• Ten Groups to Know From the Ascendant Psych and Garage Scene of Northern Mexico | Bandcamp Daily

    It’s a frigid November evening on the outskirts of Hermosillo when grunge quintet Margaritas Podridas finally hit the Posadelic stage to dole out their signature cocktail of mosh-inducing riffs and earthshaking wails. The raging group was one of the buzzier hometown acts on the 2019 Posadelic lineup—a festival, now in its fourth year, that has become a lightning rod for new garage, punk, and psych rock across the state of Sonora in Northern Mexico. While Margaritas Podridas’ loud, distorted guitar filled the chilly desert air, a quick survey of the crowd revealed an international cast of musicians from bands like Mesquite, Hooveriii, El Shirota and La Bruja de Texcoco, all mingling and kicking back ahead of their own thrilling sets.


    #rock_garage #mexique #musique #bandcamp

  • Where is the border? - Architecture - e-flux


    The border as a line that separates nations from each other is a signifier. It is an imaginary vector in space, materialized by pen on paper. Thinking about the word “border” produces a collective eidetic memory, removed from the scale of the body; an aerial view of landscapes divided by a thick black line. The border line is what separates two places, demonstrating a difference. It is a mechanism of othering that creates a reality of here and there; of us and them. If seen as a symbol of separation, the border starts to become diffuse, lifted from its geospatial location on a map to become enacted within the experiences and memories of people throughout entire regions. The Mexico-US border divides a region that has long been interconnected through economic, political, and social ties. While we acknowledge that there is a reality in which the border separates California from Baja California, Arizona from Sonora, Texas from Chihuahua, and so on, there exists another reality in which the experiential weight of the border is perpetuated in the mentality of people living in places such as Ulysses, Kansas or Pachuca, Hidalgo. The border is not just a line. It is a psycho-spatial experience carried within people.
    Seeing borders

    Contemporary conceptions of borders are rooted in cartography. Early maps were developed for navigation and to delineate political territories. In North America, survey maps were critical in the colonial endeavors of the French, British, and Spanish empires. These survey maps served to authorize the carving up and dividing of a territory that had previously been made up of much more diffuse edges between native inhabitants. After the 1848 Treaty of Guadalupe, for instance, a binational joint survey commission took six years to draw the first detailed border between Mexico and the US. Over the next few decades, the border line solidified through disputes as rivers moved and cities on the border grew. These political maps became the root for a collective image of Mexico-US relations, always refocusing attention to the band between the countries. In the meantime, trade agreements and migration were connecting places far beyond the border region.

    For some immigrants, the border is always close by, as they imagine their adopted land as a neighbor of their homeland. For others, the border is distant as the journey to cross it is filled with danger and their families are unreachable. For many people, the border seems far away, as their own personal experiences don’t engage with transnational issues in a conscious way. The imagination of borders is relative. The stories we tell of borders not only connect faraway places, typically considered as separate. They show how important transborder connections are to sustain each other. Without one side, the other would become pockmarked with voids; a place with character unable to be real.
    Drawing borders

    By visualizing the importance of transborder networks in building the lived reality, we can alter the eidetic memory of borders. Cartography is a tool to redraw how we envision the territory. Maps are a form of representation, and while we consider them scientific and infallible, the way we draw and retrace them involves subjective representational decisions. The colors that underlay each territory, the thicknesses of lines, and the amount of information included all involve careful decision.

    #frontières #murs

    • Maps become dominant images in collective imaginaries, especially in creating national identities. By creating new maps through collages, we can create new images to represent collective realities. This new cartography aims to create images that more accurately depict the psycho-spatial border that blankets the Mexico-US region. People’s experiences distort physical space. Remittances can collapse the space between two cities, using the strings of wire transfers and communications networks to draw two places closer together. Immigration can make a place in which you physically live actually seem like a foreign country, while your own family experiences the same place with the liberty to cross between the two. The migration of bodies, money, and dreams are expanded derives; crossing longer distances, transgressing generations, but just as deserving of mapping. Narratives in combination with tools of mapping reconstruct the malleable reality of the US and Mexico. It also liberates people to draw their own conclusions about the relationship between two places. Rather than borders being othering devices, they can outline two places that work together to enhance each other. Disengaging the border and showing how it blankets the region has the potential to rewrite how two nations can interact with each other.

      #visualisation #cartographie #imaginaire #identités_nationales #collages #cartoexperiment #Mexique #USA #Etats-Unis #liens

      ping @mobileborders

  • ’It’s not the same’: How Trump and Covid devastated an Arizona border town | US news | The Guardian

    When Francis Glad was a child growing up in Nogales, Arizona, the US-Mexico border near her home was nothing like it is now. “It was more like a neighbor fence, like you have at your house,” she remembers. “It was very symbiotic. Just people coming back and forth.” But today, a towering 30ft border wall, made of dizzying steel bollards, slices through the Nogales sister cities. The economies of the two Nogaleses have always been intrinsically linked and mutually dependent on cross-border commerce, with residents from each side passing through to do their daily shopping or to visit with friends and family. Years ago, Glad’s mother ran a hotel in downtown Nogales, Arizona, which was almost always packed with businesspeople and tourists. But, she says, the bustle has stopped. In part, Glad blames the Trump administration’s anti-immigrant rhetoric and lies about the borderlands. “Outsiders believe that Nogales is a war zone,” she says, “with ‘murdering, rapist,’ undocumented [people] climbing the border wall like the zombies from World War Z, when it’s far from the truth.” More recently, Covid-19 restrictions on “nonessential” border crossings have turned downtown Nogales into a ghost of its formerly busy self. In a small town with a $28,000 median income and a poverty rate of 33.9%, the slowing of traffic comes with potentially dire economic consequences for workers and small business owners. But even before Covid-19, Glad says, “The parking lots [were] empty. And that was not the case prior to 2016.” Glad moved away several times in early adulthood, but always returned home to Nogales. Every visit back, she noticed changes: new sections of wall. A larger border patrol presence. Today, Glad says that border militarization has changed her community – and the lives of the people in it.
    As defined by the National Network for Immigrant and Refugee Rights, border militarization is “the systematic intensification of the border’s security apparatus, transforming the area from a transnational frontier to a zone of permanent vigilance, enforcement and violence”.Over the past three decades, US administrations have enacted federal policy with lasting consequences for border residents. In 1994, the Clinton administration launched a border patrol strategy called “prevention through deterrence”, aimed at curbing undocumented immigration by sealing off urban ports of entry. Towns along the US-Mexico border were transformed by the addition of walls, surveillance towers, motion and thermal sensors, helicopters and drones, federal agents and roving border patrol checkpoints. Today border peoples are hugely affected by militarization. In some places, rural residents must stop at border patrol checkpoints just to go to the gas station or get groceries. Tohono O’odham tribal members – whose nation is literally severed by the US-Mexico border – report racial profiling by border agents; drone and tower surveillance; and disruptions to their traditional hunting and ceremonial practices. And tragically, militarization created a death trap for migrants, who now must navigate by foot through remote, dangerous terrain in order to cross the border. In the last two decades, nearly 8,000 migrants have been found dead along the southern border, but the real number of fatalities is certainly much higher. Thousands are missing.


  • La Grande Transformation (IV)

    Georges Lapierre


    Aperçus critiques sur le livre de Karl Polanyi
    La Grande Transformation
    (à suivre)

    Dans la représentation indo-européenne de la société, la troisième fonction ne comprend au tout début que les éleveurs et les agriculteurs, ce n’est qu’au cours du temps que les marchands vont s’infiltrer et s’immiscer dans cette dernière catégorie de la population, qui comprendra alors les marchands, les paysans et les artisans. L’importance des marchands est alors pleinement reconnue. Leur fonction sociale s’ajoute à celle des prêtres et à celle des guerriers. Les marchands forment désormais une classe sociale comme les brahmanes et comme les ksatriya (les guerriers et les princes). C’est intéressant car cette dernière fonction, productrice de richesses, comprend les marchands chargés de l’échange de biens et ceux qui produisent les biens à échanger. La production de biens (la richesse) par les paysans et les artisans passe chez les nobles par l’intermédiaire des marchands, et les nobles se chargent d’offrir ces biens à d’autres nobles de manière ostentatoire. Cette représentation de la réalité ne cherche pas à être une critique de la réalité, elle dit seulement ce qui est, elle est une représentation mentale qui se veut conforme à la réalité et qui donne la clé du réel ; c’est bien, ainsi que le signale Georges Dumézil : une idéologie offrant les cadres mentaux et catégoriels qui permettent de saisir et de comprendre la réalité, d’appréhender le monde tel qu’il s’est constitué suite à la domination indo-européenne et tel qu’il s’impose à la conscience des sages, qui sont les « intellectuels » de ces temps. (...)

    #Karl_Polanyi #Georges_Dumézil #échanges #cosmovision #domestication #Cangaceiros #aliénation #Mexique #exploitation #festins #ripaille #Grèce #Renaissance #Bruegel #ivresse #coronavirus

  • [BD] Regeneración - Journal indépendant de combat ! Les anarchistes dans la révolution mexicaine - Brochure [PDF]

    [BD] Regeneración - Journal indépendant de combat ! Les anarchistes dans la révolution mexicaine

    / Révolution mexicaine (1910), #Mexique

    #[BD]Regeneración-_Journal_indépendant_de_combat !_Les_anarchistes_dans_la_révolution_mexicaine #Révolution_mexicaine_1910_

  • Agression contre les communautés zapatistes,
    le Congrès national indigène appelle à la solidarité



    Aux peuples du Mexique et du monde,

    Le Conseil indigène de gouvernement - Congrès national indigène dénonce la lâche attaque des membres du groupe paramilitaire appelé Organisation régionale des caféiculteurs d’Ocosingo (Orcao) qui, le samedi 22 août aux environs de 11 heures du matin, ont volé et brûlé les installations du Centro de Comercio Nuevo Amanecer del Arcoiris situé sur le site connu comme « croisement » de Cuxuljá, Commune autonome Lucio Cabañas, à l’intérieur de la municipalité officielle d’Ocosingo, Chiapas.

    L’organisation paramilitaire Orcao a maintenu depuis des années une pression, et une violence constante sur les communautés zapatistes ; c’est le cas dans la Commune autonome Moisés Gandhi, pour arrêter l’organisation autonome, pour privatiser les terres qui ont coûté la lutte et l’organisation des peuples originaires bases d’appui zapatistes, pour terroriser et menacer les compañeros et compañeras qui depuis le bas ont parié sur l’espoir. C’est le cas aussi des diverses agressions contre les compañeros du Congrès national indigène qui furent violentés et séquestrés par les paramilitaires de l’Orcao, les « Chinchulines » et des gens du parti Morena.

    Nous dénonçons la guerre qui, depuis le haut, se déploie contre l’organisation des communautés zapatistes en même temps que d’en haut les mauvais gouvernements cherchent à imposer, dans tout le pays, les mégaprojets de mort auxquels nous nous opposons et nous opposerons, parce que nous ne sommes pas disposés à renoncer à nos territoires et à permettre la destruction que nous promettent les puissants. (...)

    #Mexique #Chiapas #zapatistes #paramilitaires #agression #solidarité

  • Le long de la frontière : Superpositions sonores et variations visuelles (autour des films « Shadows » de John Cassavetes, « La Soif du mal » d’Orson Welles et la musique de Charles Mingus)


    Le texte ci-dessus est un extrait d’un projet de récit autour de Charles Mingus, la vie, le caractère, l’engagement et la créativité artistique du compositeur américain : Autoportrait en trois couleurs (...) #Journal / Journal, #Art, #Biographie, #Voix, #Vidéo, #Inventaire, #Musique, #Sons, #Paris, #Ville, #Paysage, #Poésie, #Mingus #Recit #Quotidien, #Mexique #Cinéma #Welles #Cassavates (...)❞

  • WATCH: Viral video claims to show ‘Trump’s border wall’ COLLAPSE under the wrath of #Hurricane_Hanna

    A section of the US-Mexico border wall in Texas allegedly failed to withstand the power of nature, according to a viral video. While its authenticity has been questioned, the clip sent President Trump’s critics into overdrive.

    A viral video purportedly showing a partial collapse of the border fence between the United States and Mexico was widely shared online on Sunday. While it was not immediately clear where it was recorded and which segment of the fence was affected, several local journalists and media reports indicated the incident happened somewhere between Texas and the northeastern Mexican state of Tamaulipas as the storm battered the region.


    #murs #barrières_frontalières #destruction #walls_don't_work #les_murs_tombent #frontières #USA #Etats-Unis #Mexique


    ajouté à la métaliste sur les murs qui tombent...

    • Writers on the Range: The wall with Mexico will come tumbling down

      Few walls last forever. Last winter, part of President Trump’s new border wall wavered toward collapse under the force of strong winds whipping through the twin cities of Calexico and Mexicali. An 80-foot segment lurched into Mexican territory, and it took cranes from the U.S. side to right the steel panels.

      Most of the families I know that live close to the border have arrived at the same conclusion: The monstrous wall so close to them has further militarized our international boundary with Mexico. They say that a steel barrier with a yard-wide concrete footer — and lighting that never dims — permanently blocks the free flow of wildlife, seeds, pollen, water, religious pilgrims and essential workers across the U.S.-Mexico border. We have watched U.S. agencies rush to build a wall through the poorest communities in western North America without local consent.

      Both supporters and opponents of this bigger wall speak fatalistically about the barrier. They seem to concede that more miles of wall are irreversible because the courts have upheld Trump’s legal waivers of 41 state and federal laws.

      Meanwhile, the wall does damage wherever it’s built or expanded. Habitats for endangered species have been fragmented, and human remains in sacred sites have been desecrated. The doom-and-gloomers say there is no going back.

      But one needs to read only a bit of world history to realize that walls can come down as a quickly as they were put up.

      Thirty years ago this last November, the Berlin Wall was demolished after 26 years of dividing Berlin and East Germany from West Germany. Its deconstruction cost far less than its original construction, thanks in part to eager people who pitched in to turn the concrete part of the wall back into rubble. The two sections of Berlin have now been reunited for a longer period of time than the construction of the wall in 1961 divided them.

      Closer to home, the first barrier built on our southern border, dividing Nogales Arizona from Nogales Sonora, came tumbling down faster than the walls at the Battle of Jericho. This wall was erected a little over a century ago, during the time that Mexico was in the depths of a revolution.

      American-made rifles were frequently smuggled into Sonora through Ambos Nogales. To slow the flow of firearms, Sonora’s Gov. Maytorena ordered the erection of an 11- strand barbwire fence to run down the middle of International Street, where the two countries met.

      Yes. That’s right: The first border barrier along the boundary line was erected to keep U.S. citizens from illegally passing rifles into Mexico.

      But that first border wall so enraged the community of Ambos Nogales that it was brought down within a mere four months of its being erected. As soon as Gen. Obregón defeated Mexican revolutionary Pancho Villa in Nogales, Sonora, in 1915, he ordered the 11-strand fence torn down.

      Regardless of your political stance about our current border policies, it is time that we recognize that a permanent border wall is not a fait accompli. The pandemic has reminded us what a true “national emergency” is, and a hyped-up emergency at the border does not justify such environmental and economic costs.

      If we don’t want it, it can be legally deauthorized, once again allowing surface waters to flow. Dozens of species of wildlife now threatened by habitat fragmentation could once again migrate, and seeds could tumble across the desert floor.

      A debate is already underway about how the wall should be deconstructed, how its materials could be recycled, how sacred sites along its pathway would be reconsecrated, and how damaged natural habitats could at last be restored.

      I live just 14 miles as the crow flies from the Arizona-Sonora, Mexico, border, and though no one can predict when the times will dramatically change, it is never too early to consider the possibility that this foolish wall will fall.

      It is already time to support a broad-based “Border Wall De-Commission,” one with United States, Mexican and tribal nation representatives. Let us now envision and restore a more just and humane future along our border with Mexico, and with trans-border tribes.


      via @isskein

  • [29] BD Regeneración devient l’organe de la Fédération anarchiste mexicaine

    Le 15 août 1918, Ricardo et Librado sont respectivement condamnés pour sédition à 20 et 15 ans de prison. Durant leur procès, le juge déclare au jury : les activités de ces hommes ont été une constante violation de la loi, de toutes les lois. Ils ont violé à la foi la loi de Dieu et celle des hommes. Ils seront conduits au pénitencier de Mc Neil Island (État de Washington) pour purger leurs peines. Le 20 novembre 1922 #Ricardo_Flores_Magón est retrouvé mort dans sa cellule. Les anarchistes mexicains (...) #[BD]Regeneración-_Journal_indépendant_de_combat !_Les_anarchistes_dans_la_révolution_mexicaine

    / Ricardo Flores Magón, #Librado_Rivera, (...)


  • Contre RTE et EDF, rencontrons-nous



    Les juges ont fini par comprendre dans quel état de nécessité se trouvent les lanceurs d’alerte qui se battent contre le transformateur de Saint-Victor-et-Melvieu. Le même état que tous les militants qui résistent ici et ailleurs et partout contre les projets inutiles, liberticides, écocides que les dirigeants de tout poil s’ingénient à promouvoir. En effet le tribunal de Rodez a acquitté les quatre camarades et condamne RTE (Réseau de transport d’électricité, filiale d’EDF) à rendre les terres aux paysans, à verser des dommages et intérêts au village pour troubles de l’ordre social, à réparer les préjudices subis par l’Amassada sous forme de nuits blanches et inhalation de gaz lacrymogène. Il condamne, en outre, à faire publicité de leurs excuses, les nombreux gendarmes qui ont accepté des missions de mercenariat au service d’intérêts industriels criminels.

    Eh bien non, c’est pas vrai, c’est un rêve, c’est une vilaine blague.

    Les inculpé·e·s du 12 octobre 2019 écopent de quatre à sept mois de prison avec sursis, de un mois avec sursis pour refus de se soumettre à la violation de leur ADN, cinq ans d’interdiction de se rendre sur le site de RTE, 100 euros par gendarme plaignant pour préjudice moral. (...)

    #Aveyron #EDF #Amassada #tribunal #rencontres #Mexique #Tehuantepec #ZAD #solidarité

  • [28] BD - La dernière édition de Regeneración

    Le 16 mars 1918, Ricardo et Librado publient dans Regeneración un « Manifeste aux Anarchistes du monde et aux travailleurs en général » dans lequel ils déclarent que la révolution sociale est proche et que tous les anarchistes ont le devoir de travailler en vue de cela avec toutes leurs forces et possibilités. Le 21 mars, Ricardo et Librado sont arrêtés pour le manifeste. Ce sera la dernière édition de (...) #[BD]Regeneración-_Journal_indépendant_de_combat !_Les_anarchistes_dans_la_révolution_mexicaine

    / #Librado_Rivera, #Ricardo_Flores_Magón, Révolution mexicaine (1910), #Mexique


  • [27] BD Regeneración continue sa parution malgré la diminution de ses lecteurs

    Durant l’année 1917, Ricardo, Enrique et Librado maintiennent la parution de Regeneración, mais de façon irrégulière. L’état de santé de Ricardo l’oblige à cesser d’écrire pour un temps. #[BD]Regeneración-_Journal_indépendant_de_combat !_Les_anarchistes_dans_la_révolution_mexicaine

    / #Librado_Rivera, Lucille Norman Guidero , María Talavera Broussé , #Enrique_Flores_Magón, Révolution mexicaine (1910), #Mexique

    #Lucille_Norman_Guidero_ #María_Talavera_Broussé_ #Révolution_mexicaine_1910_

  • [26] BD Regeneración - Dans la banlieue rurale de Los Angeles

    Ricardo, Enrique, Librado, leurs familles et d’autres camarades travaillant à Regeneración louent une petite ferme à Edenciale, dans la banlieue rurale de Los Angeles. Ils vivent et travaillent la terre en communauté. #[BD]Regeneración-_Journal_indépendant_de_combat !_Les_anarchistes_dans_la_révolution_mexicaine

    / Anselmo L. Figueroa , #Ricardo_Flores_Magón, #Enrique_Flores_Magón, Révolution mexicaine (1910), #Mexique

    #Anselmo_L._Figueroa_ #Révolution_mexicaine_1910_

  • Emigrants send dollars home to Mexico — and virus warnings

    For as long as Mexicans have gone north to find work, money has gone in the opposite direction. These remittances from expatriates working in the United States and other countries have been the life blood of places like San Jerónimo, a village of nearly 4,000 people in central Mexico. But these days, fear accompanies the money that crosses the border. And it travels both ways. Those who went to live in New York and other American cities are worried about how to keep supporting their families. They also send home warnings about the terrors of a virus that many in Mexico still don’t believe is dangerous. Those who live in San Jerónimo and other towns and cities in Mexico fear for their relatives in the north, watching from afar as they lose their jobs, fall sick alone or without the documents that would allow them to move around freely — and, too often, die in a foreign land. The impact of COVID-19 has many questioning whether the years of struggle, absence and badly paid work were worth it.


  • #Bayer - #Monsanto Celebrates the Law to Promote Native Seed

    On March 24, in the midst of the crisis by Covid-19, the so-called federal law for the promotion and protection of native corn was approved with the unanimous vote of the Senate. With such a title many will have assumed that it would be a rule to stop the assault of transnational GM companies on seeds, indigenous peoples and peasant communities. Unfortunately, this is not the case. Beyond the intention of its promoters, this provision favors key interests of the companies that have wanted to advance in the country with their GM and other high-tech seeds for two decades.

    For this reason, the #Mexican_Seed_Association_AC (#AMSAC), whose board is made up of #Syngenta, #Bayer (now owner of #Monsanto), #Corteva (merger of #Dow and #DuPont-PHI Mexico) and other major global seed companies issued a bulletin the same day congratulating legislators on the approval of the law. They declare that this law “is an important step, (…) because it will give certainty to corn producers throughout the country”. They emphasize that “they will continue working to promote the object of this law (…) taking advantage of technological developments, such as improved seeds”. (https://tinyurl.com/vo9pawr)

    AMSAC is a board member of the National Agricultural Council (CNA), which in turn is a founding member of the #Business_Coordinating_Council. They represent, for the most part, the business sectors that have devastated peasant life, sustainable production and healthy food. The six global transnational companies that own more than 70 percent of the global seed and agrochemical markets (and 100 percent of the transgenic seeds) have been on the AMSAC board of directors for years. It is the main lobbyist for the seed industry, acting in conjunction with the ANC. They are the ones who fought for and obtained privileges for the transnationals in all the existing laws regarding seeds and patents. (https://tinyurl.com/ruoc3ka ; https://tinyurl.com/t6lxfov)

    Before the final vote in the Senate, from which the initiative came, the law to promote native corn was voted, with changes, in the Chamber of Deputies on March 18, with 270 votes in favor. No one opposed it anymore. Could it be that the PRI, PAN, PRD, Morena and all the parties suddenly realized the importance of protecting the corn peoples, their seeds and cultures against the transgenic invasion? Of course not. Because the law does not provide for such a thing. Nor does it prevent the patenting of peasant seeds. But it does separate corn from its peoples, reducing the complex process of thousands of years of many peoples creating milpas, assemblies, forests, and their own forms of government to the promotion of #community_seed_banks, an expression that the majority of the peoples reject, because it comes from the financial system and is alien to their conception of seeds as an element in the integral politics, economy, and worldview of their peoples. Furthermore, it establishes that only native corn is recognized by #Conabio, not by the peoples and communities themselves. It imposes on them a new #National_Maize_Council, which although merely consultative, has 16 members, of which only six are from indigenous communities or agrarian ejidos.

    But the main reason why the transnationals applaud this law is because it will delimit geographical areas, where the authorities will recognize that there are native maize production systems, which means it opens up the rest of the country to plant any other seed, from hybrids to transgenics or the new biotech seeds that the companies call genetic editing.

    Monsanto, Syngenta, and other companies have insisted on this point for decades: that areas must be defined, that in reality they are not interested in planting where there are farmers, only in the rest of the country. Against this fallacious and extremely risky position, which would eventually cause GM contamination to reach the entire country, we have insisted that all of Mexico – and Mesoamerica – is the center of origin of maize and therefore the planting of any genetically manipulated seed should be prohibited.

    This position of the so-called law of promotion and other serious errors of it – now approved – were clearly expressed by the Network in Defense of Maize since the publication of the commissions’ opinion, in October 2019 (https://tinyurl.com/vjk8qyl).

    Meanwhile, the #Monsanto_Law, as the current biosafety law passed in 2005 is called, remains untouched by all the now-legislators and officials who promised in the campaign that they would repeal it. Furthermore, Semarnat participated in an online forum on biosafety at the Biodiversity Convention in 2020 and its representative joined the seed industry’s position that there is no need to establish new biosafety frameworks, not even for the highly dangerous genetic promoters, transgenic exterminators.

    Why are none of the officials and legislators doing their job to really guarantee biosafety and that what AMLO announced, that no GM maize will be allowed in the country, is a reality?


    #appropriation_intellectuelle #maïs #graines #semences #Mexiques #loi #peuples_autochtones #Chiapas #OGM #agriculture #multinationales #industrie_agro-alimentaire #loi #brevets #agriculture_paysanne

  • Campagne de solidarité avec les peuples originaires d’Oaxaca



    À la Sexta nationale et internationale,
    Aux réseaux de soutien, de résistance et de rébellion,
    Au Réseau contre la répression et pour la solidarité,
    Aux médias libres et autonomes,

    Le 23 juin dernier, un séisme de 7,4 degrés dont l’épicentre se trouvait dans l’État d’Oaxaca a frappé plusieurs communautés de la montagne et de la côte, lesquelles souffrent encore des conséquences de la catastrophe : glissements de terrain, routes bloquées, maisons, écoles et cliniques effondrées, communautés isolées, problèmes d’approvisionnement en eau et en électricité. Selon les données des autorités de l’État, à la fin du mois de juin, 87 communes étaient toujours en état d’urgence et 157 se trouvaient dans une zone sinistrée. Et malheureusement, au moins dix personnes sont mortes.

    Il ne s’agit pas seulement d’une catastrophe « naturelle » ; ce que subissent aujourd’hui les communautés indigènes d’Oaxaca est principalement dû à la négligence, à la corruption, au pillage, à l’exploitation et au mépris tant des mauvais gouvernements que du système capitaliste, qui ne s’intéressent qu’à gagner de l’argent au détriment de la vie sur la planète. (...)

    #Mexique #Oaxaca #peuples_originaires #solidarité

  • Organizing amidst Covid-19

    Organizing amidst Covid-19: sharing stories of struggles
    Overviews of movement struggles in specific places

    Miguel Martinez
    Mutating mobilisations during the pandemic crisis in Spain (movement report, pp. 15 – 21)

    Laurence Cox
    Forms of social movement in the crisis: a view from Ireland (movement report, pp. 22 – 33)

    Lesley Wood
    We’re not all in this together (movement report, pp. 34 – 38)

    Angela Chukunzira
    Organising under curfew: perspectives from Kenya (movement report, pp. 39 – 42)

    Federico Venturini
    Social movements’ powerlessness at the time of covid-19: a personal account (movement report, pp. 43 – 46)

    Sobhi Mohanty
    From communal violence to lockdown hunger: emergency responses by civil society networks in Delhi, India (movement report, pp. 47 – 52)
    Feminist and LGBTQ+ activism

    Hongwei Bao
    “Anti-domestic violence little vaccine”: a Wuhan-based feminist activist campaign during COVID-19 (movement report, pp. 53 – 63)

    Ayaz Ahmed Siddiqui
    Aurat march, a threat to mainstream tribalism in Pakistan (movement report, pp. 64 – 71)

    Lynn Ng Yu Ling
    What does the COVID-19 pandemic mean for PinkDot Singapore? (movement report, pp. 72 – 81)

    María José Ventura Alfaro
    Feminist solidarity networks have multiplied since the COVID-19 outbreak in Mexico (movement report, pp. 82 – 87)

    Ben Trott
    Queer Berlin and the Covid-19 crisis: a politics of contact and ethics of care (movement report, pp. 88 – 108)
    Reproductive struggles

    Non Una Di Meno Roma
    Life beyond the pandemic (movement report, pp. 109 – 114)
    Labour organising

    Ben Duke
    The effects of the COVID-19 crisis on the gig economy and zero hour contracts (movement report, pp. 115 – 120)

    Louisa Acciari
    Domestic workers’ struggles in times of pandemic crisis (movement report, pp. 121 – 127)

    Arianna Tassinari, Riccardo Emilia Chesta and Lorenzo Cini
    Labour conflicts over health and safety in the Italian Covid19 crisis (movement report, pp. 128 – 138)

    T Sharkawi and N Ali
    Acts of whistleblowing: the case of collective claim making by healthcare workers in Egypt (movement report, pp. 139 – 163)

    Mallige Sirimane and Nisha Thapliyal
    Migrant labourers, Covid19 and working-class struggle in the time of pandemic: a report from Karnataka, India (movement report, pp. 164 – 181)
    Migrant and refugee struggles

    Johanna May Black, Sutapa Chattopadhyay and Riley Chisholm
    Solidarity in times of social distancing: migrants, mutual aid, and COVID-19 (movement report, pp. 182 – 193)

    Anitta Kynsilehto
    Doing migrant solidarity at the time of Covid-19 (movement report, pp. 194 – 198)

    Susan Thieme and Eda Elif Tibet
    New political upheavals and women alliances in solidarity beyond “lock down” in Switzerland at times of a global pandemic (movement report, pp. 199 – 207)

    Chiara Milan
    Refugee solidarity along the Western Balkans route: new challenges and a change of strategy in times of COVID-19 (movement report, pp. 208 – 212)

    Marco Perolini
    Abolish all camps in times of corona: the struggle against shared accommodation for refugees* in Berlin (movement report, pp. 213 – 224)
    Ecological activism

    Clara Thompson
    #FightEveryCrisis: Re-framing the climate movement in times of a pandemic (movement report, pp. 225 – 231)

    Susan Paulson
    Degrowth and feminisms ally to forge care-full paths beyond pandemic (movement report, pp. 232 – 246)

    Peterson Derolus [FR]
    Coronavirus, mouvements sociaux populaires anti-exploitation minier en Haïti (movement report, pp. 247 – 249)

    Silpa Satheesh
    The pandemic does not stop the pollution in River Periyar (movement report, pp. 250 – 257)

    Ashish Kothari
    Corona can’t save the planet, but we can, if we listen to ordinary people (movement report, pp. 258 – 265)
    Food sovereignty organising

    Dagmar Diesner
    Self-governance food system before and during the Covid-crisis on the example of CampiAperti, Bologna (movement report, pp. 266 – 273)

    Community Supported Agriculture is a safe and resilient alternative to industrial agriculture in the time of Covid-19 (movement report, pp. 274 – 279)

    Jenny Gkougki
    Corona-crisis affects small Greek farmers who counterstrike with a nationwide social media campaign to unite producers and consumers on local level! (movement report, pp. 280 – 283)

    John Foran
    Eco Vista in the quintuple crisis (movement report, pp. 284 – 291)
    Solidarity and mutual aid

    Michael Zeller
    Karlsruhe’s “giving fences”: mobilisation for the needy in times of COVID-19 (movement report, pp. 292 – 303)

    Sergio Ruiz Cayuela
    Organising a solidarity kitchen: reflections from Cooperation Birmingham (movement report, pp. 304 – 309)

    Clinton Nichols
    On lockdown and locked out of the prison classroom: the prospects of post-secondary education for incarcerated persons during pandemic (movement report, pp. 310 – 316)

    Micha Fiedlschuster and Leon Rosa Reichle
    Solidarity forever? Performing mutual aid in Leipzig, Germany (movement report, pp. 317 – 325)
    Artistic and digital resistance

    Kerman Calvo and Ester Bejarano
    Music, solidarities and balconies in Spain (movement report, pp. 326 – 332)

    Neto Holanda and Valesca Lima [PT]
    Movimentos e ações político-culturais do Brasil em tempos de pandemia do Covid-19 (movement report, pp. 333 – 338)

    Margherita Massarenti
    How Covid-19 led to a #Rentstrike and what it can teach us about online organizing (movement report, pp. 339 – 346)

    Knowledge is power: virtual forms of everyday resistance and grassroots broadcasting in Iran (movement report, pp. 347 – 354)
    Imagining a new world

    Donatella della Porta
    How progressive social movements can save democracy in pandemic times (movement report, pp. 355 – 358)

    Jackie Smith
    Responding to coronavirus pandemic: human rights movement-building to transform global capitalism (movement report, pp. 359 – 366)

    Yariv Mohar
    Human rights amid Covid-19: from struggle to orchestration of tradeoffs (movement report, pp. 367 – 370)

    Julien Landry, Ann Marie Smith, Patience Agwenjang, Patricia Blankson Akakpo, Jagat Basnet, Bhumiraj Chapagain, Aklilu Gebremichael, Barbara Maigari and Namadi Saka,
    Social justice snapshots: governance adaptations, innovations and practitioner learning in a time of COVID-19 (movement report, pp. 371 – 382)

    Roger Spear, Gulcin Erdi, Marla A. Parker and Maria Anastasia
    Innovations in citizen response to crises: volunteerism and social mobilization during COVID-19 (movement report, pp. 383 – 391)

    Breno Bringel
    Covid-19 and the new global chaos (movement report, pp. 392 – 399)


    #mouvements_sociaux #résistance #covid-19 #confinement #revue #aide_mutuelle #Espagne #résistance #Irlande #Kenya #impuissance #sentiment_d'impuissance #faim #violence #Delhi #Inde #féminisme #Wuhan #Pakistan #PinkDot #LGBT #Singapour #solidarité_féministe #solidarité #Mexique #care #Berlin #Allemagne #queer #gig_economy #travail #travail_domestique #travailleurs_domestiques #Italie #Egypte #travailleurs_étrangers #Karnataka #distanciation_sociale #migrations #Suisse #route_des_Balkans #Balkans #réfugiés #camps_de_réfugiés #FightEveryCrisis #climat #changement_climatique #décroissance #Haïti #extractivisme #pollution #River_Periyar #Periyar #souveraineté_alimentaire #nourriture #alimentation #CampiAperti #Bologne #agriculture #Grèce #Karlsruhe #Cooperation_Birmingham #UK #Angleterre #Leipzig #musique #Brésil #Rentstrike #Iran #droits_humains #justice_sociale #innovation #innovation_sociale

    ping @isskein @karine4

  • Texas border county had ’model’ Covid-19 response – then the governor stepped in | US news | The Guardian

    Five residents from Starr county on Texas’s southern border died on a single day last week after contracting Covid-19. New infections in the rural border community of around 65,000 people have soared in recent weeks, and two intubated patients had to be airlifted to Dallas and San Antonio when overwhelmed local hospitals couldn’t care for them.Texas has become one of the US’s new coronavirus hotspots, with new confirmed cases surging to around 14% of the country’s total, when measured by a seven-day average. Elective surgeries were paused this week as the state tries to free up hospital beds for increasing numbers of Covid-19 patients.
    But Starr county’s public officials knew months ago that is was especially vulnerable to the coronavirus pandemic: roughly one in three residents lives in poverty, a sizable slice of the population doesn’t have health insurance, and risk factors such as diabetes and obesity prevail. To protect their constituents, who are more than 99% Latino, they acted fast to curtail the contagion.


  • Mexico border towns try to stop Americans crossing amid Covid-19 fears | World news | The Guardian

    We invite US tourists not to visit Mexico,” Sonoyta’s mayor, José Ramos Arzate, said in a statement. “We agreed on this to safeguard the health of our community in the face of an accelerated rate of Covid-19 contagion in the neighboring state of Arizona.” Coronavirus cases have mushroomed in several US border states, including Arizona and Texas, which both botched attempts at reopening. Despite the data showing a runaway growth in case figures in the US, Trump has reportedly sought to blame Mexico for the crisis and erroneously claimed Tijuana was “heavily infected with covid”.
    Trump welcomes his Mexican counterpart, Andrés Manuel López Obrador, at the White House on Wednesday in a meeting meant to celebrate the newly implemented USMCA, but will inevitably include talks on the pandemic.
    Mexico’s president pushes ahead with Trump trip – but is it worth the risk?
    Like Trump, López Obrador has shrugged off advice on mask-wearing and downplayed the coronavirus, even as his country struggles to deal with the outbreak. And like the US, Mexico has not rolled out a widespread testing program, prompting widespread speculation that the scale of the pandemic has been dramatically underreported. Amlo took his first coronavirus test only this week, amid preparations for his US visit. But Mexican states near the border are increasingly coming to see US tourists and the constant cross-border traffic as a hindrance to containment efforts, and have asked the Mexican federal government to impose restrictions.


  • L’obsession du mur


    A l’image du mur de Trump ou du renforcement des frontières européennes, de plus en plus d’États militarisent leurs frontières au moyen de murs à l’efficacité discutable. Pour expliquer cette obsession globale, il est utile de revenir sur les controverses qui banalisent ces outils militaires à partir de deux matrices de la sécurité frontalière contemporaine, à savoir la «  barrière de sécurité  » israélienne en Cisjordanie et la «  barrière frontalière  » états-unienne à la frontière mexicaine. Les murs s’inscrivent dans un spectacle politique, destiné aux citoyens emmurés, et joué par des acteurs conservateurs, sécuritaires et xénophobes. Ces acteurs problématisent les mobilités, développent une expertise sécuritaire, et attaquent l’État pour mieux le forcer à agir. Fondé sur deux enquêtes en immersion auprès d’eux, ce livre entend dépasser la thèse des murs comme signe du déclin de la souveraineté étatique dans le monde globalisé pour mieux souligner comment la répétition de ces spectacles renforce le militarisme des sociétés au détriment d’autres approches humanitaires, juridiques ou économiques des mobilités.

    #murs #frontières #israël #mexique #états-unis

  • La spoliation financière : les paysans,
    « associés » du Train maya

    Violeta R. Núñez Rodríguez


    Le projet baptisé « Projet de développement Train maya », principal projet d’infrastructures de l’actuel gouvernement fédéral mexicain (présidence de la République, 2019), annonce que, pour la première fois, les terres des paysans ne seront pas expropriées pour mener à bien un projet de « développement », contrairement à ce qui s’est produit à d’autres moments de l’histoire ; que ne seront pas élaborés de projets (barrages, centrales hydroélectriques, exploitations minières, routes, ponts, aéroports, entre autres) sans respecter la propriété sociale. À ce sujet, l’un des premiers documents qui présentait le Train maya de façon très générale indique que, « dans le cas des constructions des gares, les propriétaires individuels ou communautaires pourront céder leurs terrains et devenir des associés du développement local » (Fonatur, 2019). Mais pourquoi cette affirmation est-elle importante ?

    Selon le Registre agraire national, dans les États où il est prévu de mettre en place le Projet de développement du Train maya, 52 pour cent de la propriété de la terre correspond en moyenne à la propriété sociale ; même si dans quelques États, comme le Quintana Roo, cette propriété atteint plus de 60 pour cent. Ce qui signifie que plus de la moitié de la superficie ne correspond ni à la propriété privée ni à la propriété publique mais à un type de propriété qui date de l’époque préhispanique et que le Mexique a institutionnalisée après la Révolution mexicaine : les ejidos et communautés agraires (noyaux agraires). Ce régime de propriété, constitué de 5 375 ejidos est fondamentalement géré par des paysans indiens. (...)

    #Mexique #mégaprojets #Train_maya #propriété #peuples_originaires

  • [10] #BD #Regeneración - Arrestations, procès et emprisonnements - Partage Noir #Anarchisme #Mexique

    Malgré les arrestations, les emprisonnements, les procès, les militants du PLM continuent de publier Revolución. Le 18 janvier 1908, Revolución édite le « Manifeste au peuple américain » écrit par Ricardo, Librado, Villarreal, de Lara qui explique leur persécution au Mexique et aux États-Unis. En février, le « Manifeste au peuple américain » est publié par plusieurs journaux socialistes, dont Mother Earth d’Emma Goldman. Le dernier numéro de Revolución sortira le 1er mars 1908 avant d’être interdit.