une des principales routes de montagne empruntées par les exilés pour passer la frontière franco-italienne.

      L’annonce du décès intervient dans un « climat déjà très lourd », expose cette bénévole impliquée depuis des années auprès des personnes exilées, jointe par Infomigrants. « Il y a énormément d’arrivées. On avait beaucoup de monde depuis le mois de mai, mais là, depuis le début de l’été, cela s’intensifie », précise-t-elle.

      200 exilés au refuge, d’une capacité de 80 places

      D’ordinaire, les associatifs et citoyens solidaires voient plutôt arriver « entre 5 et 30 personnes par jour » à Briançon, décrit Luc Marchello, responsable de la sécurité des Terrasses Solidaires. Ce site constitue le principal refuge pour les personnes parvenant à rejoindre la ville après leur traversée de la frontière. Or, ces dernières semaines, « les arrivées sont plus massives ».

      Ce week-end du 5 et 6 août, « on est monté jusqu’à 100 personnes en une journée ». Un pic intervenu alors que les forces de l’ordre étaient largement déployées au col de Montgenèvre pour empêcher le passage de la marche solidaire Passamontagna, menée par des activistes depuis la ville italienne de Clavière.

      Conséquence de cette situation : les Terrasses solidaires sont saturées. Ce mardi, pas moins de 200 personnes s’y trouvent hébergées. Or, la structure peut accueillir au maximum 80 personnes pour « rester dans les normes du bâtiment », rappelle Luc Marchello.

      Le réfectoire a été transformé en dortoir. « Il y a des tentes à l’extérieur, sur les terrasses », s’attriste le responsable de la sécurité du site. « On en est là. On essaie de gérer au mieux les départs pour faire de la place, mais les prix des trains sont très élevés ».

      Quant à l’hébergement chez des citoyens solidaires, « on en touche les limites », constate-t-il. En période estivale, donc touristique, les maisons sont occupées ou louées. Et au fil des années d’engagement, « il y a de l’épuisement ».
      « L’État refuse l’ouverture d’un centre d’accueil »

      Un courrier a été adressé au préfet, les communiqués se multiplient. Mais « personne ne vient nous appuyer avec d’autres solutions. L’Etat refuse l’ouverture d’un centre d’accueil, même simplement d’urgence », déplore Luc Marchello.

      Dès la fin mai, la préfecture assurait à Infomigrants avoir pris connaissance de ces alertes. Mais elle expliquait qu’il n’était « pour l’heure pas envisageable d’ouvrir de nouvelles places en hébergement d’urgence » dans le département et que « le dispositif [de 135 places pérennes] est actuellement saturé ».

      « Nous sommes mi-juillet, la population accueillie depuis mai est passée d’une moyenne par jour de 100 à 120, aujourd’hui nous sommes à 170 personnes pour un hébergement dans les normes ERP de 64 prévues », récapitule le conseil d’administration des Refuges Solidaires (gérant les Terasses), dans une lettre ouverte publiée le 18 juillet. « Depuis maintenant 6 années nous alertons les services de l’Etat pour qu’ils nous accompagnent dans cette action humanitaire ».

      « Psychologiquement, c’est assez dur », conclut Agnès Antoine de Tous Migrants. « Tous les bénévoles font des efforts incroyables pour les maraudes, pour tenir le refuge, pour mener des campagnes de sensibilisation... Et à chaque fois on se retrouve confrontés aux mêmes tragédies. »

      https://www.infomigrants.net/fr/post/50924/le-corps-dun-exile-decouvert-a-la-frontiere-francoitalienne--on-se-ret

    • LA FRONTIÈRE A ENCORE TUÉ !

      Une autre personne est morte à la frontière franco-italienne à Montgenèvre. Un autre mort, un autre corps sans vie a été retrouvé sur la route militaire de Claviere (Valsusa, IT) à Briançon (FR).

      Lundi 7 août, un autre cadavre a été retrouvé dans ces montagnes, tué par une frontière raciste où les routes sont traversées quotidiennement par des voitures, des bus et des trains transportant des touristes, des marchandises et du personnel militaire, tandis que les migrants sont contraints de marcher à travers les sentiers de montagne, échappant aux contrôles de la police française qui tente de bloquer leur voyage même dans les bois à 1800 mètres au-dessus du niveau de la mer.

      Il semble avoir été trouvé par un cycliste, par l’un des nombreux touristes qui affluent dans ces montagnes pour les vacances d’été. Ils s’amusent sur les mêmes routes qui sont traversées nuit et jour par des personnes obligées de se cacher parce qu’elles n’ont pas la bonne pièce d’identité. Depuis 2018, au moins 10 personnes ont perdu la vie en tentant de franchir la frontière de la Haute-Valusie. Pendant que les touristes s’amusent à jouer sur une pelouse impeccable signée Lavazza et la commune de Montgenèvre, des dizaines de personnes en déplacement meurent ou risquent leur vie à quelques encablures de là, sur les sentiers qui traversent la frontière.

      Nous n’avons pas beaucoup d’informations sur ce qui s’est passé, mais nous savons avec certitude que ceux qui ont tué à nouveau étaient le bras armé de l’État : les militaries, la gendarmerie, la police des frontières (PAF). Un bras armé qui, armé de jeeps, de drones et de lunettes de vision nocturne, cherche à protéger les intérêts nationaux d’un État néocolonial et raciste, élargissant et rétrécissant les mailles de cette frontière intérieure européenne qui continue de séparer, de réprimer et de tuer. Comme le désert du Niger, comme les prisons de Libye et de Tunisie, comme la mer Méditerranée, comme la Manche, comme toutes les frontières extra-européennes, de la Turquie à la Pologne en passant par le Maroc, comme les centres de rétention administrative disséminés dans de nombreuses villes, les montagnes de Valses sont, elles aussi, depuis des années, une frontière où l’on continue de mourir.

      Et ce qui tue, une fois de plus, ce n’est pas la montagne, la neige, le froid ou la fatigue. Ce qui tue, c’est l’Etat, la forteresse Europe, le système des frontières incarné par les hommes et les femmes en uniforme qui battent le pavé dans une chasse à l’homme, ce qui tue, ce sont tous ces indifférents qui se détournent pour ne pas remettre en cause leurs privilèges de bourgeois blancs, alors qu’à côté d’eux, ceux et celles qui sont nés du “mauvais” côté du monde souffrent et meurent dans le silence général.

      Ce week-end, il y avait un camp contre les frontières, avec l’idée de franchir collectivement cette frontière meurtrière, avec l’idée que l’union fait la force et que, pour une fois, les gens n’auraient pas dû être exposés à la violence policière ; la police a empêché notre passage, déployant tout son armement dans les bois et les chemins de montagne, armée de gaz lacrymogènes, de boucliers, de bombes TNT, de flashballs. Nous n’avons pas pu passer. Deux jours après cette marche qui a mal tourné, un cadavre a été retrouvé.

      Si les frontières n’existaient pas, il n’y aurait pas de gens qui meurent encore pour les franchir.
      Les mises à jour suivront, les rendez-vous suivront. Ne restons pas indifférents, faisons quelque chose pour éviter d’autres meurtres dans ces montagnes !

      Police assassine ! All Cops Are Borders. Smash the borders !

      CONTRE TOUTES LES FRONTIÈRES, LES ÉTATS QUI LES CRÉENT ET LES UNIFORMES QUI LES PROTÈGENT

      https://www.passamontagna.info/?p=4551&lang=fr

    • È un guineano di 20 anni il migrante morto sui sentieri per la Francia. Il freddo potrebbe essergli stato fatale

      Su di lui nessun segno, solo qualche sbucciatura sulle ginocchia. Vicino al corpo, lo zaino e il telefono. Indaga la procura di Gap

      Uno zainetto e un telefono accanto al corpo, scarponcini ai piedi qualche taglia più grande del necessario. Ha vent’anni e viene dalla Guinea. È morto a un passo dalla meta, Briançon. Arrivarci avrebbe significato aver superato i pericoli dei sentieri di montagna e i controlli della gendarmeria che ogni notte pattuglia il confine per fermare i migranti, come il giovane, che cercano di lasciare l’Italia — dove sono sbarcati — per raggiungere parenti che vivono altrove in Europa.

      (#paywall)
      https://torino.repubblica.it/cronaca/2023/08/09/news/migrante_morto_monginevro-410541248

    • Il migrante morto a Briancon si chiamava Moussa e aveva 20 anni, cercava di sfuggire ai droni e ai controlli di frontiera

      È probabile che anche #Moussa abbia compiuto il percorso che attraversa Mali, Niger e poi Libia o Tunisia prima della traversata per raggiungere Lampedusa. Poi il viaggio fino alla Val di Susa.

      Sognava una casa, un lavoro e un futuro migliore e invece ha trovato la morte a 20 anni, di notte, cadendo da un sentiero di montagna al confine tra Italia e Francia. Mentre cercava di sfuggire ai droni e ai controlli di frontiera. I suoi compagni di avventura hanno avuto più fortuna e sono riusciti ad arrivare a Briancon. Hanno riconosciuto gli effetti personali di Moussa, un ragazzo con cui avevano percorso un pezzo di strada verso «la nuova vita», ma che avevano perso di vista durante la difficoltosa discesa al buio. Non si tratta di un riconoscimento ufficiale e il cadavere di quel giovane migrante ritrovato lunedì sul cammino militare che porta al forte di Gondrans, in Francia, è ancora senza un nome.

      Le procedure di identificazione avviate dalla polizia e dalla procura di Gap sono in corso, ma le dichiarazioni degli altri profughi che hanno raggiunto Briancon sembrano attendibili. #Moussa era partito dalla Guinea, come uno dei 4 sopravvissuti all’ultimo naufragio di un barcone nel canale di Sicilia, costato la vita a 41 persone. È probabile che anche Moussa abbia seguito la stessa rotta di quei migranti: Mali, Niger e poi Libia o Tunisia prima della traversata per raggiungere Lampedusa. Per arrivare in Val di Susa, una delle «porte di accesso» più frequentate per passare clandestinamente il confine con la Francia, Moussa ha dovuto aspettare ancora molto tempo.

      Secondo Paolo Narcisi, presidente di Rainbow4Africa, ogni anno almeno 13 mila persone transitano da Oulx e il giovane guineano potrebbe essere uno dei 5 ragazzi, con lo stesso nome e la stessa nazione di provenienza, che fra giovedì e lunedì hanno bussato alla porta del rifugio Fra Massi prima di dirigersi verso Claviere e inoltrarsi nel bosco. Moussa aveva seguito le indicazioni che aveva ricevuto ed era riuscito a superare la frontiera, ma probabilmente è caduto mentre scendeva verso valle, sperando di non essere scoperto.

      https://torino.corriere.it/notizie/cronaca/23_agosto_09/migrante-morto-a-20-anni-mentre-cercava-di-sfuggire-ai-droni-e-ai-co

      –—

      La mention des drones (mais qui n’est pas confirmée par les personnes sur place) :

      Lo scorso 27 luglio il rifugio Fra Massi di Oulx era stato preso d’assalto da 180 persone e ogni notte si registrano circa cento presenze: «Una situazione più gestibile da medici e personale, ma sempre al limite – spiega Paolo Narcisi, presidente di Rainbow4Africa -. Non so nulla di questa ennesima tragedia, ma se sul corpo sono stati trovati i segni di una caduta è probabile si tratti di uno dei tanti migranti costretti a cercare strade sempre più pericolose per sfuggire ai controlli. E credo che ci sia una grossa responsabilità di chi utilizza droni, esercito e polizia per effettuare i respingimenti al confine».

      https://torino.corriere.it/notizie/cronaca/23_agosto_08/migrante-morto-sul-sentiero-per-briancon-al-confine-italo-francese-e

    • Le corps découvert au Gondran est celui d’un jeune migrant guinéen

      L’homme, dont le corps a été retrouvé par un vététiste lundi 7 août sur une route militaire du Gondran, entre Briançon et Montgenèvre, a été identifié. Il s’agit d’un Guinéen né en 2004.

      https://www.ledauphine.com/faits-divers-justice/2023/08/13/le-corps-decouvert-au-gondran-est-celui-d-un-jeune-migrant-guineen

    • Pour info, Moussa serait mort la nuit du 6 au 7 août 2023, soit alors qu’avait lieu le #campeggio_itinerante organisé par le collectif #Passamontagna (donc : #militarisation accrue de la frontière) :

      CHIAMATA PER UN CAMPEGGIO ITINERANTE PASSAMONTAGNA – 4-5-6 Agosto 2023


      4-5-6 Agosto 2023

      Claviere (ITA)- Briancon (FR)
      Tre giorni in cammino verso un mondo senza frontiere né autoritarismi
      Tre giorni di incontri e discussioni, condividendo riflessioni, esperienze e pratiche
      TRE GIORNI DI LOTTA CONTRO LE FRONTIERE

      Le politiche dell’unione europea continuano ad aumentare le morti in mare e nei territori di passaggio, costruendo frontiere interne ed esterne alla stessa.
      Nuovi accordi vengono siglati con i paesi di transito e di partenza.
      Milioni di euro sono assegnati in tecnologie, polizie e nuovi muri per fermare le persone in viaggio verso l’europa o in lager d’oltremare.
      Uno schema funzionale all’annichilimento delle persone che migrano.

      Chi raggiunge l’u.e. è condannatx ad una vita da schiavx nella speranza di ottenere il lasciapassare ad uno status considerato accettabile dal sistema.
      Chi non riesce a districarsi nel percorso a ostacoli burocratico, chi non lavora in regola, chi si ribella, chi non viene consideratx integrabile o sfruttabile, diventa carne da macello per il sistema dei centri di detenzione o le patrie galere.

      In questo contesto aumenta anche il numero di persone costrette a migrare a causa della crisi climatica ed ecologica innescata dal modello produttivo degli stati occidentali. Per smascherare l’ipocrisia di questo sistema che saccheggia, respinge e deporta mentre predica ecologismo, pensiamo che l’azione diretta é la strada necessaria.

      Se, da un lato, l’unione europea attua un sistema che genera guerre e miseria per poi criminalizzare e sfruttare le persone che ne sfuggono, dall’altro, c’è chi con forza e determinazione ogni giorno questo sistema continua a sfidarlo.
      Gli attraversamenti di frontiere che sfuggono al controllo sempre più intenso degli stati, le rivolte e le lotte che inceppano gli ingranaggi dei centri di detenzione amministrativa, facendone talvolta macerie – come a febbraio 2023 nel CPR di Torino – indicano che la mostruosa macchina statale è meno invincibile di quanto non sembri.

      Per queste ragioni sentiamo l’esigenza di riunirci, incontrarci, riconoscerci, di organizzarci meglio, provando a sottrarci alle trappole dell’assistenzialismo o da azioni mediatiche.

      Nell’arco delle giornate di campeggio vorremmo ri-attraversare questa frontiera a noi vicina, ancora una volta in maniera collettiva.
      Vorremmo ribadirne la pratica e la portata simbolica, contro tutte le frontiere, interne ed esterne, e i dispositivi che le alimentano. Contro i nuovi decreti assassini italiani (Cutro) e francesi (Darmanin). Contro le nuove leggi europee che permetteranno una esternalizzazione sempre più forte e violenta delle frontiere, con future deportazioni dirette in paesi terzi non di origine.

      Tra queste montagne si stanno spendendo i miliardi nel tentativo di costruzione del TAV, devastando un territorio in nome della velocità di merci e trasporti, mentre chi non ha i documenti é costretto a rischiare la vita, subendo inseguimenti, vessazioni e violenze poliziesche per mancanza di quel pezzo di carta che continua a uccidere mentre merci e turisti viaggiano indisturbati.
      Su questa frontiera si contano almeno 9 morti. Molti i feriti, infiniti i respinti. Decine di persone al giorno cercano di attraversare questa linea immaginaria protetta da gendarmi francesi e guardie italiane.
      Noi eravamo, siamo e saremo al loro fianco!

      Partecipiamo numerosi al campeggio itinerante -Passamontagna- nel tentativo di rilanciare momenti di incontro e confronto collettivo, di agire insieme, provando a coordinarci tra differenti realtà e territori in lotta, nella prospettiva di nuovi possibili percorsi.


      https://www.passamontagna.info/?p=4435

    • NOUS RECHERCHONS LA FAMILLE DE MOUSSA SIDIBÉ. CE MIGRANT GUINÉEN DE 19 ANS, A ÉTÉ RETROUVÉ MORT, À LA FRONTIÈRE FRANCO-ITALIENNE .
      Le corps sans vie de l’exié a été retrouvé dans les Hautes-Alpes ( /#France ) entre BRIANÇON et MONTGENÈVRE , le lundi 07 août 2023 par un vététiste.
      Moussa a tenté la traversée de la #Méditerranée. Le chemin du jeune homme passe ensuite par l’île italienne de #Lampedusa . Puis il décide de franchir les Alpes pour aller en #France .
      Moussa a été vu le 06 août 2023 à #OULX ( ville italienne frontalière de la France. )
      Le 07 août , la victime a été retrouvé face au sol , sur une piste accessible aux randonneurs…
      ´Le jeune homme a été inhumé le 21 août 2023 a BRIANÇON. Nous n’avons aucune photo de ce dernier pour l’instant.
      Des associations souhaiteraient aider dans la mesure du possible. au rapatriement de son corps en #Guinée #conakry . Bien entendu si sa famille le souhaite.
      Si vous pensez connaître le jeune guinéen Moussa Sidibé , né en 2004 , contactez-nous . Merci svp de partager massivement.🙏🙏🙏
      ( #WHATSAPP : 00.33.6.27.78.78.41 )

      https://www.facebook.com/permalink.php?story_fbid=pfbid02bj8KV8xJ4EGWb6M8YGiSby4YEEN2rtR5D2poTfSQHP

      #Moussa_Sidibé

  • En Italie, les naufrages se succèdent près de Lampedusa
    https://www.lemonde.fr/international/article/2023/08/07/en-italie-les-naufrages-se-succedent-pres-de-lampedusa_6184700_3210.html

    En Italie, les naufrages se succèdent près de Lampedusa
    La détérioration des conditions météorologiques contribue à une situation critique sur l’île : une trentaine de migrants sont désormais portés disparus, alors que les arrivées se multiplient.
    Par Allan Kaval(Rome, correspondant)
    A Lampedusa, le mauvais temps a apporté de nouvelles journées de détresse et de mort. Samedi 5 août, au moins une trentaine de migrants espérant rallier la petite île italienne ont disparu lors du naufrage de deux embarcations, selon les récits recueillis par les autorités auprès des survivants, au nombre de cinquante-sept. Les gardes-côtes italiens qui ont procédé à leur sauvetage, grâce à deux vedettes assistées d’hélicoptères, ont annoncé avoir trouvé parmi eux le cadavre d’une femme et celui d’un enfant de 2 ans. Les images de l’opération, publiées dimanche, témoignent des difficultés rencontrées pour secourir les naufragés, à la dérive dans deux petites barques en métal malmenées par les flots.
    La détérioration des conditions météorologiques a par ailleurs contribué à une situation critique sur l’île même. Trente-quatre naufragés, dont deux femmes enceintes, ont ainsi été bloqués pendant près de quarante-huit heures sous une falaise, dans l’ouest de Lampedusa, piégés entre une mer démontée et une paroi de pierre abrupte, sur un amas de rocher où leur embarcation avait échoué. Les vagues et les vents violents avaient empêché toute opération de sauvetage par les airs ou par la mer jusqu’à dimanche, et leur évacuation par hélicoptère, assurée par des équipes de secouristes venus le matin même de Sicile.
    Depuis vendredi, près de 2 600 migrants ont posé pied à Lampedusa, les arrivées se succédant à un rythme soutenu depuis le mois de juin. Le « hot spot » de l’île, un centre d’accueil où transitent les migrants avant d’être convoyés vers le continent, arrive à saturation, le mauvais temps n’ayant jusqu’à présent pas permis de les évacuer. Conçu pour abriter six cents personnes selon la Croix-Rouge italienne qui en assure la gestion depuis le mois de mai, il en accueille aujourd’hui près de 2 500 dans des abris d’urgence. Les survivants du naufrage meurtrier de samedi se trouvent parmi eux. « Mis à part deux personnes hospitalisées, les conditions de santé physique des rescapés s’améliorent »,explique le vice-secrétaire de la Croix-Rouge italienne, Ignazio Schintu, joint par téléphone à Lampedusa. « Nos équipes s’entretiennent à présent avec eux pour reconstituer le fil des événements et comprendre ce qui a causé ces naufrages meurtriers », ajoute-t-il. Une enquête de police a par ailleurs été ouverte à Agrigente, en Sicile. Evoquant le mauvais temps annoncé, Emmanuele Ricifarivchef de la police de la ville, cité dans la presse italienne a déclaré : « Ceux qui leur ont permis de partir, ou les ont forcés à partir, sont des fous criminels sans scrupule. » Les naufragés, les morts en mer, les disparus de ces derniers jours, sont les dernières victimes en date sur la route migratoire qui s’est développée cette année entre la région de Sfax, en Tunisie, et Lampedusa, un morceau d’Europe planté à moins de 140 kilomètres des côtes africaines.Depuis 2022 partent ainsi en plus grand nombre, des plages tunisiennes, des nuées de petites barques faites de plaques de tôle soudées, extrêmement dangereuses pour les passagers, des personnes majoritairement originaires d’Afrique subsaharienne. Avec la montée d’un discours xénophobe et raciste en Tunisie par ailleurs en proie à de graves difficultés économiques, ces flux se sont intensifiés, permettant au président tunisien, Kaïs Saïed, d’obtenir toute l’attention des autorités italiennes. La présidente du conseil italienne, Giorgia Meloni, à la tête d’un gouvernement d’extrême droite qui s’est voué à mettre fin à l’immigration irrégulière, a fait de M. Saïed son interlocuteur privilégié dans le sud de la Méditerranée, l’Italie ayant comptabilisé 92 000 arrivées sur ses côtes cette année, soit le double des chiffres de 2022 à la même période.
    Les contacts entre Rome et Tunis se sont donc multipliés, Rome ayant fait campagne pour que le Fonds monétaire international débloque des financements destinés à la Tunisie. Mme Meloni a également joué un rôle moteur dans la conclusion, le 16 juillet, d’un accord politique entre l’Union européenne et la Tunisie, conditionnant dans des termes vagues une aide économique de Bruxelles à des réformes et à une coopération plus efficace sur les migrations. La présidente du conseil a même qualifié de « modèle pour l’Afrique du Nord », le partenariat des Européens avec une Tunisie accusée de violations des droits de l’homme dans son traitement des migrants. Pour l’heure, l’accord n’a pas contribué à freiner les départs ou à éviter les morts en mer. A la comptabilité approximative et macabre des disparus et des noyés, dressée à Lampedusa en cette fin de semaine, la garde nationale tunisienne a ainsi ajouté dix nouveaux cadavres de migrants, trouvés sur les plages du nord de Sfax, entre vendredi et samedi. Ils rejoignent les 1 800 morts comptabilisés par l’Organisation internationale des Nations unies pour les migrations, en Méditerranée centrale, la route migratoire la plus meurtrière au monde, et un nombre à jamais inconnu de morts sans sépulture.

    #Covid-19#migrant#migration#afrique#tunisie#italie#lampedusa#UE#politiquemigratoire#routemigratoire#mediterranee#naufrage#traversee#morbidite#sfax#postcovid

  • Au moins 30 migrants portés disparus au large de Lampedusa, après le chavirement de deux bateaux
    https://www.lemonde.fr/international/article/2023/08/06/au-moins-30-migrants-portes-disparus-au-large-de-lampedusa-apres-le-chavirem

    Au moins 30 migrants portés disparus au large de Lampedusa, après le chavirement de deux bateaux
    Les bateaux étaient des petites embarcations de métal, vraisemblablement parties jeudi de Sfax, en Tunisie. Des équipes de secours tentent de mettre en sécurité une vingtaine de migrants, piégés dans une zone rocailleuse de la côte.
    Le Monde avec AFP
    Après le chavirement de deux bateaux, au large de l’île italienne de Lampedusa, environ 28 migrants – passagers de l’un des bateaux – et trois autres – du deuxième –, sont perdus en mer. Les bateaux étaient des petites embarcations de métal vraisemblablement parties jeudi de Sfax, en Tunisie. Après avoir parlé avec des survivants, les responsables de l’Organisation internationale pour les migrations (OIM) estiment qu’« au moins 30 personnes ont disparu », a précisé à l’Agence France-Presse l’attaché de presse, Flavio Di Giacomo. L’OIM précise que les bateaux se seraient renversés en raison des mauvaises conditions météorologiques.
    Le chef de la police d’Agrigente, Emmanuele Ricifari, chargé de l’enquête, a souligné que le mauvais temps était annoncé. « Ceux qui leur ont permis de partir, ou les ont forcés à partir, sont des fous criminels sans scrupule », a-t-il déclaré aux médias italiens. Alors que le mauvais temps persistait dimanche, des équipes de secours se préparaient à mettre en sécurité une vingtaine de migrants, piégés dans une zone rocailleuse de la côte de Lampedusa. Ces derniers se trouvent à cet endroit depuis vendredi soir, après que des vents violents ont drossé leur bateau sur les rochers.
    La Croix-Rouge leur a fourni de la nourriture, de l’eau, des vêtements et des couvertures de survie, mais les garde-côtes n’ont pu les secourir par la mer, en raison de la hauteur des vagues. Si le vent ne tombe pas, les secouristes vont les treuiller jusqu’en haut des 140 mètres de la falaise, selon des informations de presse.La route de la Méditerranée centrale au départ de l’Afrique du Nord et en direction de l’Europe est la plus meurtrière au monde. Plus de 1 800 personnes sont mortes depuis le début de l’année en tentant de l’emprunter, selon M. Di Giacomo. C’est près de 900 de plus que l’année dernière.
    « La vérité, c’est que ce chiffre est vraisemblablement plus élevé, a souligné l’attaché de presse. Beaucoup de corps sont retrouvés en mer, ce qui suggère qu’il y a beaucoup de naufrages dont nous n’entendons jamais parler. » Le nombre de corps retrouvés en mer s’est accru, en particulier sur ce qui est appelé « la route tunisienne », devenue de plus en plus dangereuse en raison des bateaux utilisés, a ajouté M. Di Giacomo.
    Les passeurs font prendre la mer aux migrants subsahariens « sur des bateaux de fer qui coûtent moins cher que les habituels bateaux en bois mais qui sont totalement inaptes à la navigation en mer, ils se brisent facilement et coulent », a-t-il expliqué. Et souvent, les migrants doivent subir en mer le vol des moteurs de leurs bateaux pour que les passeurs puissent les réutiliser.

    #Covid-19#migrant#migration#afrique#italie#mediterranee#routemigratoire#routecentrale#naufrage#traversee#mortalite#politiquemigratoire#postcovid#europe#tunisie

  • #Search-and-rescue in the Central Mediterranean Route does not induce migration : Predictive modeling to answer causal queries in migration research

    State- and private-led search-and-rescue are hypothesized to foster irregular migration (and thereby migrant fatalities) by altering the decision calculus associated with the journey. We here investigate this ‘pull factor’ claim by focusing on the Central Mediterranean route, the most frequented and deadly irregular migration route towards Europe during the past decade. Based on three intervention periods—(1) state-led Mare Nostrum, (2) private-led search-and-rescue, and (3) coordinated pushbacks by the Libyan Coast Guard—which correspond to substantial changes in laws, policies, and practices of search-and-rescue in the Mediterranean, we are able to test the ‘pull factor’ claim by employing an innovative machine learning method in combination with causal inference. We employ a Bayesian structural time-series model to estimate the effects of these three intervention periods on the migration flow as measured by crossing attempts (i.e., time-series aggregate counts of arrivals, pushbacks, and deaths), adjusting for various known drivers of irregular migration. We combine multiple sources of traditional and non-traditional data to build a synthetic, predicted counterfactual flow. Results show that our predictive modeling approach accurately captures the behavior of the target time-series during the various pre-intervention periods of interest. A comparison of the observed and predicted counterfactual time-series in the post-intervention periods suggest that pushback policies did affect the migration flow, but that the search-and-rescue periods did not yield a discernible difference between the observed and the predicted counterfactual number of crossing attempts. Hence we do not find support for search-and-rescue as a driver of irregular migration. In general, this modeling approach lends itself to forecasting migration flows with the goal of answering causal queries in migration research.

    https://www.nature.com/articles/s41598-023-38119-4

    #appel_d'air #migrations #réfugiés #frontières #sauvetage #pull-factor #facteur_pull #chiffres #statistiques #rhétorique #afflux #invasion #sauvetage_en_mer #démonstration #déconstruction #fact-checking

    –—

    ajouté à la métaliste qui réunit des fils de discussion pour démanteler la rhétorique de l’#appel_d'air en lien avec les #sauvetages en #Méditerranée :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/1012135

    • Sur les #données et le #code qui ont servi à l’étude :

      We document the various data sources used in Table S1 in Supplementary Materials. Though most data sources
      are publicly available—with the exception of the Sabre data on air traffic, we are unable to upload our data set
      to a repository due to data-usage requirements and proprietary restrictions. The data that support the findings
      of this study are available from various sources documented in Table S1 in Supplementary Materials but restrictions
      apply to the availability of these data, which were used under license for the current study, and so are not
      publicly available. Data are however available from the authors upon reasonable request and with permission of
      the various third party owners of the data. The code to construct the data set and perform the various statistical
      analyses is available at https://github.com/xlejx-rodsxn/sar_migration

      https://www.nature.com/articles/s41598-023-38119-4.pdf

    • Migranti, il pull factor non esiste. La prova del nove in uno studio scientifico

      Attraverso l’uso di tecniche statistiche avanzatissime e del machine learning quattro ricercatori hanno incrociato migliaia di dati relativi al decennio 2011-2020 dimostrando che le attività di ricerca e soccorso, istituzionali o delle Ong, non fanno aumentare le partenze dai paesi nordafricani. Come sostenuto per anni dalle destre e non solo.

      Le attività di ricerca e soccorso nel Mediterraneo centrale non costituiscono un fattore di attrazione per i migranti, cioè non li spingono a partire. Lo dimostra uno studio pubblicato sulla rivista Scientific Reports, dello stesso gruppo editoriale di Nature sebbene non si tratti della più nota e importante collega. Per la prima volta allo scopo di verificare l’esistenza di questo presunto pull factor sono state utilizzate tecniche statistiche particolarmente avanzate e sistemi di machine learning capaci di far interagire molte banche dati.

      I ricercatori Alejandra Rodríguez Sánchez, Julian Wucherpfennig, Ramona Rischke e Stefano Maria Iacus hanno raccolto informazioni sul decennio 2011-2020 provenienti da diversi ambiti – tassi di cambio, prezzi internazionali delle merci, livelli di disoccupazione, conflitti, condizioni climatiche – e le hanno usate per identificare i fattori che meglio prevedono le variazioni numeriche delle partenze da Tunisia e Libia. La loro attenzione si è concentrata su tre fasi che riflettono cambiamenti sostanziali di natura politica, legale e operativa del fenomeno analizzato: la vasta operazione di salvataggio messa in campo dall’Italia tra il 18 ottobre 2013 e il 31 ottobre dell’anno seguente, cioè Mare Nostrum; l’arrivo delle navi umanitarie delle Ong, a partire dal 26 agosto 2014; l’istituzione della zona Sar (search and rescue) libica e la collaborazione tra Tripoli e Unione Europea, dal 2017, in funzione anti-migranti.

      «Abbiamo comparato il fenomeno delle partenze prima e dopo l’inizio delle attività di ricerca e soccorso, il nostro modello predittivo dice che sarebbe andata allo stesso modo anche se le seconde non fossero intervenute», spiega Rodríguez Sánchez. Il modello è di tipo contro-fattuale: mostra cosa sarebbe successo modificando un certo fattore. In questo caso le operazioni Sar, che dunque non fanno aumentare le traversate.

      La forza del metodo statistico usato è di permettere di investigare non soltanto il terreno della correlazione tra due fenomeni, ma anche quello della presunta causalità di uno rispetto all’altro. La conclusione è che le navi di soccorso non sono il motivo delle traversate, o anche solo del loro aumento, ma esattamente l’opposto: costituiscono una risposta a esse. Sono altri i fattori che spingono le persone a migrare e rischiare la vita nel Mediterraneo, sono estremamente variegati e complessi, riguardano la povertà, la disoccupazione, le persecuzioni politiche, gli effetti del cambiamento climatico.

      Lo studio ha poi rilevato un altro elemento: la cooperazione Libia-Ue ha effettivamente ridotto le traversate, che dal 2017 sono state meno di quelle che si sarebbero dovute verificare secondo il modello predittivo. I ricercatori però avvertono che questo ha avuto un altissimo costo umano e che, in ogni caso, le politiche di esternalizzazione «non incidono sui fattori strutturali che influenzano un certo flusso e potrebbero forzare i potenziali migranti a seguire rotte ancora più pericolose». Se anche producono dei risultati in termini di deterrenza, insomma, ciò avviene esclusivamente a stretto giro, spostando il problema solo un po’ più in là.

      «Questa importante ricerca mostra a livello strutturale che le politiche di salvataggio, anche le più grandi e organizzate, non sembrano far aumentare le traversate. Noi stiamo indagando l’effetto puntuale: cioè se la presenza di singole navi Ong davanti alle coste libiche incida sulle persone che partono», commenta Matteo Villa, ricercatore dell’Istituto per gli studi di politica internazionale (Ispi). Villa nel 2019 ha pubblicato il primo studio scientifico che smentiva la tesi delle navi Ong come fattore di attrazione. Tra qualche mese uscirà un aggiornamento con una base dati molto più ampia. «Conferma quanto avevamo osservato quattro anni fa – anticipa Villa al manifesto – L’unica correlazione che abbiamo trovato riguarda i mesi più freddi: tra dicembre, gennaio e febbraio ci sono più partenze se le Ong sono in missione. Ma parliamo di numeri irrilevanti: lo scorso anno 300 persone sulle 50mila arrivate dalla Libia».

      La tesi del pull factor è nata nel 2014 quando l’allora direttore di Frontex, l’agenzia europea per il controllo delle frontiere esterne, Gil Arias-Fernández iniziò a sostenere pubblicamente che le navi di Mare Nostrum stavano facendo aumentare i flussi dal Nord Africa. In una Risk Analysis della stessa agenzia relativa al 2016 l’accusa è stata spostata sulle Ong, intervenute nel frattempo a colmare il vuoto lasciato dalla chiusura dell’operazione italiana. Da allora questa teoria è stata un cavallo di battaglia delle destre ed è tornata in voga dopo l’insediamento del governo Meloni. Lo scorso autunno il ministro dell’Interno Matteo Piantedosi e quello degli Esteri Antonio Tajani, tra gli altri, hanno più volte citato un misterioso rapporto di Frontex che avrebbe ribadito lo stesso assunto per il 2021.

      Di quel rapporto non si è mai saputo nulla, ma ora abbiamo uno studio scientifico che smentisce il pull factor per l’ennesima volta. Intanto questa retorica ha influenzato le scelte dell’attuale esecutivo e anni di politiche migratorie basate sulla criminalizzazione delle Ong e sul disimpegno istituzionale dalla ricerca e dal soccorso davanti alle coste libiche. C’è da sperare che nuove ricercje facciano luce su quante vittime hanno causato simili norme e prassi, slegate da qualsiasi rapporto con la realtà e basate soltanto sulla propaganda.

      https://ilmanifesto.it/il-pull-factor-non-esiste-la-prova-del-nove-in-uno-studio-scientifico

      #propagande

    • Sea rescue operations do not promote migration, study finds

      Rescue operations do not incentivise migrants try to cross the Mediterranean, a recent study has found. Instead conflicts, economic hardship, natural and climate disasters, and the weather are reportedly key drivers of migration.

      Irregular migrant departures from the coasts of North Africa to Europe are not encouraged by search and rescue missions in the Central Mediterranean, a recent study has found. Instead, factors such as conflicts, economic hardship, natural disasters, and weather conditions drive migration.
      Rescue operations are not a ’pull factor’

      The study was published in Scientific Reports by an international research group led by Alejanda Rodríguez Sánchez from the University of Potsdam (Germany). The scientists looked at the number of attempts to cross the Central Mediterranean between 2011 and 2020.

      Through various simulations, the researchers tried to identify factors that can best predict changes in the number of sea crossings. The factors that they looked at included the number of search and rescue missions — both by state authorities and NGOs, as well as the currency exchange rates, the cost of international raw materials, unemployment rates, conflicts, violence, the rates of flight travel between Africa, the Middle East and Europe and meteorological conditions.
      Libya: Pushbacks reduced migration, increased human rights violations

      The study also looked at the increased activities of the Libyan coast guard since 2017, intercepting migrant boats and returning migrants to Libya. Researchers found that this had caused a reduction in the number of departure attempts and might have discouraged migration.

      The authors pointed out that, however, this has coincided with the reports of a worsening of human rights for migrants in Libya — particularly in the detention centers where migrants are being held after being stopped at sea.

      The researchers looked at migration on an “aggregate-level” and did not look at “micro-motives of migrants and smugglers”, they pointed out in the study. They recommended that future studies should do an in-depth analysis of the impact of search and rescue missions at sea on the decisions of individual migrants and human traffickers.

      https://www.infomigrants.net/en/post/50875/sea-rescue-operations-do-not-promote-migration-study-finds

  • « L’#indifférence face aux morts en #Méditerranée est le signe d’un effondrement en #humanité »

    L’écart entre l’#émotion provoquée par la disparition des cinq occupants du submersible « Titan » et l’indifférence à l’égard des centaines de migrants ayant subi le même sort, huit jours plus tôt, en Méditerranée doit nous interpeller, soulignent les anthropologues Michel Agier, Filippo Furri et Carolina Kobelinsky.

    Jusqu’à la difficile acceptation, le 22 juin, de la mort des cinq touristes embarqués dans le submersible #Titan pour voir de près l’épave du #Titanic, les médias du monde entier ont suivi heure par heure les rebondissements de cette tentative de #sauvetage, dans laquelle plusieurs Etats s’étaient impliqués. L’émotion suscitée par cet accident a mis crûment en évidence, par contraste, le calme plat des Etats et de la plupart des médias européens face à un autre drame maritime, le #naufrage, une semaine plus tôt, le 14 juin, d’un chalutier parti de Libye avec environ 750 passagers originaires pour la plupart du Pakistan, de Syrie et d’Egypte, dont seulement 104 personnes sont rescapées. A ce jour, seuls 84 corps ont été retrouvés.

    Reste un calcul que presque personne ne semble vouloir faire, portant à plus de 600 le nombre de victimes fatales. Ce naufrage n’est tristement pas le premier, mais il est l’un des plus meurtriers de ces dernières années. Pourtant, si le naufrage, déjà en Méditerranée, du 3 octobre 2013 et celui survenu dans la nuit du 18 au 19 avril 2015 ont provoqué un grand retentissement médiatique ainsi que des réponses des autorités italiennes, cette énième tragédie, elle, n’a pas eu d’effet.

    La tragédie n’a pas donné lieu à la sidération collective, elle n’a pas provoqué de polémique publique sur les politiques sécuritaires qui sont aujourd’hui la norme de presque tous les Etats européens. Elle n’a pas fait changer d’un pouce les discours xénophobes et sécuritaires des dirigeants européens. En France, les tractations continuent autour de la nouvelle loi sur l’immigration, sans cesse repoussée faute d’accord entre la droite et le centre droit, avec en perspective la remise en cause des conventions internationales de droits humains, et le durcissement des mesures sécuritaires antimigrants.

    Le rejet des responsabilités

    En Europe, le nouveau pacte sur l’asile et la migration porte moins sur la capacité des pays membres à organiser un dispositif d’asile européen que sur le renforcement, une fois de plus, de la fermeture des frontières et de la logique d’externalisation [consistant à délocaliser la gestion administrative et policière des migrants dans les pays de départ ou de transit].

    Comme cela s’est passé après le naufrage dans la Manche du 21 novembre 2021, lorsque les gardes-côtes et sauveteurs français et britanniques se rejetèrent la #responsabilité du drame, ou après celui de Cutro, en Calabre, le 26 février 2023, où la police, les douanes et les gardes-côtes italiens sont mis en cause, l’Agence européenne des frontières externes (Frontex) et les gardes-côtes grecs se renvoient la responsabilité de cet abandon en mer pour le drame du 14 juin.

    Plusieurs témoignages de rescapés accusent directement les gardes-côtes grecs d’avoir provoqué l’accident après avoir attaché un câble au chalutier afin de l’éloigner des eaux territoriales grecques pour ne pas avoir à prendre en charge ses occupants une fois à terre. Une telle pratique pour remorquer le bateau n’est pourtant pas recommandée, puisqu’elle comporte le risque de déstabiliser l’embarcation, voire de la faire chavirer.

    Une gestion migratoire au mépris du droit

    Détournant les regards ailleurs que sur les administrations grecques et européennes, la mise en cause rapide de neuf supposés « passeurs » parmi les rescapés n’est autre que l’invention cynique d’un bouc émissaire. Le renvoi (« push back »), l’abandon ou le harcèlement aux frontières sont devenus la règle implicite de la gestion migratoire contemporaine, au mépris du droit.

    Depuis que l’Europe de Schengen existe, elle a tué ou au moins « laissé mourir » plus de 55 000 exilés, hommes et femmes, à ses frontières. L’Organisation internationale pour les migrations, liée aux Nations unies, évoque quant à elle, selon ses données actualisées en juillet, le total de 27 675 morts et disparus dans la seule Méditerranée depuis 2014. Mais la publication de ces nombres, aussi édifiants soient-ils, semble sans effet.

    C’est surtout l’#indifférence apparente des sociétés qui interpelle. Pour les uns, le sentiment d’impuissance et l’accablement laissent sans voix, pour les autres une acceptation ou une accoutumance coupables à une hécatombe interminable. Huit jours après le naufrage du 14 juin, un autre a déjà eu lieu près de Lampedusa, faisant 46 morts, passés cette fois totalement inaperçus.

    Le refus de faire face collectivement à la réalité

    Des hommes et des femmes originaires d’Afrique subsaharienne avaient embarqué à Sfax pour échapper aux persécutions en Tunisie, alors que, dans le même temps, à l’instar de l’Italie, les pays européens marchandaient avec le président de ce pays, dont les propos racistes contre les Africains ont pourtant été largement rapportés, pour faire de la Tunisie un pays de rétention, comme l’est déjà la Libye.

    Ces politiques d’externalisation sont des manières de mettre en œuvre le rejet des indésirables, leur disparition des radars de l’attention publique, et elles ont besoin de l’indifférence des sociétés. A la peur des étrangers venus des pays du Sud, régulièrement entretenue ou suscitée par des dirigeants bornés, aveugles aux réalités du monde, succèdent des politiques de repli et de fermeture, puis, logiquement, des dizaines de milliers de « vies perdues », selon les mots du sociologue Zygmunt Bauman (1925-2017) dans son livre qui porte ce titre (Payot, 2006), consacré à « la modernité et ses exclus ».

    On évoque souvent, à propos de ce naufrage du 14 juin, « au moins 80 morts » et « des centaines de disparus ». Certes, parler de « #disparus » peut être une forme minimale de respect à l’égard des familles et des proches qui attendent encore de voir les corps de leur frère, cousin ou enfant. Mais c’est aussi une façon de ne pas faire face collectivement à la réalité. Attend-on que les corps noyés se volatilisent ?

    Une urgence absolue

    Plus probablement, l’absence de reconnaissance et de deuil pour ces plus de 600 personnes qui avaient un nom, une vie et des proches contribuera à en faire des fantômes pour l’Europe. En 2015, après le naufrage du 18 au 19 avril, l’opération de récupération de l’épave organisée par le gouvernement italien de l’époque, coûteuse et complexe, avait interpellé la conscience collective, avec l’ambition de récupérer les corps des victimes et de mettre en place un dispositif médico-légal pour les identifier et leur donner un nom. Cette fois, ces corps semblent destinés à rester emprisonnés à jamais au fond de la mer.

    L’écart entre l’#émoi suscité par la disparition des cinq occupants du Titan et l’indifférence à l’égard des centaines de personnes migrantes subissant le même sort huit jours plus tôt ne tient-il qu’à l’#anonymat de ces dernières, au fait qu’il n’y aurait pas d’histoires à raconter, pas de suspense à susciter, tant leur sort s’est banalisé ? S’émouvoir, comprendre, agir sont trois moments indispensables pour faire face.

    L’indifférence face aux morts en Méditerranée est le signe d’un effondrement en humanité dont il nous faut prendre la mesure pour sortir du cercle infernal qui l’a provoqué. Il nous faut, collectivement, raconter toutes ces vies perdues, retracer ces destins individuels, comprendre ce qui est en train de se passer, et agir dans le respect de toutes les vies humaines. La tâche est « titanesque » et demande du temps et du courage, mais elle est absolument urgente. Paradoxalement, l’#accoutumance, l’#accablement ou l’indifférence apparente sont les signes les plus éclatants de cette urgence.

    https://www.lemonde.fr/idees/article/2023/07/25/l-indifference-face-aux-morts-en-mediterranee-est-le-signe-d-un-effondrement
    #morts_aux_frontières #décès #migrations #réfugiés #frontières #Filippo_Furri #Carolina_Kobelinsky #mourir_aux_frontières #morts #14_juin_2023 #terminologie #mots #mourir_en_mer

  • « L’indifférence face aux morts en Méditerranée est le signe d’un effondrement en humanité »
    https://www.lemonde.fr/idees/article/2023/07/25/l-indifference-face-aux-morts-en-mediterranee-est-le-signe-d-un-effondrement

    « L’indifférence face aux morts en Méditerranée est le signe d’un effondrement en humanité »
    Tribune
    Michel Agier Anthropologue, directeur d’études à l’EHESS
    Filippo Furri Anthropologue, membre du réseau Migreurop
    Carolina Kobelinsky Anthropologue, chargée de recherche au CNRS
    Jusqu’à la difficile acceptation, le 22 juin, de la mort des cinq touristes embarqués dans le submersible Titan pour voir de près l’épave du Titanic, les médias du monde entier ont suivi heure par heure les rebondissements de cette tentative de sauvetage, dans laquelle plusieurs Etats s’étaient impliqués. L’émotion suscitée par cet accident a mis crûment en évidence, par contraste, le calme plat des Etats et de la plupart des médias européens face à un autre drame maritime, le naufrage, une semaine plus tôt, le 14 juin, d’un chalutier parti de Libye avec environ 750 passagers originaires pour la plupart du Pakistan, de Syrie et d’Egypte, dont seulement 104 personnes sont rescapées. A ce jour, seuls 84 corps ont été retrouvés.

    Reste un calcul que presque personne ne semble vouloir faire, portant à plus de 600 le nombre de victimes fatales. Ce naufrage n’est tristement pas le premier, mais il est l’un des plus meurtriers de ces dernières années. Pourtant, si le naufrage, déjà en Méditerranée, du 3 octobre 2013 et celui survenu dans la nuit du 18 au 19 avril 2015 ont provoqué un grand retentissement médiatique ainsi que des réponses des autorités italiennes, cette énième tragédie, elle, n’a pas eu d’effet.

    La tragédie n’a pas donné lieu à la sidération collective, elle n’a pas provoqué de polémique publique sur les politiques sécuritaires qui sont aujourd’hui la norme de presque tous les Etats européens. Elle n’a pas fait changer d’un pouce les discours xénophobes et sécuritaires des dirigeants européens. En France, les tractations continuent autour de la nouvelle loi sur l’immigration, sans cesse repoussée faute d’accord entre la droite et le centre droit, avec en perspective la remise en cause des conventions internationales de droits humains, et le durcissement des mesures sécuritaires antimigrants. En Europe, le nouveau pacte sur l’asile et la migration porte moins sur la capacité des pays membres à organiser un dispositif d’asile européen que sur le renforcement, une fois de plus, de la fermeture des frontières et de la logique d’externalisation [consistant à délocaliser la gestion administrative et policière des migrants dans les pays de départ ou de transit].
    Comme cela s’est passé après le naufrage dans la Manche du 21 novembre 2021, lorsque les gardes-côtes et sauveteurs français et britanniques se rejetèrent la responsabilité du drame, ou après celui de Cutro, en Calabre, le 26 février 2023, où la police, les douanes et les gardes-côtes italiens sont mis en cause, l’Agence européenne des frontières externes (Frontex) et les gardes-côtes grecs se renvoient la responsabilité de cet abandon en mer pour le drame du 14 juin. Plusieurs témoignages de rescapés accusent directement les gardes-côtes grecs d’avoir provoqué l’accident après avoir attaché un câble au chalutier afin de l’éloigner des eaux territoriales grecques pour ne pas avoir à prendre en charge ses occupants une fois à terre. Une telle pratique pour remorquer le bateau n’est pourtant pas recommandée, puisqu’elle comporte le risque de déstabiliser l’embarcation, voire de la faire chavirer.
    Détournant les regards ailleurs que sur les administrations grecques et européennes, la mise en cause rapide de neuf supposés « passeurs » parmi les rescapés n’est autre que l’invention cynique d’un bouc émissaire. Le renvoi (« push back »), l’abandon ou le harcèlement aux frontières sont devenus la règle implicite de la gestion migratoire contemporaine, au mépris du droit. Depuis que l’Europe de Schengen existe, elle a tué ou au moins « laissé mourir » plus de 55 000 exilés, hommes et femmes, à ses frontières. L’Organisation internationale pour les migrations, liée aux Nations unies, évoque quant à elle, selon ses données actualisées en juillet, le total de 27 675 morts et disparus dans la seule Méditerranée depuis 2014. Mais la publication de ces nombres, aussi édifiants soient-ils, semble sans effet.
    C’est surtout l’indifférence apparente des sociétés qui interpelle. Pour les uns, le sentiment d’impuissance et l’accablement laissent sans voix, pour les autres une acceptation ou une accoutumance coupables à une hécatombe interminable. Huit jours après le naufrage du 14 juin, un autre a déjà eu lieu près de Lampedusa, faisant 46 morts, passés cette fois totalement inaperçus. Des hommes et des femmes originaires d’Afrique subsaharienne avaient embarqué à Sfax pour échapper aux persécutions en Tunisie, alors que, dans le même temps, à l’instar de l’Italie, les pays européens marchandaient avec le président de ce pays, dont les propos racistes contre les Africains ont pourtant été largement rapportés, pour faire de la Tunisie un pays de rétention, comme l’est déjà la Libye.
    Ces politiques d’externalisation sont des manières de mettre en œuvre le rejet des indésirables, leur disparition des radars de l’attention publique, et elles ont besoin de l’indifférence des sociétés. A la peur des étrangers venus des pays du Sud, régulièrement entretenue ou suscitée par des dirigeants bornés, aveugles aux réalités du monde, succèdent des politiques de repli et de fermeture, puis, logiquement, des dizaines de milliers de « vies perdues », selon les mots du sociologue Zygmunt Bauman (1925-2017) dans son livre qui porte ce titre (Payot, 2006), consacré à « la modernité et ses exclus ».
    On évoque souvent, à propos de ce naufrage du 14 juin, « au moins 80 morts » et « des centaines de disparus ». Certes, parler de « disparus » peut être une forme minimale de respect à l’égard des familles et des proches qui attendent encore de voir les corps de leur frère, cousin ou enfant. Mais c’est aussi une façon de ne pas faire face collectivement à la réalité. Attend-on que les corps noyés se volatilisent ? Plus probablement, l’absence de reconnaissance et de deuil pour ces plus de 600 personnes qui avaient un nom, une vie et des proches contribuera à en faire des fantômes pour l’Europe. En 2015, après le naufrage du 18 au 19 avril, l’opération de récupération de l’épave organisée par le gouvernement italien de l’époque, coûteuse et complexe, avait interpellé la conscience collective, avec l’ambition de récupérer les corps des victimes et de mettre en place un dispositif médico-légal pour les identifier et leur donner un nom. Cette fois, ces corps semblent destinés à rester emprisonnés à jamais au fond de la mer. L’écart entre l’émoi suscité par la disparition des cinq occupants du Titan et l’indifférence à l’égard des centaines de personnes migrantes subissant le même sort huit jours plus tôt ne tient-il qu’à l’anonymat de ces dernières, au fait qu’il n’y aurait pas d’histoires à raconter, pas de suspense à susciter, tant leur sort s’est banalisé ? S’émouvoir, comprendre, agir sont trois moments indispensables pour faire face.
    L’indifférence face aux morts en Méditerranée est le signe d’un effondrement en humanité dont il nous faut prendre la mesure pour sortir du cercle infernal qui l’a provoqué. Il nous faut, collectivement, raconter toutes ces vies perdues, retracer ces destins individuels, comprendre ce qui est en train de se passer, et agir dans le respect de toutes les vies humaines. La tâche est « titanesque » et demande du temps et du courage, mais elle est absolument urgente. Paradoxalement, l’accoutumance, l’accablement ou l’indifférence apparente sont les signes les plus éclatants de cette urgence.
    Michel Agier(Anthropologue, directeur d’études à l’EHESS), Filippo Furri(Anthropologue, membre du réseau Migreurop) et Carolina Kobelinsky(Anthropologue, chargée de recherche au CNRS)

    #Covid-19#migrant#migration#mortalite#UE#mediterranee#traversee#politiquemigratoire#humanitaire#postcovid

  • Initiative of Lawyers and Jurists for the shipwreck of Pylos

    All of us who gathered on Thursday, June 22, 2023, at the Athens Bar Association, responding to the call for an open meeting of lawyers and jurists for the fatal criminal shipwreck off Pylos on June 14, 2023 – lawyers, citizens and representatives of organizations in the field:

    We voice our disgust at the tragic death of hundreds of our fellow human beings and express our sadness and pain to their families and loved ones.

    We express our belief that this fatal shipwreck could have been avoided, as the overloaded ship had been spotted in time and the danger it was in had been identified many hours before it sank. But the competent bodies of the Coast Guard, as well as Frontex, which were watching the incident, refrained from any rescue action. In fact, there is evidence of an attempt to tow the ship by the vessel of the Greek Coast Guard, without it being known for what purpose or in which direction. In any case, the criminal liabilities of the state authorities responsible for the salvage operation of the ship off Pylos must be investigated regarding committing felonies by acts or omissions. It is necessary for there to be a true and objective, independent from state interest, exhaustive investigation of the circumstances of the shipwreck. That is for the truth to emerge and for the responsibilities to be assigned to all those who were involved with the incident in any position and in any capacity.

    The first open meeting on June 22, attended by over 70 people, was an opportunity for a rich discussion with interventions by lawyers active in the field, figures from human rights organizations and representatives of anti-racist movements.

    We decided to create an Initiative of Lawyers and Jurists for the shipwreck of Pylos, with the aim of revealing the whole truth about the circumstances of the wreck and in order to render justice. We seek to create a space that helps highlight, document and record the facts, and empower victims, their families and their representatives in their fight for justice, through all the required political and legal actions. We ask all Bar Associations in Greece to undertake similar initiatives.

    We are open to cooperation and coordination with every individual and collective fighting for the same cause. The initiative will meet again to discuss our next steps and actions.

    To contact us, email: justice4pylos@yahoo.com

    https://justice4pylos.org

    #Justice_4_Pylos #Pylos #résistance #naufrage #justice
    #Grèce #naufrage #asile #migrations #décès #morts #tragédie #mourir_aux_frontières #morts_aux_frontières #14_juin_2023 #Méditerranée #Mer_Méditerranée #13_juin_2023

    –—

    sur le naufrage (et les contre-enquêtes), voir ce fil de discussion :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/1008145

  • Près de 300 enfants sont morts en essayant de traverser la Méditerranée en 2023, alerte l’ONU
    https://www.lemonde.fr/international/article/2023/07/14/pres-de-300-enfants-sont-morts-en-essayant-de-traverser-la-mediterranee-en-2

    Près de 300 enfants sont morts en essayant de traverser la Méditerranée en 2023, alerte l’ONU
    Le Monde avec AFP
    Publié hier à 20h06, modifié hier à 21h07
    Quelque 289 enfants sont morts depuis le début de l’année 2023 en essayant de traverser la Méditerranée pour atteindre l’Europe, a annoncé l’ONU, vendredi 14 juillet. Ce chiffre est deux fois plus important que celui des six premiers mois de l’année 2022, a précisé l’Unicef, (le Fonds des Nations unies pour l’enfance), appelant à la création de couloirs humanitaires sûrs permettant aux enfants de trouver refuge en Europe.
    « Nous estimons qu’au cours des six premiers mois de cette année, 11 600 enfants ont effectué la traversée, soit également le double par rapport à la même période de 2022 », a déclaré la responsable aux migrations et aux déplacés à l’Unicef, Verena Knaus. « Ces décès sont absolument évitables », a-t-elle souligné.Les chiffres réels sont probablement plus élevés, selon elle, car de nombreux naufrages en Méditerranée centrale ne sont pas enregistrés.Au cours des trois premiers mois de 2023, 3 300 enfants effectuant la traversée – soit 71 % du total – n’étaient pas accompagnés ou avaient été séparés de leurs familles, d’après l’Unicef. Ce chiffre est trois fois supérieur à celui de la même période de l’année précédente. En chemin, ces enfants peuvent être exposés à des privations, à la torture, à l’exploitation et au viol, les filles étant particulièrement vulnérables.
    « C’est la réalité, la réalité choquante, mais nous semblons nous accommoder du fait que, jour après jour, des enfants perdent la vie », a également dit Verena Knaus. « Ces enfants meurent, non seulement sous nos yeux, mais aussi, semble-t-il, alors que nous fermons les yeux », a-t-elle ajouté. « Ces enfants doivent savoir qu’ils ne sont pas seuls. Les dirigeants du monde entier doivent agir d’urgence », a encore dit Verena Knaus.
    Les eurodéputés ont réclamé jeudi l’élaboration d’une « stratégie de recherche et de sauvetage fiable et permanente » des migrants en Méditerranée, après un naufrage à la mi-juin au large des côtes grecques qui pourrait avoir fait plus de 600 morts. Un chalutier vétuste et surchargé, parti de Libye, a fait naufrage au large de la Grèce dans la nuit du 13 au 14 juin. Seuls 104 exilés ont pu être secourus alors que l’embarcation transportait environ 750 personnes. Quatre-vingt-deux corps ont pu être récupérés, et les autres naufragés sont présumés morts.

    #Covid-19#migration#migrant#mediterranee#traversee#mortalite#enfants#unicef#europe#politiquemigratoire#sante#postcovid

  • Dans le port d’#Ellouza, en #Tunisie, les migrants entre noyade et #errance

    Ce village situé au nord de Sfax n’est qu’à 150 km de Lampedusa. Un point de départ à haut risque pour les migrants subsahariens qui tentent de rallier l’Europe. Dimanche, une nouvelle embarcation a fait naufrage au large des côtes tunisiennes ; une personne a été tuée et une dizaine d’autres sont portées disparues.

    Après cinq heures de mer, Yannick pose finalement pied sur la terre ferme. Mais du mauvais côté de la Méditerranée. Ce Camerounais de 30 ans, avec des dizaines d’autres migrants subsahariens, vient, jeudi 6 juillet, d’être intercepté par les garde-côtes tunisiens au large d’Ellouza, petit village de pêcheurs à 40 km au nord de Sfax. Envolés les 2 500 dinars (800 euros) que lui a coûtés la traversée vers Lampedusa (Italie).

    Sur la plage, une unité de la garde nationale est déjà en poste pour les accueillir. Les agents tentent de contenir les quelques villageois, curieux, venus assister au débarquement. Hommes, femmes, enfants et nourrissons sont ainsi contraints de quitter leur bateau de fortune, devant des spectateurs amusés – ou au moins habitués – et face à une police sur les nerfs. Un gendarme, tendu, prend son téléphone pour demander des renforts. « Vous nous laissez seuls, personne n’est arrivé », reproche-t-il à son interlocuteur. « C’est tous les jours comme ça, plusieurs fois par jour », maugrée-t-il en raccrochant.

    Les uns après les autres, les migrants quittent le bateau. « Venez ici. Asseyez-vous. Ne bougez pas », crient les agents des forces de l’ordre qui retirent le moteur de l’embarcation de métal et éloignent les bidons de kérosène prévus pour assurer la traversée d’environ 150 km qui séparent Ellouza de Lampedusa. Migrants subsahariens, villageois tunisiens et agents de la garde nationale se regardent en chien de faïence. Dans l’eau, le petit bateau des garde-côtes qui a escorté les migrants surveille l’opération. La présence inattendue de journalistes sur place ne fait qu’augmenter la tension. Yannick, accompagné de son frère cadet, s’inquiète. « Est-ce qu’ils vont nous emmener dans le désert, ne les laissez pas nous emmener », supplie-t-il.
    Violents affrontements

    Depuis une semaine, des centaines de migrants subsahariens ont été chassés de Sfax vers une zone tampon désertique bordant la mer, près du poste frontière avec la Libye de Ras Jdir. D’autres ont été expulsés à la frontière algérienne. Ces opérations font suite aux journées d’extrême tension qui ont suivi la mort d’un Tunisien, lundi 3 juillet, tué dans une rixe avec des migrants subsahariens, selon le porte-parole du parquet de Sfax.

    Trois hommes, de nationalité camerounaise, d’après les autorités, ont été arrêtés. Dans la foulée, des quartiers de Sfax ont été le théâtre de violents affrontements. Des Tunisiens se sont regroupés pour s’attaquer aux migrants et les déloger de leur habitation. Yannick et son petit frère faisaient partie des expulsés. Les deux hommes ont fui la ville au milieu de la nuit, parcourant des dizaines de kilomètres à pied pour se réfugier dans la « brousse », près d’Ellouza.

    La région de Sfax est depuis devenue le théâtre d’un étrange ballet. Toute la journée et toute la nuit, dans l’obscurité totale, des groupes de migrants subsahariens errent sur les routes communales entourées de champs d’oliviers et de buissons. « A chaque fois, quelques personnes étaient chargées des courses, de l’eau et un peu de nourriture. Il fallait transporter le tout à pied sur plusieurs kilomètres », raconte Yannick. Lui et son petit frère de 19 ans ont dormi deux nuits dehors, avant que leur grande sœur, qui a réussi à rejoindre la France des années auparavant, ne leur paie leur traversée, prévue le 6 juillet à midi.

    « Commerçants de la mort »

    Ce jour-là, près du port d’Ellouza, Hamza, 60 ans, repeignait son petit bateau en bois bleu et blanc. Ce pêcheur expérimenté ne cache pas son émotion face au drame dont son village est le théâtre. Lui-même a dû s’improviser pêcheur de cadavres depuis quelque temps. Des corps sans vie se coincent parfois dans ses filets. « Une fois, j’ai trouvé la moitié du corps d’une femme mais elle était dans un état de décomposition tel que je n’ai pas trouvé par où la tenir. Je l’ai laissée là. Je n’ai pas pu dormir pendant des jours », dit-il, la voix tremblante.
    Newsletter «  Le Monde Afrique  » Chaque samedi, retrouvez une semaine d’actualité et de débats, par la rédaction du «  Monde Afrique  » S’inscrire Newsletter «  Le Monde Afrique  » Chaque samedi, retrouvez une semaine d’actualité et de débats, par la rédaction du «  Monde Afrique  » S’inscrire Newsletter «  Le Monde Afrique  » Chaque samedi, retrouvez une semaine d’actualité et de débats, par la rédaction du «  Monde Afrique  » S’inscrire

    Dimanche 9 juillet, une nouvelle embarcation a fait naufrage au large de cette région : une personne est morte et une dizaine d’autres sont portées disparues. En plus des cadavres, les épaves des bateaux métalliques qui servent à la traversée des migrants déchirent souvent les filets des pêcheurs. « Je n’ai pas les moyens de racheter des filets tous les mois », regrette Hamza.

    Le long de la côte autour d’Ellouza, les bateaux métalliques échoués et rongés par la rouille sont innombrables. Ces bateaux, de « très mauvaise qualité » selon le pêcheur, sont construits en quantités importantes et coûtent moins cher que ceux en bois, les pneumatiques ou les barques en plastique qui servaient auparavant à la traversée. « Ce sont des commerçants de la mort », accuse Hamza en pointant aussi bien les passeurs que les politiques migratoires européennes et les autorités tunisiennes.

    « Je retenterai ma chance »

    La Commission européenne a annoncé en juin le déblocage de 105 millions d’euros « pour lutter contre les passeurs [et] investir dans le contrôle maritime des frontières par les Tunisiens », sans compter la coopération bilatérale venant de Paris ou Rome. Selon le Haut Commissariat des Nations unies pour les réfugiés, durant le premier semestre, près de 30 000 migrants sont arrivés à Lampedusa en provenance de Tunisie.

    Sur les rochers recouverts d’algues, des centaines de pneus de voiture, servant à amarrer les navires, jonchent la côte. Depuis la falaise, on aperçoit le corps en début de décomposition d’un migrant. Un autre à quelques mètres. Et puis un autre encore, en contrebas, devenu squelette. Personne n’a cherché à les enterrer, ni à savoir qui ils étaient. Ils font partie des « disparus » en mer. Des chiens rôdent. Le paysage est aussi paradisiaque qu’infernal.
    Lire aussi :
    En Tunisie, les cadavres de migrants s’accumulent à Sfax

    Débarqué vers 17 heures, Yannick sera finalement relâché sur la plage avec son groupe. « C’est grâce à vous, si vous n’étiez pas restés, ils nous auraient embarqués et emmenés à la frontière », assure-t-il. Le soir même, avec son frère, ils ont parcouru à pied les dizaines de kilomètres qui séparent Ellouza de Sfax. Cette fois dans l’autre sens. Après être arrivé à la gare ferroviaire à 3 heures du matin, Yannick a convaincu un vieil homme de leur acheter des tickets pour Tunis.

    Ils sont finalement arrivés sains et saufs dans la capitale. « Il faut que je trouve du travail mais la situation est plus acceptable ici », dit-il. Malgré cette expérience, Yannick est toujours convaincu qu’un avenir meilleur l’attend de l’autre côté de la Méditerranée. « Quand j’aurai l’argent, je retenterai ma chance, promet-il. Retourner au pays n’est pas une option. »

    https://www.lemonde.fr/afrique/article/2023/07/10/a-ellouza-port-de-peche-tunisien-la-mort-l-errance-et-les-retours-contraints

    #Sfax #migrations #réfugiés #Méditerranée #décès #mourir_en_mer #Tunisie #désert #abandon #pêcheurs #naufrage

    –---

    déjà signalé par @_kg_ ici :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/1008817#message1009698
    et par @veronique_petit ici :
    https://seenthis.net/messages/1009521

  • Les pilotes de l’ONG Sea-Watch, rares témoins des nouvelles routes migratoires en Méditerranée
    https://www.lemonde.fr/afrique/article/2023/07/11/les-pilotes-de-l-ong-sea-watch-rares-temoins-de-l-evolution-des-routes-migra

    Les pilotes de l’ONG Sea-Watch, rares témoins des nouvelles routes migratoires en Méditerranée
    Par Nissim Gasteli(Lampedusa (Italie) envoyé spécial)
    Publié le 11 juillet 2023 à 20h00, modifié le 12 juillet 2023 à 08h50
    Les deux moteurs tournent à plein régime pour permettre au petit avion de s’élever dans le ciel. Au loin, l’île italienne de Lampedusa, d’où l’appareil vient de décoller, n’est plus qu’une mince silhouette. Le Beechcraft Baron 58, affrété par l’ONG allemande Sea-Watch pour assister les opérations de sauvetage en Méditerranée centrale et surveiller cette vaste zone, est en l’air depuis quelques instants, sous le soleil matinal de ce jeudi 6 juillet, et déjà sa radio crache des communications alarmantes. « Tu vois le bateau des harraga [les migrants clandestins] ? Il est à côté de toi ? », s’enquiert un marin, dont l’arabe dialectal laisse supposer qu’il est un pêcheur tunisien. « Oui, oui, il est juste là, devant moi », lui répond immédiatement un collègue et compatriote, inquiet. « Radio Lampedusa, Radio Lampedusa ? », interpelle alors l’un des deux hommes, sur le canal 16, la fréquence internationale de détresse. Aux autorités locales qui lui répondent, il transmet en italien les informations-clés : « un bateau en fer », « 40 personnes à bord », « l’embarcation prend l’eau », ainsi que la position GPS. Plusieurs centaines de mètres au-dessus des flots, Samira, assise à côté du pilote, ne manque pas une seconde de cette conversation. Sur un bout de papier, la coordinatrice à bord – qui souhaite n’être identifiée que par son prénom – griffonne les coordonnées du navire. « Je voudrais qu’on aille voir », demande-t-elle. L’avion vire brutalement. Ses cinq passagers scrutent la mer à la jumelle, avant de repérer l’embarcation en détresse. A bord de cette coquille de métal partie de Tunisie, des hommes, des femmes et des enfants originaires d’Afrique subsaharienne.
    Dans ce coin de la Méditerranée, le nombre de ces bateaux a explosé cette année. « Il y a toujours eu des migrations depuis la Tunisie, mais la fréquentation de cette route a massivement augmenté », décrit Samira. « Les nationalités ont aussi changé, surtout depuis le discours du président tunisien », poursuit-elle en référence aux propos de Kaïs Saïed qui, en février, dénonçait des « hordes de migrants clandestins » dont la présence dans le pays serait, selon lui, source de « violence, de crimes et d’actes inacceptables ».Les mots du chef de l’Etat et les violences qui leur ont succédé ont poussé de nombreux Subsahariens à prendre la mer. Depuis le début de l’année, 37 000 personnes sont arrivées à Lampedusa en provenance de Tunisie, selon le Haut-Commissariat des Nations unies pour les réfugiés, un chiffre en augmentation de 567 % par rapport à la même période il y a un an. La Tunisie devance désormais la Libye comme principal point de départ vers l’Europe, et ses ressortissants, qui constituèrent par le passé le premier contingent sur ce corridor, ont été supplantés par les Ivoiriens et les Guinéens, majoritaires parmi les voyageurs.
    Leur périple se fait dans la plus grande précarité, à bord d’embarcations en fer, apparues fin 2022 et réputées très dangereuses. « Ce ne sont que des plaques de métal soudées entre elles. La qualité est extrêmement mauvaise, et elles prennent souvent l’eau avant d’arriver à Lampedusa. Elles coulent très facilement, en quelques secondes », détaille la coordinatrice de Sea-Watch. Ce mode de traversée est devenu l’option la moins chère pour rejoindre l’Europe, avec un passage entre 1 500 et 2 000 dinars en moyenne (entre 440 et 590 euros) depuis Sfax, dans le centre-est de la
    L’embarcation, repérée depuis l’avion et signalée au centre de coordination et de sauvetage de Rome, sera secourue, et les naufragés débarqués en lieu sûr. Pilote de ligne retraité, Volker, aux commandes aujourd’hui, met ensuite le cap sur le large de la Libye. L’équipage de Sea-Watch surveille l’horizon à la recherche d’un détail, d’une silhouette, d’un reflet inhabituel qui pourrait éveiller un soupçon. Les conditions météorologiques sont idéales, la mer est calme et la visibilité bonne en ce début d’été ; au loin, on distingue sans difficulté les immeubles de Tripoli, la capitale libyenne. Mais dans la carlingue de l’avion, on s’intéresse avant tout à ce qui se trouve à la surface de l’eau : embarcations vides, vaisseaux croisant dans la région, activités des gardes-côtes… « Une part très importante de notre travail est d’être là en tant qu’acteur civil pour observer, sinon il n’y a personne. Nous documentons ainsi les violations des droits humains, qui sont fréquentes sur ces routes, notamment les retours forcés vers la Libye », précise Jacob, lui aussi coordinateur de l’ONG, resté au sol pour superviser le vol.
    Ce rôle de vigie est précieux. Les équipes de Sea-Watch sont les rares témoins des faits et gestes des autorités tunisiennes, libyennes et européennes. Au cours du vol, l’un des observateurs à bord repère un navire gris à la silhouette familière : un patrouilleur des gardes-côtes libyens, qui rentre bredouille à Tripoli. Mais le lendemain, l’équipage assistera à l’interception en pleine zone de responsabilité maltaise d’un bateau de pêche, avec environ 250 personnes à bord, par le Tarek-Ben-Ziyad, un navire appartenant à une milice proche du maréchal Haftar, homme fort de l’est du pays. Les exilés seront ramenés de force en Libye et emprisonnés, selon les informations reçues a posteriori par l’ONG. La pratique, contraire au droit international, est rarement documentée. Sea-Watch est l’une des rares structures à être en mesure de le faire.
    Elle est aussi un témoin des variations des routes migratoires. Sur ce point, « il y a eu un véritable changement cette année », annonce Samira. Outre l’expansion de la route tunisienne, les aviateurs ont noté l’ouverture d’un nouveau couloir de la Cyrénaïque, région orientale de la Libye, vers la mer Ionienne. Il a la particularité de voir s’élancer des bateaux de pêche, aussi vétustes qu’imposants, transportant parfois plusieurs centaines de personnes. Cette route concentre de 60 % à 70 % des arrivées en Italie depuis la Libye, selon le porte-parole de l’Organisation internationale pour les migrations (OIM), Flavio Di Giacomo.« Ils passent par cette région où les zones de responsabilité maltaise, italienne et grecque se rejoignent. La situation est difficile, car chaque Etat refuse de prendre ses responsabilités en s’en remettant aux autres », analyse Jacob, qui connaît la région comme peu de personnes. C’est à proximité de cette zone où ces trois pays se défaussent de leurs responsabilités qu’un chalutier a fait naufrage au large de la Grèce, avec près de 750 personnes à bord, dans la nuit du 13 au 14 juin. Parmi les disparus figuraient de nombreux exilés syriens qui s’étaient résolus à passer par la Libye pour rejoindre le Vieux Continent, en raison de la fermeture de la route des Balkans. « Par le passé, ils voyageaient à travers la Turquie, la Grèce, puis le reste de l’Europe, mais désormais ils sont obligés de passer par la Libye, confirme M. Di Giacomo. Cela montre bien que si on ferme une route sans prendre en considération l’origine des migrations, une autre route s’ouvrira, plus longue et dangereuse. »L’OIM a enregistré 1 728 morts en Méditerranée centrale depuis le début de l’année. « C’est déjà plus de 1 000 personnes de plus que l’année dernière, soit un nombre très élevé, mais le nombre réel de morts doit être bien plus important. Cette année, la situation a changé car les routes ont changé, estime-t-il. La priorité pour l’Union européenne devrait être, avant toute discussion sur la mise en place de politiques migratoires, de sauver des vies en mer. » Ce jour-là, pas de chalutier ni de naufrage, heureusement. Après quelques heures de vol, l’avion repère un bateau en fibre de verre, avec une trentaine de personnes à bord, filant à vive allure vers Lampedusa. Faute de carburant suffisant, il ne pourra que signaler cette embarcation avant de rentrer se poser sur l’île italienne

    #Covid-19#migration#migrant#ue#tunisie#mediterranee#routemigratoire#balkan#traversee#politiquemigratoire#mortalite#sante#postcovid

  • Drowning in Lies. Greece tries to cover up its own role in the #Pylos shipwreck by tampering with evidence

    On the night of 13 June, a vessel carrying around 750 men, women and children mainly from Pakistan, Egypt and Syria capsized in the Central Mediterranean, in Greek waters. The Greek authorities had been aware of the overloaded vessel the day before because Europe’s border agency Frontex and activists had warned them.

    Instead of rescuing the people, the Greek coast guard stayed close to the boat and observed it from the sky with a helicopter, ignoring Frontex’s offer for help. They sent commercial vessels to the area and later a coast guard boat.

    Shortly after the coast guard vessel arrived on the scene, the overloaded boat capsized. Only 104 men survived. All the others, including all the women and children on board, drowned.

    Survivors alleged that their vessel was towed by the Greek coast guard boat, causing the fatal wreck. The Greek coast guard and the government strongly denied these allegations and claimed the boat was never towed.

    We decided to collect as many survivor testimonies as possible and try to establish what really happened, and whether there had been efforts to cover up the truth.
    METHODS

    Finding visual evidence to determine the cause of the shipwreck was nearly impossible since it happened on the high seas and commercial vessels and surveillance planes were sent away by the Greek authorities. Videos survivors might have had on their phones were no longer accessible due to water damage or because they lost their phones.

    We decided to put a team together, including journalists from the same regions as the passengers, and carried out 17 interviews with survivors – the largest number collected in a single investigation into the wreck so far – to compare their accounts. We also spoke to sources inside the European border agency Frontex.

    We obtained crucial court documents containing two sets of testimonies given by the same nine survivors. They spoke first to the Greek coast guard and later to a local Greek court.
    STORYLINES

    Documents and witness testimony obtained by Lighthouse Reports, Der Spiegel, Monitor, SIRAJ, El País, Reporters United and The Times show the Greek coast guard tampered with official statements to conceal their role in the wreck and pressured survivors into naming certain people as the smugglers.

    Nine survivors were asked by the coast guard to give witness statements just hours after the wreck. On analysing the documents, we discovered that critical parts of several testimonies contain identical phrases.

    The documents reveal that the translator used during one of the survivor’s interviews with the coast guard is a member of the coast guard himself. Other translators were local residents who spoke Arabic and other languages, who were sworn in on the day.

    In the documents, eight survivors are stated to have blamed the capsizing on factors unrelated to towing. Four of them are stated to have testified – in nearly identical wording – that the boat capsized because it was “old” and “there were no life jackets”. Their interviews were translated by three different interpreters.

    None of the survivors interrogated by the coast guard blamed the coast guard at all, according to the transcriptions. But in a later round of questioning by a Greek court of the same nine survivors, six of them are stated to have said the coast guard towed the boat shortly before it capsized.

    We spoke to two of the nine survivors who testified; they told us that the coast guard had omitted the parts of their testimony mentioning towing.

    “They asked me what happened to the boat and how it sank. I told them the Greek coast guard came and tied the rope to our boat and towed us and caused the capsizing of the boat,” said one survivor. “They didn’t type that in my testimony. When they presented it at the end I couldn’t find this part.”

    He added that the coast guard pressured him to single out certain people as the smugglers in charge of the operation. This claim is supported by our analysis of the documents: two answers to the coast guard’s questions about smugglers contain identical sentences.

    Another survivor who testified said he also blamed the shipwreck on towing when asked by the coast guard, but still signed the deposition at the end despite knowing it did not reflect what he said, because he felt “terrified”.

    Sixteen out of the seventeen survivors we spoke to said the coast guard attached a rope to the vessel and tried to tow it shortly before it capsized. Four also claimed that the coast guard was attempting to tow the boat to Italian waters, while four reported that the coast guard caused more deaths by circling around the boat after it capsized, making waves that caused the boat’s carcass to sink.

    While Europe and its border agency Frontex have largely backed Greece on its border practices and said following the shipwreck that they believed the coast guard did everything it could to save the people who drowned, Frontex is now doubting the official version

    The border agency has circulated an internal report on the incident based on survivor testimony, in which survivors state that the Greek coast guard was to blame for the drownings, according to sources.

    https://www.lighthousereports.com/investigation/drowning-in-lies
    #Grèce #naufrage #asile #migrations #décès #morts #tragédie #mourir_aux_frontières #morts_aux_frontières #14_juin_2023 #Méditerranée #Mer_Méditerranée #13_juin_2023
    #Lighthouse_reports #enquête #contre-enquête

    Sur ce naufrage voir ce fil de discussion:
    https://seenthis.net/messages/1006608

    • Survivors: ‘Greek coastguard was next to us when boat capsized’

      Two Syrian refugees recall their harrowing journey and pin blame on the coastguard for the devastating shipwreck.

      “The boat was too heavy,” he told Al Jazeera.

      “We were sitting next to each other, and there was a constant fear of sinking.”

      On the derelict blue ship that was soon to hit international headlines, he saw about 750 people crammed together, shoulder-to-shoulder, unable to move. They had all hoped to eventually reach Europe.

      In a few days, he would see hundreds of these people drown as a Greek coastguard ship floated nearby.

      Ahmed fled Syria with his friend Mohammed*, 23. They both asked to use pseudonyms because they fear the Greek government would punish them for speaking out about what they saw that night.

      They are two of the 104 survivors of the shipwreck off the coast of Pylos, Greece. Seventy-eight people have been confirmed dead.

      Like hundreds of other people on board, their third companion, Mohammed’s cousin, was never found.

      Their path to the central Mediterranean was taken in many steps. Ahmed and Mohammed said they left home hoping for a future without violence.

      Their journey took them to Lebanon, then Egypt and Libya.

      They spent about a month in Libya, where smugglers kept them closed up in an apartment with Egyptians, Pakistanis and other Syrians also making the journey.

      Mohammed said the smugglers beat the Egyptians and Pakistanis, constantly cursing and insulting them.

      Finally, in the first days of June, they were told, “You are leaving today.”

      They were put on the back of trucks that drove to the shore, were loaded onto small boats and were taken to a trawler, the Adriana, out in deeper waters.

      “They were beating people there,” Ahmed said.

      “They were beating them while taking them to the lower deck of the boat. … It was very bad down there. It smelled of diesel and fish. You couldn’t breathe.”

      Ahmed and his companions managed to pay a bribe of $200 to get themselves a spot on the upper deck.

      But wherever the passengers sat on the ship, they were wedged together.

      Women and children were kept below in the hold. From their cramped spot on the top deck, the young men could see the sea.
      ‘People were starting to lose consciousness’

      From the second day of the voyage, the boat’s engine started breaking down.

      “They would repair it, and after a while, it would break down again,” Mohammed said. “Every time they repaired it, it would stop again after two to three hours.”

      After the second day at sea, food and water ran out. Panic began to percolate across the ship.

      “At that time, people were starting to lose consciousness,” Ahmed said.

      “They were falling on the ground. They were fainting. Some were shaking. We were seeing tens, hundreds of people in this state.”

      They heard fights were breaking out all across the boat due to hunger, thirst and fear.

      “Me, Ahmed and my relative who is now missing were always trying to keep our spirits up,” Mohammed said. “When someone cried, we made jokes. ‘We will make it,’ we were saying to ourselves. But everyone was going crazy.”

      By the fourth day, they heard disturbing news from the hold.

      “Some people coming up from below said, ‘There are dead people down there,’” Ahmed said.

      “They said there were six dead bodies on the boat. Five bodies were down below, and we didn’t see them. One was on the upper deck. We saw him.”

      Ahmed and Mohammed said the passengers started telephoning the Italian authorities and the Greek coastguard to ask for help.

      “From the fourth day onwards, the Greek coastguard had been aware of us,” Mohammed said.

      By the fifth day, June 13, they said it looked like the Adriana had stopped moving completely.

      In the afternoon, a helicopter flew overhead.

      The passengers could not understand from the deck, but it was the Greek coastguard. In the afternoon, one and then another commercial ship passed by and tossed those on board water over the waves.

      “People were saying: ‘Take us with you.’ They were saying, ‘No.’” Mohammed said. “We asked for help, but they refused to help us.”

      A Greek coastguard vessel finally approached the fishing trawler around midnight in the first minutes of June 14, the friends said. “‘Follow us,’ they told us. We followed them,” Mohammed said.

      “Half an hour later, our boat stopped completely. It could not move. They came back and tied us to their boat.”

      Ahmed and Mohammed said the coastguard started to tow their stalled-out trawler, but it took a sharp turn, and the Adriana heaved precariously left, then right, then capsized.

      “They were right next to us when it capsized. In the moment it sank, they moved away from us. They deliberately made us sink,” Mohammed said. “We were standing on top of the boat, and we were able to see everything clearly.”

      Tossed into the dark Mediterranean Sea, hundreds of people tried to find something to cling onto, some way to survive. “People were holding onto me,” Ahmed said.

      “I was going under the water and getting away from people. Every time I got away, I would come across someone else, and they would hold onto me to save themselves. When someone grabbed onto me, we both went underwater together.”

      After an hour and a half, Ahmed said he spotted an inflatable coastguard boat and swam towards it.

      “They were 200 or 300 metres [220 to 330 yards] away from us,” he said. “I swam to them and got into the boat. They did not come close to us to save us. They were standing far away, and those who could swim were going towards them, like me.”

      As he made his way towards the inflatable boat, Ahmed had to push aside bodies floating in the water.

      Once taken to the larger coastguard boat, Ahmed was reunited with Mohammed. The two hugged each other, overwhelmed and elated to have found each other.

      They started asking about their third companion. He had not made it, and they realised how incomplete their relief was.

      The survivors of the shipwreck were taken ashore. Mohammed said that when they were first held in the Greek city of Kalamata, the authorities came to take his testimony of the tragedy three or four times.

      “When we told them that we had been towed with a rope, they stopped,” he said. “They were saying that the problem was our boat. They wrote our statements with their own words. They did not write down what we said. They made us say it and write it down.”

      Ahmed said no officials have ever taken his testimony.
      ‘Accountability vacuum’

      Both men are now in the Malakasa refugee camp, 40km (25 miles) north of Athens. They are awaiting their asylum claims to be processed. Mohammed is desperate for news of his cousin, even if that news is confirmation he is dead.

      Ahmed’s and Mohammed’s accounts contradict the account of the Greek coastguard, which has said the passengers of the Adriana refused aid, it was only immobile for about 20 minutes before it capsized and the coastguard had not towed the boat prior to it capsizing.

      Survivors’ accounts line up with other evidence.

      The Greek investigative website Solomon has published emails showing that the Greek authorities had been notified that the ship was in distress by 6pm (15:00 GMT) on June 13. And tracking data published and verified by the BBC and The New York Times show that the trawler was not moving for at least seven hours before it capsized.

      When asked to comment on allegations that the coastguard towed the boat and was involved in the shipwreck, the Greek Ministry of Maritime Affairs and Insular Policy told Al Jazeera: “The required information is part of the investigation procedure that is being conducted under strict confidentiality based on the instructions given by the prosecutor of the Supreme Court. Regarding the details of the operation plan of the Hellenic coastguard, no further comments can be made by our service.”

      Fingers have been pointed at the Greek coastguard for both the shipwreck and its large death toll.

      “It has been evidenced that the Hellenic coastguard uses a range of tactics to move boats they have intercepted at sea into different territorial areas to avoid responsibility for search and rescue and the lodging of their applications for international protection,” said Hope Barker, a policy analyst at the Border Violence Monitoring Network.

      “Whilst this usually includes towing boats back to Turkish territorial waters, it is equally likely that if the boat was closer to Italian territorial waters, they would try to transfer it there instead.”

      The organisation is calling for an independent investigation and for Frontex, the European Union’s border agency, to withdraw from Greece.

      “Violations of fundamental rights by the Hellenic coastguard are routine and systematised operations that have proven to be under-investigated by the Greek state. There is an accountability vacuum that allows these actions to continue unabated,” Barker said.

      In Malakasa, Mohammed said he cannot stop thinking about the moment the boat capsized and the screams of the people around him. He does not know how he survived in the water.

      “I shouted Ahmed’s and my cousin’s names for a while,” he said. “In that moment, I heard a voice screaming, ‘Mother! Mother!’ I asked that person for his name, and he said, ‘Fuat’.

      “He and I told each other our names, so that whichever of us survived would be able to bring the news to the other’s family.”

      https://www.aljazeera.com/features/2023/7/5/survivors-greek-coastguard-was-next-to-us-when-boat-capsized

    • Under the unwatchful eye of the authorities’ deactivated cameras: dying in the darkest depths of the Mediterranean

      A collaborative investigation by Solomon, Forensis, The Guardian and ARD presents the most complete tracing, to date, of the course that the fishing vessel Adriana took until it ultimately sank, causing over 600 people to drown − while under the supervision of Greek and European authorities. A document reveals that according to Frontex recommendations, the Coast Guard vessel was obligated to record the operation on video.

      In the early hours of June 14, the state-of-the-art cameras of the Coast Guard vessel ΠΠΛΣ-920 were off.

      The deadliest shipwreck within the Greek Search and Rescue Zone, one of the largest the Mediterranean has ever seen, was reportedly not visually detected.

      Only hours before, aerial photos of the overloaded fishing vessel were taken. Nearby tankers recorded videos before they were ordered to leave the scene. There were satellite images that captured its movement.

      But the exact circumstances in which the Adriana capsized off Pylos, killing more than 600 people, remain unclear three weeks on.

      In affidavits and interviews, some of the 104 survivors attributed the sinking of the fishing vessel to an attempt by the Hellenic Coast Guard to tow it to Italian waters.

      The Coast Guard emphasizes that it saved human lives, and maintains that the fishing vessel overturned due to a disturbance by the passengers.

      Solomon, in a joint investigation with the research group Forensis, The Guardian and German public broadcaster ARD reveals: the Coast Guard vessel ΠΠΛΣ-920, the only vessel present at the time the Adriana capsized, was obligated to “document its operation by video-recording” in accordance with a 2021 Frontex document which recommends that the Greek authorities record their operations continually.

      If this had been done, today there would be answers to the questions that the victims’ families are still asking.

      The ΠΠΛΣ-920 cameras were supposed to record

      By midday on June 13, the Greek and Italian authorities and Frontex (the European Border and Coast Guard Agency), were aware of the overloaded fishing vessel, which had been sailing aimlessly for four days in the central Mediterranean – its only means of navigation was a compass and the position of the sun.

      The activist network Alarm Phone had also relayed to the authorities the desperate SOS of some 750 men, women, and children — mostly from Pakistan, Egypt and Syria — who, lacking potable water, were using their shoelaces to lower containers into the sea: “They are urgently asking for help”.

      ΠΠΛΣ-920, the Coast Guard vessel which received the order to depart from the port of Souda, Crete to assist, has been the pride of the Coast Guard since 2021. European funding covered 90% of its cost, and it is one of the best-equipped vessels available in Greece.

      And it could not be in better hands: earlier this year, in March, its captain was awarded for “his valuable contribution to the protection of maritime borders and human life at sea.”

      According to the Coast Guard, ΠΠΛΣ-920, like its three sister ships (ΠΠΛΣ-900, ΠΠΛΣ-910 and ΠΠΛΣ-930), has two state-of-the-art thermal camera systems. According to the Coast Guard, however, when the fishing vessel capsized, the cameras were not in operation because the crew’s attention was focused on the rescue efforts.

      “When we have an incident, we try to have the ability to operate seamlessly. Making some crew members ‘inactive’ so that they can record a video, you understand, is unethical,” Coast Guard spokesman Nikos Alexiou stated on June 15, justifying why the incident was not recorded on video.

      However, one of the three former and current Coast Guard officers who spoke to us during our investigation, said that these cameras do not require constant manual operation and they exist exactly for this reason – to record such incidents.

      But there is still a critical issue: a document reveals that, according to Frontex recommendations in March 2021, the Coast Guard vessel was obligated to record the operation.

      The document states that “if feasible, all actions taken by Frontex assets or Frontex co-financed assets… should be documented by video consistently.”

      The cost of the ΠΠΛΣ-290, one of four state-of-the-art vessels purchased for €55.5 million, has been 90% financed through Frontex. It is designated to be “available for four months a year, for Frontex missions outside of Greek waters.”

      Frontex had recommended the visual recording of operations, during a meeting where representatives from Greece were present as well as from other European countries, following complaints of human rights violations by the Coast Guard.

      The complaints that were assessed during the meeting referred to the exact same practice, attributed to ΠΠΛΣ-920: towing vessels of asylum seekers outside of Greek waters.
      We created a 3D model of the Adriana

      Solomon, Forensis, The Guardian and ARD worked together and after analyzing a wealth of evidence, we present the most complete picture to date, of the Adriana’s course up to the time of its sinking.

      We collected more than 20 survivor accounts and analyzed material derived from, among others, witness statements, official reports from the Coast Guard and Frontex, deck logs of the Coast Guard vessel and tankers in transit, aerial photographs and data on the position and movement of ships and aircraft. We also secured exclusive footage from the commercial vessels that were in the area and spoke to sources at Frontex, the Coast Guard, and rescuers.

      The analysis of this information resulted in a detailed chronology of the events that occurred on June 13 and 14, an interactive map showing Adriana‘s movement, as well as a 3D model of the fishing vessel.

      With the help of the 3D model, we were able to do what no official authority or journalistic investigation has done so far: to conduct in-person interviews with survivors of the wreck, using the visual impression of this body of data.

      Using the method of situated testimony, the survivors placed themselves in the 3D model of the ship, indicated their location on the deck, and recalled the events that unfolded before the sinking of the Adriana: from the alleged towing to its capsize.

      In this way, we were able to cross-reference accounts of what happened in the presence of the Coast Guard vessel, based on each person’s eyewitness account.
      Main conclusions

      Eleven critical findings emerge from the joint investigation:

      – Frontex offered to help three times. A Frontex source stated that the Coast Guard did not respond to any of the three requests for assistance.

      - The records of ΠΠΛΣ-920 are incoherent and raise questions. For example, while it is reported that immediately before the sinking, the fishing vessel was moving west, it actually appears to be moving for about an hour (00:44 – 01:40) in a southerly direction at a speed of only 0.6 knots. In addition: since, according to the Coast Guard, the fishing vessel’s engine had stopped working at 00:44, why was the preparation of life-saving equipment carried out an hour later, at 01:40?

      - While the fishing vessel’s engine was running but there was no navigation capability, according to testimonies, ΠΠΛΣ-920 approached the vessel and gave directions to Italy. A survivor stated: “[a crew member] told us that the Greek ship would go ahead of us and lead us to Italian waters. He told us that in two hours we would be in Italy.” ΠΠΛΣ-920 directed the fishing vessel from a distance, which followed until its engine broke down again.

      – According to Syrian survivors on deck, when the engine broke down, masked men from ΠΠΛΣ-920 boarded the fishing vessel and tied a blue rope to the stern. The above-mentioned testimonies are also consistent with an entry in the ΠΠΛΣ-920 deck logbook, which mentions the participation of a four-member team from the Special Missions Unit in the operation.

      - According to the same survivors, there were two brief attempts to tow the fishing vessel. The first time the rope broke. The second time the ΠΠΛΣ-920 increased its speed and the fishing vessel rocked to the right, then to the left, then to the right again and flipped onto its right side.

      – The Pakistani survivors were located in the interior of the ship, and could not see what was happening. They stated, however, that while the fishing vessel’s engine was not working, they felt a sharp forward thrust “like a rocket” — a sensation that corroborates the use of a rope for towing.

      – Testimonies in this investigation support testaments presented by other journalistic investigations, as well as survivor statements included in the official case file: this action appears to have led to the capsize and eventual sinking of the ship.

      - The fishing vessel capsized and survivors climbed on top of it. ΠΠΛΣ-920 left the scene, creating waves that made it more difficult for the survivors to stay afloat.

      – After withdrawing, ΠΠΛΣ-920 directed its floodlights on the shipwreck site. Survivors tried to swim to the Coast Guard vessel, but the distance was too great.

      – ΠΠΛΣ-920 began the rescue operation 30 minutes after the sinking, and only after the fishing vessel had completely disappeared from the water’s surface.

      - Survivors claim that their phones (which were protected in plastic cases) contain visual material from the incident. Immediately after the rescue, according to the same testimonies, Coast Guard officers confiscated their phones, which have not been returned to them.

      https://vimeo.com/843117800

      Survivor accounts of the towing

      In the deck log of ΠΠΛΣ-920, which we have seen, there is no mention of any towing attempt. The Coast Guard captain reports that they approached the fishing vessel to offer assistance, received no response, and followed it “from a discreet distance”.

      This is disputed by the accounts of the survivors, some of whom not only tell of a rope that was tied to the fishing vessel, but they all mention its color: blue.

      This investigation documents, for the first time, the blue cable that was used by ΠΠΛΣ-920, which can also be seen in earlier photos of the vessel.

      The estimation that the attempt to tow the fishing vessel by the ΠΠΛΣ-920 led to its sinking is underlined by the statements of survivors, that form part of the case file which is available to the journalists that participated in this investigation.

      “Then the Greek ship came and threw the rope which was tied to the front of our ship,” says a survivor who was on the deck.

      The Coast Guard started towing the fishing vessel, he adds, and “when it was going slowly the fishing vessel was fine, but instead of approaching the Greek ship we were moving away. When they hit the gas, I’m sorry to say, that’s when our ship sank.”

      The same survivor estimates that the fishing boat capsized due to the “pulling from the Greek ship, because then our ship began to lean to one side. And I, who was standing in a corner, slipped into the water with a relative of mine, who died.”

      Another survivor who was also on the deck, but at the stern and without full visibility, says in his testimony that “it was night, the guys in front told me that they tied the rope, but I could feel the motion too, because then we moved, but not for more than two minutes.”

      “Then we said stop-stop because our ship is leaning,” he says, adding, “I think we sank due to the fact that our boat was in bad condition and overloaded and that it shouldn’t have been towed.”

      In another testimony, the description of the towing attempt is concise: “On the last day the Greek ship threw us a rope and tied us to their ship. The Greek one turned right, then ours overturned and we fell into the water.”

      We contacted the Coast Guard, asking questions about the timeline of the shipwreck and asking them to comment on the findings of our investigation. At the time of publication, we have not received a response.
      Why didn’t Greece respond to Frontex?

      The picture of what actually happened would be more complete if the ΠΠΛΣ-920 was not the only vessel present during the incident.

      According to the captain of the merchant ship Faithful Warrior, at 00:18 the Coast Guard’s Search & Rescue Coordination Center gave him permission to depart the scene, thus removing the last witness present. The Faithful Warrior left at 00:30, about 15 minutes before the fishing vessel’s engine stopped working, according to Coast Guard records.

      Frontex, which operates in the central Mediterranean, had informed the Greek authorities about the fishing vessel early in the afternoon, and had offered to help.

      Specifically, at 19:35 (local Greek time) Frontex offered to assist with the Eagle I aircraft. Afterwards, the Greek side asked Frontex to assist in a search and rescue incident south of Crete, where 80 people were in danger. The vessel in question was spotted by the Frontex Heron drone at 22:50.

      At 00:34, Frontex again offered to provide assistance with the Eagle I and a few minutes later, at 00:52, it also offered the Heron. According to a Frontex source who spoke to our joint investigation, the Greek authorities did not respond to any request to send aerial assets to the overloaded fishing vessel.
      Fabricated testimonies?

      Concerns have also been raised about the possible alteration of survivors’ testimonies.

      Survivors gave two rounds of statements: first to the Coast Guard and then to an investigator. Both versions are available to Solomon and the international colleagues who participated in this investigation.

      While there are no references to the attempted towing of the fishing vessel in the survivor testimonies recorded by the Coast Guard, the same survivors spoke about it in the second interview with the investigator.

      Also, when describing the shipwreck, the testimonies that appear to have been given to the Coast Guard by two survivors of different nationalities, are the same, word for word: “There were too many people in the boat, which was old and rusty … that’s why it capsized and sank in the end.”
      Inside the hold

      The TikTok video shows his older brother hugging him tightly and kissing him, before he enters the airport, dragging along his suitcase.

      He had flown from Karachi to Dubai, and from Dubai to Alexandria, Egypt. From there he boarded another plane that took him to Benghazi, Libya, where he spent over ten days locked in a trafficker’s hideout, before he was taken to board the Adriana.

      When he saw the old fishing boat he couldn’t believe it — he thought the trip to Italy would also be by plane. He wanted to go back to Pakistan, but the traffickers wouldn’t let him.

      Inside the Adriana, Abdul traveled on the lowest of three levels, in suffocating conditions where he had to sit with his knees bent. “To get from one place to another, you had to step on people.”

      Conditions were similar on the middle level, where about 300 people were reportedly crammed in, with more than 200 people still on deck. The testimonies speak of another, separate space inside the fishing vessel, where women and children were located. No women were among the 104 people that were rescued.

      The Pakistani travelers had paid a total of €8,000-€10,000 each for the long journey to Europe – Abdul’s family of rice farmers had sold their land to finance his trip.

      Abdul had learned to swim in the canals around his family’s crops – when the Adriana sank, it was his ability to swim that allowed Abdul to reach the Coast Guard vessel and save himself.

      As he walks along in Athens, Abdul’s relatives call him, asking what’s the name of the city he’s in. He tells us about his family, but he also shows us photos of loved ones who perished: he was onboard the Adriana with 14 of his friends and his uncle. Only he survived.

      And of his 350 fellow Pakistanis who were also in the hold with him, only 12 were rescued. “Beautiful people were lost,” says Abdul.

      People who participated in the investigation: Christina Varvia, Lydia Emmanouilidou, Katy Fallon, Ebrahem Farooqui, Armin Ghassim, Sebastian Heidelberger, Stefanos Levidis, Andreas Makas, Stavros Malichudis, Iliana Papangeli, Corina Petridi, Timo Robben, Georgia Skartadou, Sulaiman Tadmory, George Christides.

      https://wearesolomon.com/mag/format/investigation/under-the-unwatchful-eye-of-the-authorities-deactivated-cameras-dying-

    • Greek shipwreck: hi-tech investigation suggests coastguard responsible for sinking

      Research into loss of trawler with hundreds of deaths strongly contradicts official accounts – while finding a failure to mobilise help and evidence that survivor statements were tampered with

      Attempts by the Greek coastguard to tow a fishing trawler carrying hundreds of migrants may have caused the vessel to sink, according to a new investigation by the Guardian and media partners that has raised further questions about the incident, which left an estimated 500 people missing

      The trawler carrying migrants from Libya to Italy sank off the coast of Greece on 14 June. There were 104 survivors.

      Reporters and researchers conducted more than 20 interviews with survivors and drew on court documents and coastguard sources to build a picture of missed rescue opportunities and offers of assistance that were ignored. Multiple survivors said that attempts by the Greek coastguard to tow the vessel had ultimately caused the sinking. The coastguard has strenuously denied that it attempted to tow the trawler.

      The night that the trawler capsized, 47 nautical miles off Pylos, in south-western Greece, was reconstructed using an interactive 3D model of the boat created by Forensis, a Berlin-based research agency founded by Forensic Architecture, which investigates human rights violations.

      The joint investigation by the Guardian, German public broadcaster ARD/NDR/Funk and Greek investigative outlet Solomon, in collaboration with Forensis, has given one of the fullest accounts to date of the trawler’s course up to its sinking. It unearthed new evidence such as a coastguard vessel moored at a closer port but never dispatched to the incident and how Greek authorities failed to respond not twice, as previously reported, but three times to offers of assistance by Frontex, the EU border and coastguard agency.

      Forensis mapped the final hours before the sinking, using data from the coastguard’s log and the testimony of the coast guard vessel’s captain, as well as flight paths, maritime traffic data, satellite imagery and information from videos taken by nearby commercial vessels and other sources. The ship’s last movements contradict the coastguard and reveal inconsistencies within the official account of events, including the trawler’s direction and speed.

      Crucially, the investigation showed the overcrowded trawler started moving westward on meeting the single Greek coastguard vessel sent to the scene. According to multiple survivor testimonies given to the Guardian and Greek prosecutors, the coastguard had told the migrants it would lead them to Italy – clashing with the official version that the trawler started moving west of its own accord. The investigation also showed the trawler had turned to the south and was almost stationary for at least an hour until, survivors said, a second and fatal towing attempt took place.
      Survivors use the 3D model of the boat to describe what happened on the night of the 14 June.

      Two survivors used the 3D model to describe the towing itself, while three others, who were sitting inside or on the vessel’s lower deck, described being propelled forward “like a rocket”, but with the engine not operating. That suggests a towing attempt.

      Another survivor separately said he heard people shouting about a rope being attached by the “Greek army” and described being towed for 10 minutes shortly before the trawler sank. “I feel that they have tried to push us out of Greek water so that their responsibility ends,” a survivor said after considering the map of events and reflecting on his memories of the night.

      Maria Papamina, a lawyer from the Greek Council for Refugees, one of two legal organisations representing between 40 and 50 survivors, said that there had been two towing attempts recounted to her team. Court documents also show that seven out of eight survivors gave accounts to the civil prosecutor of the presence of a rope, towing and a strong pull, in depositions conducted on 17 and 18 June.

      The exact circumstances of the sinking cannot be conclusively proved in the absence of visual evidence. Several survivors testified to having had their phones confiscated by the authorities and some mentioned having filmed videos moments before the sinking. Questions remain over why the newly acquired Greek coastguard vessel at the scene did not record the operation on its thermal cameras. The vessel, called the 920, was 90% financed by the EU to bolster the capabilities of Frontex in Greece and is part of the EU border agency’s joint operations in the country. Frontex recommends that “if feasible, all actions taken by … Frontex co-financed assets should be documented by video consistently”.

      In official statements the Greek coastguard said the operation was not recorded because the crew’s focus was on the rescue operation. But a source within the coastguard said cameras do not need constant manual operation and are there precisely to capture such incidents.

      The presence of masked men, described by two survivors as attaching a rope to the trawler, is also documented in the ship’s log, which includes an entry about a special ops team known as KEA joining the 920 that night.

      According to coastguard sources, it would not be unusual to deploy KEA – typically used in risky situations such as suspected arms or drug smuggling at sea – given the vessel’s unknown status, but one source said that their presence suggested the vessel should have been intercepted on security and maritime safety grounds alone.

      One source described the failure to mobilise help closer to the incident as “incomprehensible”. The 920 was deployed from Chania, in Crete, about 150 nautical miles from the site of the sinking. The source said the coastguard had somewhat smaller but still capable vessels, based in Patras, Kalamata, Neapoli Voion and even Pylos itself. The 920 was ordered by coastguard HQ to “locate” the trawler at about 3pm local time on 13 June. It finally made contact close to midnight. An eyewitness official confirmed another vessel was stationed in Kalamata on 14 June and could have reached the trawler within a couple of hours. “It should have been a ‘send everything you’ve got’ situation. The trawler was in clear need of assistance,” the source said.

      The Greek coastguard and Frontex were alerted to the trawler on the morning of 13 June. Both agencies had photographed it from the air but no search and rescue operation was conducted – according to the Greek side, because the boat had refused assistance. Authorities received an urgent SOS said to have been relayed to them at 5.53pm local time by the small boats emergency hotline Alarmphone, which was in contact with people on board.

      Two of the coastguard sources told the Guardian they believed towing was a likely reason for the boat capsizing. This would not be without precedent. In 2014, an attempt to tow a refugee boat off the coast of Farmakonisi cost 11 lives. Greek courts cleared the coastguard, but the European court of human rights passed a damning judgment in 2022.

      Allegations have also been made that survivors’ statements were tampered with. Two rounds of testimonies were given – first to the coastguard and then to a civil prosecutor – both seen by the Guardian. Testimonies to the coastguard by two separate survivors of different nationalities are word for word the same when describing the sinking: “We were too many people on the boat, which was old and rusty … this is why it capsized and sank in the end.”

      Under oath to the civil prosecutor, days later, the same survivors describe towing incidents and blame the Greek coastguard for the sinking. The same Syrian survivor who stated in his coastguard testimony that the trawler capsized due to its age and overcrowding would later testify: “When they stepped on it, and I am sorry to mention this, our boat sank. I believe the reason was the towing by the Greek boat.”

      Brussels has asked for a “transparent” investigation into the wreck, while there is frustration within Frontex, which repeatedly offered assets to Greek authorities – a plane twice and later a drone – but received no reply. Although Frontex is facing mounting calls to pull out of Greece, the Guardian understands it is considering less drastic measures such as discontinuing co-financing of Greek coastguard vessels.

      The Coast Guard said it “would not comment on operational issues or the ongoing investigation which is confidential according to a Supreme Court Order.”

      Nine Egyptians on the trawler have been arrested on charges including involuntary manslaughter, causing a shipwreck and migrant smuggling; they deny wrongdoing. According to Guardian information, the accused testified there were two towing attempts, the second resulting in the sinking of the boat. A brother of one of the accused said his sibling paid about £3,000 to be on the boat, amounting to proof, he said, that he was not a smuggler.

      In Greece and beyond, survivors and victims’ families are trying to understand what happened. Three Pakistani survivors said they flew from Pakistan through Dubai or Egypt to Libya. Two believed they would fly from Libya to Italy and were shocked on seeing the trawler. “I can’t sleep properly. When I sleep I feel as if I am sinking into the water and will die,” one said.

      Nearly half of the estimated 750 people on board are thought to have been Pakistani citizens taking an emerging people-smuggling route to Italy. Pakistani authorities estimate that 115 came from Gujranwala in the east of the country, a region known for its rice plantations and cotton fields but deeply mired in Pakistan’s economic crisis.

      Ahmed Farouq, who lives on the outskirts of the city of Gujranwala, lost his son in the Pylos shipwreck. Talking of the alleged towing, he saids: “They wanted it to sink. Why didn’t they save the people first? If they don’t want illegal migrants, let them deport us, but don’t let us drown.”

      https://www.theguardian.com/global-development/2023/jul/10/greek-shipwreck-hi-tech-investigation-suggests-coastguard-responsible-f

    • Greek coastguard ’pressured’ disaster survivors to blame Egyptian men

      New evidence found by BBC News casts further doubt on the Greek coastguard’s version of events surrounding last month’s deadly migrant boat sinking, in which up to 600 people died.

      Two survivors have described how the coastguard pressed them to identify nine Egyptians on board as traffickers.

      A new video of the overcrowded boat foundering at sea also challenges the Greek coastguard’s account.

      It was taken when the boat was said to be on a “steady course”.

      BBC Verify has confirmed the footage was filmed when the coastguard claimed the boat was not in need of rescue - and was in fact filmed by the coastguard itself.

      We have also confirmed that the larger vessel in the background is the oil tanker Faithful Warrior, which had been asked to give supplies to the migrant boat.

      The official Greek coastguard account had already been challenged in a BBC Verify report - but now we have seen court documents which show serious discrepancies between survivors’ witness statements taken by the coastguards, and the in-person evidence later presented to a judge.

      A translator has also come forward with his account of a people-smuggling investigation last year, after another group of migrants were rescued by the coastguard. He describes how witnesses from that incident were intimidated by the coastguard. The legal case collapsed before it could reach trial.

      The revelations raise fresh questions about how the Greek authorities handle such disasters.

      Both the Greek coastguard and Greek government did not comment and declined our requests for interview.
      A map of a section of the Mediterranean Sea showing the possible route taken by the migrant boat off the coast of Libya, near the city of Tobruk. The possible route shows the last approximate location of the boat before it sunk and the path taken by the Faithful Warrior, which had made contact with the boat. Also shown is the Greek port city of Pylos.

      Survivors ’silenced and intimidated’

      Soon after the 14 June sinking, nine Egyptian men were detained and charged with manslaughter and people-smuggling.

      But two survivors of the disaster say migrants were silenced and intimidated by Greek authorities, after suggesting the coastguards may have been to blame for the tragedy.

      For the past month, allegations have been made that the coastguard used a rope to tow the fishing vessel, causing it to sink.

      The two survivors we spoke to in Athens - who we are calling Ahmad and Musaab to protect their identities - say that is what happened.

      “They attached a rope from the left. Everyone moved to the right side of our boat to balance it,” says Musaab. “The Greek vessel moved off quickly causing our boat to flip. They kept dragging it for quite a distance.”

      The men described how they spent two hours in the water before being picked up by the coastguard.

      When I ask how they knew it was that amount of time, Musaab says his watch was still working so he could tell.

      Once on land, in Kalamata, they claim the coastguard told survivors to “shut up” when they started to talk about how the Greek authorities had caused the disaster.

      “When people replied by saying the Greek coastguard was the cause, the official in charge of the questioning asked the interpreter to tell the interviewee to stop talking,” says Ahmad.

      Ahmad says those rescued were told to be grateful they hadn’t died.

      He says there were shouts of: “You have survived death! Stop talking about the incident! Don’t ask more questions about it!”

      he men say they are scared to speak out publicly because they fear they too will be accused like the Egyptians.

      “If there was a fair system in place, we would contribute to this case,” says Ahmad.

      The men told us they had both paid $4,500 (£3,480) for a spot on the boat. Ahmad’s younger brother was also on board. He is still missing.
      Collapsing court cases

      As well as this testimony given to us by survivors, we have seen court documents which raise questions about the way evidence is being gathered to be presented in court.

      In initial statements from five survivors, none mentioned the coastguard trying to tow the migrant vessel with a rope. But days later, in front of a judge, all explained that there had been a failed attempt to tow it.

      One initial statement reads:

      But the same witness later told a judge:

      BBC Verify has not spoken to these witnesses and so we can’t say why their accounts changed.

      The Greek coastguard initially denied using a rope - but later backtracked, admitting one had been used. But it said it was only to try to board the vessel and assess the situation. It said this was at least two hours before the fishing vessel capsized.

      Eighty-two people are confirmed dead in the sinking, but the United Nations estimates as many as 500 more lost their lives.

      The Greek authorities say the charged Egyptian men are part of a smuggling ring and were identified by fellow passengers. They face up to life imprisonment if found guilty.

      Some survivors allege some of the nine suspects mistreated those on board - while other testimony says some were actually trying to help.

      But Ahmad and Musaab told us the coastguard had instructed all of the survivors to say that the nine Egyptian men were to blame for trafficking them.

      “They were imprisoned and were wrongly accused by the Greek authorities as an attempt to cover their crime,” says Musaab.

      A Greek Supreme Criminal Court deputy prosecutor is carrying out an investigation, but calls - including from the UN - for an international, independent inquiry have so far been ignored. The European Commission has indicated it has faith in the Greek investigation.

      But Ahmad and Musaab are not alone in their concerns about the Greek coastguard.
      Interpreter comes forward to BBC

      When the nine Egyptian men were arrested in the hours after the shipwreck, it was widely reported as an example of efficient detective work by the Greek authorities.

      But for Farzin Khavand it rang alarm bells. He feared history was repeating itself.

      He says he witnessed Greek coastguards put two innocent Iranian men in the frame for people-smuggling last year, following the rescue of 32 migrants whose boat had got into trouble crossing from Turkey.

      Mr Khavand, a UK citizen who speaks Farsi and has lived in the Kalamata area for 20 years, acted as a translator during the coastguard’s investigation into what happened then.

      He says the migrants - 28 from Afghanistan and four from Iran - explained that they had set off from Turkey and been at sea for eight days before being rescued.

      During this time, the Greek coastguard had approached the boat, before leaving, he was told.

      Two Arabic-speaking men had abandoned the boat after the engine blew up, Mr Khavand was told by the Afghan migrants. They said that most people on board had taken turns to try to steer the stricken boat to safety - including the two accused Iranians, who had paid to be on board like everyone else.

      “They [the Iranian men] were highly traumatised,” Mr Khavand said.

      “They were repeating to me that they’d never even seen an ocean before they set off in Turkey. And they kept being told they were the captain and they said: ’We know nothing about the boat. We can’t even swim.’”

      One of the two accused - a man called Sayeed who was facing a long prison sentence - had been rescued with his young son, explained Mr Khavand.

      “I asked him ’Why did you take a six-year-old child on a boat?’ And he said the smugglers told us it’s only two hours’ journey.”

      Mr Khavand relayed their accounts to the coastguard, exactly as it had been told to him - but he says when he saw the transcripts, the Afghans’ testimony had changed. He fears they altered their stories after pressure from the Greek authorities.

      He says the Iranians told him that some of their fellow Afghan passengers had been leaned on by the coastguard to name them as the people-smugglers - to avoid being “treated unpleasantly”, threatened with prison, and being “returned to the Taliban”.

      The case eventually collapsed. Mr Khavand says he was not willing to assist the Greek coastguard again. He says when Sayeed and his son were released from custody the €1,500 (£1,278) that had been confiscated from them was not returned.

      “The scene ended with me thinking I don’t want to do this again because they were not trying to get to the bottom of the truth. They were trying to pick a couple of guys and accuse them of being people smugglers.”

      All of these accusations were put to the Greek authorities by the BBC - but we have received no response. Our request for an interview with Greece’s minister of maritime affairs - who oversees the coastguard - was also rejected.
      Greece previously accused of human rights violations

      Kalamata lawyer Chrysanthi Kaouni says she has seen other criminal cases brought against alleged people smugglers which have troubled her.

      She has been involved in more than 10 such cases, she tells us.

      “My concerns are around the translations, the way evidence is gathered and - later on - the ability of the defendants to challenge this evidence,” she said.

      “Because of these three points, I don’t think there are enough safeguards according to the international law, and in the end I don’t believe justice is done.”

      A new study has found that the average trial in Greece for migrants accused of people smuggling lasted just 37 minutes and the average prison sentence given was 46 years.

      The study, commissioned by The Greens/European Free Alliance group in the European Parliament, looked at 81 trials involving 95 people - all of whom were tried for smuggling in eight different areas of Greece between February 2020 and March 2023.

      The study claims verdicts were reached often on the testimony of a single police or coastguard officer and, in more than three-quarters of the cases, they didn’t appear in court for their evidence to be cross-examined.

      Ahmad says he and the other survivors now want authorities to recover the shipwreck and the people that went down with it, but they have been told it’s too difficult and the water is too deep.

      He compares this to the vast amounts of money and resources spent on searching for five people on the Titan submersible in the North Atlantic in June.

      “But we were hundreds,” he says. “It’s not just a ship. It’s our friends and family.”

      https://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-66154654

    • Italy warned of dead children on migrant ship hours before it capsized

      The findings of an investigation by Welt am Sonntag and

      POLITICO raise questions about whether the authorities knew the boat was in distress earlier than they admitted.

      Early on the morning of the Adriana’s final day at sea, the Italian authorities sent a troubling warning to their EU and Greek colleagues: Two children had died aboard the overloaded migrant boat.

      The alert was sent at 8:01 a.m. UTC, just over an hour after the Italians initially spotted the vessel at 6:51 a.m., an investigation by Welt am Sonntag and POLITICO found. The ship would later stall out in the ocean and capsize that night, killing hundreds of migrants on board.

      The new details are revealed in an internal document at the EU border agency Frontex and seen by Welt, part of a “serious incident report” Frontex is compiling on the tragedy.

      The findings raise questions about whether the authorities knew of serious distress on the boat much earlier than they have admitted. The document further complicates the timeline European authorities have given about the boat — Frontex has said its own plane was the first to discover the Adriana at 9:47 a.m., while the Greek government has said it was alerted around 8 a.m.

      According to the internal document, Rome’s warning went to both Frontex and the Greek coast guard’s central office for rescue operations in Piraeus, which sits on the coast near Athens. Yet despite the alert, the Greek authorities did not send a coast guard vessel to the boat until 7:40 p.m., nearly 12 hours later. The boat then capsized around 11 p.m., roughly 15 hours after Rome’s notice first came through, leaving approximately 600 people dead.

      Survivors have said the Greek coast guard’s attempts to attach ropes to the ship caused it to capsize — accounts Greek officials say are not definitive. Only 104 people were brought to shore alive.

      Frontex declined to comment on the internal document showing the Italian warning, citing the “ongoing investigations” and referring to a June 16 statement. That statement lists a chronology of events starting at 9:47 a.m. with the Frontex plane spotting the boat.

      Dimitris Kairidis, Greece’s newly appointed migration minister, told POLITICO in Brussels that he had not seen the Frontex note, and he neither confirmed nor denied that Athens had received the Rome alert mentioning dead children.

      There is, he said, an “independent judicial investigation,” and if anyone is found responsible, “there will definitely be consequences.”

      “But until then,” he added, “we should not rush to conclusions and bow to political pressure.”

      Asked for comment, the Greek government referred to a statement on its coast guard website from June 14, which mentions information coming from Rome around 8 a.m. It doesn’t say whether that information included a warning about dead children on board.

      The Italian government did not respond to a request for comment.

      Greece has faced mounting political pressure over the tragedy.

      German lawmaker Clara Bünger, a member of The Left, is pushing for a review of the drama that unfolded off the shore of Pylos.

      She told Welt that “upon sighting such an overcrowded boat, Frontex should have immediately issued a mayday distress signal; even more so if Frontex knew that there were already Tuesday morning about two dead children on board.”

      That this didn’t happen, she added, is “outrageous and unforgivable.”

      Frontex has been trying to rehab its reputation under new Director Hans Leijtens, but Bünger argued he is on a doomed mission. Frontex, she argued, should just be dissolved.

      “This project has failed miserably,” she said.

      Erik Marquardt, a German European Parliament member from the Greens, pointed out that Germany chairs the Frontex Management Board.

      “I expect the German government to enforce full transparency here,” he said.

      The European Commission, the EU’s executive, said it does not comment on “ongoing investigations” or “leaks.”

      But the Commission stressed: “The facts about the tragic incident off the coast of Pylos must be clarified. That is the priority now.”

      https://www.politico.eu/article/italy-warned-greece-of-dead-children-on-migrant-ship-hour-before-it-capsize

    • Frontex und Athen wussten 15 Stunden vor Bootsdrama von toten Kindern an Bord

      Mitte Juni starben vor der griechischen Küste 600 Migranten, als ihr Boot kenterte. Über die Verantwortung für die schlimmste Katastrophe seit Jahren im Mittelmeer wird seitdem gestritten. Nun kommt heraus: Eine wichtige Information zu den wahren Abläufen wird nach Informationen von WELT AM SONNTAG bewusst zurückgehalten.

      Die EU-Grenzschutzagentur Frontex sowie die griechische Regierung verschweigen die wahren Abläufe eines Bootsdramas im Juni mit rund 600 Toten. Wie WELT AM SONNTAG und das ebenfalls zum Axel-Springer-Verlag gehörende Nachrichtenunternehmen „Politico“ erfuhren, muss die hochdramatische Situation vor der griechischen Küste Athen und den Grenzschützern viel früher bewusst gewesen sein als bislang bekannt.

      Frontex hatte in einer Stellungnahme mitgeteilt, als Erstes habe ein agentureigenes Flugzeug das völlig überladene Boot um 9.47 Uhr (UTC) entdeckt. Allerdings soll das Boot – so geht es aus einem internen Frontex-Dokument hervor – bereits um 6.51 Uhr erstmals gesichtet worden sein – und zwar durch italienische Behörden.

      Um 8.01 Uhr alarmierte die Seenotrettungstelle Rom demnach sowohl Frontex als auch die Leitstelle in Piräus, von wo aus Rettungseinsätze der griechischen Küstenwache gesteuert werden. Noch brisanter: Bestandteil dieses Alarms war die Information, dass an Bord des Bootes bereits zwei Kinder verstorben seien. Wie Italien an seine Informationen zu der Existenz des Bootes und den toten Kindern gelangte, ist unklar.

      Der Alarm ist nach Informationen von WELT AM SONNTAG Teil der Notizen des noch in Arbeit befindlichen „Serious Incident Report“, der das Aktenzeichen 12595/2023 trägt. Trotz des Alarms aus Roms unternahmen die griechischen Behörden lange nichts. Erst gegen 19.40 Uhr traf ein Schiff der Küstenwache in der Nähe der Migranten ein.

      Das Boot kenterte schließlich gegen 23 Uhr, 15 Stunden nach dem Alarm aus Rom. Unmittelbar davor hatten griechische Küstenwächter Seile an das Boot angebracht, was – so berichteten Überlebende – zum Kentern geführt habe. Nur 104 Menschen wurden lebend an Land gebracht.

      WELT AM SONNTAG konfrontierte Frontex mit den Informationen zu dem Alarm aus Rom. Wann ging dieser ein? Was war die Reaktion der Agentur? In einer schriftlichen Antwort hieß es, man könne „aufgrund von laufenden Ermittlungen“ kein Statement abgeben, das über jenes vom 16. Juni hinausgeht. Darin wird die Chronologie der Ereignisse geschildert – mit 9.47 Uhr als Startpunkt, der Sichtung des Bootes durch ein Frontex-Flugzeug.

      Der neu ernannte griechische Migrationsminister Dimitris Kairidis sagte in Brüssel, er habe die Frontex-Notiz nicht gesehen; weder bestätigte noch dementierte er, dass Athen diese Information aus Rom erhalten hat. Er erklärte, dass „eine unabhängige gerichtliche Untersuchung“ stattfinde. Sofern jemand für schuldig befunden werde, „wird es definitiv Konsequenzen geben.

      Bis dahin solle man „keine voreiligen Schlüsse ziehen und sich dem politischen Druck beugen“. Am Freitag verwies Athen auf ein Statement auf der Küstenwache-Webseite vom 14. Juni, in dem eine Info zu dem Boot aus Rom gegen acht Uhr erwähnt wird. Von toten Kindern kein Wort. Die italienische Regierung beantwortete eine Anfrage zu dem Sachverhalt nicht.

      Der Druck aus der Politik auf die Behörde und Athen wächst derweil. Die Linken-Bundestagsabgeordnete Clara Bünger, die auf eine Aufarbeitung des Pylos-Dramas drängt, sagte WELT AM SONNTAG: „Beim Sichten eines derart überfüllten Bootes hätte Frontex sofort einen Mayday-Notruf machen müssen. Das gilt umso mehr, wenn Frontex wusste, dass es am Dienstagmorgen bereits zwei tote Kinder an Bord gab.“ Dass das nicht geschehen ist, sei „ungeheuerlich und unverzeihbar“. Frontex-Direktor Hans Leijtens hätte angekündigt, er wolle Vertrauen wiederherstellen und Menschenrechte achten: „Dieses Vorhaben ist krachend gescheitert.“ Bünger sagte, Frontex sei nicht reformierbar – und forderte die Auflösung.

      Der EU-Parlamentarier Erik Marquardt (Grüne) verwies darauf, dass Deutschland den Vorsitz im Frontex-Verwaltungsrat hat: „Ich erwarte von der Bundesregierung, dass sie hier vollständige Transparenz durchsetzt.“ Derartige Versprechen seitens Leijtens würden bislang nicht eingehalten.

      Die EU-Kommission ließ verlauten, man äußere sich „weder zu laufenden Untersuchungen noch zu Leaks“, machte aber klar: „Die Fakten über den tragischen Vorfall vor der Küste von Pylos müssen geklärt werden. Das ist jetzt die Priorität.“

      https://www.welt.de/politik/ausland/article246382076/Migration-Frontex-und-Athen-wussten-15-Stunden-vor-Bootsdrama-von-toten-Kindern

    • Pylos shipwreck: the Greek authorities must ensure that effective investigations are conducted

      In a letter to the Prime Minister of Greece, Kyriakos Mitsotakis, published today, the Council of Europe Commissioner for Human Rights, Dunja Mijatović, stresses that Greece has the legal obligation to conduct effective investigations into the Pylos shipwreck, which resulted in the death of more than 80 persons with many hundreds still missing, to establish the facts and, where appropriate, to lead to the punishment of those responsible.

      The Commissioner expresses concern about reports of pressure having been exercised on survivors and about allegations of irregularities in the collection of evidence and testimonies, which may have led to a minimisation of the focus on certain actors in this tragedy, including the Greek Coast Guard. In the case of Safi and Others v. Greece, the European Court of Human Rights spelled out the parameters of an effective investigation into a similar event. Among those parameters, the Commissioner notes that independence is critical to securing the trust of the victims’ relatives, the survivors, the public and Greece’s international partners. While stressing that investigations cannot be limited to the role of alleged smugglers, she requests clarifications on the scope of the investigations initiated after the shipwreck.

      Referring to the right of missing persons’ families to know the truth, the Commissioner seeks information on the efforts made to ensure that the remains of deceased migrants are located, respected, identified, and buried.

      Expressing concerns at restrictions on survivors’ freedom of movement and the way asylum interviews have been conducted, she requests information on the concrete measures that Greece has taken to abide by its human rights obligations regarding reception conditions and access to the asylum procedure.

      "In my view, the shipwreck of 14 June is unfortunately not an isolated incident”, writes the Commissioner. This should prompt a reconsideration of the approach to refugees and migrants arriving by sea at the political, policy and practical level. In this context, the Commissioner urges the Prime Minister to ensure that Greece abides by its international obligations regarding search and rescue, both under maritime law and human rights law.

      Finally, the Commissioner reiterates her call for the Greek government to actively create and maintain an enabling legal framework and a political and public environment which is conducive to the existence and functioning of civil society organisations and to the work of human rights defenders and investigative journalists, and to stop their criminalisation and other forms of harassment.

      https://www.coe.int/en/web/commissioner/-/pylos-shipwreck-the-greek-authorities-must-ensure-that-effective-investigations

      Pour télécharger la lettre:
      https://rm.coe.int/letter-addressed-to-the-prime-minister-of-greece-by-dunja-mijatovic-co/1680ac03ce

      #conseil_de_l'Europe

    • Après le naufrage d’un bateau avec 750 personnes à bord au large de la Grèce, une enquête de la médiatrice européenne sur le rôle de Frontex

      #Emily_O’Reilly, dont le rôle est de demander des comptes aux institutions et aux agences de l’Union européenne, a annoncé avoir ouvert cette procédure à la suite du naufrage survenu en juin, le pire en Méditerranée depuis 2016.

      Un peu plus d’un mois après le pire naufrage d’un bateau de migrants depuis 2016 en Méditerrannée, survenu mi-juin au large de la Grèce et qui a fait des centaines de morts, la médiatrice européenne a annoncé, mercredi 26 juillet, avoir ouvert une enquête afin de « clarifier le rôle » de Frontex, l’agence de l’Union européenne (UE) chargée des frontières, dans les opérations de sauvetage.

      « Alors que le rôle des autorités grecques fait l’objet d’une enquête au niveau national, celui de Frontex dans les opérations de recherche et de sauvetage doit également être clarifié », a souligné dans un communiqué Emily O’Reilly. Le rôle de la médiatrice est de demander des comptes aux institutions et aux agences de l’UE.

      « Il a été signalé que Frontex avait bien alerté les autorités grecques de la présence du navire et proposé son assistance ; mais, ce qui n’est pas clair, c’est ce qu’elle aurait pu ou aurait dû faire d’autre », a-t-elle ajouté.

      Le patron de Frontex, Hans Leijtens, a salué l’ouverture de cette enquête, assurant être prêt à coopérer « en toute transparence » pour expliquer le rôle de son agence. « Si nous ne coordonnons pas les opérations de recherche et de sauvetage, sauver des vies en mer est essentiel. Nous apportons une aide aux autorités nationales lorsque cela est nécessaire », a-t-il ajouté dans un message sur X (ex-Twitter).

      Partage d’informations entre Frontex et les autorités nationales

      Le chalutier vétuste et surchargé, qui était parti de Libye, a fait naufrage au large du sud de Grèce dans la nuit du 13 au 14 juin. Il transportait environ 750 personnes à son bord, mais seule une centaine de migrants ont survécu.

      Depuis le naufrage, les interrogations sont tournées autour de la lenteur de l’intervention des gardes-côtes grecs et sur les causes du chavirement de l’embarcation.

      Par cette enquête sur le rôle de Frontex, Mme O’Reilly veut en particulier se pencher sur le partage d’informations entre l’agence européenne et les autorités nationales en matière d’opérations de recherche et de sauvetage.

      Elle la coordonnera aux côtés du médiateur grec, Andreas Pottakis, qui a « la compétence d’examiner » la façon dont les autorités grecques se sont occupées du bateau Adriana.

      Mi-juillet, les eurodéputés ont réclamé l’élaboration d’une « stratégie de recherche et de sauvetage fiable et permanente » des migrants en Méditerranée. Dans une résolution transpartisane, dépourvue de caractère contraignant, ils ont appelé Bruxelles à apporter aux Etats membres de l’UE un « soutien matériel, financier et opérationnel » pour renforcer leurs capacités de sauvetage en mer.

      Les élus du Parlement européen citaient les chiffres de l’Organisation internationale pour les migrations (OIM), selon laquelle plus de 27 600 personnes ont disparu en Méditerranée depuis 2014.

      https://www.lemonde.fr/international/article/2023/07/26/naufrage-d-un-bateau-de-migrants-au-large-de-la-grece-la-mediatrice-europeen

    • Smuggler, Warlord, EU ally

      The lead smugglers behind the Pylos shipwreck are closely linked to General Khalifa Haftar, the Libyan warlord who EU leaders are partnering with to curb migration

      On the night of 13 June, a vessel carrying around 750 men, women and children mainly from Pakistan, Egypt and Syria capsized in Greek waters. Only 104 men survived. All women and children died.

      In an earlier investigation we revealed Greek coastguard efforts to cover up their role in the fatal shipwreck. The country’s naval court has since launched a preliminary investigation into the coastguard’s response to the sinking, with no arrests or suspensions of officers so far.

      The only arrests made were those of nine Egyptians, accused in a separate inquiry of being part of the smuggling network behind the deadly voyage. They were charged with six counts including illegal trafficking of foreigners, organisation crime and manslaughter by negligence.

      Using the contacts and documents already available to us, we pursued a follow-up investigation to establish the truth about any smugglers behind the fatal sea crossing, with the aim of identifying the key players and establishing the extent to which the nine Egyptians in prison in Greece are actually responsible.
      METHODS

      Lighthouse Reports, Der Spiegel, SIRAJ, El País and Reporters United used the previously established relationships with survivors and their families, as well as a network of sources in Libya, to investigate the smuggling network behind the Pylos wreck.

      We also looked into the ongoing court case against nine alleged smugglers, analysing confidential court documents and speaking to five of the families of those arrested.
      STORYLINES

      While investigating the circumstances that led to the shipwreck and Greece’s responsibility in it, we spoke to 17 survivors.

      Many named the key smugglers involved in organising the trip during our interviews with them – none of them were people on board the ship.

      Some were Eastern Libyan nationals with ties to the region’s powerful ruler, Khalifa Haftar.

      One name stood out: Muhammad Saad Al-Kahshi Al-Mnfi. Three sources identified him as a key player in the smuggling operation: a survivor, a lower level smuggler and a Libyan insider all gave his name.

      Al-Kahshi works for a special forces navy unit called the “frogmen”, run by a family member of his, Bahar Al-Tawati Al-Mnfi. Al-Tawati Al-Mnfi works under the direct orders of Khalifa Haftar.

      One survivor explained that Al-Kahshi Al-Mnfi used his position to issue the licence that allowed the boat (which came from Egypt) to navigate in Libyan waters and made sure the Libyan coast guards were paid to shut off the marine radar devices that detect ship movements to allow the departure.

      We found that the network goes far beyond Al-Kahshi Al-Mnfi.

      Survivors, insiders and analysts explained that the trip was organised with wide ranging support from powerful people reporting to Haftar.

      Libya expert Jalel Harchaoui said the “migrant business” had been flourishing in Eastern Libya in the last 18 months. “Haftar cannot say that he’s not aware,” he added. “He can’t say that he’s not involved.”

      “All trips are overseen by his son, Saddam Haftar” said one survivor. “Saddam leads the cooperation himself or assigns one of the frogmen battalions [this may have been the case for the Pylos trip] or the 2020 battalion, depending on who has more migrants to pay the fees.”

      Five survivors who flew from Syria to Libya describe how immigration officials facilitated their arrival at Benghazi’s military airport. One said: “At the airport, a person took my passport, went to immigration office, put a stamp and took us outside”.

      There was a curfew in Eastern Libya on the night of departure (حظر التجول ليلاً في طبرق الليبية), yet the survivors we interviewed said that it was at night that they, along with hundreds of passengers, were taken to a small bay near Wadi Arzouka, east of Tobruk, and boarded onto the vessel.

      Militias supported by Khalifa Haftar are not only involved in smuggling, they are also active in illegal “pullbacks” of migrants in EU waters.

      At least two pullbacks (in May and July this year) were carried out by a militia (Tariq Bin Ziyad) controlled by Haftar’s son, including one in Maltese waters.

      At least four of the people who died in the Pylos shipwreck were on the boat that was pulled back by the Tariq Bin Ziyad militia on 25 May, according to family members.

      These findings raise serious questions about EU member states’ migration prevention policies.

      It is known by EU authorities that Eastern Libyan militias answering to Haftar carry out both pullback and smuggling operations. The IOM and the UNHCR briefed EU officials on an increase in departures from eastern Libya , describing them as a “lucrative source of income for the eastern Libyan rulers involved”.

      In spite of this, Italy and Malta are making deals with Haftar to prevent migration.

      In May, Haftar met with Italian PM Meloni to discuss migration related issues and in June Italy’s interior minister said they would ask Haftar to collaborate in stopping departures.

      The same month, for the first time, a Maltese delegation met Haftar in Benghazi to discuss security challenges in the region, with particular emphasis on irregular migration.

      Internal EU documents show the commission is looking for ways to curb arrivals from Benghazi’s airport with the collaboration of local operators.

      Harchaoui described Italian efforts to encourage Khalifa Haftar to stop departures as “bribery” and pointed to “a very clear admission of how Italy intends to work and what it promised to Haftar: if you reduce the human smuggling volumes, we will inject capital”.

      Meanwhile, there’s growing evidence that nine Egyptians imprisoned for trafficking in Greece are being scapegoated.

      We spoke to the families of five of the nine Egyptians under arrest – all of them say that they were passengers, not smugglers.

      Three of them provided evidence that their relatives paid for their trip, indicating that it’s highly unlikely that they were involved in organising the smuggling operation.

      We were able to verify the identity of a smuggler who asked one of the accused men for money ahead of the trip.

      We previously found that witness testimony provided to the coast guard had been tampered with, including survivors’ answers to questions about smugglers.

      In the documents, two answers to questions about smugglers contain identical sentences.

      Those who were interrogated by the coast guard mentioned being pressured to place the blame on the nine Egyptians later indicted.

      https://www.lighthousereports.com/investigation/smuggler-warlord-eu-ally

    • Naufrage au large de la Grèce : deux ONG pointent les défaillances des autorités grecques

      Dans un rapport publié le 3 août, Amnesty International et Human Rights Watch reviennent sur les circonstances troubles du drame survenu aux portes de l’Europe dans la nuit du 13 au 14 juin, qui a coûté la vie à au moins six cents personnes. Les associations réclament une enquête « efficace, indépendante et impartiale ».

      C’est un naufrage qui a d’abord marqué les esprits de par son ampleur : pas moins de 750 personnes se trouvaient à bord d’un bateau de pêche en bois, L’Adriana, au moment où il a chaviré, dans la nuit du 13 au 14 juin, au large de Pýlos en Grèce. Partie de Tobrouk en Libye pour rejoindre l’Italie, l’embarcation surchargée transportait des ressortissants syriens, égyptiens, palestiniens ou pakistanais, dont de nombreuses femmes et enfants placés dans la cale pour être « à l’abri » des éventuelles intempéries ou du soleil.

      Mais on retient aussi les circonstances troubles dans lequel il s’est produit. Très vite après le naufrage, des premières voix parmi la centaine de rescapés se sont élevées pour pointer le rôle potentiel des gardes-côtes grecs dans ce drame.

      Mediapart a documenté, dès le 17 juin, cette version différente de celle avancée par les autorités du pays. Une enquête de la BBC est venue l’appuyer, puis le New York Times a suivi : des témoignages de survivant·es attestent que les gardes-côtes ont non seulement tardé à organiser un sauvetage, mais ont aussi tenté de tirer le bateau à l’aide d’une corde, pouvant ainsi avoir contribué à le faire chavirer.

      Après un déplacement de neuf jours en Grèce et une vingtaine d’entretiens réalisés avec des exilé·es sur place, Amnesty International et Human Rights Watch ont relevé également les « disparités extrêmement préoccupantes » entre les récits des survivant·es du Pýlos et la version des événements livrée par les autorités.

      Les survivant·es interrogé·es par les deux ONG « ont systématiquement déclaré que le navire des gardes-côtes grecs envoyé sur les lieux avait attaché une corde à L’Adriana et l’avait remorqué, le faisant tanguer, puis chavirer », peut-on lire dans le rapport d’enquête publié conjointement ce jeudi 3 août.

      Aux ONG, les responsables des gardes-côtes ont de leur côté affirmé que leurs équipes s’étaient approchées du bateau, reconnaissant avoir utilisé une corde, mais qu’après de « premières négociations », les passagers avaient repoussé la corde pour poursuivre leur trajet.
      Le rôle des gardes-côtes grecs et de Frontex interrogé

      Une version contredite par le témoignage des survivant·es interrogé·es : « Peu importe leur position sur le bateau, les survivants disent tous avoir ressenti le mouvement du bateau une fois tracté, qui avançait alors très vite alors que le moteur ne fonctionnait plus, précise Alice Autin, chercheuse pour la division Europe et Asie centrale à Human Rights Watch. Tous sont d’accord pour dire que c’est cela qui a fait vaciller le bateau, avant de le faire chavirer. »

      Frontex a par ailleurs déclaré avoir repéré l’embarcation dès la veille du naufrage, ce qui a poussé certains acteurs à s’interroger sur le rôle de l’agence européenne de surveillance des frontières. Pourquoi n’est-elle pas intervenue pour venir en aide aux passagers ? A-t-elle bien alerté les autorités grecques pour qu’une opération de recherche et de sauvetage soit menée en urgence ?

      Dans un communiqué, Frontex a précisé que l’un de ses avions de surveillance « avait immédiatement informé les autorités compétentes », sans toutefois intervenir, au prétexte que les exilé·es avaient refusé « toute aide ». Le lendemain du drame, le patron de l’agence Hans Leijtens était en déplacement en Grèce pour « mieux comprendre ce qu’il s’était passé », et voir comment ses équipes pouvaient aider les autorités grecques, précisant que le fait de « sauver des vies était leur priorité ».

      Une version qui ne semble pas avoir convaincu la médiatrice européenne, qui a décidé, le 24 juillet dernier, d’ouvrir une enquête de sa propre initiative pour interroger le rôle de Frontex dans les opérations de recherche et de sauvetage à la suite du naufrage survenu en Grèce.

      « Il est clair que Frontex a joué un rôle important dans la mission de recherche et de sauvetage du point de vue de la coordination. À ce titre, je pense qu’il est possible de clarifier davantage son rôle dans de telles opérations », a déclaré dans une lettre ouverte Emily O’Reilly, qui occupe le poste de Médiateur européen.

      « Il a été signalé que Frontex avait bien alerté les autorités grecques de la présence du navire et proposé son assistance ; mais ce qui n’est pas clair, c’est ce qu’elle aurait pu ou aurait dû faire d’autre », a-t-elle souligné. Frontex s’est dite prête à coopérer « en toute transparence ».

      « Cela posera des questions importantes sur le rôle, les pratiques et les protocoles de l’agence dans le contexte des opérations [en mer] et sur les mesures qu’elle a prises pour se conformer à ses obligations en matière de droits fondamentaux et aux lois de l’UE », estiment Amnesty International et Human Rights Watch.
      Des appels à l’aide ignorés

      Les deux ONG s’interrogent aussi sur l’aide que les gardes-côtes grecs auraient pu apporter aux migrant·es dans les heures ayant précédé le naufrage. De hauts responsables des gardes-côtes leur auraient affirmé que « les personnes à bord du bateau limitaient leur demande d’aide à de l’eau et de la nourriture » et avaient exprimé leur volonté de poursuivre leur route vers l’Italie.

      Mais les survivant·es interrogé·es par Amnesty International et Human Rights Watch ont « déclaré que les passagers avaient demandé à être secourus » et qu’ils avaient entendu d’autres personnes à bord de l’embarcation appeler à l’aide lors d’un échange avec un téléphone satellite, plusieurs heures avant le naufrage. Certains auraient enlevé leur T-shirt pour le secouer en l’air et appeler à l’aide, d’autres auraient hurlé à l’attention des deux navires marchands croisés avant le drame.

      « Des récits concordent pour dire que des personnes ont perdu la vie à bord du bateau avant le naufrage et que l’un des corps a été placé sur le pont supérieur au-dessus de la cabine pour signifier l’urgence de la situation », poursuit Alice Autin d’Human rights watch. Et d’ajouter : « Les gardes-côtes grecs avaient la responsabilité de venir en aide aux passagers du bateau et il apparaît au vu des résultats de notre enquête qu’il y a des doutes sur la manière dont cela s’est déroulé. »

      Plusieurs survivants ont enfin déclaré que les autorités leur auraient confisqué leur téléphone après le naufrage, poursuivent les ONG. Or, certaines personnes auraient « tout filmé ». Ces téléphones pourraient, s’ils réapparaissaient, servir dans le cadre de l’enquête ouverte par la justice grecque.

      « Il est essentiel d’analyser ce qu’ils contiennent pour faire toute la lumière sur le déroulement des faits », conclut Alice Autin. Amnesty International et Human Rights Watch réclament une enquête « efficace, indépendante et impartiale ».

      https://www.mediapart.fr/journal/international/030823/naufrage-au-large-de-la-grece-deux-ong-pointent-les-defaillances-des-autor

    • Greece: Disparities in accounts of Pylos shipwreck underscore the need for human rights compliant inquiry

      Starkly divergent accounts from survivors and Greek authorities around the circumstances of the deadly Pylos shipwreck, underscore the urgent need for an effective, independent, and impartial investigation, Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch said today. 

      The disparities between survivors’ accounts of the Pylos shipwreck and the authorities’ version of the events are extremely concerning

      The fishing vessel, Adriana, was carrying an estimated 750 people when it sank on 14 June off the coast of Pylos. In the aftermath, accounts from several of the 104 survivors suggest that the vessel was towed by a Greek coast guard boat, causing the fatal wreck.  The Greek authorities have strongly denied these claims.

      “The disparities between survivors’ accounts of the Pylos shipwreck and the authorities’ version of the events are extremely concerning” said Judith Sunderland, Associate Europe and Central Asia Director at Human Rights Watch.

      “The Greek authorities, with support and scrutiny from the international community, should ensure that there is a transparent investigation to provide truth and justice for survivors and families of the victims, and hold those responsible to account.”  

      A delegation from Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch visited Greece between 4 and 13 July 2023 as part of ongoing research into the circumstances of the shipwreck and steps toward accountability. They interviewed 19 survivors of the shipwreck, 4 relatives of the missing, and nongovernmental organizations, UN and international agencies and organizations, and representatives of the Hellenic Coast Guard and the Greek Police.

      The organizations’ initial observations confirm the concerns reported by several other reputable sources as to the dynamics of the shipwreck. Survivors interviewed by Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch consistently stated that the Hellenic Coast Guard vessel dispatched to the scene attached a rope to the Adriana and started towing, causing it to sway and then capsize. The survivors also consistently said that passengers asked to be rescued, and that they witnessed others on the boat plead for a rescue by satellite phone in the hours before their boat capsized.  

      In a meeting with Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch, senior officials of the Hellenic Coast Guard said individuals on the boat limited their request for assistance to food and water and expressed their intention to proceed to Italy. They said the crew of the Coast Guard vessel came close to the Adriana and used a rope to approach the boat to assess whether passengers wanted help, but that after the first “negotiations”, passengers threw the rope back and the boat continued its journey.

      This preventable tragedy demonstrates the bankruptcy of EU migration policies predicated on the racialized exclusion of people on the move and deadly deterrence

      Greek authorities have opened two criminal investigations, one targeted at the alleged smugglers, and another into the actions of the coast guard. It is vital for these investigations to comply with international human rights standards of impartiality, independence, and effectiveness. 

      To enhance the credibility of judicial investigations both in practice and perception, they should be under the supervision of the Supreme Court Prosecutor’s Office. Further, Greek authorities should ensure that the Greek Ombudsman’s office is promptly provided with information and resources necessary to carry out its functions as the National Mechanism for Investigating Incidents of Arbitrariness, in relation to any disciplinary investigation.   

      Several survivors said that the authorities confiscated their phones following the shipwreck but did not give them any related documentation or tell them how to retrieve their property. Nabil, a survivor of Syrian origin, told the organisations, “It’s not only the evidence of the wreck that has been taken from me, it is my memories of my friends who were lost, my life has been taken from me”. 

      The Greek authorities’ longstanding failure to ensure accountability for violent and unlawful pushbacks at the country’s borders raises concerns over their ability and willingness to carry out effective and independent investigations.

      Lessons should be learned from the European Court of Human Rights 2022 decision about the 2014 “Farmakonisi” shipwreck, in which survivors argued that their boat had capsized because the Hellenic Coast Guard used dangerous maneuvers to tow them towards Turkish waters. The Court condemned Greece for the authorities’ failures in handling rescue operations and for shortcomings in the subsequent investigation of the incident, including how victims’ testimony was handled.  

      In view of the seriousness and international significance of the Pylos tragedy, Greek authorities should seek out and welcome international and/or European assistance and cooperation in the conduct of national investigations as an additional guarantee of independence, effectiveness and transparency.  

      A full and credible investigation into the shipwreck should seek to clarify any responsibility for both the sinking of the ship and delays or shortcomings in the rescue efforts that may have contributed to the appalling loss of life. The investigation should involve taking the testimonies of all survivors, under conditions that guarantee their trust and safety.

      All forensic evidence, such as traces of communications, videos, and photographs, should be collected, assessed and safeguarded to facilitate accountability processes. Any property, such as cell phones, taken from survivors for investigative purposes should be appropriately logged and returned within a reasonable amount of time.  

      All of those involved in or with knowledge of the incident, including the Hellenic Coast Guard, the European Border and Coast Guard Agency (Frontex), the captains and crews of the two merchant vessels, and others who took part in the rescue operation after the shipwreck should be invited or required to testify, as appropriate, and should cooperate fully and promptly with the investigations.

      To ensure this is the last, and not the latest, in an unconscionably long list of tragedies in the Mediterranean, the EU should reorient its border policies towards rescue at sea and safe and legal routes

      In parallel to the national investigation, the EU Ombudsman has announced that it will open an inquiry into the role of Frontex in search and rescue (SAR) activities in the Mediterranean, including in the Adriana shipwreck. This will pose important questions about the agency’s role, practices and protocols in the context of SAR operations and on what actions it has taken to comply with its fundamental rights obligations and EU laws during this and other shipwrecks.

      Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch are continuing to investigate the Pylos shipwreck and demand justice for all those harmed.

      “This preventable tragedy demonstrates the bankruptcy of EU migration policies predicated on the racialized exclusion of people on the move and deadly deterrence,” said Esther Major, Amnesty International’s Senior Research Adviser for Europe.

      “To ensure this is the last, and not the latest, in an unconscionably long list of tragedies in the Mediterranean, the EU should reorient its border policies towards rescue at sea and safe and legal routes for asylum seekers, refugees and migrants.”  

      Background 

      As part of their ongoing investigation, the organizations have sent letters requesting information to several key entities, including the Ministry of Maritime Affairs and Insular Policy, the Prosecutors of the Supreme Court and of the Piraeus Naval Court and Frontex.

      On 13 June 2023, Frontex said its surveillance plane spotted the Adriana at 09:47 UTC (12:47 EEST/in Athens) and alerted authorities in Greece and Italy. In the following hours, two merchant vessels and later a Hellenic Coast Guard vessel interacted with the Adriana. After the boat capsized at around 2 a.m. EEST on 14 June, only 104 survivors, including several children, were rescued.

      The Prosecutor of Kalamata ordered the arrest of nine Egyptian nationals who survived the shipwreck on charges of smuggling, membership in an organized criminal network, manslaughter, and other serious crimes.

      Following an order by the Head of the Prosecutor’s Office of the Piraeus Naval Court, a prosecutor is currently conducting a preliminary investigation into the conditions of the shipwreck and the potential punishable offences by members of the Hellenic Coast Guard. The organizations have sought information with the Greek Minister of Maritime Affairs and Insular Policy about any disciplinary investigation opened into the actions of members of the Hellenic Coast Guard.

      https://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/news/2023/08/greece-disparities-in-accounts-of-pylos-shipwreck-underscore-the-need-for-h

  • Personnes mortes ou disparues aux frontières Guide de l’association #Caminando_Fronteras pour les familles des victimes aux frontières (Espagne)

    Ce guide vise à soutenir les familles et à faciliter les opérations de recherche des victimes des frontières. Il fournit des conseils, des avertissements et des stratégies pour surmonter les difficultés que les familles rencontrent tout au long du processus.

    Ce guide, élaboré par l’association espagnole Caminando Fronteras qui travaille depuis des années sur la question des personnes mortes ou disparues aux frontières, vise à soutenir les familles et à faciliter les opérations de recherche des victimes des frontières. Il fournit des conseils, des avertissements et des stratégies pour surmonter les difficultés que les familles rencontrent tout au long du processus.

    Le document est disponible en français, espagnol et anglais.

    L’association a également réalisé, en français et en arabe, une courte vidéo afin de diffuser les principaux conseils aux familles souhaitant entamer des recherches suite à la disparition de leur proche.

    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=boDe-1-mjDc&embeds_referring_euri=https%3A%2F%2Fwww.lacimade.org%2F

    Pour plus d’information visitez le site internet de Caminando où se trouve le guide et d’autres informations : https://caminandofronteras.org/fr/guide-recherche-personnes-disparues-frontiere

    https://www.lacimade.org/publication/personnes-mortes-ou-disparues-aux-frontieres-guide-de-lassociation-caminan

    #manuel #guide #guidelines #morts_aux_frontières #mourir_aux_frontières #frontières #migrations #asile #réfugiés #La_Cimade

    • Guide Morts et #disparitions dans l’Archipel des #Comores

      La Cimade et ses partenaires publient un guide d’information pour accompagner les personnes à la recherche d’un proche mort ou disparu en mer dans l’archipel des Comores.

      En Méditerranée, les naufrages et les noyades des personnes en exil sont régulièrement médiatisés mais ces drames surviennent également dans d’autres régions migratoires, notamment dans le Sahara (Niger) et dans l’Océan Indien.

      L’archipel des Comores a ainsi longtemps été considéré comme le plus grand « cimetière marin » avant que les drames se succèdent en Méditerranée, avec une estimation du Sénat français (2012) de 7 à 10 000 personnes mortes ou disparues depuis 1995. Si depuis 2015, les incidents de kwassa-kwassa semblent avoir été moins nombreux que par le passé, 2020 montre une recrudescence inquiétante du nombre de décès et de disparition en mer. Le dernier naufrage en date du 24 septembre a fait dix mort·e·s dont un enfant de 7 ans. Cet énième drame s’ajoute aux autres, survenus dans une indifférence intolérable.

      Dans l’archipel des Comores, comme dans d’autres régions du monde, de nombreuses personnes migrantes qui décèdent sur leur parcours migratoire demeurent « non-identifiées ». Derrière chaque personne disparue, il y a une mère, un père, un·e conjoint·e, des enfants, des cousins, des amis, qui trop souvent restent dans l’incertitude et l’impossibilité de faire leur deuil dignement.

      https://www.lacimade.org/publication/guide-morts-et-disparitions-dans-larchipel-des-comores
      #disparus

    • The #Mytilini_Declaration for the Dignified Treatment of all Missing and Deceased Persons and their Families as a Consequence of Migrant Journeys

      On the 11 May 2018, following two days of discussions between experts from across the world, the Mytilini Declaration was agreed. We believe this is a landmark in establishing the rights of and duties toward all those who experience suffering because of the death or disappearance of their loved ones as a result of migrant journeys and we now call upon all countries and international bodies to ensure that these rights are respected and that the standards contained in the Declaration are implemented as a matter of urgency.

      http://lastrights.net/LR_resources/html/LR_mytilini.html

    • Web guide d’information pour les familles de personnes mortes ou disparues en #Méditerranée_centrale

      Plus de 18 000 personnes migrantes ont perdu la vie ou ont été portées disparues en Méditerranée entre 2010 et 2018 selon le Haut-commissariat des Nations unies pour les réfugiés. La plupart d’entre elles restent « non identifiées » et leur famille demeure dans l’attente, l’angoisse et l’espoir.

      Ce web guide vise à donner des conseils aux familles à la recherche d’un proche disparu en Méditerranée, ainsi qu’aux personnes ou associations qui les accompagnent. Il a été conçu comme un guide sur les démarches réalisables en l’absence actuelle de procédures claires, systématiques et pertinentes. Ce format intuitif et ergonomique vise à permettre aux familles et aux associations qui leur viennent en aide d’accéder plus facilement aux informations utiles à la recherche des personnes disparues en mer depuis différents pays. Il ne prétend pas pouvoir résoudre les situations. Malheureusement, à l’heure actuelle, encore trop d’actions entreprises par les familles n’aboutissent pas.

      Les démarches décrites concernent la Méditerranée centrale et l’Italie, mais certaines peuvent être réalisées quel que soit le lieu de la disparition sur le parcours migratoire.

      https://boats4people.org/morts-et-disparus-en-mer-guide-dinformation-pour-les-familles-et-leurs-soutiens/web-guide-dinformation-pour-les-familles-de-personnes-mortes-ou-dispar

      https://boats4people.org/guide/fr/#Accueil

      #Méditerranée

    • Personnes décédées et disparues aux frontières : des outils et des mobilisations !

      Depuis plus plusieurs années, des familles et leurs soutiens appellent à une journée de mobilisation « Commémor’action » le 6 février. A cette occasion, ainsi qu’à celle de la sortie en anglais de son outil « Foire aux questions (FAQ) sur les procédures françaises en cas de décès d’une personne exilée, La Cimade revient sur quelques exemples d’initiatives, d’outils et de mobilisations des familles et de la société civile pour soutenir les proches des victimes, demander justice et commémorer celles et ceux qui ont perdu la vie en migration

      https://www.lacimade.org/personnes-decedees-et-disparues-aux-frontieres-des-mobilisations-commemora

    • La #FAQ procédure : mieux comprendre la procédure française en cas de décès d’une personne exilée pour faciliter l’accompagnement des proches et les familles

      La Cimade publie une Foire aux questions (FAQ) sur la procédure française en cas de décès d’une personne exilée. Cette FAQ est destinée aux personnes et organisations accompagnant des familles ou des proches de personnes exilées décédées sur le territoire français.

      Depuis 20 ans, les politiques des États se durcissent en matière de mobilité : difficultés à accéder à un visa pour une partie de la population mondiale, contrôles renforcés aux frontières à travers le développement de l’agence européenne Frontex, des outils de surveillance aux frontières, ou encore la coopération entre les États de chaque côté des frontières pour tenter d’empêcher les personnes de circuler. Ces différents moyens de mise à l’écart poussent les personnes qui souhaitent partir sur des routes de plus en plus longues et dangereuses, n’ayant, par ailleurs, d’autres choix que de s’en remettre à différents passeurs le long de leur parcours afin de tenter de franchir ces frontières de plus en plus complexes.

      C’est notamment dans ces tentatives de franchissement que des personnes perdent la vie. En Méditerranée, les naufrages et les noyades des personnes en exil sont régulièrement médiatisés. Ces drames surviennent également dans d’autres régions, notamment dans le Sahara (Niger), à la frontière orientale de l’Union européenne (UE) ou encore aux frontières françaises.

      https://www.lacimade.org/publication/la-faq-procedure-mieux-comprendre-la-procedure-francaise-en-cas-de-deces-d
      #France

  • Est-ce que vous n’avez pas stupéfaits de constater à quelle vitesse le « drame » des quelques centaines de migrants noyés a disparu de l’« actualité » ? Alors même que commençaient à sortir des articles mettant en cause des gardes-côtes accusés d’avoir eux-même provoqué le naufrage durant une opération de push back (c’est vrai, c’est pas vrai ? Juste on n’en cause plus.)

    On n’a même pas de Une claire pour savoir de combien de morts on parle (70 ? 700 ?…). Ça a gueulé à la faute des « passeurs », et dès que la rôle de Frontex et des garde-côtes a commencé à être évoqué (et alors que sortaient sur les interwebz plusieurs vidéos d’autres épisodes de push back parfaitement criminel), hop hop on est passés au fait divers du Titanic.

    Je suis généralement assez blasé face à la nullité de nos médias, mais là je trouve stupéfiant que ce qui devrait être un énorme scandale, au niveau européen, a déjà totalement disparu des écrans.

  • Le navire-ambulance « Ocean-Viking » sauve 86 personnes, dont une majorité de mineurs, en Méditerranée
    https://www.lemonde.fr/international/article/2023/06/28/le-navire-ambulance-ocean-viking-sauve-86-migrants-en-mediterranee_6179529_3

    Le navire-ambulance « Ocean-Viking » sauve 86 personnes, dont une majorité de mineurs, en Méditerranée
    Les autorités italiennes ont désigné Bari comme port sûr pour le débarquement des personnes sauvées au large de la Libye, ce qui représente trois jours de navigation, a regretté l’ONG.
    Le Monde avec AFP
    Publié aujourd’hui à 08h39, modifié à 09h47
    L’Ocean-Viking, navire-ambulance affrété par SOS Méditerranée, a secouru mardi 27 juin 86 personnes en détresse au large de la Libye. Sur une embarcation de fortune, elles tentaient de rejoindre l’Europe, a annoncé dans un communiqué l’ONG humanitaire basée à Marseille. « Les rescapés, pour la plupart originaires de Gambie et du Sénégal, souffrent de déshydratation, d’épuisement et de brûlures de carburant », a tweeté SOS Méditerranée dans la soirée. Ils seraient en grande majorité mineurs et ont tenté cette traversée périlleuse sans être accompagnés par leurs proches.
    Les rescapés ont été pris en charge par les équipes de SOS Méditerranée et de la Fédération internationale de la Croix-Rouge à bord de l’Ocean-Viking. Les autorités italiennes ont désigné Bari comme port sûr pour le débarquement des rescapés, ce qui représente trois jours de navigation, a regretté l’ONG.
    Début janvier, plusieurs ONG internationales engagées dans des opérations de secours aux migrants en Méditerranée avaient dénoncé la volonté du gouvernement italien d’extrême droite « d’entraver l’assistance aux personnes en détresse ». Elles pointaient les effets croisés d’un décret obligeant les navires à se rendre « sans délai » vers un port italien après chaque sauvetage, et l’assignation habituelle de ports très éloignés, réduisant les capacités d’assistance.
    La Méditerranée centrale est la route migratoire la plus dangereuse du monde, selon l’Organisation internationale pour les migrations (OIM). L’agence onusienne estime que depuis début 2023, 1 724 migrants y ont disparu contre 1 417 sur toute l’année 2022. En juin, un naufrage, présenté comme l’un des plus graves impliquant des migrants en Méditerranée, a fait au moins 82 morts, mais en Méditerranée orientale. L’OIM et le Haut-Commissariat de l’ONU pour les réfugiés (UNHCR) estiment qu’entre 400 et 750 passagers se trouvaient sur le chalutier, dont des femmes et des enfants.

    #COvid-19#migrant#migration#italie#mediterranee#routemigratoire#OIM#UNHCR#libye#humanitaire#postcovid

  • Le navire-ambulance « Ocean-Viking » sauve 86 personnes, dont une majorité de mineurs, en Méditerranée
    https://www.lemonde.fr/international/article/2023/06/28/le-navire-ambulance-ocean-viking-sauve-86-migrants-en-mediterranee_6179529_3

    Le navire-ambulance « Ocean-Viking » sauve 86 personnes, dont une majorité de mineurs, en Méditerranée
    Les autorités italiennes ont désigné Bari comme port sûr pour le débarquement des personnes sauvées au large de la Libye, ce qui représente trois jours de navigation, a regretté l’ONG.
    Le Monde avec AFP
    Publié aujourd’hui à 08h39, modifié à 09h47
    L’Ocean-Viking, navire-ambulance affrété par SOS Méditerranée, a secouru mardi 27 juin 86 personnes en détresse au large de la Libye. Sur une embarcation de fortune, elles tentaient de rejoindre l’Europe, a annoncé dans un communiqué l’ONG humanitaire basée à Marseille. « Les rescapés, pour la plupart originaires de Gambie et du Sénégal, souffrent de déshydratation, d’épuisement et de brûlures de carburant », a tweeté SOS Méditerranée dans la soirée. Ils seraient en grande majorité mineurs et ont tenté cette traversée périlleuse sans être accompagnés par leurs proches.
    Les rescapés ont été pris en charge par les équipes de SOS Méditerranée et de la Fédération internationale de la Croix-Rouge à bord de l’Ocean-Viking. Les autorités italiennes ont désigné Bari comme port sûr pour le débarquement des rescapés, ce qui représente trois jours de navigation, a regretté l’ONG.
    Début janvier, plusieurs ONG internationales engagées dans des opérations de secours aux migrants en Méditerranée avaient dénoncé la volonté du gouvernement italien d’extrême droite « d’entraver l’assistance aux personnes en détresse ». Elles pointaient les effets croisés d’un décret obligeant les navires à se rendre « sans délai » vers un port italien après chaque sauvetage, et l’assignation habituelle de ports très éloignés, réduisant les capacités d’assistance.
    La Méditerranée centrale est la route migratoire la plus dangereuse du monde, selon l’Organisation internationale pour les migrations (OIM). L’agence onusienne estime que depuis début 2023, 1 724 migrants y ont disparu contre 1 417 sur toute l’année 2022. En juin, un naufrage, présenté comme l’un des plus graves impliquant des migrants en Méditerranée, a fait au moins 82 morts, mais en Méditerranée orientale. L’OIM et le Haut-Commissariat de l’ONU pour les réfugiés (UNHCR) estiment qu’entre 400 et 750 passagers se trouvaient sur le chalutier, dont des femmes et des enfants.

    #COvid-19#migrant#migration#italie#mediterranee#routemigratoire#OIM#UNHCR#libye#humanitaire#postcovid

  • 𝗔𝗽𝗿𝗲̀𝘀 𝗹𝗲 𝗻𝗮𝘂𝗳𝗿𝗮𝗴𝗲, 𝗱𝗲𝘀 𝘀𝘂𝗿𝘃𝗶𝘃𝗮𝗻𝘁𝘀 𝗱𝗲́𝗻𝗼𝗻𝗰𝗲𝗻𝘁 𝗹𝗲𝘀 𝗴𝗮𝗿𝗱𝗲𝘀-𝗰𝗼̂𝘁𝗲𝘀 𝗴𝗿𝗲𝗰𝘀 𝗲𝘁 𝗙𝗿𝗼𝗻𝘁𝗲𝘅

    𝐿𝑎 𝑣𝑒𝑟𝑠𝑖𝑜𝑛 𝑜𝑓𝑓𝑖𝑐𝑖𝑒𝑙𝑙𝑒 𝑔𝑟𝑒𝑐𝑞𝑢𝑒 𝑠𝑢𝑟 𝑙’𝑢𝑛 𝑑𝑒𝑠 𝑝𝑖𝑟𝑒𝑠 𝑛𝑎𝑢𝑓𝑟𝑎𝑔𝑒𝑠 𝑒𝑛 𝑀𝑒́𝑑𝑖𝑡𝑒𝑟𝑟𝑎𝑛𝑒́𝑒 𝑒𝑠𝑡 𝑚𝑖𝑠𝑒 𝑎̀ 𝑚𝑎𝑙 𝑝𝑎𝑟 𝑙𝑒𝑠 𝑡𝑒́𝑚𝑜𝑖𝑔𝑛𝑎𝑔𝑒𝑠 𝑑𝑒 𝑠𝑢𝑟𝑣𝑖𝑣𝑎𝑛𝑡𝑠. 𝐿𝑒 𝑟𝑜̂𝑙𝑒 𝑑𝑒 𝐹𝑟𝑜𝑛𝑡𝑒𝑥, 𝑙’𝑎𝑔𝑒𝑛𝑐𝑒 𝑒𝑢𝑟𝑜𝑝𝑒́𝑒𝑛𝑛𝑒 𝑐ℎ𝑎𝑟𝑔𝑒́𝑒 𝑑𝑒𝑠 𝑓𝑟𝑜𝑛𝑡𝑖𝑒̀𝑟𝑒𝑠 𝑒𝑥𝑡𝑒́𝑟𝑖𝑒𝑢𝑟𝑒𝑠, 𝑒𝑠𝑡 𝑒́𝑔𝑎𝑙𝑒𝑚𝑒𝑛𝑡 𝑝𝑜𝑖𝑛𝑡𝑒́ 𝑑𝑢 𝑑𝑜𝑖𝑔𝑡. 𝑈𝑛𝑒 𝑒𝑛𝑞𝑢𝑒̂𝑡𝑒 𝑎 𝑒́𝑡𝑒́ 𝑜𝑢𝑣𝑒𝑟𝑡𝑒.

    Pavlos Kapantais
    17 juin 2023

    Kalamata (Grèce).– Plus de quatre jours après le naufrage d’un bateau de pêche en provenance de Libye, où s’étaient embarquées jusqu’à 750 personnes – notamment des ressortissantes et ressortissants égyptiens, syriens et pakistanais –, l’espoir est mince de retrouver des survivant·es au large des côtes sud de la Grèce.

    Les questions sont nombreuses en particulier sur l’action des gardes-côtes grecs, accusés par certains témoignages d’avoir provoqué l’accident. La Cour suprême grecque a ordonné une enquête sur les circonstances du drame, l’un des pires naufrages en Méditerranée avec des centaines de morts. Pour l’heure, 104 personnes ont été rescapées et 78 corps récupérés.

    Jeudi après-midi, Kriton Arsenis, ancien eurodéputé, a rencontré des survivants dans le port de Kalamata, sur la péninsule du Péloponnèse, en tant que membre de la délégation de Mera25, le parti de Yánis Varoufákis. « Les réfugiés nous ont dit que l’embarcation a chaviré pendant qu’elle était tirée par le bateau des gardes-côtes », a-t-il raconté.

    « Les survivants nous disent que le bateau a basculé alors qu’il faisait l’objet d’une manœuvre où il était tiré par les gardes-côtes helléniques, a déclaré de son côté Vincent Cochetel, envoyé spécial du Haut Commissariat aux réfugiés pour la Méditerranée occidentale et centrale. Ils nous disent qu’il était tiré non pas vers les côtes grecques, mais en dehors de la zone de secours en mer grecque. »

    Ces témoignages vont à l’encontre de la version officielle, qui, jusqu’à vendredi, expliquait que les gardes-côtes n’étaient pas intervenus.

    La Grèce est régulièrement accusée de refouler des migrant·es en mer, provoquant la crainte, derrière une aide supposée, d’être en réalité éloigné·es du territoire – une pratique illégale au regard du droit international maritime et de la Convention de Genève, qui doivent permettre à toute personne en situation de détresse d’être secourue et acheminée vers un port dit « sûr » et de pouvoir, si elle le souhaite, déposer une demande d’asile dans le pays qu’elle tentait de rallier.

    En mai dernier, des révélations du New York Times ont mis en lumière cette pratique, grâce à une vidéo d’un « push-back » prise sur le fait. Mediapart avait documenté un cas semblable en 2022, qui avait provoqué la mort de deux demandeurs d’asile.

    𝗟𝗲 𝗽𝗮𝘁𝗿𝗼𝗻 𝗱𝗲 𝗙𝗿𝗼𝗻𝘁𝗲𝘅 𝘀𝘂𝗿 𝗽𝗹𝗮𝗰𝗲

    Le rôle de Frontex, l’agence européenne chargée des frontières extérieures, est également mis en question, car selon les autorités portuaires grecques, un avion de surveillance de Frontex avait repéré le bateau mardi après-midi mais les secours ne sont pas intervenus car les passagers ont « refusé toute aide ». Son patron Hans Leijtens s’est rendu à Kalamata pour établir les faits et « mieux comprendre ce qui s’est passé car Frontex a joué un rôle » dans ce naufrage « horrible ».

    « On ne demande pas aux personnes à bord d’un bateau à la dérive s’ils veulent de l’aide […], il aurait fallu une aide immédiate », a affirmé pour sa part à la télévision grecque ERT Nikos Spanos, expert international des incidents maritimes. D’après Alexis Tsipras, le chef de l’opposition grecque de gauche, qui s’est entretenu avec des rescapés, « il y a eu un appel à l’aide ».

    Le HCR et l’Organisation internationale pour les migrations (OIM), deux agences des Nations unies, se sont félicités des enquêtes « qui ont été ordonnées en Grèce sur les circonstances qui ont conduit au chavirement du bateau et à la perte de tant de vies », tout en rappelant que « le devoir de secourir sans délai les personnes en détresse en mer est une règle fondamentale du droit maritime international ».

    "𝑶𝒖𝒊, 𝒄̧𝒂, 𝒊𝒍𝒔 𝒎𝒆 𝒍’𝒐𝒏𝒕 𝒕𝒐𝒖𝒔 𝒅𝒊𝒕, 𝒍𝒆𝒔 𝒄𝒂𝒍𝒆𝒔 𝒆́𝒕𝒂𝒊𝒆𝒏𝒕 𝒓𝒆𝒎𝒑𝒍𝒊𝒆𝒔 𝒅𝒆 𝒇𝒆𝒎𝒎𝒆𝒔 𝒆𝒕 𝒅’𝒆𝒏𝒇𝒂𝒏𝒕𝒔." - 𝐴𝑟𝑒𝑡𝑖 𝐺𝑙𝑒𝑧𝑜𝑢, 𝑡𝑟𝑎𝑣𝑎𝑖𝑙𝑙𝑒𝑢𝑠𝑒 𝑠𝑜𝑐𝑖𝑎𝑙𝑒 𝑎𝑢 𝑠𝑒𝑖𝑛 𝑑𝑒 𝑙’𝑂𝑁𝐺 𝑔𝑟𝑒𝑐𝑞𝑢𝑒 𝑇ℎ𝑎𝑙𝑝𝑜

    Le HCR et l’OIM ont rappelé vendredi que depuis le début de l’année, au moins 72 778 migrants sont arrivés en Europe (dont 54 205 en Italie), par les routes migratoires en Méditerranée orientale, centrale, et occidentale ou par le nord-ouest de l’Afrique. Dans le même temps, au moins 1 037 migrants sont morts ou portés disparus.

    Neuf Égyptiens ont été arrêtés dans le port de Kalamata. Ils sont âgés de 20 à 40 ans et soupçonnés de « trafic illégal » d’êtres humains. Parmi les suspects, qui devraient comparaître lundi devant le juge d’instruction, figure le capitaine de l’embarcation qui a chaviré, d’après une source portuaire à l’AFP.

    Areti Glezou, travailleuse sociale au sein de l’ONG grecque Thalpo était en première ligne aux côtés des rescapés. Manifestement choquée, elle se souviendra longtemps de certains détails à glacer le sang. « Un homme me racontait qu’il a nagé pendant deux heures au côté de corps d’enfants avant d’être secouru. » Elle s’arrête, reprend son souffle et, les larmes aux yeux, elle poursuit : « Oui, ça, ils me l’ont tous dit, les cales étaient remplies de femmes et d’enfants. » Aucun n’aura été retrouvé vivant.

    Plus de 120 Syriens se trouvaient à bord et un grand nombre d’entre eux sont portés disparus, ont indiqué vendredi à l’AFP des membres de leurs familles et des militants locaux. La plupart sont originaires de la province instable de Deraa dans le sud du pays. Berceau du soulèvement antirégime déclenché en 2011, elle est revenue sous le contrôle des forces gouvernementales en juillet 2018. Plusieurs d’entre eux ont gagné la Libye, d’où était parti le bateau, en transitant par des pays voisins comme le Liban, la Jordanie ou encore l’Arabie saoudite.

    Vendredi matin, on a cependant vu des larmes de joie sur le port de Kalamata. Des deux côtés des barrières qui entourent le hangar où logent les rescapés, deux frères se sont aperçus. Fardi a retrouvé Mohamed vivant. Le grand a retrouvé le petit. Autour d’eux les sourires fleurissent sur les visages. Pour quelques brefs instants, journalistes, humanitaires et hommes en uniformes redeviennent d’abord des êtres humains. Comme un rayon de lumière qui illumine soudain un océan de tristesse.

    Une demi-heure plus tard, des bus viennent chercher les rescapés pour les emmener au camp de Malakasa dans la région d’Athènes. Le hangar est désormais vide.

    #frontières #naufrage #Grèce #migrants #migrations #Frontex #Méditerranée

    https://www.mediapart.fr/journal/international/170623/apres-le-naufrage-des-survivants-denoncent-les-gardes-cotes-grecs-et-front

  • Grèce : au moins 78 morts dans un naufrage, le plus meurtrier de l’année dans le pays

    Au moins 78 migrants se sont noyés mercredi dans le naufrage de leur embarcation en mer méditerranée, dans le sud-ouest de la Grèce, tandis que 104 ont pu être secourus par les garde-côtes grecs. Selon des médias locaux, le bateau transportait au moins 600 personnes. Les recherches se poursuivaient mercredi pour tenter de retrouver d’autres survivants. Il s’agit du naufrage le plus meurtrier de l’année en Grèce.

    Au moins 78 personnes ont trouvé la mort dans un naufrage dans la nuit de mardi 13 à mercredi 14 juin au large de la Grèce. Quelques 104 naufragés ont pu être secourus par les garde-côtes grecs et transférés vers la ville de Kalamata, un port situé au sud ouest du pays.

    Les chaînes de télévision grecques ont montré les images de rescapés, couvertures grises sur les épaules et masques hygiéniques sur le visage, descendre d’un yacht portant l’inscription Georgetown, la capitale des îles Caïmans. D’autres étaient évacués sur des civières. Quatre d’entre eux ont été conduits à l’hôpital de Kalamata en raison de symptômes d’hypothermie.

    D’après les informations délivrées par les autorités grecques, les exilés sont majoritairement originaires d’Égypte, de Syrie et du Pakistan. Selon les premières informations, le bateau aurait quitté Tobrouk, à l’est de la Libye, en direction de l’Italie, vendredi 9 juin.

    600 migrants à bord du bateau

    Le nombre de passagers présents sur le bateau n’a pas été confirmé par les autorités grecques. Mais des médias locaux parlent d’au moins 600 personnes, ce qui laisse craindre la disparition de centaines de naufragés.

    L’opération de sauvetage se poursuivait mercredi après-midi dans les eaux internationales situées au large de la ville grecque de Pylos. Elle implique six navires des garde-côtes, un avion et un hélicoptère militaires ainsi qu’un drone de Frontex, l’agence européenne de surveillance des frontières.

    https://twitter.com/alarm_phone/status/1668913096667144193

    La Grèce a connu de nombreux naufrages d’embarcations de migrants, souvent vétustes et surchargées, mais il s’agit jusqu’ici du bilan humain le plus lourd depuis un précédent le 3 juin 2016 au cours duquel au moins 320 personnes avaient péri ou disparu.

    L’embarcation avait été repérée une première fois mardi par les garde-côtes italiens, qui ont alerté leurs homologues grecs et européens. Les migrants à bord « ont refusé toute aide », selon les autorités grecques. La plateforme d’aide aux migrants en mer, Alarm Phone, a signalé sur Twitter avoir été alertée le même jour par des exilés en détresse, non loin du lieu du naufrage.

    Selon une journaliste basée en Grèce, chaque passager avait payé 4 500 dollars (environ 4 000 euros) la traversée.

    Une année particulièrement meurtrière

    Depuis un an, on observe de plus en plus de départs de bateaux de migrants depuis l’est de la Libye. « Ce n’est pas inhabituel que des bateaux fassent cette route. Les départs depuis l’est de la Libye sont plus fréquents » depuis l’été dernier, expliquait l’an dernier à InfoMigrants Frederico Soda, chef de mission Libye auprès de l’Organisation internationale pour les migrations (OIM). Les exilés prennent désormais la mer depuis cette zone, afin d’éviter les interceptions des garde-côtes libyens, qui se concentrent à l’ouest du pays.

    Mais la traversée n’est pas sans risque. L’est de la Libye est considérablement plus éloigné de l’Italie que la partie ouest, d’où embarquent la majorité des migrants. À titre d’exemple, 1 200 km séparent les deux villes côtières de Tobrouk (à l’Est) et Tripoli (à l’Ouest), situé en-dessous de la Sicile. Un trajet démarré depuis l’est de la Libye est ainsi « beaucoup plus long », précisait encore Federico Soda.

    La route méditerranéenne reste la plus meurtrière au monde. En 2022, 2 406 migrants ont péri dans cette zone maritime, soit une augmentation de 16% sur un an, selon le dernier rapport de l’OIM. Et l’année 2023 risque d’établir un nouveau record : depuis janvier, ce sont déjà 1 166 personnes qui ont péri ou ont disparu dans ces eaux, dont 1030 en Méditerranée centrale. Un tel nombre n’avait pas été observé depuis 2017.

    https://www.infomigrants.net/fr/post/49667/grece--au-moins-78-morts-dans-un-naufrage-le-plus-meurtrier-de-lannee-
    #Pylos #Grèce #naufrage #asile #migrations #décès #morts #tragédie #mourir_aux_frontières #morts_aux_frontières #14_juin_2023 #Méditerranée #Mer_Méditerranée #13_juin_2023

    • Après le naufrage en Grèce, les autorités grecques et européennes sous le feu des critiques

      À la suite de l’annonce de la disparition de plusieurs centaines de personnes dans un naufrage survenu mercredi au large de la Grèce, des dirigeants européens ont fait part de leurs condoléances. Ils ont reçu de nombreuses critiques condamnant les politiques migratoires européennes.

      C’est sans doute le naufrage le plus meurtrier depuis 2013. Mercredi 14 juin, vers 2h du matin, un bateau surchargé de migrants a fait naufrage au large de Pylos, dans le sud-ouest de la Grèce. Au moins 78 personnes sont mortes dans le drame et des centaines d’autres sont toujours portées disparues. Selon les témoignages des rescapés, qui ont donné des chiffres différents, entre 400 et 750 exilés se trouvaient sur le bateau parti de Tobrouk, dans l’est de la Libye.

      À la suite de ce drame, de nombreuses personnalités politiques grecques et européennes ont exprimé leur émotion sur les réseaux sociaux. La présidente de la Commission européenne Ursula von der Leyen s’est dit « profondément attristée par la nouvelle du naufrage au large des côtes grecques et par les nombreux décès signalés ». « Nous devons continuer à travailler ensemble, avec les États membres et les pays tiers, pour éviter de telles tragédies », a-t-elle ajouté.

      Ylva Johansson, commissaire européenne aux Affaires intérieures, s’est quant à elle dit « profondément affectée par cette tragédie meurtrière au large des côtes grecques ». « Nous avons le devoir moral collectif de démanteler les réseaux criminels. La meilleure façon d’assurer la sécurité des migrants est d’empêcher ces voyages catastrophiques... », a également indiqué la responsable.

      Les messages de soutien des deux dirigeantes ont entraîné de très nombreuses critiques d’internautes. Des défenseurs des droits des migrants, avocats et journalistes ont notamment dénoncé le « cynisme » des autorités européennes, les accusant de promouvoir une politique migratoire européenne dure.

      « Vies innocentes »

      La classe politique grecque a également réagi au drame. En campagne électorale en vue des législatives du 25 juin, l’ancien Premier ministre conservateur, Kyriakos Mitsotakis, a décidé d’annuler un rassemblement électoral prévu pour la fin de journée à Patras, le grand port de cette région du Péloponnèse, a annoncé son parti Nouvelle Démocratie (ND).

      « Nous sommes tous choqués par le tragique naufrage survenu aujourd’hui dans les eaux internationales de la Méditerranée, au sud-ouest du Péloponnèse. Je suis attristé par la perte de tant de vies innocentes », a-t-il déclaré sur Twitter.

      Ce responsable politique s’est par ailleurs entretenu au téléphone avec le Premier ministre par intérim, Ioannis Sarmas. Il a également décrété trois jours de deuil dans le pays.

      Sur les réseaux sociaux, l’ancien Premier ministre n’a pas non plus été épargné par des internautes l’accusant d’hypocrisie face au drame de Pylos. Le dirigeant a mené une politique très dure envers les exilés durant ses quatre années à la tête du gouvernement. Athènes a été à de très nombreuses reprises accusée de pratiquer des refoulements illégaux de migrants en mer Égée et dans la région de l’Evros.
      Des bateaux escortés hors des SAR zones

      De nombreux membres d’organisations internationales ont également réagi au drame de Pylos. Vincent Cochetel, envoyé spécial du Haut-commissariat des nations unies aux réfugiés (HCR), en charge de la Méditerranée de l’ouest et centrale s’est dit « très attristé par cette nouvelle tragédie ». Le responsable a également confié son inquiétude « de voir ces derniers mois certains États côtiers escorter des bateaux en mauvais état en dehors de leur zone SAR pour s’assurer qu’ils atteignent d’autres zones SAR ».

      De son côté, Federico Soda, directeur du département des urgences à l’Organisation internationale pour les migrations (OIM), a plaidé pour la mise en place de « mesures concrètes pour donner la priorité à la recherche et au sauvetage » et de « voies d’accès sûres pour les migrants ».

      L’agence européenne de surveillance des frontières (Frontex) s’est, quant à elle, déclarée « profondément touchée » par le drame. Dans le même message posté sur Twitter, l’agence assure que son avion de surveillance a repéré le bateau le mardi 13 juin au matin et affirme avoir « immédiatement informé les autorités compétentes ».

      Selon les autorités portuaires grecques, un avion de surveillance de Frontex avait effectivement vu le bateau mardi mais il n’est pas intervenu car les passagers ont « refusé toute aide ».

      Les ONG actives dans l’aide aux exilés ont également fait part de leur effroi face au drame de Pylos. Interrogé par Libération, le président de SOS Méditerranée France, François Thomas, a condamné une « nouvelle tragédie insupportable ». « Il n’existe aucune solidarité européenne. Les moyens de sauvetage sont de moins en moins importants, alors que l’Europe a des moyens. Quand est-ce que tout cela va s’arrêter ? », a-t-il dénoncé.

      Médecins sans frontières (MSF), qui intervient en Méditerranée centrale avec son navire humanitaire le Geo barents , a déclaré être « attristé et choqué » par le drame survenu mercredi. L’ONG précise que ses équipes en Grèce se tiennent prêtes à intervenir pour aider autant que possible les rescapés.

      Enquête ouverte

      Enfin, le pape François, très sensible à la thématique migratoire, est « profondément consterné » par le naufrage, a rapporté jeudi le Vatican dans un communiqué.

      « Sa sainteté le pape François envoie ses prières sincères pour les nombreux migrants qui sont morts, leurs proches et tous ceux qui ont été traumatisés par cette tragédie », peut-on lire dans un télégramme signé par le N.2 du Saint-Siège, le cardinal Pietro Parolin, et publié par le Vatican.

      Les opérations de secours se poursuivaient jeudi matin pour tenter de retrouver des survivants. Des moyens aériens et maritimes sont déployés mais les espoirs s’amenuisent à mesure que le temps passe. Jusqu’à présent, 104 personnes ont pu être secourues mais Athènes redoute que des centaines d’autres ne soient portées disparues, d’après les témoignages des survivants.

      Une enquête a été ouverte par la justice grecque sur le sauvetage de l’embarcation. La Cour suprême grecque a également ordonné une enquête pour définir les causes du drame qui a choqué le pays.

      https://www.infomigrants.net/fr/post/49698/apres-le-naufrage-en-grece-les-autorites-grecques-et-europeennes-sous-

    • “They are urgently asking for help”: the SOS that was ignored

      The Hellenic Coast Guard attributed its failure to proceed to a rescue mission of the migrants before their trawler sunk to their refusal to receive assistance. International law experts, as well as active and former Coast Guard officials, refute the argument. And emails sent by the Alarm Phone group to authorities which are in Solomon’s possession, prove that the passengers of the vessel had sent out an SOS – one that was ignored.

      The first recovered bodies of the people who lost their lives 80 km southwest of Pylos between the 13th and 14th of June are transferred to the cemetery of Schisto. At least 78 dead and hundreds remain missing. 104 people have been rescued so far, while the search for survivors continues.

      But critical questions about possible mishandling by the Hellenic Coast Guard of the tragedy that led to the deadliest shipwreck recorded in recent years in the Mediterranean remain.

      The same goes for the responsibilities of Greece and Europe, whose policies have diverted asylum seekers to the deadly Calabria route, which bypasses Greece (for obvious reasons), while also failing to establish legal and safe routes.
      “Denied assistance“

      In the briefings and timeline of the events leading up to the tragedy, the HCG attributes the failure to rescue the migrants before the sinking of the fishing boat to their repeated “refusal to receive assistance” in their communications with the vessel.

      The HCG had been aware of the vessel since the early morning hours of Tuesday, 13/6, and was, according to its own log, in contact with the vessel from as early as 14:00 local time. But no rescue action was undertaken, because “the trawler did not request any assistance from the Coast Guard or Greece,” the HCG reported.

      The same argument is repeated at 18:00: “Repeatedly the fishing boat was asked by the merchant ship if it required additional assistance, was in danger or wanted anything else from Greece. They replied, “we want nothing more than to continue to Italy”.

      But does this absolve the Coast Guard of responsibility?

      International law experts as well as former and active members of the Coast Guard question the legal and humanitarian basis of this argument, even if there was indeed a “refusal of assistance”. And they point out to Solomon that the rescue operation should have begun immediately upon detection of the fishing vessel. For the following reasons, among others:

      - The vessel was obviously overloaded and unseaworthy, with the lives of the peopled on board, who did not even have life-saving equipment, being in constant danger.

      – Accepting a denial of rescue or other intervention by the HCG could make sense only if the vessel carried a state flag, had proper documents, had a proper captain and was safe. None of these applies in the case of the sunk trawler.

      - Coast Guard officials had to objectively assess the situation and take the necessary actions regardless of how the passengers of the trawler – or, to be precise, whoever the Coast Guard was in contact with- themselves assessed their own situation.

      - The fishing vessel was undoubtedly in a state of distress that mandated its rescue at the latest from the moment the Coast Guard received, through Alarm Phone, an SOS message, which was transmitted to the group by the passengers. This SOS call is not mentioned anywhere in the Coast Guard’s communications.

      Proof the Coast Guard knew of the danger

      In its own chronology of events, Watch the Med-Alarm Phone says it contacted the authorities at 17:53 local GR time.

      The email to the competent authorities, which is available to Solomon, indicates the coordinates where the overloaded vessel was located. It states that there are 750 people on board, including many women and children, and includes a telephone number for contacting the passengers themselves.

      “They are urgently asking for help,” the email reads.

      From this message, it follows also that FRONTEX, the HQ of the Greek Police and the Ministry of Citizen Protection, as well as the Coast Guard in Kalamata, were also informed.

      The message was also communicated to the UNCHR in Greece and Turkey, to NATO, as well as to Greece’s Ombudsman.

      Listen to the interview given to Solomon by Maro, an Alarm Phone member:

      https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=bV4SptggF2U&embeds_referring_euri=https%3A%2F%2Fwearesolomon.com%2F

      Solomon contacted the Hellenic Coast Guard, asking detailed questions: why was there no rescue operation after the migrants’ distress signal via Alarm Phone? Does a refusal to rescue exculpate the HCG? Why was the vessel (for security and identification purposes) not even checked, given it was not flying a flag? Why was the operation launched only after the vessel sank?

      A spokesman for the HCG did not answer the specific questions but instead referred to the Coast Guard’s press release.

      Solomon also contacted UNHCR, which confirmed receipt of the email.

      “Our Office was indeed notified yesterday (ed. note: 13/06) afternoon in correspondence received from Watch The Med – Alarm Phone, which referred to a vessel in distress southwest of the Peloponnese with a large number of passengers. We immediately informed the competent Greek authorities requesting urgent information about the coordination of a search and rescue operation to bring the people to safety”.

      “Please be informed that Frontex has immediately relayed the message to the Greek authorities,” Frontex responded to Alarm Phone’s message, in an email seen by Solomon.

      “Duty of rescue, not stand by and watch”

      The Coast Guard had to treat the incident as a vessel in distress from the very first moment and take all measures to rescue the people, explains Nora Markard, Professor of International Public Law and International Human Rights at the University of Münster.

      “As soon as the distress call was received via Alarm Phone, there was clearly distress. But when a ship is so evidently overloaded, it is in distress as soon as it leaves port, because it is unseaworthy. Even if the ship is still moving. And when there is distress, there is a duty to rescue, not to stand by and watch.

      International law defines distress as a situation where there is a reasonable certainty that a vessel or a person is threatened by grave and imminent danger and requires immediate assistance.

      “That requires an objective assessment. If a captain completely misjudges the situation and says the ship is fine, the ship is still in distress if the passengers are in grave danger by the condition of the ship,” Dr. Markard explains.

      International law unambiguously states that, on receiving information ‘from any source’ that persons are in distress at sea, the master of a ship that is in a position to render assistance must ‘proceed with all speed to their assistance’.

      In this particular case, the fishing vessel was not flying a flag, so the incident does not even fall under the category of respect for the sovereignty of the flag state.

      “When a ship doesn’t fly a flag at all, as it appears to be the case here, the law of the sea gives other states a right to visit the ship. This includes the right to board the ship to check it out,” says Markard.

      Apart from the distress call itself, the Hellenic Coast Guard, therefore, had the additional authority to examine the situation.

      “All ships and authorities alerted of the distress have an obligation to rescue, even if the ship in distress is not in their territorial waters but at high sea. Search and rescue zones often include waters that belong to the high sea,” explains Markard.

      “If the distress occurs in a state’s search and rescue zone, that state also has an obligation to coordinate the rescue. For example, it can requisition merchant ships to render assistance.”
      Coast Guard officer: “This was the definition of a vessel in distress”

      A former senior officer of the Greek Coast Guard with vast relevant experience seconds this and raises additional questions.

      Speaking to Solomon on condition of anonymity, he explained that the vessel was manifestly unseaworthy and the people on board in danger. Even a refusal to accept assistance was not a reason to leave it to its fate.

      The same official also points out there were delays in the response of the HCG (“valuable time was lost”) and an inadequate force of assets. He confirmed that refusal of assistance would only make sense in the case of a legal, documented, seaworthy and flagged vessel. “This was the definition of a vessel in distress”.

      Similar statements regarding the claims of the Greek Coast Guard were made by retired admiral of the Coast Guard and international expert, Nikos Spanos, to Greece’s public broadcaster ERT:

      “It’s like saying I can just watch you drown and do nothing. We don’t ask the crew on a boat in distress if they need help. They absolutely need help, from the moment the boat is adrift.”

      https://wearesolomon.com/mag/focus-area/migration/they-are-urgently-asking-for-help-the-sos-that-was-ignored

    • Chi c’era a bordo della barca naufragata al largo della Grecia

      Moshin Shazad, 32 anni, era un uomo con l’espressione seria, due figli piccoli, la moglie e la madre da mantenere. Per questo aveva deciso di partire da Lalamusa, una città nel Punjab, in Pakistan. Non riusciva a trovare un lavoro stabile e le bocche da sfamare erano diventate troppe, dopo la nascita del secondo figlio. Voleva raggiungere il cugino, Waheed Ali, che dal 2019 vive in Norvegia.

      È partito con altri quattro ragazzi, quattro amici, tra cui Abdul Khaliq e Sami Ullah. Ha telefonato al cugino poco dopo essere salito sul peschereccio stracarico che è partito da Tobruk, in Libia, ed è naufragato il 14 giugno, a 47 miglia da Pylos, in Grecia. “Diceva che sarebbe arrivato in Italia”, racconta Waheed Ali, che ora sta cercando il cugino tra i 108 sopravvissuti, di cui molti sono stati sistemati in un magazzino abbandonato di Kalamata, in Grecia, mentre una trentina sono stati trasferiti in ospedale. Molti erano in ipotermia. Ma Shazad potrebbe anche essere tra i dispersi.

      Shawq Muhammad al Ghazali, 22 anni, era uno studente originario di Daraa, in Siria, ed era rifugiato in Giordania, dove al momento vivono la sua famiglia e suo zio Ibhraim al Ghazali. Il ragazzo era partito da Amman per la Libia, e da lì, da Tobruk, si era imbarcato per raggiungere l’Europa. “Non ho sue notizie dall’8 giugno, il giorno della partenza dalla Libia”, dice lo zio. Secondo molti familiari, le autorità greche non stanno aiutando le famiglie ad avere notizie dei parenti o a capire se sono tra i vivi o tra i dispersi.

      I superstiti sono per lo più siriani (47) ed egiziani (43), poi ci sono dodici pachistani e due palestinesi, secondo le autorità greche. Tutti uomini. “Non riesco a sapere se è sopravvissuto, sono io che sto dando notizie alla famiglia in Pakistan, ma sono disperato, non riesco a capire e a sapere nulla. Del naufragio ho saputo dalla televisione”, afferma Waheed Ali.

      L’imbarcazione su cui viaggiavano Moshin Shazad e gli altri era partita da Tobruk l’8 giugno, era diretta in Italia, lungo una rotta da cui sono arrivati nel 2023 la metà dei migranti partiti dalla Libia.

      “Secondo le prime testimonianze sarebbe corretta la stima di 700-750 persone a bordo, tra cui almeno quaranta bambini, che probabilmente erano nella stiva. Se questi numeri fossero confermati, si tratterebbe del secondo naufragio più grave avvenuto nel Mediterraneo dopo quello dell’aprile 2015”, racconta Flavio Di Giacomo, dell’Organizzazione internazionale per le migrazioni (Oim). Settantotto corpi sono stati recuperati finora in mare al largo della penisola del Peloponneso. Ma l’Oim ha affermato di “temere che altre centinaia di persone” siano annegate. Il portavoce della guardia costiera greca Nikos Alexiou ha detto che l’imbarcazione è naufragata, dopo che le persone si sono spostate bruscamente su un lato. L’imbarcazione è affondata in quindici minuti.

      Frontex li aveva avvistati
      Secondo le autorità greche, un aereo di sorveglianza dell’agenzia europea Frontex aveva avvistato la barca il 13 giugno. In un comunicato Frontex ha confermato di avere visto l’imbarcazione in mattinata, alle 9.47 del giorno precedente al naufragio e di averlo comunicato alle autorità preposte al soccorso, cioè alla guardia costiera greca. Anche la guardia costiera italiana e due mercantili avevano segnalato alle autorità greche l’imbarcazione in difficoltà. Ma secondo la guardia costiera greca, i passeggeri dell’imbarcazione “hanno rifiutato qualsiasi aiuto”, perché i migranti si stavano dirigendo verso l’Italia.

      “Nel pomeriggio, una nave mercantile si è avvicinata alla barca e le ha fornito cibo e rifornimenti, mentre i (passeggeri) hanno rifiutato ogni ulteriore assistenza”, ha detto la guardia costiera greca in un comunicato. Una seconda nave mercantile in seguito ha offerto più rifornimenti e assistenza. Ma anche questa volta sono stati rifiutati, secondo i greci.

      In serata, una motovedetta della guardia costiera ha raggiunto la nave “e ha confermato la presenza di un gran numero di migranti sul ponte”, è scritto nel comunicato delle autorità greche. “Ma hanno rifiutato qualsiasi assistenza e hanno detto che volevano continuare in Italia”. Tuttavia le leggi internazionali sul soccorso in mare avrebbero imposto in ogni caso ai greci di intervenire per le condizioni in cui l’imbarcazione stava navigando. Diverse testimonianze contestano la versione delle autorità greche.

      Il motore della barca si è rotto poco prima delle 23 (gmt) del 13 giugno, da quel momento la barca è andata alla deriva. I naufraghi hanno chiesto aiuto, telefonando alla rete di volontari Alarmphone, già dal 13 giugno, dicendo di avere contattato anche “la polizia”. L’attivista Nawal Soufi, che vive in Italia, ha raccontato che i migranti con cui era in contatto telefonico le hanno detto che alcune imbarcazioni si sono avvicinate, distribuendo delle bottigliette di acqua.

      “Il 13 giugno 2023, nelle prime ore del mattino, i migranti a bordo di una barca carica di 750 persone mi hanno contattata comunicandomi la loro difficile situazione. Dopo cinque giorni di viaggio, l’acqua era finita, il conducente dell’imbarcazione li aveva abbandonati in mare aperto e c’erano anche sei cadaveri a bordo. Non sapevano esattamente dove si trovassero, ma grazie alla posizione istantanea del telefono Turaya (telefono satellitare, ndr), ho potuto ottenere la loro posizione esatta e ho allertato le autorità competenti”, scrive Soufi, condividendo la sua ricostruzione su Facebook.

      “La situazione si è complicata quando una nave si è avvicinata all’imbarcazione, legandola con delle corde su due punti della barca e iniziando a buttare bottiglie d’acqua. I migranti si sono sentiti in forte pericolo, poiché temevano che le corde potessero far capovolgere la barca e che le risse a bordo per ottenere l’acqua potessero causare il naufragio. Per questo motivo, si sono leggermente allontanati dalla nave per evitare un naufragio sicuro”, continua l’attivista nel suo post.

      “Durante la notte, la situazione a bordo dell’imbarcazione è diventata ancora più drammatica. Io sono rimasta in contatto con loro fino alle 23 ore greche, cercando di rassicurarli e di aiutarli a trovare una soluzione”. Fino all’ultima chiamata in cui “l’uomo con cui parlavo mi ha espressamente detto: ‘Sento che questa sarà la nostra ultima notte in vita’”, conclude. Il parlamentare greco Kriton Arsenis, che ha parlato con i sopravvissuti a Kalamata, ha confermato la versione dell’attivista Soufi e ha dichiarato che l’imbarcazione si è ribaltata dopo essere stata trainata con delle corde dai greci. Secondo Arsenis, i greci volevano spingere l’imbarcazione di migranti nelle acque di ricerca e soccorso italiane.

      https://www.internazionale.it/notizie/annalisa-camilli/2023/06/15/naufragio-grecia
      #Frontex

    • Grecia, strage di Pylos. «Nessuna pace per gli assassini»

      Mentre il mare inghiotte i corpi e lo Stato rinchiude i sopravvissuti si riempiono le strade delle città greche

      Da tempo, definiamo la politica migratoria europea “necropolitica”, ovvero – seguendo Achille Mbembe – una politica che crea le condizioni strutturali per produrre la morte di un gruppo di persone.

      Un’architettura di morte, che vediamo ogni giorno nel regime europeo del confine, sempre più legale, sofisticata, diffusa. Ci accorgiamo ora che ci hanno tolto anche la morte, nel senso che personalmente e collettivamente – noi “vivi” – le diamo, facendo esperienza di quella degli altri, vicini e lontani. Ci hanno tolto anche la morte perché hanno tolto il lutto a chi ha perso una persona cara, la possibilità di piangere un corpo morto, la possibilità di conoscerne il nome, di sapere chi, dove, quando, quanti.

      Probabilmente non sapremo mai quante persone sono affogate nella strage avvenuta tra martedì 13 e mercoledì 14 giugno ad 80 chilometri al largo del porto di Pylos. Gli stessi migranti, al telefono con l’attivista Nawal Soufi, parlavano di 750 persone a bordo, di cui molti bambini. La Guardia costiera ellenica dice 646. Le foto e le informazioni disponibili fino ad ora confermano quest’ordine di grandezza, ma le cifre sono destinate a rimanere indicative. Il naufragio è avvenuto nella zona con il mare più profondo di tutto il Mediterraneo: circa 60 km a sud-ovest di Pylos si trova la Fossa di Calipso, una depressione che supera i 5.000 metri di profondità. Gli esperti dicono che il recupero dei corpi sarà quindi particolarmente difficoltoso, il mare li inghiottirà per sempre. Ad oggi, sono solo 104 i superstiti, difficilmente questo numero aumenterà.

      Oltre la produzione della morte si situa forse l’annullamento, l’annientamento della persona (della vita). Sono parole che, chiaramente, richiamano il nazismo. Non sapere chi, non sapere quanti, non poter riavere i corpi – massivamente e sistematicamente – è qualcosa che, credo, si avvicina all’annientamento.

      I dettagli che iniziano a trapelare dipingono un quadro dei fatti che non solo seppellisce ogni retorica della “tragica fatalità”, ma svela le responsabilità dirette della HCG (Hellenic Coast Guard) nel causare il “capovolgimento” della barca. Come ricostruito dall’attivista Iasonas Apostolopoulos, sulla base delle dichiarazioni del parlamentare Kriton Arsenis, che ha potuto parlare con i sopravvissuti a Kalamata, la HCG avrebbe legato il peschereccio con delle corde e provato a trascinarlo. Sarebbe stato proprio questo tentativo di rimorchio a far ribaltare la barca. Queste ricostruzioni si allineano con i primi racconti di Nawal Soufi.

      https://twitter.com/ABoatReport/status/1669301668259741696/history

      Evidentemente, la differenza – se esiste – tra uccidere e lasciar morire sfuma: non è “solo” indifferenza complice, non è “semplicemente” girarsi dall’altra parte. L’omissione di soccorso è la punta dell’iceberg di un sistema complesso – quello dei confini europei – progettato per annientare la vita. Sistema di cui la guardia costiera è solo un tassello. Non è l’Europa che finge di non vedere, è l’Europa che, strutturalmente, con delle politiche precise e radicate nel tempo, produce morte.

      La versione ufficiale della HCG descrive invece il capovolgimento come frutto di una maldestra manovra – in mare piatto – del peschereccio stesso. Dall’altra parte, puntano tutto sulla colpevolizzazione delle vittime: “Ripetevano costantemente di voler salpare per l’Italia e di non volere alcun aiuto dalla Grecia”, si ribadisce ossessivamente nel comunicato. Ma è assodato che questo improbabile “non volevano essere aiutati”, secondo il diritto del mare, non giustifica il mancato soccorso, come chiarito dall’ordine degli avvocati di Kalamata – che si è offerto di supportare gratuitamente i sopravvissuti. Così come è assodato che la HCG sapeva tutto dalla mattina di martedì 13 giugno, alla luce dell’avvistamento da parte del velivolo di Frontex e degli SOS diffusi da Alarm Phone – pubblicati da wearesolomon – e inoltrati anche ad UNCHR, NATO, e al difensore civico greco.

      Ma non lasciamo non detti: probabilmente l’HCG voleva trascinare il peschereccio in zona SAR maltese o italiana. Questa volontà è stata più forte di quella di salvare 750 vite umane in evidente pericolo. Forse anche per questo, ai giornalisti è stato impedito di parlare con i sopravvissuti. Dopo delle pressioni, è stato permesso solo ai parlamentari.

      Come da copione, nove di loro, egiziani, sono stati arrestati accusati di traffico di esseri umani ed omicidio 1, mentre la maggior parte (71 persone) è stata trasferita nel campo di Malakasa 2, nel “centro di accoglienza e identificazione”: una struttura chiusa, controllata, isolata, priva di supporto psicologico e assistenza medica adeguata. Sono siriani, egiziani, pakistani e palestinesi. Non devono poter raccontare, devono capire che non c’è pietà, che nulla gli sarà concesso.

      Nel porto di Kalamata, sembra di rivivere i giorni di Cutro: arrivano i familiari da tutta Europa e non solo. Alcuni trovano i propri cari, molti non li troveranno. Nessun aiuto da parte dello Stato, nessuna informazione, dicono. Non c’è pace per i vivi, non c’è pace per i morti. Finora sono stati recuperati ed identificati 78 corpi, saranno trasportati con dei camion frigorifero al cimitero di Schisto.

      Intanto, si riempiono le strade della Grecia. Dal porto di Pylos ad Atene, Salonicco, Patrasso, Karditsa, Kalamata, migliaia di persone si sono messe in marcia. Ad Atene, giovedì sera, una marea umana si è scontrata con i soliti gangster in divisa.

      La risposta dello Stato è sempre la stessa, anche con i solidali. Sono piazze commosse ma piene di rabbia. Una rabbia degna. Puntano chiaramente il dito verso gli assassini: non solo la guardia costiera, ma lo Stato greco, l’Unione Europea, Frontex, questo sistema coloniale e razzista.

      Domenica 18 giugno nel pomeriggio un altro corteo, chiamato dalla Open Assembly Against Pushbacks and Border Violence, si muoverà dal Pireo verso gli uffici di Frontex: l’agenzia europea non potrà giocare la parte dei “buoni” che avevano segnalato per tempo la barca in pericolo.

      Dalle strade, si leva una promessa: non dimentichiamo, non perdoniamo.

    • Did migrants reject help before deadly Greek wreck, or beg for it? Coast guard, activists disagree

      This undated handout image provided by Greece’s coast guard on Wednesday, June14, 2023, shows scores of people covering practically every free stretch of deck on a battered fishing boat that later capsized and sank off southern Greece. A fishing boat carrying migrants trying to reach Europe capsized and sank off Greece on Wednesday, authorities said, leaving at least 79 dead and many more missing in one of the worst disasters of its kind this year.(Hellenic Coast Guard via AP)
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      This undated handout image provided by Greece’s coast guard on Wednesday, June14, 2023, shows scores of people covering practically every free stretch of deck on a battered fishing boat that later capsized and sank off southern Greece. A fishing boat carrying migrants trying to reach Europe capsized and sank off Greece on Wednesday, authorities said, leaving at least 79 dead and many more missing in one of the worst disasters of its kind this year.(Hellenic Coast Guard via AP)

      This much is clear: On June 9, an old steel fishing trawler left eastern Libya for Italy, carrying far too many people.

      As many as 750 men, women and children from Syria, Egypt, the Palestinian territories and Pakistan were on board, fleeing hopelessness in their home countries and trying to reach relatives in Europe.

      Five days later, the trawler sank off the coast of Greece in one of the deepest parts of the Mediterranean Sea. Only 104 people, all men, survived. The remains of 78 people were recovered.

      There are still more questions than answers about what led up to one of the worst shipwrecks in recent Mediterranean history.

      Activists, migration experts and opposition politicians have criticized Greek authorities for not acting earlier to rescue the migrants, even though a coast guard vessel escorted the trawler for hours and watched helplessly as it sank.

      Below is a timeline of events based on reports from Greek authorities, a commercial ship, and activists who said they were in touch with passengers. They describe sequences of events that at times converge, but also differ in key ways.

      The Greek Coast Guard said that the overcrowded trawler was moving steadily toward Italy, refusing almost all assistance, until minutes before it sank. This is in part supported by the account of a merchant tanker that was nearby.

      But activists said that people on board were in danger and made repeated pleas for help more than 15 hours before the vessel sank.

      International maritime law and coast guard experts said that conditions on the trawler clearly showed it was at risk, and should have prompted an immediate rescue operation, regardless of what people on board may have said.

      Much of these accounts could not immediately be independently verified.

      Missing from this timeline is the testimony of survivors, who have been transferred to a closed camp and kept away from journalists.

      All times are given in Greece’s time zone.

      FIRST CONTACT

      Around 11 a.m. on Tuesday, Italian authorities informed Greece that a fishing trawler packed with migrants was in international waters southwest of the Peloponnese. Greece said the Italian authorities were alerted by an activist.

      Around the same time, human rights activist Nawal Soufi wrote on social media that she had been contacted by a woman on a boat that had left Libya four days earlier.

      The migrants had run out of water, Soufi wrote, and shared GPS coordinates through a satellite phone showing they were approximately 100 km (62 miles) from Greece.

      “Dramatic situation on board. They need immediate rescue,” she wrote Tuesday morning.

      Over the course of the day, Soufi described some 20 calls with people on the trawler in a series of social media posts and a later audio recording. The Associated Press could not reach Soufi.

      A surveillance aircraft from the European Border and Coast Guard Agency Frontex spotted the overcrowded trawler at 11:47 p.m. and notified Greek authorities, the agency told AP. On Saturday, Frontex told AP its plane had to leave the scene after 10 minutes due to a fuel shortage but that it had also shared with Greece details and photos of the “heavily overcrowded” trawler.

      DIFFERING ACCOUNTS OF CONDITIONS ON BOARD

      At 2 p.m., Greek authorities established contact with someone on the trawler. The vessel “did not request any assistance from the Coast Guard or from Greece,” according to a statement.

      But activists said that people on the boat were already in desperate need by Tuesday afternoon.

      At 3:11 p.m., Soufi wrote, passengers told her that seven people were unconscious.

      Around the same time, Alarm Phone, a network of activists with no connection to Soufi who run a hotline for migrants in need of rescue, said they received a call from a person on the trawler.

      “They say they cannot survive the night, that they are in heavy distress,” Alarm Phone wrote.

      At 3:35 p.m., a Greek Coast Guard helicopter located the trawler. An aerial photo released showed it packed, with people covering almost every inch of the deck.

      From then until 9 p.m., Greek authorities said, they were in contact with people on the trawler via satellite phone, radio, and shouted conversations conducted by merchant vessels and a Coast Guard boat that arrived at night. They added that people on the trawler repeatedly said they wanted to continue to Italy and refused rescue.

      MERCHANT SHIPS BRING SUPPLIES

      At 5:10 p.m., Greek authorities asked a Maltese-flagged tanker called the Lucky Sailor to bring the trawler food and water.

      According to the company that manages the Lucky Sailor, people on the trawler “were very hesitant to receive any assistance,” and shouted that “they want to go to Italy.” Eventually, Eastern Mediterranean Maritime Limited wrote in a statement, the trawler was persuaded to accept supplies.

      Around 6 p.m., a Greek Coast Guard helicopter reported that the trawler was “sailing on a steady course and heading.”

      But at 6:20 p.m., Alarm Phone said that people on board reported that they were not moving, and that the “captain” had abandoned the trawler in a small boat.

      “Please any solution,” someone on board told Alarm Phone.

      The Greek authorities’ account suggested the trawler stopped around that time to receive supplies from the Lucky Sailor.

      At 6:55 p.m., Soufi wrote, migrants on board told her that six people had died and another two were very sick. No other account so far has mentioned deaths prior to the shipwreck, and the AP has not been able to verify this.

      Around 9 p.m., Greek authorities asked a second, Greek-flagged, merchant vessel to deliver water, and allowed the Lucky Sailor to leave.

      Then, at around 10:40 p.m., a Coast Guard boat from Crete reached the trawler, and remained nearby until it sank. According to the Coast Guard, the vessel “discreetly observed” the trawler from a distance. Once again, the Coast Guard said, the trawler did not appear to have any problems and was moving “at a steady course and speed.”

      THE FINAL HOURS

      According to Soufi’s account, attempts to deliver supplies may have contributed to the trawler’s troubles.

      Shortly after 11 p.m., she wrote that the trawler began rocking as its passengers tried to catch water bottles from another vessel. According to people on board, ropes were tied to the ship, destabilizing it and causing a “state of panic,” she said.

      The report from the Lucky Sailor said no lines were tied to the trawler, and supplies were delivered in watertight barrels tied to a rope.

      “Those on board the boat caught the line and pulled,” the company managing the Lucky Sailor told the AP.

      The other merchant vessel did not immediately reply to the AP’s questions.

      A spokesman for the Greek Coast Guard said late Friday that its vessel had briefly attached a light rope to the trawler at around 11 p.m. He stressed that none of the vessels had attempted to tow the trawler.

      Commander Nikos Alexiou told Greek channel Ant1 TV that the Coast Guard wanted to check on the trawler’s condition, but people on board again refused help and untied the rope before continuing course.

      Soufi’s last contact with the trawler was at 11 p.m. She said later in a voice memo that “they never expressed the will to continue sailing to Italy,” or refused assistance from Greece. “They were in danger and needed help.”

      THE WRECK

      According to authorities, the trawler kept moving until 1:40 a.m. Wednesday, when its engine stopped. The Coast Guard vessel then got closer to “determine the problem.”

      A few minutes later, Alarm Phone had a final exchange with people on the trawler. The activists were able to make out only: “Hello my friend … The ship you send is …” before the call cut off.

      At 2:04 a.m., more than 15 hours after Greek authorities first heard of the case, the Coast Guard reported that the trawler began rocking violently from side to side, and then capsized.

      People on deck were thrown into the sea, while others held onto the boat as it flipped. Many others, including women and children, were trapped below deck.

      Fifteen minutes later, the trawler vanished underwater.

      In the darkness of night, 104 people were rescued, and brought to shore on the Mayan Queen IV, a luxury yacht that was sailing in the vicinity of the shipwreck. Greek authorities retrieved 78 bodies. No other people have been found since Wednesday.

      As many as 500 people are missing.

      https://apnews.com/article/migrants-shipwreck-rescue-greece-coast-guard-c160027a00d1ad2f859b97e3e8e7643

    • Après le naufrage, des survivants dénoncent les gardes-côtes grecs et Frontex

      La version officielle grecque sur l’un des pires naufrages en Méditerranée est mise à mal par les témoignages de survivants. Le rôle de Frontex, l’agence européenne chargée des frontières extérieures, est également pointé du doigt. Une enquête a été ouverte.

      Plus de quatre jours après le naufrage d’un bateau de pêche en provenance de Libye, où s’étaient embarquées jusqu’à 750 personnes – notamment des ressortissantes et ressortissants égyptiens, syriens et pakistanais –, l’espoir est mince de retrouver des survivant·es au large des côtes sud de la Grèce.

      Les questions sont nombreuses en particulier sur l’action des gardes-côtes grecs, accusés par certains témoignages d’avoir provoqué l’accident. La Cour suprême grecque a ordonné une enquête sur les circonstances du drame, l’un des pires naufrages en Méditerranée avec des centaines de morts. Pour l’heure, 104 personnes ont été rescapées et 78 corps récupérés.

      Jeudi après-midi, Kriton Arsenis, ancien eurodéputé, a rencontré des survivants dans le port de Kalamata, sur la péninsule du Péloponnèse, en tant que membre de la délégation de Mera25, le parti de Yánis Varoufákis. « Les réfugiés nous ont dit que l’embarcation a chaviré pendant qu’elle était tirée par le bateau des gardes-côtes », a-t-il raconté.

      « Les survivants nous disent que le bateau a basculé alors qu’il faisait l’objet d’une manœuvre où il était tiré par les gardes-côtes helléniques, a déclaré de son côté Vincent Cochetel, envoyé spécial du Haut Commissariat aux réfugiés pour la Méditerranée occidentale et centrale. Ils nous disent qu’il était tiré non pas vers les côtes grecques, mais en dehors de la zone de secours en mer grecque. »

      Ces témoignages vont à l’encontre de la version officielle, qui, jusqu’à vendredi, expliquait que les gardes-côtes n’étaient pas intervenus.

      La Grèce est régulièrement accusée de refouler des migrant·es en mer, provoquant la crainte, derrière une aide supposée, d’être en réalité éloigné·es du territoire – une pratique illégale au regard du droit international maritime et de la Convention de Genève, qui doivent permettre à toute personne en situation de détresse d’être secourue et acheminée vers un port dit « sûr » et de pouvoir, si elle le souhaite, déposer une demande d’asile dans le pays qu’elle tentait de rallier.

      En mai dernier, des révélations du New York Times ont mis en lumière cette pratique, grâce à une vidéo d’un « push-back » prise sur le fait. Mediapart avait documenté un cas semblable en 2022, qui avait provoqué la mort de deux demandeurs d’asile.
      Le patron de Frontex sur place

      Le rôle de Frontex, l’agence européenne chargée des frontières extérieures, est également mis en question, car selon les autorités portuaires grecques, un avion de surveillance de Frontex avait repéré le bateau mardi après-midi mais les secours ne sont pas intervenus car les passagers ont « refusé toute aide ». Son patron Hans Leijtens s’est rendu à Kalamata pour établir les faits et « mieux comprendre ce qui s’est passé car Frontex a joué un rôle » dans ce naufrage « horrible ».

      « On ne demande pas aux personnes à bord d’un bateau à la dérive s’ils veulent de l’aide […], il aurait fallu une aide immédiate », a affirmé pour sa part à la télévision grecque ERT Nikos Spanos, expert international des incidents maritimes. D’après Alexis Tsipras, le chef de l’opposition grecque de gauche, qui s’est entretenu avec des rescapés, « il y a eu un appel à l’aide ».

      Le HCR et l’Organisation internationale pour les migrations (OIM), deux agences des Nations unies, se sont félicités des enquêtes « qui ont été ordonnées en Grèce sur les circonstances qui ont conduit au chavirement du bateau et à la perte de tant de vies », tout en rappelant que « le devoir de secourir sans délai les personnes en détresse en mer est une règle fondamentale du droit maritime international ».

      Le HCR et l’OIM ont rappelé vendredi que depuis le début de l’année, au moins 72 778 migrants sont arrivés en Europe (dont 54 205 en Italie), par les routes migratoires en Méditerranée orientale, centrale, et occidentale ou par le nord-ouest de l’Afrique. Dans le même temps, au moins 1 037 migrants sont morts ou portés disparus.

      Neuf Égyptiens ont été arrêtés dans le port de Kalamata. Ils sont âgés de 20 à 40 ans et soupçonnés de « trafic illégal » d’êtres humains. Parmi les suspects, qui devraient comparaître lundi devant le juge d’instruction, figure le capitaine de l’embarcation qui a chaviré, d’après une source portuaire à l’AFP.

      Areti Glezou, travailleuse sociale au sein de l’ONG grecque Thalpo était en première ligne aux côtés des rescapés. Manifestement choquée, elle se souviendra longtemps de certains détails à glacer le sang. « Un homme me racontait qu’il a nagé pendant deux heures au côté de corps d’enfants avant d’être secouru. » Elle s’arrête, reprend son souffle et, les larmes aux yeux, elle poursuit : « Oui, ça, ils me l’ont tous dit, les cales étaient remplies de femmes et d’enfants. » Aucun n’aura été retrouvé vivant.

      Plus de 120 Syriens se trouvaient à bord et un grand nombre d’entre eux sont portés disparus, ont indiqué vendredi à l’AFP des membres de leurs familles et des militants locaux. La plupart sont originaires de la province instable de Deraa dans le sud du pays. Berceau du soulèvement antirégime déclenché en 2011, elle est revenue sous le contrôle des forces gouvernementales en juillet 2018. Plusieurs d’entre eux ont gagné la Libye, d’où était parti le bateau, en transitant par des pays voisins comme le Liban, la Jordanie ou encore l’Arabie saoudite.

      Vendredi matin, on a cependant vu des larmes de joie sur le port de Kalamata. Des deux côtés des barrières qui entourent le hangar où logent les rescapés, deux frères se sont aperçus. Fardi a retrouvé Mohamed vivant. Le grand a retrouvé le petit. Autour d’eux les sourires fleurissent sur les visages. Pour quelques brefs instants, journalistes, humanitaires et hommes en uniformes redeviennent d’abord des êtres humains. Comme un rayon de lumière qui illumine soudain un océan de tristesse.

      Une demi-heure plus tard, des bus viennent chercher les rescapés pour les emmener au camp de Malakasa dans la région d’Athènes. Le hangar est désormais vide.

      https://www.mediapart.fr/journal/international/170623/apres-le-naufrage-des-survivants-denoncent-les-gardes-cotes-grecs-et-front

    • Naufrage de migrants en Méditerranée : ce que l’on sait sur les responsabilités des garde-côtes grecs

      Depuis le naufrage dramatique qui a fait 78 morts et possiblement plusieurs centaines d’autres mercredi 14 juin, les critiques ciblent l’absence d’intervention préalable des gardes-côtes grecs. Ces derniers rejettent la faute sur les passagers du navire.

      Le naufrage d’un bateau de migrants mercredi 14 juin avec des centaines de personnes à bord, au large de la Grèce, a soulevé de nombreuses questions sur les responsabilités des autorités. Voici ce que l’on sait depuis que ce chalutier vétuste a chaviré et coulé dans les eaux internationales, faisant au moins 78 morts.
      L’opération de sauvetage

      Les garde-côtes grecs ont affirmé mercredi matin « avoir été prévenus mardi par les autorités italiennes concernant un bateau avec à bord un grand nombre d’étrangers ». Des patrouilleurs grecs ont été mobilisés pour le repérer. « C’est un appareil aérien de Frontex [la décriée agence européenne de gardes-frontières, ndlr] qui a le premier repéré le bateau mardi après-midi, puis deux bateaux qui naviguaient dans la zone », selon les garde-côtes.

      Nawal Soufi, une bénévole travaillant pour la ligne téléphonique d’assistance à des migrants en danger Alarm Phone, assure sur son compte Facebook avoir reçu un SOS d’un bateau avec 750 personnes à bord en provenance de Libye.

      A 22 h 40 mardi, le chalutier notifie une panne du moteur. Le patrouilleur à proximité « a immédiatement tenté d’approcher le chalutier pour déterminer le problème », ont noté les garde-côtes. Vingt-quatre minutes plus tard, le patron du patrouilleur a annoncé par radio que le bateau avait chaviré. Il a coulé en quinze minutes.
      La défausse grecque contre les migrants

      Selon les garde-côtes grecs, « il n’y a pas eu de demande d’aide » des personnes à bord du bateau de pêche. « Après de nombreux appels du centre opérationnel des garde-côtes grecs pour les secourir, la réponse du bateau de pêche a été négative », selon le communiqué. « La salle des opérations […] a été en contact répété avec le bateau de pêche. Ils ont constamment répété qu’ils souhaitaient naviguer vers l’Italie », selon la même source.

      Le porte-parole du gouvernement a également expliqué vendredi que « les garde-côtes se sont rapprochés du bateau, ils ont jeté une corde pour le stabiliser, mais les migrants ont refusé l’aide ». « Ils disaient ‘‘No help, Go Italy’’ [’’Pas d’aide, on va en Italie’’, ndlr] », a-t-il ajouté.

      Pour sa part, le porte-parole de la police portuaire Nikolaos Alexiou a souligné qu’on ne pouvait « pas remorquer un bateau avec un si grand nombre de gens à bord par la force, il faut qu’ils coopèrent ».

      Selon un réfugié syrien en Allemagne, Reber Hebun, arrivé en Grèce pour retrouver son frère de 24 ans, survivant du naufrage, « les garde-côtes grecs n’ont rien fait pour les aider au début alors qu’ils étaient près d’eux », a-t-il dit après avoir parlé avec son frère. « Un bateau commercial a donné de l’eau et de la nourriture et tout le monde s’est précipité, le bateau a été déstabilisé à ce moment », selon lui.
      Les critiques envers les garde-côtes grecs

      Des experts et des ONG ont mis en cause les garde-côtes grecs qui auraient dû intervenir quoi qu’il arrive, selon eux. Pour Vincent Cochetel, envoyé spécial du Haut-Commissariat de l’ONU pour les réfugiés (HCR) pour la Méditerranée centrale et occidentale, « l’argument grec selon lequel les personnes ne voulaient pas être secourues pour poursuivre leur route vers l’Italie ne tient pas ». « C’est aux autorités grecques qu’il incombait de procéder ou, au moins, de coordonner une opération de sauvetage, en utilisant soit leurs propres navires de sauvetage soit en faisant appel à tout autre bateau sur zone, y compris à des navires marchands », a-t-il jugé. « Selon le droit maritime international, les autorités grecques auraient dû coordonner plus tôt cette opération de sauvetage, dès lors que Frontex avait repéré ce bateau en détresse », a-t-il poursuivi.

      « On ne demande pas aux personnes à bord d’un bateau à la dérive s’ils veulent de l’aide […] il aurait fallu une aide immédiate », a critiqué pour sa part Nikos Spanos, expert international des incidents maritimes.

      Hans Leijtens, le patron de Frontex, s’est rendu jeudi à Kalamata pour chercher à « mieux comprendre ce qui s’est passé car Frontex a joué un rôle » dans cet « horrible » naufrage.

      Vendredi, l’ONU a demandé des investigations rapides et des mesures « urgentes et décisives » pour éviter de nouveaux drames. « Il doit avoir une enquête approfondie sur les événements qui se sont déroulés au cours de cette tragédie. Et j’espère que nous pourrons trouver des réponses et apprendre de l’expérience », a souligné Jeremy Laurence, porte-parole du Haut-Commissariat aux droits de l’homme.
      Des centaines de personnes à bord

      78 corps ont jusqu’ici été retrouvés en mer au large des côtes de la péninsule du Péloponnèse, selon les garde-côtes grecs, et 104 personnes ont pu être secourues à temps. Mais le bilan serait en réalité bien plus lourd. Le porte-parole du gouvernement grec, Ilias Siakantaris, avait assuré mercredi que des informations non confirmées faisaient état de 750 personnes à bord du chalutier. L’Organisation internationale pour les migrations (OIM) « redoute que des centaines de personnes supplémentaires » se soient noyées « dans l’une des tragédies les plus dévastatrices en Méditerranée en une décennie ».

      Parmi les personnes qui se trouvaient à bord, figuraient notamment plus 120 Syriens, et un grand nombre d’entre eux sont portés disparus, ont déploré vendredi des membres de leurs familles et des militants locaux. La plupart de ces migrants sont originaires de la province instable de Deraa dans le sud de la Syrie. Plusieurs d’entre eux ont gagné la Libye, d’où était parti le bateau, en transitant par des pays voisins comme le Liban, la Jordanie ou encore l’Arabie Saoudite, selon les mêmes sources.

      Les recherches se poursuivent mais les espoirs de retrouver des survivants s’amenuisent, trois jours après le drame. De nombreuses femmes et enfants auraient voyagé dans la cale du navire, qui a sombré dans une zone de la Méditerranée de plusieurs milliers de mètres de profondeur, la fosse Calypso.

      Par ailleurs, 9 personnes de nationalité égyptienne soupçonnées d’être des passeurs ont été arrêtées à la suite du drame.

      https://www.liberation.fr/international/europe/naufrage-de-migrants-en-mediterranee-ce-que-lon-sait-sur-les-responsabili

    • Message de Vicky Skoumbi envoyé sur la mailing-list de Migreurop, le 18 juin 2023 :

      une vidéo glaçante avec un #témoignage de survivants qui fait état de la #responsabilité criminelle des #garde-côtes_grecs, avec la traduction d’un post d’Iasonas Apostolopoulos

      https://www.facebook.com/519820384/videos/5877893008981441

      « Les garde-côtes grecs se sont approchés de nous et nous ont lancé une corde bleue. Ils ont commencé à nous remorquer. La façon dont ils nous tiraient n’était pas correcte. Nous criions. Le navire a alors commencé à prendre de la gîte sur la gauche, les garde-côtes se sont tournés vers le côté opposé et notre navire a commencé à prendre de la gîte sur le côté et à couler.

      Nous essayions de grimper sur le bateau, nous voulions survivre.

      Les garde-côtes ont détaché la corde. Nous criions à l’aide. Ils ont fait tourner leur navire, créant une grosse vague, et notre bateau a complètement chaviré. Les personnes qui se trouvaient sur le côté du bateau se sont retrouvées en dessous. Nous pouvions entendre les gens dans la cale frapper sur la tôle en fer.

      Le bateau a complètement coulé ».

      –—

      Le journaliste Fallah Elias de la chaîne allemande WDR a partagé sur Twitter le témoignage absolument choquant et horrifiant d’un naufragé secouru.

      https://twitter.com/falahelias/status/1670127871170322432

      Dans la vidéo, d’autres survivants pakistanais confirment que les garde-côtes grecs ont fait couler le bateau en le remorquant.

      Ni une, ni deux, ni trois, de nombreux témoignages désignent le gouvernement grec et les garde-côtes comme les seuls responsables du naufrage et de la noyade de centaines de personnes à Pylos. Au lieu de les secourir, ils ont tiré le bateau avec une corde jusqu’à ce qu’il chavire. Probablement pour les faire sortir de la zone de sauvetage grecque.

      Selon certaines informations, une centaine d’enfants figureraient parmi les morts.

      Si tout cela est vrai, il s’agit du plus grand homicide de l’histoire de l’Europe d’après-guerre.

      NE LAISSONS PAS L’AFFAIRE ÊTRE ÉTOUFFÉE !

      https://twitter.com/falahelias/status/1670127871170322432?s=46&t=0dqDdxigZeccg_TvNxhfAA

    • Möglicherweise waren Push-Backs der Küstenwache Schuld am Bootsunglück in Griechenland

      Es gibt Vorwürfe, dass das Boot mit Geflüchteten vor Griechenland wegen Push-Backs der griechischen Küstenwache gesunken ist. WDR-Journalist Bamdad Esmaili berichtet im Interview, was Überlebende des Unglücks erzählen.

      Nach dem Bootsunglück vor Griechenland mit hunderten Toten gibt es schwere Vorwürfe gegen die griechische Küstenwache, das Unglück verursacht zu haben. Die Rede ist von so genannten Push-Backs. Darunter versteht man Maßnahmen, mit denen flüchtende Menschen daran gehindert werden, die Grenze zu übertreten und einen Asylantrag zu stellen. In der EU-Grundrechte-Charta wird das Recht auf Asyl gemäß der Genfer Flüchtlingskonvention allerdings garantiert.

      Die Küstenwache weist den Vorwurf von Push-Backs zurück - jetzt soll die europäische Polizeibehörde Europol ermitteln. WDR-Journalist Bamdad Esmaili ist in Griechenland und hat mit seinem Team mit Überlebenden sprechen können.

      WDR: Es gibt Vorwürfe gegen die griechische Küstenwache. Worum geht es da?

      Bamdad Esmaili: Es geht darum, dass es Vorwürfe gibt, dass die griechische Küstenwache dieses Boot in die Richtung von italienischem Gewässer gezogen hat - dass sie es sozusagen gepushbackt hat. Diesen Vorwurf hatten wir bislang nur gehört, gestern Abend gelang es meinem Kollegen, der arabisch spricht, dann mit ungefähr zehn überlebenden Geflüchteten zu sprechen. Sie haben unabhängig voneinander berichtet, dass dieses Boot tatsächlich gezogen wurde - nicht nur einmal, nicht nur zweimal, sondern insgesamt dreimal. Und dabei ist das Schiff dann ins Wanken gekommen und ist gesunken.

      WDR: Das heißt, das Ziehen dieses Bootes, der Versuch es nach Italien zu ziehen und damit aus der Zuständigkeit Griechenlands herauszuholen, ist für dieses Unglück - so scheint es zumindest im Moment - verantwortlich?

      Esmaili: Das ist der Vorwurf, der im Raum steht. Das muss natürlich erstmal bewiesen werden. Die Griechen lehnen das vehement ab und dementieren das. Sie sagen nach wie vor immer noch, dass sie Hilfe angeboten haben und das Schiff habe diese Hilfe nicht gewollt, weil sie demnach nach Italien wollten.

      WDR: Wir können davon ausgehen, dass es jetzt eine größere Untersuchung geben wird. Wie wird in Griechenland darüber diskutiert, was hören Sie da?

      Esmaili: Das ist zum Politikum geworden, weil nächste Woche Parlamentswahlen in Griechenland sind. Vor allem die Opposition nutzt dieses Thema jetzt aus und kritisiert die Regierung. Und es ist für drei Tage eine Staatstrauer angeordnet worden. Es gibt auch Proteste, Kundgebungen, es gab einen Trauermarsch in Athen, also das ist ein Riesenthema hier in Griechenland.

      WDR: Sie haben erwähnt, dass Sie mit Überlebenden sprechen konnten. Wie haben diese denn die Situation auf dem Schiff beschrieben? Abgesehen von der Frage, ob sie gezogen wurden und damit das Unglück ausgelöst wurde.

      Esmaili: Man muss sich das so vorstellen: Ein Schiff, das 30 Meter lang ist, war völlig überfüllt. Die Überlebenden erzählen uns, dass sie von den Schleppern gehört haben, dass 747 Personen auf diesem Schiff waren. Deswegen ist auch immer von knapp 750 Personen die Rede und die waren überall: Unten, oben auf dem Deck, seit Tagen unterwegs, ohne Nahrung, ohne Wasser. Da kann man sich vorstellen, wie die Stimmung auf dem Schiff war.

      WDR: Das heißt, man muss davon ausgehen, dass das Unglück zu hunderten Toten geführt hat. Was geschieht jetzt mit den Menschen, die gerettet wurden - auch mit denen, mit denen Sie gesprochen haben?

      Esmaili: Wir sind jetzt in Malakasa in der Nähe von Athen und dort sind 71 Personen untergebracht, die kommen ganz normal ins Asylverfahren. Knapp 30 Personen sind noch in Kalamata im Krankenhaus, die werden behandelt und dann kommen sie vermutlich auch ins ganz normale Asylverfahren.

      WDR: Ganz normale Asylverfahren nach dem, was sie erlebt haben, das ist sicherlich auch eine schwierige Situation. Wurde die Suche nach Überlebenden denn inzwischen eingestellt?

      Esmaili: Das kann ich so nicht bestätigen. Wir haben gestern Abend noch gehört, dass noch weiter gesucht wird, aber natürlich kann man nach so vielen Tagen und bei so vielen Menschen davon ausgehen, dass man kaum noch Überlebende aus dem Meer retten kann. Rund 100 Kinder sollen auch mit an Bord gewesen sein.

      https://www1.wdr.de/nachrichten/bootsunglueck-mittelmeer-interview-bamdad-esmaili-100.html

    • Frontex statement following tragic shipwreck off Pylos

      We are shocked and saddened by the tragic events that unfolded off the coast of Greece. The Frontex Executive Director, who travelled to Greece after learning about the tragedy, has offered any support the authorities may need.

      People smugglers have once again trifled with human lives by forcing several hundred migrants on a fishing boat not designed to fit such a number of people. Many were trapped underneath the deck. Our thoughts go out to the families of the victims.

      On 13 June before noon, a Frontex plane spotted the fishing vessel inside the Greek search and rescue region in international waters. The ship was heavily overcrowded and was navigating at slow speed (6 knots) direction north-east.

      Frontex immediately informed the Greek and Italian authorities about the sighting, providing them with information about the condition of the vessel, speed and photos.

      The plane kept monitoring the vessel, constantly providing updates to all relevant national authorities until it ran out of fuel and had to return to base.

      As a Frontex drone was to patrol the Aegean on the same day, the agency offered to provide additional assistance ahead of the planned and scheduled flight. The Greek authorities asked the agency to send the drone to another search and rescue incident south off Crete with 80 people in danger.

      The drone, after attending to the incident south off Crete, flew to the last known position of the fishing vessel. The drone arrived at the scene four hours later at 04:05 (UTC) in the morning, when a large-scale search and rescue operation by Greek authorities was ongoing and there was no sign of the fishing boat. No Frontex plane or boat was present at the time of the tragedy.

      https://frontex.europa.eu/media-centre/news/news-release/frontex-statement-following-tragic-shipwreck-off-pylos-dJ5l9p

      –-
      Commentaire de Lena K. sur twitter :

      This might be important. According to Frontex, they offered a drone to fly over the location of the Pylos shipwreck in the evening of 13th, but the Greek authorities decided to send it to another distress incident south of Crete. Convenient (for both).

      https://twitter.com/lk2015r/status/1670143075040088068

    • Naufrage en Grèce : le bateau dérivait, contrairement à la version des garde-côtes

      Que s’est-il passé dans les heures précédant le terrible naufrage au large du Péloponnèse ? Les garde-côtes grecs affirment que le chalutier bondé faisait route vers l’Italie à une vitesse régulière et n’avait pas besoin d’être secouru. Une enquête de la BBC affirme le contraire : le chalutier était à l’arrêt et nécessitait une aide urgente.

      Version contre version. Depuis le terrible naufrage du mercredi 13 juin au large de la Grèce, qui a coûté la vie à au moins 500 personnes (https://www.infomigrants.net/fr/post/49759/au-moins-200-pakistanais-parmi-les-victimes-du-naufrage-en-grece), les autorités grecques campent sur leurs positions : le chalutier, qui comptait au moins 700 exilés à bord, n’était pas en danger imminent. Du moins, pas dans les heures précédant le naufrage.

      Selon le communiqué officiel du Premier ministre grec (https://www.primeminister.gr/2023/06/14/32002), Kyriakos Mitsotakis, le bateau, parti de Tobrouk en Libye, naviguait en direction de l’Italie. « À 15h35, le navire de pêche a été repéré par l’hélicoptère de la Garde côtière [grecque] naviguant à vitesse régulière », peut-on lire sur le communiqué. Il avait été repéré pour la première fois vers 11h du matin, et depuis, les autorités grecques le surveillait à distance. Pourquoi ne pas le secourir immédiatement ? Parce qu’il ne semblait pas en difficulté, se défendent les Grecs. « Le navire navigu[ait] avec un cap et une vitesse constantes », écrivent-ils dans leur rapport.

      Cette ligne de défense sera la même tout au long de la journée. À partir de 15h30 jusqu’à 21h, les autorités helléniques affirment avoir été à de nombreuses reprises en communication avec le bateau via téléphone satellite. À chaque fois, les garde-côtes notent que le chalutier navigue à vitesse régulière. Et que les exilés ne réclament aucune aide. « Les migrants criaient : ’Pas d’aide, on va en Italie’ », expliquait déjà vendredi 16 juin le porte-parole des garde-côtes grecs, Nikos Alexiou.

      Dans un autre communiqué publié le 19 juin (https://www.hcg.gr/el/drasthriothtes/dieykriniseis-anaforika-me-eyreia-epixeirhsh-ereynas-kai-diaswshs-allodapwn-se-d), Athènes maintient sa position et affirme que le bateau a parcouru une distance de 24 nautiques marins - soit 44 km - depuis le moment où il a été repéré jusqu’à son naufrage.

      « Le navire ne bouge pas »

      Seulement, l’enquête menée par la BBC (https://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-65942426) contredit la version grecque. Grâce aux coordonnées GPS des autres navires présents dans la zone méditerranéenne, la BBC est arrivée à la conclusion que le bateau n’a pas bougé entre 18h et 21h, mardi 13 juin. Un premier chalutier – le Lucky sailor – s’en est approché, sur ordre des garde-côtes grecs, à 18h pour lui fournir des vivres et de l’eau. Trois heures plus tard, c’est au même point de coordonnées maritimes qu’un second navire – le Faithfull Warrior - s’est rendu pour un autre ravitaillement.

      Et la BBC de continuer. « Une vidéo – qui aurait été tournée depuis le Faithful Warrior – prétend montrer des vivres livrés au navire via une corde dans l’eau. La BBC a vérifié ces images et a découvert que le navire - qui ne bouge pas – correspond à la forme du navire de migrants en détresse. Les conditions météorologiques correspondent à celles signalées à l’époque. »

      Pourtant, dans le dernier communiqué du 19 juin, les Grecs ne parlent pas d’immobilisation du navire. « Dans la soirée, le navire de patrouille côtière [...] est arrivé dans la région et a repéré [le chalutier] se déplaçant par ses propres moyens, à faible vitesse », maintiennent-ils.

      Et d’insister. Lors des deux ravitaillements, le navire a dans un premier temps poursuivi sa route avant de finalement s’arrêter. « Une fois le processus [de ravitaillement] terminé, les occupants du bateau ont commencé à jeter les fournitures à la mer », notent-ils encore dans leur document.

      « Navire secoué par le vent et les vagues »

      Enfin, à 22h40, les garde-côtes affirment s’être approché du chalutier tout en restant « à distance ». Là encore, ils ne détectent aucun problème de navigation. Et proposent de l’aide au navire en difficulté. « [Le chalutier] s’est de nouveau arrêté quelques minutes à l’approche [de la garde-côtière] puis a continué son chemin ».

      Entre le dernier ravitaillement et l’immobilisation du chalutier - à cause d’une panne mécanique -, une distance d’environ 6 mille nautiques (11 km) a été parcouru. À aucun moment, selon Athènes, le navire n’a donc été immobile.

      À l’échelle de la Méditerranée, ces dizaines de mille nautiques parcourus par le chalutier ne signifie pas qu’il naviguait de plein gré, insiste la BBC. Mais plutôt qu’il se déplaçait à peine « ce que l’on peut attendre d’un navire en détresse secoué par le vent et les vagues dans la partie la plus profonde de la mer Méditerranée », explique la BBC. Selon le média, les garde-côtes auraient donc dû procéder au sauvetage.

      Vers 2h du matin, dans la nuit du mardi à mercredi, le bateau fera naufrage. Le bilan provisoire fait toujours état de 78 morts, et des centaines de disparus.

      https://www.infomigrants.net/fr/post/49764/naufrage-en-grece--le-bateau-derivait-contrairement-a-la-version-des-g

    • Il video di Frontex e quel barcone stracarico in balia del mare

      Nel video di Frontex il barcone stracarico di migranti in navigazione tra la Libia, da dove era partito quattro giorni prima, e l’Europa. Le immagini sono state registrate il 13 giugno alle ore 9.48 Utc. Il naufragio è avvenuto la notte tra il 13 e il 14 giugno.

      https://www.youtube.com/watch?time_continue=1&v=Drz5OVIkWi0&embeds_referring_origin=https%3A%2F%2Fw

      Salgono a 80 le vittime accertate del tragico naufragio avvenuto a sud del Peloponneso, in Grecia, la settimana scorsa. I soccorsi hanno recuperato i corpi di altri due uomini a largo di Pylos. Le persone tratte in salvo sono ancora 104, mentre mancano all’appello almeno 600 persone, tra cui 100 bambini che al momento del naufragio si trovavano nella stiva. I corpi sono stati trasportati nel porto di Kalamata. Proseguono intanto le ricerche della Guardia costiera.

      Il racconto di un sopravvissuto

      «La Guardia costiera greca ci ha detto che ci avrebbe portato in acque italiane, che ci stavano spingendo. Era una nave da guerra. Poi la nostra barca si è ribaltata. Sono finito in mare, urlavo, non hanno fatto nulla per salvarci. Ho cercato di rimanere a galla per mezz’ora poi quando sono arrivate le barche della Guardia costiera mi sono allontanato perchè avevo paura. Ho visto la luce di una nave commerciale in lontananza e l’ho raggiunta». E’ la testimonianza-choc che sta circolando in queste ore su twitter. Si Tratta di un sopravvissuto siriano che racconta cosa è successo quella notte, fra martedì e mercoledì di una settimana fa, quando il barcone, partito dalla Libia, si è inabissando portandosi dietro almeno 600 persone (fra cui 100 bambini).

      La ricostruzione della Guardia costiera greca
      «In totale, il peschereccio ha percorso una distanza di circa 30 miglia nautiche dal momento del rilevamento al momento dell’affondamento» ha dichiarato la Guardia costiera greca in un comunicato. «Il chiarimento», precisa la nota, arriva a seguito delle «pubblicazioni della stampa internazionale e nazionale» secondo cui il peschereccio sovraffollato non si è mosso per almeno 7 ore prima di capovolgersi. «Nelle ore pomeridiane» di martedì 13 giugno, l’imbarcazione dei migranti «è stata avvicinata da una nave cisterna per fornire assistenza», continua il comunicato della Guardia costiera costiera sul naufragio del peschereccio a largo di Pylos. Nel testo si specifica nuovamente che i migranti a bordo avevano fatto resistenza e che poi il peschereccio si è fermato ed «è iniziato il rifornimento di viveri». Dalle ricostruzioni delle autorità elleniche si legge anche che una seconda nave cisterna si è impegnata ad avvicinarsi all’imbarcazione dei migranti per fornire provviste, ma il peschereccio avrebbe fatto resistenza e si sarebbe spostato verso ovest. Alla fine, la nave cisterna ha iniziato la procedura di rifornimento ma al termine di questa i migranti «hanno iniziato a gettare le provviste in mare». «L’intero processo di rifornimento di provviste agli occupanti del peschereccio da parte delle due navi commerciali è durato in totale più di quattro ore e trenta minuti», aggiunge la Guardia costiera, specificando che «nelle ore serali» è arrivata nella zona una loro motovedetta e «ha avvistato il peschereccio che si muoveva autonomamente, a bassa velocità». Secondo la ricostruzione delle autorità elleniche, la motovedetta «ha avviato una procedura di avvicinamento all’imbarcazione per accertarsi delle condizioni attuali del natante e dei suoi occupanti», mentre «la nave si è fermata di nuovo per alcuni minuti durante l’avvicinamento da parte della motovedetta e poi ha continuato la sua rotta».
      «Dal momento in cui è stato completato il processo di rifornimento fino all’immobilizzazione del peschereccio a causa di un guasto meccanico, il peschereccio ha percorso una distanza di circa 6 miglia nautiche» conclude la Guardia costiera greca.

      Islamabad: 300 cittadini pachistani annegati a Pylos
      Più di 300 pachistani sono annegati nel naufragio del peschereccio al largo delle coste greche del Peloponneso: il numero delle vittime è stato reso noto dal presidente del Senato di Islamabad Muhammad Sadiq Sanjrani inviando le condoglianze alle famiglie. Lo scrive la Cnn. «I nostri pensieri e le nostre preghiere sono con voi e preghiamo che le anime defunte trovino la pace eterna», ha detto Sanjrani. «Questo devastante incidente sottolinea l’urgenza di affrontare e condannare l’esecrabile traffico illegale di esseri umani». Le autorità greche non hanno ancora confermato il bilancio delle vittime pakistane.

      https://www.avvenire.it/attualita/pagine/naufragio-in-grecia-la-versione-dei-greci

    • A survivor of #Pylos shipwreck shared harrowing details:

      ➡️Two people died from thirst and hunger on the 4th and 5th days of the journey
      ➡️On the 4th day, people started drinking from the boat engine’s water. On the 5th day, a state of “slow death” was announced

      ➡️On 16 June, they started calling for any coastguard as they didn’t know they were in the Greek waters.
      ➡️A luxury yacht provided 4 boxes of water for almost 750 people & this created tension between people due to thirst.

      ➡️A giant Greek ship threw ropes to people & towed the boat. Then, they started throwing water bottles at them leading to an imbalance in the boat
      ➡️The boat started sinking. We started to beg to be rescued and showed them the dead bodies but the ship wasn’t qualified for rescue

      ➡️Around sunset, a Greek military ship with masked people wearing black approached, towed them with only one blue robe & increased their ship’s speed
      ➡️That was when the ship capsized. People started shouting as they sink. People on the Greek military ship were just watching
      Full testimony here:
      https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=IOzLIXa1cQ8

      https://twitter.com/ecre/status/1670739249417560064

    • I superstiti del naufragio di Pylos accusano la Guardia costiera greca

      Nella notte tra il 13 e il 14 giugno le autorità greche avrebbero tentato di trainare il peschereccio partito dalla Libia con a bordo oltre 700 persone, provocandone l’inabissamento. Le testimonianze dei sopravvissuti, confinati subito dopo aver toccato terra, smontano la versione di Atene. Le vittime sarebbero almeno 643

      Secondo diverse testimonianze dei sopravvissuti il peschereccio con oltre 700 persone a bordo è affondato al largo delle coste greche, nelle prime ore di mercoledì 21 giugno, durante un tentativo fallito di rimorchio da parte della Guardia costiera greca. L’accusa è contenuta nelle dichiarazioni rilasciate da alcuni naufraghi all’autorità giudiziaria di Kalamata, città meridionale greca –visionate dall’Ap news (https://apnews.com/article/greece-migrant-shipwreck-smugglers-9daf86915e8bd89a1697dd1ee75504ac) e dal quotidiano ellenico Kathimerini- che smentiscono la versione delle autorità greche secondo cui la barca non sarebbe stata scortata nelle sue ultime ore di navigazione e non ci sarebbe stato alcun tentativo di abbordarla.

      “La nave greca ha gettato una corda ed è stata legata alla nostra prua -ha spiegato Abdul Rahman Alhaz, 24 anni, palestinese che è riuscito a salvarsi-. Dopo hanno iniziato a muoversi e a tirare, per poco più di due minuti. Noi gridavamo ‘Stop, stop’ perché la barca era sovraccarica. Poi ha cominciato a inclinarsi”.

      L’inabissamento del peschereccio partito dalla Libia avrebbe provocato almeno 643 vittime, secondo quanto è stato possibile ricostruire dalle testimonianze dei 104 sopravvissuti. Sarebbero 100 i bambini, sempre secondo i racconti di chi si è salvato dal naufragio, che con le donne erano stipati nella stiva della nave. Sulle dinamiche dell’incidente, però, fin da subito erano emersi versioni contrastanti.

      Un’inchiesta realizzata dalla BBC (https://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-65942426) mostra che il peschereccio sovraffollato non si è mosso per almeno sette ore prima di capovolgersi mentre la guardia costiera, invece, nel comunicato stampa rilasciato successivamente al naufragio sottolinea che dalle 15.30 all’1.40 la navigazione è proseguita a “velocità e rotta costante”. La versione della BBC si basa sui dati di Marin traffic, che traccia i movimenti delle imbarcazioni nel Mediterraneo, e che confermerebbe che le navi inviate dalle autorità greche per fornire supporto all’imbarcazione carica di naufraghi siano intervenute tutte nella stessa zona e che quindi la nave avrebbe percorso “meno di poche miglia nautiche, come ci si può aspettare da una nave colpita dal vento o dalle onde nella parte più profonda del Mar Mediterraneo”. Inoltre, sempre secondo la testata inglese, la foto dell’imbarcazione pubblicata dai guardacoste ellenici giovedì 15 giugno, riferita a poche ore prima del capovolgimento, dimostra che la nave era ferma e soprattutto smentisce la versione secondo cui le stesse autorità “avevano osservato da una distanza discreta il susseguirsi dei fatti”.

      “Abbiamo lanciato una richiesta di soccorso il giorno prima del naufragio verso le 8 del mattino -ha raccontato un sopravvissuto alla Ong Consolidated rescue group- (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=IOzLIXa1cQ8

      ). Non sapevamo neanche che fossimo in Grecia”. Alle 9.47 del mattino Frontex, l’Agenzia che sorveglia le frontiere europee, ha comunicato alle autorità italiane e greche la presenza di un peschereccio sovraffollato e la Centrale operativa di Roma intorno alle 11 ha comunicato la posizione della nave, nel Sud del Peloponneso, al centro operativo di Atene. Alle 13.50 da Mitilini si è alzato un elicottero della Guardia costiera greca diretto verso il peschereccio, raggiunto verso le 15.35. Le stesse autorità greche, intanto, stavano chiedendo alle imbarcazioni che navigavano nell’area di cambiare rotta. “Una barca ci ha rifornito di quattro boxes d’acqua da sei bottiglie l’una: le persone si colpivano per prenderla -continua il sopravvissuto-. Questa nave ci ha lanciato una corda per avvicinarci ma ci ha detto che non era loro compito salvarci e che presto sarebbe arrivata la Guardia costiera”. La situazione a bordo era tesa, racconta sempre l’uomo intervistato dal Consolidated rescue group, al quarto giorno di navigazione non c’era né acqua né cibo, due persone erano morte e giacevano sul vascello: al quinto giorno, quello precedente al naufragio, qualcuno beveva dal motore perché l’acqua era finita. Ma anche nel racconto dell’uomo quello che succede al calar del sole di martedì scorso, dopo l’intervento delle navi civili, ripercorre le testimonianze di decine di altri naufraghi. “La Guardia costiera, una volta arrivata, ci ha detto di seguirli così l’Italia ci avrebbe salvato. Lo abbiamo fatto per mezz’ora, poi il motore si è rotto. Erano vestiti di nero e mascherati, senza segni militari. Ci hanno tirati con una corta e poi sono ripartiti, la nave ha perso stabilità e poco dopo è affondata”.

      Da Atene le autorità hanno dichiarato che i naufraghi hanno più volte rifiutato il loro intervento perché volevano proseguire verso l’Italia. Diverse testimonianze dei naufraghi smentiscono questa versione. Nawal Soufi, attivista rifugiata indipendente che quel giorno ha lanciato per prima l’Sos per la barca in avaria, ha dichiarato di essere stata in contatto con le persone sulla barca fino alle 23 di martedì. “L’uomo con cui stavo parlando mi ha detto espressamente: ‘Sento che questa sarà la nostra ultima notte viva’”, ha scritto. Poco prima di mezzanotte il motore si è spento.

      El Pais (https://english.elpais.com/international/2023-06-20/greece-imposes-silence-around-shipwreck-of-overcrowded-migrant-boat.) ha accusato le autorità greche di “imporre il silenzio” ai sopravvissuti al naufragio. Durante la loro permanenza nel porto di Kalamata, i 104 naufraghi avevano infatti mobilità limitata e scarso accesso alle comunicazioni: la Guardia costiera, secondo quanto ricostruito dal quotidiano spagnolo, li avrebbe confinati all’interno di un complesso recintato da cui non è stato permesso loro di uscire. Successivamente, venerdì 16 giugno, sono stati trasferiti a Malakasa, un campo per richiedenti asilo vicino ad Atene. Ma anche in questa nuova sistemazione la possibilità di uscire e avere contatti con l’esterno è risultata limitata

      Intanto martedì 20 giugno il tribunale di Kalamata ha convalidato l’arresto di nove uomini di origine egiziana accusati di essere i membri dell’equipaggio: omicidio colposo, naufragio e partecipazione a un’organizzazione criminale sono i capi d’accusa. L’avvocato Athanassios Iliopoulos, che rappresenta un presunto trafficante di 22 anni, ha dichiarato all’Associated Press che tutti e nove i sospettati hanno negato le accuse in tribunale affermando di essere essi stessi naufraghi. Iliopoulos ha detto che il suo cliente ha riferito di aver venduto il suo camion preso in prestito dai suoi genitori per raccogliere 4.500 euro per il viaggio. Anche in Pakistan, dove è stato proclamato il lutto nazionale per le vittime del naufragio, l’ufficio del primo ministro Shehbaz Sharif ha annunciato che sono state arrestate dieci persone accusate di far parte dell’organizzazione. “Intensificheremo gli sforzi nella lotta contro le persone coinvolte nell’atroce crimine della tratta di esseri umani”, ha dichiarato il capo del governo. Per la presidente della Commissione europea Ursula von der Leyen “è urgente agire”, sottolineando che l’Ue dovrebbe aiutare i Paesi africani come la Tunisia, da cui molte persone partono, a stabilizzare le loro economie. Non ha in questo caso menzionato la Libia, luogo da cui il peschereccio del naufragio è partito.

      La Grecia è stata più volte accusata di violare sui propri confini le norme sul salvataggio in mare e i diritti delle persone in transito. A maggio 2023 un’inchiesta del New York Times ha mostrato, con tanto di video ad alta definizione, le autorità greche riportare indietro verso le coste turche decine di profughi già arrivati sul territorio, tra cui anche bambini, lasciando alla deriva l’imbarcazione. Altro che attività di search and rescue. Il portale di inchiesta Solomon (https://wearesolomon.com/mag/focus-area/migration/just-007-of-819m-border-budget-to-greece-earmarked-for-search-and-resc) ha ricostruito come degli 819 milioni di euro forniti ad Atene all’interno del “Fondo di gestione delle frontiere europee” appena lo 0,07% (neanche 600mila euro) sarà destinato allo sviluppo delle attività di ricerca e soccorso in mare. La maggior parte del denaro riguarda invece l’approvvigionamento di attrezzature di deterrenza come droni, veicoli di ogni tipo, termocamere, elicotteri e sistemi di sorveglianza automatizzati. Tutto ciò che non è servito per salvare 640 persone.

      https://altreconomia.it/i-superstiti-del-naufragio-di-pylos-accusano-la-guardia-costiera-greca

    • Greece shipwreck survivors were ’abandoned for 10 minutes’

      Survivors of the June 14 shipwreck off Greece have made serious accusations against the country’s Coast Guard in witness statements.

      Statements gathered from some of the 104 survivors of a recent shipwreck off Greece contain serious accusations against the Greek Coast Guard.

      Search operations for more corpses continue after the fishing vessel, which is believed to have been carrying up to 800 migrants, capsized last week south of Greece’s Peloponnese.
      Survivors blame Greek Coast Guard

      “When the ship capsized, the Coast Guard cut the rope and continued on its way. It went farther away as we were all screaming. After 10 minutes, they came back with small boats to pick up people but they did not go as far as the ship itself. They only picked up those who managed to swim away,” one survivor told the Greek newspaper Kathimerini, recounting the last minutes of shipwreck that left at least 82 dead and hundreds missing.

      Surviving witnesses have been questioned by the Kalamata port authority.

      Every person interviewed confirmed — with slight variations in their reconstructions — that the shipwreck had been caused by a Greek Coast Guard patrol boat.

      One of the survivors said the Coast Guard’s attempt to tow the overcrowded fishing vessel created turbulence in the water that eventually caused the ship to capsize.

      “They tried to pull it using force for two or three minutes and everyone whistled to try to make them stop, since they were pulling it strongly and creating waves,” one said.

      Another added that, “for the first few minutes we went forward, but then the Coast Guard turned to the right and the ship overturned.”
      Polemics inflame political conflict prior to vote

      These witness statements run counter to the Coast Guard’s official version. Captains aboard the patrol boat say they only hooked up to the vessel for a few minutes to check the situation onboard before the ship wrecked.

      The situation has inflamed political conflict ahead of Greece’s government elections, which will be held Sunday.

      https://www.infomigrants.net/en/post/49846/greece-shipwreck-survivors-were-abandoned-for-10-minutes

    • They knew the boat could sink. Boarding it didn’t feel like a choice.

      The story of how as many as 750 migrants came to board a rickety blue fishing trawler and end up in one of the Mediterranean’s deadliest shipwrecks is bigger than any one of the victims. But for everyone, it started somewhere, and for #Thaer_Khalid_al-Rahal it started with cancer.

      The leukemia diagnosis for his youngest son, 4-year-old Khalid, came early last year. The family had been living in a Jordanian refugee camp for a decade, waiting for official resettlement after fleeing Syria’s bitter war, and doctors said the United Nations’ refugee agency could help cover treatment costs. But agency funds dwindled and the child’s case worsened. When doctors said Khalid needed a bone-marrow transplant, the father confided in relatives that waiting to relocate through official channels was no longer an option. He needed to get to Europe to earn money and save his son.

      “Thaer thought he didn’t have a choice,” said his cousin, Abdulrahman Yousif al-Rahal, reached by phone in the Jordanian refugee camp of Zaatari.

      In Egypt, the journey for #Mohamed_Abdelnasser, 27, started with a creeping realization that his carpentry work could not earn enough to support his wife and two sons.

      For #Matloob_Hussain, 42, it began the day his Greek residency renewal was rejected, sending him back to Pakistan, where his salary helped put food on the table for 20 extended family members amid a crippling economic crisis.

      “Europe doesn’t understand,” said his brother Adiil Hussain, interviewed in Greece where they had lived together. “We don’t leave because we want to. There is simply nothing for us in Pakistan.”

      On Matloob’s earlier journey to Europe, he had been so scared of the water that he kept his eyes closed the whole time. This time, the smugglers promised him they would take him to Italy. They said they would use “a good boat.”

      The trawler left from the Libyan port city of #Tobruk on June 8. Just 104 survivors have reached the Greek mainland. Eighty-two bodies have been recovered, and hundreds more have been swallowed by the sea.

      As the Mediterranean became a stage for tragedy on June 14, a billionaire and several businessmen were preparing for their own voyage in the North Atlantic. The disappearance of their submersible as it dove toward the wreckage of the Titanic sparked a no-expenses-spared search-and-rescue mission and rolling headlines. The ship packed with refugees and migrants did not.

      About half the passengers are believed to have been from Pakistan. The country’s interior minister said Friday that an estimated 350 Pakistanis were on board, and that many may have died. Of the survivors from the boat, 47 are Syrian, 43 Egyptian, 12 Pakistani and two Palestinian.

      Some of the people on the trawler were escaping war. Many were family breadwinners, putting their own lives on the line to help others back home. Some were children. A list of the missing from two towns in the Nile Delta carries 43 names. Almost half of them are under 18 years old.

      This account of what pushed them to risk a notoriously dangerous crossing is based on interviews with survivors in Greece and relatives of the dead in Pakistan, Jordan and Egypt, as the news sent ripples of distress throughout communities from North Africa to South Asia. Some people spoke on the condition of anonymity, because they feared being drawn into government crackdowns on human smuggling networks.

      Rahal’s family said they do not know how he contacted the smugglers in Libya, but remember watching as he creased under the fatigue and shame of having to ask anyone he could for the thousands of dollars they were requesting for safe passage to Italy.

      Thirteen men left from El Na’amna village, south of the Egyptian capital, Cairo, in the hope of achieving the same. Ten miles away in Ibrash, another village, Abdelnasser left the house as he usually did for his 2 a.m. factory shift but joined a packed car to Libya instead, along with 29 other young men and boys. “He told us nothing,” said his father, Amr. “We would have stopped him.”

      Many of the families said the departures caught them by surprise and that local intermediaries working for the smugglers later communicated with relatives in Egypt to gather the requested funds.

      In El Na’amna, several people said the figure was $4,500 per person — a sum impossibly high for most rural Egyptians. In Ibrash, Abdelnasser’s uncle said, two of the delegates who arrived to collect the money were disguised in women’s dress. Another woman did the talking. She collected the money, photographed receipts, and then told the family that the deal was done.

      ‘He said the boat was very bad’

      The time spent waiting in Libya was harder than the migrants expected, said family members who spoke with them throughout that period. The port city of Tobruk had become a transit hub for people, and the migrants reported that the smugglers treated them like goods to be traded. The lucky ones rented cramped apartments where they could wait near the bright blue sea.

      Travelers who had arranged to meet their intermediaries in the city of Benghazi were transported in large refrigerator trucks to the desert. One survivor described a house there “with a big yard and big walls and people at the door with guns.” It was so busy that people slept in the yard outside. Inside, a 24-year-old Pakistani migrant, Bilal Hassan, tried to lighten the mood by reciting Punjabi poetry. He is smiling in the video he sent his family, but other men in the room look tense.

      Some migrants told their families they were getting anxious and didn’t trust their smugglers. Others sent brief messages to reassure and say that they were fine.

      Rahal spoke to his wife, Nermin, every day. A month passed with no news of onward passage and his mood darkened. He worried about Khalid. In Jordan, the boy kept asking when he would see his father again. “I don’t know,” Rahal texted in reply. When one smuggler’s offer fell through, he found another who promised to get the job done faster. In voice messages to his cousin, he sounded tired.

      “I’ll manage to get the money,” he said.

      His last call to his wife was June 8. Men from the smuggling network were yelling at the migrants to pack together as closely as possible in rubber dinghies that would take them to the trawler. Up ahead, the blue fishing boat looked like it was already full.

      Matloob Hussein, the Pakistani who had lived in Greece, called his brother from the trawler. “He said the boat was very bad,” Adiil recounted. “He said they had loaded people on the boat like cattle. He said he was below deck and that he preferred it so he didn’t have to see that he was surrounded by water.”

      When Adiil asked why his brother hadn’t refused to board, Matloob said the smugglers had guns and knives. As the boat pulled out of Tobruk’s concrete port, he told Adiil he was turning his phone off — he did not expect to have a signal again until they arrived.

      After the calls to loved ones stopped, from the foothills of Kashmir to the villages of the Nile Delta, families held their breath.

      It felt, said one relative, like a film that had just stopped halfway through.

      In hometowns and villages, waiting for news

      News of the blue trawler’s capsize trickled out on the morning of June 14. The coast guard’s initial report said that at least 17 people had drowned while noting that more than 100 had been saved. On the Greek mainland, relatives waited for updates in the baking sun outside a migrant reception center. Back in hometowns and villages, some people kept their cellphones plugged into the power sockets so they did not risk missing a call.

      The residents of El Na’amna and Ibrash didn’t know what to do. Police arrested a local smuggler but provided no updates on the whereabouts of the missing. Rumors swirled that most were dead. The mother of 23-year-old Amr Elsayed described a grief so full that she felt as if she were burning.

      A Pakistani community leader in Greece, Javed Aslam, said he was in direct contact with more than 200 families asking for news. Accounts from survivors suggested that almost all the Pakistani passengers, along with many women and children, had been stuck on the lower levels of the boat as it went down.

      Adiil came looking for his brother. He was turned away from the hospital where survivors had been treated, but left his details anyway. Outside the Malakasa reception center, where the survivors were staying, 15 miles north of Athens, several Pakistanis seemed to know Matloob as “the man in the yellow T-shirt.” No one had seen him since the wreck.

      Perhaps it was crazy, Adiil said Thursday, but somehow he still had hope. He had registered his DNA with the local authorities and he had spoken to other families there every day. Now he didn’t know what to do with himself. His eyes were red from crying. He carried creased photographs of his brother in his pocket.

      In one image, Matloob is standing with his dark-eyed daughter, 10-year-old Arfa. Adiil had told the girl that her father was in the hospital, but that fiction was weighing more on him by the day as she kept asking why they couldn’t speak.

      Khalid had been asking for his father, too, but no one knew how to make a 4-year-old understand something they barely understood themselves.

      Nermin, relatives said, was “in bad shape.” She had a funeral to organize without a body. But first she had to take Khalid to the hospital for his biopsy, to learn how far the cancer had spread.

      https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/2023/06/24/greek-migrant-boat-victims

    • ‘If they had left us be, we wouldn’t have drowned:’ CNN investigation raises questions about Greek coast guard’s account of shipwreck tragedy

      The hull of the fishing trawler lifted out of the water as it sank, catapulting people from the top deck into the black sea below. In the darkness, they grabbed onto whatever they could to stay afloat, pushing each other underwater in a frantic fight for survival. Some were screaming, many began to recite their final prayers.

      “I can still hear the voice of a woman calling out for help,” one survivor of the migrant boat disaster off the coast of Greece told CNN. “You’d swim and move floating bodies out of your way.”

      With hundreds of people still missing after the overloaded vessel capsized in the Mediterranean on June 14, the testimonies of those who were onboard paint a picture of chaos and desperation. They also call into question the Greek coast guard’s version of events, suggesting more lives could have been saved, and may even point to fault on the part of Greek authorities.

      Rights groups allege the tragedy is both further evidence and a result of a new pattern in illegal pushbacks of migrant boats to other nations’ waters, with deadly consequences.

      This boat was carrying up to 750 Pakistani, Syrian, Egyptian and Palestinian refugees and migrants. Only 104 people have been rescued alive.

      CNN has interviewed multiple survivors of the shipwreck and their relatives, all of whom have wished to remain anonymous for security reasons and the fear of retribution from authorities in both Greece and at home.

      One survivor from Syria, whom CNN is identifying as Rami, described how a Greek coast guard vessel approached the trawler multiple times to try to attach a rope to tow the ship, with disastrous results.

      “The third time they towed us, the boat swayed to the right and everyone was screaming, people began falling into the sea, and the boat capsized and no one saw anyone anymore,” he said. “Brothers were separated, cousins were separated.”

      Another Syrian man, identified as Mostafa, also believes it was the maneuver by the coast guard that caused the disaster. “The Greek captain pulled us too fast, it was extremely fast, this caused our boat to sink,” he said.

      The Hellenic Coast Guard has repeatedly denied attempting to tow the vessel. An official investigation into the cause of the tragedy is still ongoing.

      Coast guard spokesman Nikos Alexiou told CNN over the phone last week: “When the boat capsized, we were not even next to (the) boat. How could we be towing it?” Instead, he insisted they had only been “observing at a close distance” and that “a shift in weight probably caused by panic” had caused the boat to tip.

      The Hellenic Coast Guard has declined to answer CNN’s specific requests for response to the survivor testimonies.

      Direct accounts from those who survived the wreck have been limited, due to their concerns about speaking out and the media having little access to the survivors. CNN interviewed Rami and Mostafa outside the Malakasa migrant camp near Athens, where journalists are not permitted entry.

      The Syrian men said the conditions on board the migrant boat deteriorated fast in the more than five days after it set off from Tobruk, Libya, in route to Italy. They had run out of water and had resorted to drinking from storage bottles that people had urinated in.

      “People were dying. People were fainting. We used a rope to dip clothes into the sea and use that to squeeze water on people who had lost consciousness,” Rami said.

      CNN’s analysis of marine traffic data, combined with information from NGOs, merchant vessels and the European Union border patrol agency, Frontex, suggests that Greek authorities were aware of the distressed vessel for at least 13 hours before it eventually sank early on June 14.

      The Greek coast guard has maintained that people onboard the trawler had refused rescue and insisted they wanted to continue their journey to Italy. But survivors, relatives and activists say they had asked for help multiple times.

      Earlier in the day, other ships tried to help the trawler. Directed by the Greek coast guard, two merchant vessels – Lucky Sailor and Faithful Warrior – approached the boat between 6 and 9 p.m. on June 13 to offer supplies, according to marine traffic data and the logs of those ships. But according to survivors this only caused more havoc onboard.

      “Fights broke out over food and water, people were screaming and shouting,” Mostafa said. “If it wasn’t for people trying to calm the situation down, the boat was on the verge of sinking several times.”

      By early evening, six people had already died onboard, according to an audio recording reviewed by CNN from Italian activist Nawal Soufi, who took a distress call from the migrant boat at around 7 p.m. Soufi’s communication with the vessel also corroborated Mostafa’s account that people moved from one side of the boat to the other after water bottles were passed from the cargo ships, causing it to sway dangerously.

      The haunting final words sent from the migrant boat came just minutes before it capsized. According to a timeline published by NGO Alarm Phone they received a call, at around 1:45 a.m., with the words “Hello my friend… The ship you send is…” Then the call cuts out.

      The coast guard says the vessel began to sink at around 2 a.m.

      The next known activity in the area, according to marine traffic data, was the arrival of a cluster of vessels starting around 3 a.m. The Mayan Queen superyacht was the first on the scene for what soon became a mass rescue operation.

      A responsibility to rescue

      Human rights groups say the authorities had a duty to act to save lives, regardless of what people on board were saying to the coast guard before the migrant boat capsized.

      “The boat was overcrowded, was unseaworthy and should have been rescued and people taken to safety, that’s quite clear,” UNHCR Special Envoy for the Central Mediterranean Vincent Cochetel told CNN in an interview. “There was a responsibility for the Greek authorities to coordinate a rescue to bring those people safely to land.”

      Cochetel also pointed to a growing trend by countries, including Greece, to assist migrant boats in leaving their waters. “That’s a practice we’ve seen in recent months. Some coastal states provide food, provide water, sometimes life jackets, sometimes even fuel to allow such boats to continue to only one destination: Italy. And that’s not fair, Italy cannot cope with that responsibility alone.”

      Survivors who say the coast guard tried to tow their boat say they don’t know what the aim was.

      There have been multiple documented examples in recent years of Greek patrol boats engaging in so-called “pushbacks” of migrant vessels from Greek waters in recent years, including in a CNN investigation in 2020.

      “It looks like what the Greeks have been doing since March 2020 as a matter of policy, which is pushbacks and trying to tow a boat to another country’s water in order to avoid the legal responsibility to rescue,” Omer Shatz, legal director of NGO Front-LEX, told CNN. “Because rescue means disembarkation and disembarkation means processing of asylum requests.”

      Pushbacks are state measures aimed at forcing refugees and migrants out of their territory, while impeding access to legal and procedural frameworks, according to the Berlin-based European Center for Constitutional and Human Rights (ECCHR). They are a violation of international law, as well as European regulations.

      And such measures do not appear to have deterred human traffickers whose businesses prey on vulnerable and desperate migrants.

      In an interview with CNN last month, then Greek Prime Minister Kyriakos Mitsotakis denied that his country engaged in intentional pushbacks and described them as a “completely unacceptable practice.” Mitsotakis is widely expected to win a second term in office in Sunday’s election, after failing to get an outright majority in a vote last month.

      A series of Greek governments have been criticized for their handling of migration policy, including conditions in migrant camps, particularly following the 2015-16 refugee crisis, when more than 1 million people entered Europe through the country.

      For those who lived through last week’s sinking, the harrowing experience will never be forgotten.

      Mostafa and Rami both say they wish they had never made the journey, despite the fact they are now in Europe and are able to claim asylum.

      Most of all, Mostafa says, he wishes the Greek coast guard had never approached their boat: “If they had left us be, we wouldn’t have drowned.”

      https://edition.cnn.com/2023/06/23/europe/greece-migrant-boat-disaster-investigation-intl-cmd/index.html
      #témoignage

    • Greece shipwreck survivors faced ’unacceptable’ conditions on arrival in country

      NGOs say survivors of sinking are being held in a closed centre with limited access to psychological support

      Survivors of the Pylos shipwreck, which has left an estimated 500 people missing, faced an “unacceptable” reception in Greece and continue to be held in conditions unsuitable for vulnerable people, NGO workers say.

      The overloaded fishing trawler carrying an estimated 750 people capsized and sank in front of the Greek coastguard last week, following an allegedly botched attempt by the coastguard to tow the vessel.

      The survivors, put at 104 and all men - as no women or children are said to have survived the wreck - were taken to Kalamata, a city on the Peloponnese peninsula, where they were kept in a storage warehouse for two to three days before being transferred to an asylum registration facility at Malakasa, north of Athens.

      “We witnessed an unacceptable reception of extremely vulnerable people in Kalamata,” Eleni Spathanaa, a volunteer lawyer for Refugee Support Aegean, an organisation providing legal advice for the survivors of the wreck, told Middle East Eye.

      Survivors slept on mattresses on the warehouse floor, and the area around it was ringed with fencing. A video posted on Twitter showed a Syrian teenager attempting to embrace his brother through the bars.

      According to Spathanaa, in the first few days no concerted effort was made by authorities to facilitate contact with the survivors’ families, although the Greek Red Cross was providing some access to mobile phones.

      A suffocating experience

      The survivors were transported to a registration facility in Malakasa on 16 and 17 June.

      According to Spathanaa, conditions at #Malakasa are not much of an improvement on those at Kalamata. Survivors are housed in shared shipping containers, and, as at #Kalamata, the facility is ring-fenced, with access severely restricted.

      The prison-like conditions came as a shock.

      “We witnessed... people devastated [and in] shock. They could not even understand where they were,” said Spathanaa. "I could not understand why they were put in a closed centre. Of course, these conditions are not suitable for people who have just survived a shipwreck.

      “These people were [contained], after such a suffocating experience - all of them have lost friends, some of them close relatives... they cannot even conceive what has happened.”

      According to Spathanaa, some of the survivors’ basic needs are not being met at the facility, with some reporting that requests for extra clothing to keep warm at night have been refused. Requests for tea, coffee and cigarettes were also reportedly denied.

      Spathanaa and her colleagues also found that, despite suffering from acute distress, the survivors were being “fast-tracked” through the process of registration for asylum applications.

      “This was quite problematic because most of the people [we met] had not even seen a lawyer before passing through this process,” she said.

      Emergency psychological and medical aid at the facility is being provided by the NGO Doctors Without Borders (MSF). “We saw a lot of distress,” MSF head of mission Sonia Balleron told MEE. “The medical team is clear that [the survivors] are all potentially at risk of PTSD [post-traumatic stress disorder].”

      The team have reported treating chemical burns, injuries from exposure to the sun and sea water, as well as hypo-glycaemic shock (the effect of low blood sugar), due to the people aboard the boat being deprived of food for up to six days.

      According to Balleron, many of the survivors are suffering from sleep disorders and night terrors in the wake of the disaster.

      “What we hear mostly... is people [recalling] seeing their friends dying in front of their eyes,” said Balleron. “They also talk about not knowing who survived and who died, which is causing a lot of stress. Families are calling a lot to try to understand if their relatives are among the survivors or not.”
      A political choice

      For Spathanaa, the conditions experienced by the survivors of the wreck on arrival in Kalamata and Malakasa are no accident, but a “political choice”.

      At the end of 2022, the ESTIA accommodation scheme, an EU funded housing programme for vulnerable asylum seekers, was terminated. The programme, which was started in 2015, was intended to assist families with children, people with disabilities and survivors of torture with suitable housing and medical care.

      When it closed on 16 December, vulnerable asylum seekers were transferred from ESTIA accommodation to remote camps with as little as 24 hours’ notice. Human rights groups warned that the curtailment of the scheme could exacerbate isolation of asylum seekers and “re-traumatise” survivors of violence and torture.

      “We have these vulnerable survivors, and we don’t have the option of sheltering them in dignified and suitable conditions,” said Spathanaa. “I don’t think if the shipwreck’s passengers were tourists, that they would treat them like that. They wouldn’t put them in a warehouse.”

      This is not lost on the international community. Social media posts in the wake of the disaster have highlighted the discrepancy in the efforts by the Greek coastguard to prevent last week’s wreck with the resources expended on recovering the missing Titan submarine in the Atlantic Ocean.

      Widespread protests in Greece over the authorities’ inaction to the disaster have also highlighted the inequities that play out in the waters of the Mediterranean: on 18 June, two cruise ships were greeted at Thessaloniki port with a banner reading: “Tourists enjoy your cruise in Europe’s biggest migrants cemetery.”

      https://www.middleeasteye.net/news/greece-shipwreck-survivors-unacceptable-conditions-upon-arrival
      #emprisonnement #survivants

    • On the night of June 14, Captain Richard Kirkby is piloting the Mayan Queen IV, a luxury yacht belonging to a Mexican multibillionaire, through the calm, black waters of the Mediterranean when he receives an emergency call. “Ship sinking. Large number of people. Vessels in the vicinity are requested to initiate search and rescue operations.” The crew hears the screams from people drowning before they can see them.

      The shipwreck that takes place that night would turn out to be the deadliest in the Mediterranean in many years. Around 750 people are thought to have been on board the fishing boat that went down off the coast of the Peloponnese. When the Mayan Queen IV reaches the site at 2:55 a.m., only the lights of another ship can be seen. They belong to the Greek Coast Guard, vessel LS 920 – according to investigation files that DER SPIEGEL and its partners have acquired.

      But the Greeks cannot be reached via radio. So three crew members from the Mayan Queen IV climb into a life boat and start searching for survivors, constantly heading toward the cries for help. They stay as quiet as they can so as not to miss a single voice. Ultimately, they will pull 15 people out of the water.

      Early in the morning, the Greek Coast Guard requests permission to bring additional survivors on board. The Greek vessel is too small to safely bring all the survivors to shore. But the Mayan Queen IV – a ship with four decks, tinted windows and a helicopter landing pad – is large enough. At 7:20 a.m., the yacht sets course for Kalamata. On board are 100 of a total of 104 survivors – migrants wrapped in silver emergency blankets cowering where the super-rich are normally sunning themselves.
      Survivors if the shipwreck in the port of Kalamata: “Ship sinking. Large number of people.”

      Hundreds of refugees don’t survive this night – despite the fact that the Greek Coast Guard arrived at the site several hours before the accident. As early as the morning of the previous day, an Italian agency had sent them a warning and a non-governmental organization had forwarded an SOS from the fishing boat. Even the European Union border control agency Frontex had identified the ship’s plight and offered additional assistance. How can it be that hundreds of migrants died anyway? It is a question that has plagued the Greek Coast Guard for the last two weeks.

      The accusations that survivors have leveled at the Greeks are serious: Did the Coast Guard leave the people to their fate for too long? Were they trying to pull the ship into Italian waters – as some testimony seems to indicate? Perhaps to keep hundreds of migrants from landing in Greece?

      A team of reporters from DER SPIEGEL joined forces with the nonprofit newsroom Lighthouse Reports, investigative journalism consortium Reporters United, the Spanish newspaper El País, the Syrian investigative reporting outlet Siraj and the German public broadcaster ARD to explore these questions. The reporters interviewed survivors, many of whom had already turned to the aid organization Consolidated Rescue Group. They examined leaked investigative reports, videos and geodata and spoke with sources inside Frontex.

      The reporting indicates that, at the very least, the Greek Coast Guard may have made grave errors. Sixteen refugees have accused the Greeks, for example, of causing the fishing boat to capsize, while seven are convinced that Greek rescue attempts were hesitant at best – which would mean they were willing to accept the deaths of hundreds of people. There are also serious doubts about the willingness of Greek authorities to thoroughly investigate the disaster. The leaked investigation reports raise questions as to whether Greek officials may have altered testimony in their favor.

      One of those who survived, we’ll call him Manhal Abdulkareem, tells his story in mid-June from the Greek camp Malakasa. He requests that we not use his real name or even describe him out of fear of how the Greek authorities might react. What he has to say does not paint them in a positive light.

      The Syrian once worked as a stonemason in Jordan. Last spring, he decided to risk the crossing to Italy. He traveled to Libya and boarded the vessel in the port city of Tobruk on June 9. Abdulkareem is one of hundreds of people who crowded onto the vessel, and he was one of the lucky ones: He was able to buy himself a place on deck. Later, it would save his life.

      Other refugees crowded into the boat’s cold storage room. According to survivors, women and children were below decks, many of them from Pakistan. For them, the belly of the ship would turn into a coffin.

      Abdulkareem’s account of the initial days onboard the ship is consistent with the stories told by other survivors. He says that they began running out of water on the third of five days onboard, that the motor cut out on several occasions and that the captain seemed to have lost his orientation. The goal of reaching Italy was more distant than ever.

      The Greek Coast Guard was also aware of the dire situation onboard the fishing boat. On the morning of June 13, they received the first warning from the Italian Coast Guard. Frontex agents filmed the ship from the air at midday. At 5:13 p.m. local time, the non-governmental organization Alarmphone wrote an email to the Greek authorities. The email noted that there were 750 people on the ship. “They are requesting urgent assistance.”

      At the time of the call for help, the fishing vessel was around 80 kilometers (50 miles) off the coast of the Peloponnese. Nevertheless, the Greek Coast Guard sent a ship that was anchored in far-away Crete.

      At least two freighters supplied the fishing vessel with water, but they didn’t take anyone onboard. Abdulkareem and other survivors say that by this point, two passengers on the boat had already died. The Greek Coast Guard ship only arrived at 10:40 p.m.

      There are two versions for what then took place.

      Manhal Abdulkareem reports that the Greek Coast Guard escorted their ship for a time, until the fishing boat’s engine again cut out. Then, he says, the Coast Guard attached a rope to the vessel. “We thought they knew what they were doing,” says Abdulkareem.

      The Coast Guard, he says, towed the vessel at a rapid speed, first to the right, then the left, and then back to the right – and then it capsized. Fifteen additional survivors tell a similar story. Some believe the behavior of the Coast Guard was accidental. Others think it was intentional.

      When the vessel capsized, there were people trapped inside its hull. One survivor says he heard them knocking. Those who were on deck jumped into the water. “People were falling on us,” says one man from Egypt. Some clung to the sinking vessel, while others grabbed in a panic for anything that was floating, including other people.

      “I know how to swim, but that wasn’t enough,” Abdulkareem would later say. He says he had to avoid others so that he wouldn’t be pulled down into the depths. Four survivors say that the Coast Guard put those in the water in even greater danger by maneuvering in such a way that created large waves.

      While still in the water, Abdulkareem began searching for his brother, but was unable to find him. As the vessel was sinking, say survivors, the Greek Coast Guard ship pulled back to a distance of hundreds of meters.

      Abdulkareem and six others accuse the Greeks of delayed rescue efforts and only launching inflatable dinghies after significant time had passed. Some estimate that several minutes passed before they took any action at all. Others say the delay was fully half an hour. “They could have saved many people,” says a survivor from Syria. Abdulkareem’s brother still hasn’t been found.

      The Greek Coast Guard has a competing account for what took place. According to an official log from June 14, their ship reported on the evening prior to the disaster that the refugees were “on a stable course” – a claim that video evidence and tracking data refute. The people on board, according to the official account, rejected assistance because they “wanted nothing more than to continue onward to Italy.” If the Greek Coast Guard is to be believed, the fishing boat capsized shortly after 2 a.m. The first official log provides no cause for the accident.

      Later, the Greek government spokesman said that the Coast Guard had attached a rope to the boat. But only to “stabilize” the vessel. By the time of the accident, the rope had already been cast off, the spokesman said, and the fishing vessel had never been towed. The rope, he insists, was not the cause of the shipwreck. In an interview with CNN, a Coast Guard spokesman speculated that panic may have broken out onboard, leading to the boat listing to one side.

      There is no proof for either version. But doubts about the Greek account are significant, even within Frontex. At the agency’s headquarters in Warsaw, EU border guards can follow in real time what is taking place on the EU’s external borders. In this case, the agents must have realized early on the danger that the migrants were in.

      On two occasions – at 6:35 p.m. and at 9:34 p.m. – they offered to send the airplane back to the ship that the migrants had already seen at midday. It was refueled and ready to take off, according to an internal memo that DER SPIEGEL has obtained. But the Greek Rescue Coordination Center in Piraeus, Frontex says, ignored the offer. The plane remained on the ground.

      The only other available aircraft, a Frontex drone, was initially sent to another distress call, according to Frontex. It only arrived at the scene after the fishing vessel had sunk. In Brussels, hardly anyone believes that the rebuff of Frontex was an accident. Many see a pattern: Greek authorities systematically send away Frontex units, says one Brussels official. That happens particularly often, the official says, in situations that later turn out to be controversial.

      The mistrust with which Athens now finds itself confronted – even from EU institutions – has a lot to do with previous violations of international law on the Aegean. The Greek Coast Guard has repeatedly towed groups of refugees back into Turkish waters – before then abandoning them on life rafts with no means of propulsion.

      Proof for such pushbacks has become so overwhelming that the Frontex fundamental rights officer recently recommended that the organization suspend cooperation with the Greek Coast Guard. The “strongest possible measures” are necessary to ensure that the Greeks once again begin complying with applicable law, reads an internal memo that DER SPIEGEL has obtained. Joint missions can only be resumed once a new basis for trust has been established, the memo continues.

      The skepticism has become so great that Frontex has even sent a team to Greece to question survivors itself. Two Frontex officials say that the results of investigations conducted thus far seem to contradict the Greek version of events. One Greek lawyer is even demanding an official state investigation of the Coast Guard for manslaughter through failure to render aid.

      Most survivors, though, don’t believe that the Greek state will investigate the role played by its own Coast Guard. The treatment they received in the days following the catastrophe was too poor for such optimism.

      Sami Al Yafi, a young Syrian, is one of them. He, too, has asked that his real name not be printed out of fear of the Greek authorities. He accuses the Coast Guard of manipulating his statement. He claims to have clearly testified that the Coast Guard had caused the ship to capsize, but he was unable to find that statement in the transcript of his interview. An additional survivor says that he had a similar experience.

      There are also corresponding inconsistencies in the investigation file. In six instances, according to the file, survivors said nothing about a tow rope in their first interview with the Coast Guard – or at least there is no mention of such in the minutes taken by the Coast Guard. Later, in interviews with public prosecutors, they then accused the Coast Guard of causing the capsizing by towing the vessel.

      Moreover, the minutes taken by the Greek Coast Guard frequently include the exact same formulations. According to those minutes, four survivors used exactly the same words in describing the events – despite the fact that the interviews were led by different interpreters. In one case, a member of the Coast Guard apparently acted as an interpreter.

      When approached for comment, Greek officials said they were unable to comment on the accusations. The accounts, they said, are part of a confidential investigation. They said they were also unable to comment on the actions of the Coast Guard.

      Manhal Abdulkareem, the man who lost his brother, isn’t satisfied. “We are a group of 104 survivors,” he says. All of them know, he says, who caused the boat to capsize.

      On at least one occasion, Greek officials have been found guilty of accusations similar to those that have now been lodged by Abdulkareem and other survivors. It was left up to the European Court of Human Rights to pass that verdict. Last year, the court found that the Greek Coast Guard in 2014 towed a refugee boat until it capsized. Three women and eight children died in that incident. Then, too, the Coast Guard claimed that panic had broken out onboard the vessel and that the refugees themselves had caused the boat to capsize. It is the exact same story they are currently telling.

      https://www.spiegel.de/international/europe/new-accusations-against-the-greek-coast-guard-we-thought-they-knew-what-they

    • Everyone Knew the Migrant Ship Was Doomed. No One Helped.

      Satellite imagery, sealed court documents and interviews with survivors suggest that hundreds of deaths were preventable.

      From air and by sea, using radar, telephone and radio, officials watched and listened for 13 hours as the migrant ship Adriana lost power, then drifted aimlessly off the coast of Greece in a slowly unfolding humanitarian disaster.

      As terrified passengers telephoned for help, humanitarian workers assured them that a rescue team was coming. European border officials, watching aerial footage, prepared to witness what was certain to be a heroic operation.

      Yet the Adriana capsized and sank in the presence of a single Greek Coast Guard ship last month, killing more than 600 migrants in a maritime tragedy that was shocking even for the world’s deadliest migrant route.

      Satellite imagery, sealed court documents, more than 20 interviews with survivors and officials, and a flurry of radio signals transmitted in the final hours suggest that the scale of death was preventable.

      Dozens of officials and coast guard crews monitored the ship, yet the Greek government treated the situation like a law enforcement operation, not a rescue. Rather than send a navy hospital ship or rescue specialists, the authorities sent a team that included four masked, armed men from a coast guard special operations unit.

      The Greek authorities have repeatedly said that the Adriana was sailing to Italy, and that the migrants did not want to be rescued. But satellite imagery and tracking data obtained by The New York Times show definitively that the Adriana was drifting in a loop for its last six and a half hours. And in sworn testimony, survivors described passengers on the ship’s upper decks calling for help and even trying to jump aboard a commercial tanker that had stopped to provide drinking water.

      On board the Adriana, the roughly 750 passengers descended into violence and desperation. Every movement threatened to capsize the ship. Survivors described beatings and panic as they waited for a rescue that would never come.

      The sinking of the Adriana is an extreme example of a longtime standoff in the Mediterranean. Ruthless smugglers in North Africa cram people onto shoddy vessels, and passengers hope that, if things go wrong, they will be taken to safety. But European coast guards often postpone rescues out of fear that helping will embolden smugglers to send more people on ever-flimsier ships. And as European politics have swung to the right, each new arriving ship is a potential political flashpoint.

      So even as passengers on the Adriana called for help, the authorities chose to listen to the boat’s captain, a 22-year-old Egyptian man who said he wanted to continue to Italy. Smuggling captains are typically paid only when they reach their destinations.

      The Greek Ministry of Maritime Affairs said it would not respond to detailed questions because the shipwreck was under criminal investigation.

      Despite many hours of on-and-off surveillance, the only eyewitnesses to the Adriana’s final moments were the survivors and 13 crew members aboard the coast guard ship, known as the 920. A Maritime Ministry spokesman has said that the ship’s night-vision camera was switched off at the time. Court documents show that the coast guard captain gave the authorities a CD-ROM containing video recordings, but the source of the recordings is unclear, and they have not been made public.

      Prime Minister Kyriakos Mitsotakis of Greece defended the coast guard during comments in Brussels this past week, calling its critics “profoundly unfair.” The sinking has brought rare public criticism from officials in the European Union, which has remained silent as the Greek government has hardened its stance toward migrants.

      In Greece, nine Egyptian survivors from the Adriana were arrested and charged with smuggling and causing the shipwreck. In sworn testimonies and interviews, survivors said that many of the nine brutalized and extorted passengers. But interviews with relatives of those accused paint a more complicated picture. At least one of the men charged with being a smuggler had himself paid a full fee of more than $4,000 to be on the ship.

      Collectively paying as much as $3.5 million to be smuggled to Italy, migrants crammed into the Adriana in what survivors recalled was a hellish class system: Pakistanis at the bottom; women and children in the middle; and Syrians, Palestinians and Egyptians at the top.

      An extra $50 or so could earn someone a spot on the deck. For some, that turned out to be the difference between life and death.

      Many of the passengers, at least 350, came from Pakistan, the Pakistani government said. Most were in the lower decks and the ship’s hold. Of them, 12 survived.

      The women and young children went down with the ship.
      Setting Sail

      Kamiran Ahmad, a Syrian teenager, a month shy of his 18th birthday, had arrived in Tobruk, Libya, with hopes for a new life. He had worked with his father, a tailor, after school. His parents sold land to pay smugglers to take him to Italy, praying that he would make it to Germany to study, work and maybe send some money home.
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      “We had no choice but to send him by sea,” his father said in an interview.

      But as the Adriana set sail at dawn on June 9, Kamiran was worried. His cousin, Roghaayan Adil Ehmed, 24, who went with him, could not swim. And the boat was overcrowded, with nearly twice as many passengers as he had been told.

      No life vests were available, so Roghaayan paid $600 to get himself, Kamiran and a friend to an upper deck.

      They were part of a group of 11 young men and boys from Kobani, a mainly Kurdish city in Syria devastated by more than decade of war. The group stayed in dingy, rented rooms in Beirut, Lebanon, then flew to Egypt and on to Libya.

      The youngest, Waleed Mohammad Qasem, 14, wanted to be a doctor. When he heard that his uncle Mohammad Fawzi Sheikhi was going to Europe, he begged to go. On the flight to Egypt, the two smiled for a selfie.

      Haseeb ur-Rehman, 20, a motorcycle mechanic from the Pakistan-administrated Kashmir, felt he had to leave home to help his family survive. Together with three friends, he paid $8,000 and left for Libya.

      He was one of the few Pakistanis who managed to snatch a spot on deck.

      The journey, if all went well, would take three days.

      As early as the second day, survivors recalled, the engine started breaking down.
      Lost

      By Day 3, food and clean drinking water had run out. Some migrants put dried prunes in seawater, hoping the sweetness would mellow the saltiness. Others paid young men $20 for dirty water.

      Unrest spread as it became clear that the captain, who was spending most of his time on a satellite phone, had lost his way.

      When Pakistanis pushed toward the upper deck, Egyptian men working with the captain beat them, often with a belt, according to testimony. Those men, some of whom are among the nine arrested in Greece, emerged as enforcers of discipline.

      Ahmed Ezzat, 26, from the Nile Delta, was among them. He is accused of smuggling people and causing the shipwreck. In an interview, his brother, Islam Ezzat, said that Ahmed disappeared from their village in mid-May and re-emerged in Libya weeks later. He said a smuggler had sent someone to the family home to collect 140,000 Egyptian pounds, or $4,500, the standard fee for a spot on the Adriana.

      Islam said he did not believe Ahmed had been involved in the smuggling because he had paid the fee. He said the family was cooperating with the Egyptian authorities. Ahmed, like the others who have been charged, has pleaded not guilty.
      ‘They Will Rescue You’

      By Day 4, according to testimonies and interviews, six people in the hold of the ship, including at least one child, had died.

      The next day, June 13, as the Adriana lurched toward Italy between engine breakdowns, migrants on deck persuaded the captain to send a distress call to the Italian authorities.

      The Adriana was in international waters then, and the captain was focused on getting to Italy. Experts who study this migratory route say that captains are typically paid on arrival. That is supported by some survivors who said their fees were held by middlemen, to be paid once they had arrived safely in Italy.

      The captain, some survivors recalled, said the Italian authorities would rescue the ship and take people to shore.

      Just before 1 p.m., a glimmer of hope appeared in the sky. A plane.

      Frontex, the European Union border agency, had been alerted by the Italian authorities that the Adriana was in trouble and rushed to its coordinates. There was no doubt the ship was perilously overloaded, E.U. officials said, and unlikely to make it to any port without help.

      Images of the rusty blue fishing boat appeared in the Frontex command center in Warsaw, where two German journalists happened to be touring, a Frontex spokesman said. The Adriana was a chance to showcase the agency’s ability to detect ships in distress and save lives.

      Now that Frontex had seen the ship, which was in Greece’s search-and-rescue area of international waters, the Greek authorities would surely rush to help.

      Two hours later, a Greek Coast Guard helicopter flew past. Its aerial photographs show the ship’s upper decks crammed with people waving their hands.

      Nawal Soufi, an Italian activist, fielded calls from frantic migrants.

      “I’m sure that they will rescue you,” she told them. “But be patient. It won’t be immediate.”
      Mayday

      Around 7 p.m. on June 13, almost seven hours after Frontex spotted the Adriana, the Greek authorities asked two nearby commercial tankers to bring the migrants water, food and diesel to continue their journey, according to video recordings and court documents.

      A crucial part of the Greek authorities’ explanation for not rescuing the Adriana is their claim that it was actively sailing toward Italy. When the BBC, using data from neighboring vessels, reported that the Adriana had been practically idle for several hours before it sank, the Greek government noted that the ship had covered 30 nautical miles toward Italy since its detection by Frontex.

      But satellite imagery and data from the ship-tracking platform MarineTraffic show that the Adriana was adrift for its final seven hours or so. Radar satellite imagery from the European Space Agency shows that by the time the Greeks summoned the commercial ships, the Adriana had already reached its closest point to Italy.

      From then on, it was drifting backward.

      The first tanker, the Lucky Sailor, arrived within minutes. The second, the Faithful Warrior, arrived in about two and a half hours. The captain of the Faithful Warrior reported that some passengers had thrown back supplies and screamed that they wanted to continue to Italy. How many people actually rejected help is unclear, but they included the Adriana’s captain and the handful of men who terrorized the passengers, according to survivors’ testimonies and interviews.

      Others were placing distress calls. Alarm Phone, a nonprofit group that fields migrant mayday calls, immediately and repeatedly told the Greek authorities, Frontex and the United Nations refugee agency that people on the Adriana were desperate to be rescued. Several passengers testified that they had tried to jump aboard the Faithful Warrior. But the migrants said that the frenzy only destabilized the Adriana, so the Faithful Warrior withdrew.

      As night fell, the Faithful Warrior’s captain told the Greek control center that the Adriana was “rocking dangerously.”

      Radio transmission records show that, over five hours, the Greek control center transmitted five messages across the Mediterranean using a channel reserved for safety and distress calls.

      Henrik Flornaes, a Danish father of two on a yacht far from the area, said he heard two mayday relay signals that night. They provided coordinates near the location of the Adriana, he said.

      A mayday relay directs nearby ships to begin a search and rescue.

      But the Greek Coast Guard itself mounted no such mission at this point.
      An End Foretold

      As midnight of June 14 approached, the Greek Coast Guard vessel 920, the only government ship dispatched to the scene, arrived alongside the Adriana.

      The presence of the 920 did not reassure the migrants. Several said in interviews that they were unsettled by the masked men. In the past, the Greek government has used the coast guard to deter migration. In May, The Times published video footage showing officers rounding up migrants and ditching them on a raft in the Aegean Sea.

      The mission of the 920 is unclear, as is what happened after it arrived and floated nearby for three hours. Some survivors say it tried to tow the Adriana, capsizing it. The coast guard denied that at first, then acknowledged throwing a rope to the trawler, but said that was hours before it sank.

      To be sure, attempts to remove passengers might have backfired. Sudden changes in weight distribution on an overcrowded, swaying ship could have capsized it. And while the 920 was larger was than the Adriana, it was not clear if had space to accommodate the migrant passengers.

      But Greece, one of the world’s foremost maritime nations, was equipped to carry out a rescue. Navy ships, including those with medical resources, could have arrived in the 13 hours after the Frontex alert.

      Exactly what capsized the ship is unclear. The coast guard blames a commotion on the ship. But everyone agrees that it swayed once to the left, then to the right, and then flipped.

      Those on deck were tossed into the sea. Panicking people stepped on each other in the dark, desperately using each other to come up for air, to stay alive.

      At the water’s surface, some clung to pieces of wood, surrounded by drowned friends, relatives and strangers. Others climbed onto the ship’s sinking hull. Coast guard crew members pulled dozens of people from the sea. One person testified that he had initially swum away from the 920, fearing that the crew would drown him.

      Waleed Mohammad Qasem, the 14-year-old who wanted to be a doctor, drowned. So did his uncle, who had posed with him for a selfie. The ship’s captain also died.

      Hundreds of people, including the women and young children, inside the Adriana stood no chance. They would have been flipped upside down, hurled together against the ship as the sea poured in. The ship took them down within a minute.

      Haseeb ur-Rehman, the Pakistani motorcycle mechanic on the top deck, survived. “It was in my destiny,” he said from a migrant camp near Athens. “Otherwise, my body would have been lost, like the other people in the boat.”

      Near the end, Kamiran Ahmad, the teenager who had hoped to study in Germany, turned to his cousin Roghaayan. From the migrant center in Greece, the older cousin remembered his words: “Didn’t I tell you we were going to die? Didn’t I tell you we were already dead?”

      Both went into the water. Kamiran’s body has not been recovered.

      https://www.nytimes.com/2023/07/01/world/europe/greece-migrant-ship.html